La Regalidad en Margarita de Anjou Reina de Inglaterra

Reflections of Power: Margaret of Anjou and the Dark Side of Queenship
Author(s): Patricia-Ann Lee

Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Summer, 1986), pp. 183-217
Published by: University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2862114
Accessed: 12-11-2015 13:23 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Renaissance Society of America and University of Chicago Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to Renaissance Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Thu, 12 Nov 2015 13:23:40 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
Editedby
MARGARET L. KING BRIDGET GELLERT LYONS
Associate
Editors
COLIN EISLER WALLACE T. MACCAFFREY JAMESV. MIROLLO
NewsandNotesEditor MARGARETL. RANALD

ManagingEditor DEBRA M. SZYBINSKI
Relections
ofPower:Margaret
ofAnjouandthe
DarkSideofQueenship
byPATRICIA-ANN LEE
When of Anjoudiedat theChateauof Dampierre,

Margaret
nearSaumur,on August25, I482 it was as a womannotonly
retiredfromtheworldbutalmostforgotten by it. She who had been
fora timethevirtualrulerof LancastrianEngland,who had raised
armiesandintrigued withprinces,hadnotenoughmoneyto payher
debts except throughthe uncertaincharityof her uncharitable
cousin,thekingofFrance. 1 Crushedby misfortune, bereftofpower
by thedeathof herhusbandand son, pickedcleanof herremaining
rightsand possessionsby Louis as thepriceofherransomfromEn-
sheseemedto be ofno interest
glishcaptivity, to anybody.And ob-
scureshe mighthave remainedto all but theoccasionalscholarhad
Shakespeare notchosento makehera centralcharacter intheseriesof
playsin whichhe dealtwiththeend of Lancastrianmonarchy.His
Margaretwas pitilessand cruelbutshewas also a womanof energy
anddetermination who daredto seizeandexercisepower.In thisde-
pictiontherewere,of course,elementsof historical truthbut over-
laidwiththeaccretions ofbiasandmythwhichhadalreadymadeher
thesymbolofa particular kindoffemalerulerand a pattern ofnega-
tivefeminine power. In an age of queensand in a countryruledby a
'Ralph A. Griffiths,
The ReignofKingHenryVI: theExerciseofRoyalAuthority,
142-I46i (BerkeleyandLos Angeles:University
ofCalifornia
Press,i98i), p. 892.
[ 183 ]
184 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
woman peculiarlysensitiveto theimplications of herown imageof

queenship,Shakespeareused this"she-wolfofFrance,"this"tiger's
heartwrappedin a woman'shide" to personify butalso to comment
upon femininerule.2In parttheconstruct was his own imaginative
creation,butitwas also shapedby thenatureofhishistorical source
material,whichitselfhad beeninfluenced by theperceptions of sev-
eralgenerationsof propagandists To examinethis
and chroniclers.
processby whicha Lancastrianqueenbecamethearchetypal villain-
ess of Shakespeare'sdramais to tracethedevelopmentof an icon of
femininepower. It is an image whichcorrespondsto, and helpsto
define,importantassumptionsabout the natureof women in the
period.
* * *
The firstpointof referencehas to be Margaretherselfand anyat-

temptto depictheras shereallywas, mustbeginby admitting first,
thatsuch a portraitwill combinefactwithconjectureand second,
thatmuchthatwe would liketo knowaboutherideasand feelings is
now irrecoverably lost. Nevertheless,theoutwardshapeof herlife
can stillbe discerned.For theEnglishthestorybeganin 1445 when,
as a brideof sixteen,she arrivedto begin a marriageand a career
whichwould spansome thirty yearsoftheirhistory.It was a period
duringwhichshewould playan increasingly important and finallya
crucialrole in theconflictsof York and Lancaster.She was, as the
Milanese ambassador would later report, a "most handsome
woman, though somewhat dark . . ." and he added that she was
bothwise and charitable.But at thebeginningit was neitherlooks
norcharacter whichmattered, butonlyfamilyconnections.3 Marga-
ret'sfather,Rene of Anjou, was thebrother-in-law of CharlesVII
and in highfavorat theFrenchcourt-whichwas fortunate forhim
since,beyondfavor,he possessedlittleelse. Althoughtitularkingof
Naples,SicilyandJerusalem he controllednota singlefootoflandin
2WilliamShakespeare, TheSecond PartofKingHenryVI, ed. AndrewS. Cairncross,

The Arden edition of the Works of William Shakespeare, 3rd ed., (London: Methuen,
1957), Act i, Scene iv, Line I37. Although many questions of authorshiphave been
raised with referenceto these plays, and in particularto i Henry VI, they will be re-
ferredto as the works of William Shakespeareforthe purposes of thispaper.
3GreatBritain.Public Record Office.CalendarofStatePapersandManuscripts existing
in theArchives andCollections ofMilan,I385-i618 (London: HMSO, I9I2) I, I8-i9.
Raffaelode Negra to Bianca Maria Visconti, Duchess of Milan, October 24, I468. The
ambassador was not writingfromhis own observationbut reportingthe observations
of an anonymous English informant.
MARGARET OF ANJOU 185
anyof theseplaces.He did notevenhold theislandsofMajorca and

Minorca,whichhe generouslysettledupon thebride.The English,
who would haveknownallthis,mighthavepreferred one ofthetwo
marriageableFrenchprincessesbut theirbargainingpositionwas
weak. WithHenryV's empirecrumbling towarddisaster,HenryVI
had to be satisfiedwith a two-yeartruce,and Margaret.In time,
therewould be complaintsthatshe came to theKing without"any
penyprofite,or footeof possession,"and Englandwould be por-
trayedas thevictimof sharppracticesby thewily French.4But at
firstthearrangement seemedsatisfactory enoughand thepretty, im-
perious,youngqueenwas wellreceived.
Unfortunately for her, any popularityshe enjoyed was to be
short-lived.This was largelytheresultofherintervention inpolitics,
an activitywhichwas consideredinappropriate to hersex and to her
positionas consort.Almost fromthe beginningshe attemptedto
press forwardthe interestsof her Frenchrelatives.On behalfof
CharlesVII andherfather, sheusedherwifelyinfluence to securethe
surrender ofMaine and Anjou. Henryhimselfacknowledgedthatin
handingtheseprovincesoverto Francehe had actedat therequestof
"our mostdearandwell-belovedcompanionthequeen" andthatshe
had "requestedus to do thismanytimes."5It was not an achieve-
mentlikelyto endearherto hernew subjects.Later,criticswould
assertthatfromthestartshe ruledthekingand court.This was not
truebut, givenHenry'smalleability of character, she mustalways
haveexercisedconsiderable influence.
Asidefromherefforts on behalfofFrance,thereis littleindication
in thoseearlyyearsthatshe was forwarding anyparticular political
cause. A seriesof seventy-threelettersfromtheperiodup to I455
may, however,affordsome clues to her politicalpersonality.Al-
thoughconcernedmostlywithaffairs of herhouseholdthegeneral
4Richard Grafton,A ChronicleatLargeandMeereHistory ofthe Affayres

ofEngland and
KingesoftheSame,[I 569],ed. H. Ellis,2 vols. (London:I 809),I, 625. See alsoRaphael
Holinshed,Holinshed's Chronicles
ofEngland, Scotland
andIreland insixvolumes,Volume
3, England,(originaltitle,The ThirdVolume ofChronicles . . . first
compiledbyRaphael
Holinshed
andbyhimcontinued totheyearI577, nownewly. . . continued totheyeareI586,
(London: i808), p. 208.
'JosephStevenson,ed. Letters oftheWarsofthe
andPapersIllustrative inFrance
English
during ofHenryVI, (London:LongmanGreen,LongmanandRoberts,i86i),
thereign
II, 640. ForMargaret'spointofviewseeherletters ofDecemberI7, I445 andMay 20,
I446, to CharlesVII of France.It is clearthatCharleswas applying pressureand re-
gardedheras hisagent.Ibid.,I, i64-i66 and i83-i86.
impressionthey give is of a direct,vigorous and businesslike

woman, who is fullyin commandof her own affairs.Of course,
Margaretwould nothave writtensuchlettersherself, yetneitherdo
theyseemto be thekindofroutinebusinesswhichwould have been
initiated by a clerkofherhousehold.An indefatigable matchmaker, a
traitforwhichthePastonLettersgiveadditionalsupport,shetriesto
arrangemarriagesformembersof herhouseholdand otherclients.6
She givesordersto protectthegameon herestates,and writesto the
Mayor and Aldermenof the City of London on behalfof herten-
ants.7At one timesheintervenes in a legalmatter,at anothershefor-
wardstheinterest ofan individualwhoseappointment as waterbailiff
sheurgedon thecorporation of Southampton.8 Her eyeseemsto be
everywhere, herattention is minuteand specific,and hertoneis of-
tenperemptory.9 It is difficult
to remember thatthewriteris a young
womanin herlateteensor at mostherearlytwenties.
Whiletoo much weightcannotbe put upon such a limitedand
narrowlyspecializedbodyofmaterial,two characteristics atleastare
demonstrated in it. One is a strongsenseof interpersonal relation-
ships,and theothera temperwhichcouldeasilylenditselfto practi-
calpolitics.By bondsofinterest andobligationshewas intheprocess
of creatinga personalgroupingof servantsand tenants,friendsand
allies. It was a demonstration of good-lordshipfamiliarenough
whenexercisedby anyofthemalearistocrats ofherday. Otheraris-
tocraticwomen also used thesedevices,but morerarely.Whatwas
unusualin Margaret(beyondthefactof hersex) was hervigorand
determination and,ofcourse,herforeignness. An examination ofthe
remainingrecordsof her officialHousehold, and of her giftsof
6Cecil Monro, ed., Lettersof Queen MargaretofAnjou and BishopBeckington.. . .

Camden Society Publications, No. 26 ([London]: i863), p. 89. See also the letterfrom
Margaret Paston in Norwich to her husband, John Paston, April I453. It describes
how Margaretsentforthe writer'scousin, MargaretClere, and "made ryghtmeche of
her,and desyridhere to have an husband....," althoughshe also adds drilythat"Bu't
as forthat,he is never nerrerthanhe was befor." James Gairdner,ed., The PastonLet-
ters,A. D. 1422-1509, New Complete Library Edition, 6 vols. (New York: AMS
Press, i965), II, 285.
7Letters ofMargaretofAnjou, p. ioo, fromthe Queen to the keeper of Apchild Park,
28 August I449. See also pp. 98-99.
8Ibid., p. I07, fromthe Queen to the duke of Exeter. Also p. I I3, fromthe Queen
to the mayor and corporationof Southampton.
9Ibid., p. ioo-ioi. The gamekeeper was warned to "faill not herof,as ye will es-
chew our displeasure,at yo[ur] perill,and upon forfaiture of the kepyng of o[ur] said
park."
jewels, provideotherinsightsintoheractivities althoughtheprecise

degree of her involvementin the day to day operationsof that
Household remainsconjectural.10 Nevertheless,such fragments of
evidencesuggestthattheQueen alreadyunderstoodcontemporary
methodsof politicalorganization.In time,givenaccessto political
power,shewould also show thatshewas willingto use thesemeth-
ods on behalfofherfriends and allies.11
It is intriguingto speculateaboutthepattern ofMargaret'slifeand
thefateof herreputationhad she marrieda different kindof man.
Witha husbandwho was stronganddominating, or atleastone who
was capableof effective rule,shemightwell havebecomea conven-
tionalwife and popular queen consort.But HenryVI, who was
weak,inept,and finally, mentallyill,couldnothimselfdealwithhis
courtor withthegeneralgovernanceoftherealm.His sanctification
as a "secondJob,a man simpleand upright,altogether fearingthe
Lord God, and departingfromevil," once attributed to HenryVII's
campaignforthecanonization ofa politically
usefulpredecessor, was
in factcurrent in HenryVI's lifetime and no doubtcorresponded to
some kindofreality. 12 Yet approbation was notuniversaland itwas
10A.R. Meyers, "The Household of Queen Margaretof Anjou, I452-453, " Bulle-
tinoftheJohn RylandsLibrary,40 (Sept.,I 957), 79-I I 3. Also,bythesameauthor,"The
Jewels of Queen Margaret of Anjou," 42 (Sept., I959), II3-I3i. Anne Crawford,
"The King's Burden?-the Consequences of Royal Marriage in Fifteenth-century En-
gland," points out that Margaret's privy purse expenditures,which were unusually
heavy compared to those of other queens of the period, were used for political pur-
poses, buying friends,allies and influence.In Patronageand Power: theCrown and the
Provincesin Later Medieval England,ed. Ralph A. Griffiths(AtlanticHighlands, New
Jersey:The Humanities Press, i98i), p. 5o. See also Griffiths,The ReignofKing Henry
VI, pp. 26I-262.
11J.
J.Bagley, MargaretofAnjouQueen ofEngland(London: HerbertJenkins,[I948]),
p. 85.
12M. R. James, Henry VI: a ReprintofJohnBlacman'sMemoirwith Translationand
Notes(Cambridge: at the UniversityPress, I919), p. 26. While Blacman, describedby
Lovatt as the only "extended account of the King's personalityfrom an apparently
contemporaryhand," remains centralto any interpretationof the King, Lovatt has
substantiallyaltered our view of that author and enhances our appreciation of the
source. See Roger Lovatt, "A Collector of ApocryphalAnnecdotes:JohnBlacman re-
visited," in Propertyand Politics:Essays in Later Medieval History,ed. Tony Pollard
(New York: St. Martin's Press, i984), p. I72. Lovatt places Blacman's interpretation
withina strongtraditionof late medieval popular pietyand pointsout thathe redefines
the king's public defectsand private virtues. Roger Lovatt, "JohnBlacman: Biogra-
pher of Henry VI, " The Writing ofHistoryin theMiddleAges: EssaysPresentedtoRichard
William Southern,ed. R. H. C. Davis, J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, et al. (Oxford: The
ClarendonPress,i98 I), p. 43 I.
a contemporary (albeita Yorkistpartisan)

whopointedoutthatthe
realmwas"outeofallegoodgouernaunce" sincethekingwas"sim-
ple and lad by covetouscounseylle, and owed morethenhe was
worthe."13 Whileapproaching thematter fromoppositepointsof
viewbothdescriptions tendtothesameconclusion. Henrywasun-
questionably pius,hewasunusually kindandhumane inhispersonal
behavior andhemayevenhavebeensaintly, buthewasnottheman
to masteran unrulycountry in whichpowerful nobles,(someof
themhisownrelatives) wereincreasinglyatoddswitheachother. 14
Recentscholarship hasstressedthedegreetowhichHenryhimself
wasoneoftheproblems, ifnotthecentral
problem ofthereign,al-
though there isdisagreement aboutwhether heinterferedtoolittle
or
toomuchinthebusiness ofgovernment.Certainly
15 theyearsfrom
I450 to I46i saw increasing
alienationofthenobilityand a growing
convictionin some of its membersthatHenrycould not rule,to
whichthelogicalconclusionwas likelyto be thatperhapshe should
no longerreign.Yet therewas realreluctance
to actagainsthimsince
any assaulton the successionendangeredall hierarchy and under-
minedrightorder.The coolnesswith which York's claim to the
thronewas receivedin I46i was probablytypicalofbaronialfeeling.
In theenditwas Henry'sincapacityandtheill-government growing
out ofitwhichdrovemenstepby stepintorebellion. 16 Whatall this
13JohnSilvesterDavies, ed., An EnglishChronicle oftheReignsofRichard II., Henry

IV., HenryV.,andHenryVI., written theyearI47I.
before ., Camden Society Publica-
tion No. 64 ([London]: i856), p. 79.
"4JohnW. McKenna has indicated how ill the realityof Henry VI's characterand
personalityaccord with the image which is the centerof his posthumous cult of saint-
hood. Describing the real Henry as a mixtureof "charmingindifference and exasperat-
ing incompetency" he points out thatsome at least of his contemporariesconsidered
him to be dour and puritanical,a poor feudal lord and a bad businessman, and terms
him "the greatestsingledisaster"in saintlyroyaltysince Edward theConfessor. "Piety
and Propaganda: the cult of King Henry VI," in Chaucerand MiddleEnglishStudiesin
HonourofRossellHope Robbins,ed. Beryl Rowland (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University
Press, I974), p. 79.
"5Wolffeargues that,farfrombeing a nonentity,Henry actuallyexertedtoo much
controlover the affairsof his government,too much thatis, given the factthathis ac-
tivitieswere divisive and his foreignpolicy aims (peace with France) unpopular. Thus
by I45o Henry had managed to neutralizethe war effort,and produce both "creeping
paralysisin the Council and governmentin home affairs,and a consequent collapse of
respect for law and order by the great...." B. P. Wolffe,"The Personal Rule of
Henry VI," Fifteenth-Century England,1399-i5o9, Studies in Politics and Society, ed.
S. B. Chrimes, C. D. Ross and R. A. Griffiths (New York: Barnes and Noble Books,
I972), pp. 42-43.
"6Wolffe,
"The Personal Rule of Henry VI,'" p. 44.
meantforMargaret,particularly afterthebirthof herson in 1453,

was thatcircumstances thrusthermoreand moreintodirectpartici-
pationin politics.Indeed,theyforcedherto assumea roleofleader-
ship in the royal party. Perhaps she was eager for power, but
whethershe was or was not thismusthave seemedtheonlymeans
by whichsheherself, herson, and thedynastycouldsurvive.
Playingsuch an activepoliticalpartmighthave been difficult for
manywomen,but seemsto have presentedno problemforMarga-
ret.In herown familyhermother(Isabelleof Lorraine)and herpa-
ternalgrandmother (YolandeofAragon)had ruledforabsentsonsor
husbands.Her youthhad beenspentin an atmosphere ofpoliticsand
war in whichherfatherwas seldompresentand it was hermother
who managedthefamily'saffairs. Margaret'sformative yearswere
thus passed in the companyor under the influenceof unusually
strongand independentwomen who, in the absenceof theirhus-
bands,exercisedthekindof power thatwas normallythepreroga-
tiveof men. Raisingtaxesand armies,administering duchies,mak-
ingpolicy,carrying on intrigues,theybehavedverymuchlikeruling
princes.17 These exemplarsbecamepartof Margaret'sown experi-
enceandmusthavehelpedto definehersenseofproperandpermiss-
ablefeminine activity.Giventhisfamilybackgrounda womanofher
vigoroustemperament, whenfacedwiththerightkindof opportu-
nityor threat,would notfinditdifficult to takeup thereinsofpower
and attemptto guide theaffairs of herfamily,dynastyand adopted
country.
Nevertheless, as we have seen,exceptforherattemptto forward
theinterests ofFrancein Maine and Anjou,Margaretdoes notseem
to havemadeanygreatpoliticaluse ofherinfluence in theearlyyears
of her marriage.Even her initialforeignpolicycoup may be less
significant thanitfirstappears,sinceHenryalreadydesiredto follow
thepolicy-linesheurgedupon him.Itis truethatshelaterbackedthe
offerofa generalpardonto Cade's followers(andthereby helpediso-
late the hardcorerebels),in an intervention which Griffiths calls
"striking."'18But to depictheras reachingoutambitiously forpower
would go againstwhatis knownofherbehaviorin thisperiod.
In I453, however,thepoliticaltermsof reference changedwhen
mentalillnessremovedtheKingfromtheprocessofgovernment. At
17Bagley, pp. 23-26.

"8Griffiths,
The ReignofKingHenryVI, p. 262.
the same time Margaret's personal position was substantially

strengthened by thebirthof a son and heir.Unfortunately, thisap-
parentresolutionofthesuccessionproblemaftereightyearsofroyal
childlessness, did notreallyease politicaltensions.In factitmayhave
exacerbatedthem since the young prince,while supercedingthe
Duke in thesuccession,did notalterthefactofYork's presenceas a
power in nationalpolitics.The fulfillment of herdynasticrole did
notevendo muchto increaseMargaret'spopularity sinceitcouldnot
of
offsetqualities personality and behaviorwhichmanyof hersub-
jects seemto havefoundunacceptable.
A modernscholar,lookingat theconsortsoftheperiod,suggests
thattherewere certainreasonablywell-defined expectationsabout
theway a queenmightactandshouldbehave,andthattheseexpecta-
tionscould notbe violatedwithoutseriousloss ofpopularity. 19 Pro-
ducingan heirwas, of course,thefirstdutyof a queen consort.In-
deedthishad to be doneas quicklyas possibleso thatthechildwould
be of age to ruleat his father'sdeath.Second,as one of thegreatest
landlordsin England,a queenwas expectedto be fairandjust in her
dealingswithhertenants.Even moreimportant, however,was the
thirdrequirement, thatshelivewithinhermeansandnotimposead-
ditionalfinancialburdenson hersubjects.Finally,shehad to be care-
fulnotto interfere, or at leastnotbe perceivedas interfering, in En-
glishpolitics.The firstand secondof theserequirements Margaret
had fulfilled.As to thethird,whileall queensproveda heavydrain
on theresourcesof thecrown,Margaretnot onlyfailedto bringa
handsomeendowmentwithher,buthad spentextravagantly in the
yearsthatfollowed.20 Yet it was in thearea of politicsthatshe was
mostopen to censure.Not onlywas sheblamedforencouraging the
Kingto cede "English"territory to France,butshewas perceivedas
engagingin a kindofpoliticalactivitywhichwas inappropriate fora
woman,whetherqueenor commoner.Even herpersonalreputation
was not proofagainstslander,as it mighthave beenin thecase of a
respectedand well-lovedqueen, and therewere imputationsthat
19Crawford,"The King's Burden?," p. S3.

20It cost more than five thousand pounds to bring the dowerless Margaret to En-
gland and she was assigned a revenueof over six thousandpounds forherhousehold-
all thisat a time when the crown was in desperatefinancialstraits.R. L. Storey, The
End oftheHouse ofLancaster(London: Barrie and Rockliff,i966), p. 49. Moreover, as
Crawford shows (see above) Margaret's income was latersubstantiallyaugmented.
PrinceEdward was not in factthe son of theking.21It is truethat

theserumorsdid not circulatewidelyuntilafterI460 and mustbe
seenas partisanpropaganda.But itis significant thatnumbersofher
subjectscould believe,or at leastsuspect,thatsucha storymightbe
true.Taken altogether, Margaret'sfailureto measureup to accepted
standards forqueenlybehaviorwas to costherdearin publicesteem,
althoughit is perhapsunfairto call her"an objectlessonin how not
to behaveas a queenconsort."22
Once shehad enteredthepoliticalarena,Margaretcouldnotdraw
back. In thepowerstrugglesof thecourtshe alliedherselffirstwith
Suffolk,thenwith Somerset,beforemovingintoopen hostilityto
theKing's cousin,theDuke of York. WhentheKing firstbecame
incapacitated (inJulyof 1453), sheattempted to concealhiscondition
and thentriedto preventa councilor regentfromtakingpowerby
securingitforherselfA newsletter circulatinginJanuary of 1454 re-
portedthatshehad "made a billeof fivearticles,desirying thosear-
ticlesto be graunted[byparliament].."23 Theywould havegiven
her"the whole rueleof thisland," withtherightto namethetrea-
surerand otherhighofficers ofstate,as well as sheriffs
and otherof-
ficersnormallyappointedby theking.If successfulshe would have
controlledecclesiasticalpatronageand receiveda "lyvelode" suf-
ficientto supporttheking,theprinceand herself24These arrange-
mentswere not approvedand in MarchtheDuke of York became
Protector, althoughGriffiths has shownthataristocratic supportfor
theDuke was also equivocal and pointsout thatthe Council con-
taineda body of men who could be consideredsupportersof the
king.Oppositionto theQueen was, however,well-defined and he
suggeststhatone ofthemotivesforestablishing theregencywas the
desireto preventherfromgainingpower.25The linesofpartisandi-
2tCalendar of StatePapers,Milan, I, 27, "Copy of News From England by Letters

fromBruges, I460, " reportsthattheEnglish will probablymake theson of theduke of
York king by passing over prince Edward. The writersays the English are beginning
to say thatEdward is not the King's son. The anonymous fifteenth centurychronicler
similarlyreports(c. I459-I460), that"The quene was defamedand desclaundered,that
he thatwas called Prince, was nat hir sone, but a bastard goten in avoutry. Da-
vies, An EnglishChronicle,p. 79.
22Crawford,"The King's Burden?," p. .3
23ThePastonLetters,IV, 297. NewsletterofJohnStodeley.
24The PastonLetters, IV, 297.
25Griffiths,who has examined survivingrecords of threemeetingsof Henry VI's
council in I453-I454, concludes that the council was not simply the creatureof the
vision had been established,althoughin December the crisisdis-

solved intouneasytrucewhen theKing recoveredhis witsand re-
sumedhisauthority.
Nevertheless, thesituationsoon worsenedagainandby I459 both
sideswerepreparingforwar. In thisperiodof crisis,followingthe
royaldefeatat Northamptonand thecaptureoftheKing,theQueen
emergedas effective head of the courtparty.When York finally
claimedthe thronein I460, was made protector,and replacedher
own son in thesuccession,shehad littlechoiceexcepttojoin fullyin
thepoliticaland military struggle.AfterYork died at Wakefieldand
his son claimedthethroneas Edward IV, thebattlelineshardened.
Nor did releaseof theineffectual HenryVI do anythingto ease the
leadershipproblemsoftheLancastrian party.Thus itfellto Margaret
to rallyalliesforherson,negotiate foraid fromFranceand Scotland,
and raisemoneyneededto sendarmiesintothefield.
Sinceshe was no merefigurehead butone of and oftenthemajor
decision-maker on the Lancastrianside, Margarethas had to bear
muchof theblame forits finaldefeat.This is merited,althoughit
mustalso be acknowledgedthatwithoutherefforts Lancasterproba-
bly would not have survivedas long as it did as a forcein English
politics.In practicaltermsmanyof her actionswere ill-conceived,
butitis also truethatherpositionwas fatallyweak. Real as herpower
was in some respects,itwas neverreallyherown butonlyborrowed
fromand to be exercisedin thename of husbandor son. Whenher
son was killedat Tewkesburyin May of I47i andherhusbanddieda
fewweekslaterin theTower, boththemotiveand opportunity for
herpoliticalactivitydied withthem.She survivedforanotherdec-
ade, butherpubliclifewas over.
* * *
DuringthefinalyearsofLancaster'sstruggleand decline,Marga-
retcameto be regardedby mostwritersand possiblyby mostofher
husband'ssubjects,as theleaderof theroyalparty.Accountsspoke
duke of York, and its creationnot to be interpretedsimply as a decisive victoryof the

Duke over the Queen and courtat thatpoint in time. Ratherhe sees it as thesolution of
a cautious nobilityas yet reluctantto meddle with the royal authority,but also unwill-
ing to accept the Queen as regent. It not only included those supportiveof York but
also a "strong element" of those who had long served Henry VI. Ralph A. Griffiths,
"The King's Council and the FirstProtectorateof the Duke of York, I453-1454," En-
glishHistoricalReview,99 (i984), 77.
of herarmy,mentionedherwhereabouts,and describedherpolicy.
Both herhusbandand herson playedstrictly secondaryroles.Yet,
thepreciseattitudetowardheras a wielderofpoweris moredifficult
to define.Certainly,rightfromthe start,therewas criticismal-
thoughin herown day thatcriticism tendedto be morespecificand
farlesssystematic thanitwould subsequently becomein thehandsof
Tudor writers.All the elementsof thatlaterpatternof negative
queenshipweretherebut not yetjoined in an integrated whole and
therewereevensome accountsin whichshewas treatedwitha mea-
sureofsympathy.Perhapsthiswas becauseearlywriterswerecloser
to thecomplexityof theactualevents,but therewerepracticalrea-
sons as well. As long as thefabricofHenriciangovernment heldto-
gether,harshpenaltiescould be imposed on those who spoke or
wroteofthekingin disparaging fashion,or evenwithouttheproper
respect.26Whatmayhavebeenevenmoreimportant was thefactthat
legalsanctionswereand forthemostpartcontinuedto be supported
by strongsocial pressureeven undera disintegrating government.
Fear of disordermade men reluctantto condone anythingthat
looked like rebellionagainstan anointedking. The protectionaf-
fordedthe reputationof the king was thus formidable.It was
enough,accordingto Wolffe,to preventcriticism ofHenryVI, even
in thefaceof his seriousdeficienciesof characterand manifestly un-
popularpolicies.27 Margaretdid not shareherhusband'simmunity,
althoughduringtheearlyyearsofthereignanycriticism was neces-
sarilymuted.AfterI459, however,therewere beginningsof those
rumorsand libelswhichwould undermine herreputation as a queen
and as a woman. Finally,underthepressureof factionalstrife,the
fullpictureof theambitiouswoman, theviragowiththespiritof a
man, the adulterousqueen, began to appear.If thekingcould not
a Frenchwoman
easilybe criticized, whosefamilymemberswereen-
emiesoftherealm,couldbecomehissurrogate, a usefuldevicein an
26Wolffe,"The Personal Rule of Henry VI," p. 3I, mentions the gentleman of

Reading who in I444 was sentencedto be drawn, hanged and quarteredbecause he was
unwise enough to quote fromthe Bible the apostrophe, "Woe, to thee, 0 land, when
thyking is a child." Lest thisbe thoughtcharacteristiconly of theearlypartof theper-
iod, Ross mentionsaJohn Holton who in I456 sufferedthe same penalty"for writing
bills touchingthe person of the king," Charles Ross, "Rumor, Propaganda and Popu-
lar Opinion During the Wars of the Roses," in PatronagetheCrownand theProvinces,a
collectionof essays ed. by Griffiths,cited above.
27Wolffe,"The Personal Rule of Henry VI,," p. 32.
age ofgrowingliteracyin whichbothrumorand propagandacould

and didinfluencepopularopinion.
The meansby whichtheraw materialof Margaret'slifewas con-
vertedintoa literaryimagewerevariedand includedgossip,rumor
and above all propaganda.R. A. Griffiths has pointedout how, in
King Henry'syouth,his advisorshad employedartand poetryas
wellas proseto buildsupportfortheunfamiliar ideaofthedualmon-
archy.28Later,thetroubleswhichsurrounded thesuccessionand the
difficulties
ofprovidinga framework oflegitimacy forYorkistking-
ship encouragedthe developmentof increasingly sophisticatedde-
vices.They extendedfromtheusualpoems,broadsheetsand mani-
festosforthemoregeneralpopulation,to sophisticated genealogies
and pedigreesforthe elite,and fromusefulprophesiesto govern-
mentproclamations.29 Under thecircumstances it is surprising
that
theEnglishdid not copy theFrenchin arranging forthepublication
ofofficialpropagandahistories,or atleastdidnotdo so withanyde-
gree of consistency.30Yet so politicizedwas the atmospherethat
mostEnglishwriters,respondingto thevaryingfortunes ofLancas-
terand York, did adopta partyline,usuallyone whichwould gain
thefavorof a powerfulpatron.Propaganda,or at leastpartybias,
also penetratedthatcharacteristicallyEnglishformof history,the
townchronicle.The seriesofLondon chronicles whichbeganto ap-
pearin Englishin theearlyfifteenthcentury wereenormously popu-
lar and survivein manyversions.They providedthe materialfor
moresophisticated historiesand throughtheircompilations, recom-
pilationsand continuationscarriedthestoryon intotheTudor Per-
iod and eventuallyintothepagesof Shakespeare.Unfortunately for
Margaret'sreputation,theYorkistsgot thebestof it in thepropa-
gandawarjustas theydid on thefieldofbattleandtheirview ofher,
The ReignofKing HenryVI, p. 2 I 7.

28Griffiths,
29AlisonAllan, "Yorkist propaganda: Pedigree, prophecyand the 'BritishHistory'
in the reignof Edward IV," in Patronage,Pedigreeand Powerin Late MedievalEngland,
ed. Charles Ross (Gloucester,England: Alan Sutton, I979), pp. I7I-I76.
30AntoniaGransden,"Propaganda in Medieval English Historiography," TheJour-
nal ofMedievalHistory,I (I 975), 375-377. Denys Hay points out that the absence of
chivalroushistoryin the traditionof Froissart,is also characteristicof English histori-
ographyin the fifteenth century,"History and Historiansin France and England Dur-
ing the FifteenthCentury," BulletinoftheInstitute ofHistoricalResearch,35 (i962) i i6.
This last may have been unfortunatefor Margaret, since her story could have fitted
into a patternof chivalricromance.
or atleasta hostileview inwhichmanyoftheirideaswereimbedded,

finallyprevailed.
The Yorkistshad powerfulmotivesforshowingtheQueen in an
unsympathetic light,althoughtheymayhavebeenbuildingon a dis-
like whichwas alreadywell-established and perhapsquite broadly
based.FromatleastthetimeofHenry'sfirstmentalbreakdown,she
was deeplyinvolvedin politicsand exercisedinfluence thatwentfar
beyondwhat was generallyapprovable.31 For a queen to plead for
mercyor intercedeon compassionategroundson behalfofa subject
or groupof subjectsmighthave politicalimplications butwas very
differentfromMargaret'sattemptto excludeYork andsecurethere-
gencyforherself.Compassionateintercessions whichflowedfrom
qualitiesof gentlenessand pietycentralto ideal femininecharacter,
could be acted upon with a mild submissiveness all women were
supposedto display.Directpoliticalintervention was moredifficult
to explainor accept.Queens, as we have seen,werenotexpectedto
be partisans,normoversofpoliticalaction.32 It would,of course,be
usefulto examinethehandbillsand broadsheetsof theperiod,and
read thenews-letters and privatecorrespondence in orderto assess
precisewaysinwhichpopularperceptions ofQueen Margaretdevel-
oped and changedin responseto suchconsiderations and how they
were dealtwithby herpartisans.But thereis too littlematerialfor
any systematic discussionof theproblem.Indeed,to go further, if
therewas a definitively Lancastrian
view ofthequeenand ofherbe-
haviorit can no longerbe preciselydelimited.About themostthat
can be said is thatsurvivingexpressionsof contemporary opinion
tendto be unsympathetic althoughnotall areequallyhostile.And it
mustbe addedthatevenwherethereis well-defined hostility
itis not
usuallyexpressedwithinan ideologicalframework of criticism but
remainspersonaland particular.
A letterof February9, I456, fromthe Paston collectionJohn
Bockingto SirJohnFastolfe),illustrates manyoftheproblemsinus-
ing such materialas well as givingus information aboutMargaret.
Describinghow York and Warwickand threehundredarmedmen
cameto theparliament, "whereofmanymenmervailed,"thispartof
31Crawford, "The King's Burden?" p. 52.

32Althoughtheywere the centerof the politicalprocess, kingswere not expectedto
be partisan either. Partisanship suggests political participationin a situation where
therewas relativeequality among membersof competinggroups or factions.
theletterconcludeswiththeinformation that,"theresumpsion, men

of
truste,shallforthe,and my Lordesof Yorkesfirstpower protec-
torshipstande,and ellesnot,etc."33The writerthenadds thecom-
mentthat"The Quene is a greteandstronglabouridwoman,forshe
sparethnoo peyneto sue hirethingesto an intentand conclusionto
hirpower."mThe next sentence,which beginsa new paragraph,
statesthatthepersonbringingtheletterhas "more to declareyow
alle a longe."35Structurally thisoughtto referto whatwill nextbe
told, but the contentstronglysuggeststhatthe bearerwill in fact
elaborateupon thepoliticalnews. In thiscontextthepictureofMar-
garetbecomeshighlyambiguous.Taken by itselfthedescription is
cool butrelatively neutral.However,itsproximity to thedescription
of theactivitiesof York and Warwicksuggestsa largerpoliticaldi-
mensionwhichthebearermayhaveamplified byprivatereport.The
onlyabsolutelyclearconclusionsarethecentrality ofMargaretinthe
politicalsituationand thefactthatsheis depictedas an actorin events
ratherthantheirpassiveobserver.
Of course,writerswere not alwaysso cautiousnor so obscure.
Foreigners, forexample,beingdistantfromtheperilsofEnglishpol-
iticscould affordto be morefrank,althoughtheytendedto be less
well-informed and were themselvessubjectto pressuresof other
kinds.The representatives of Milan were among thosewho kepta
carefuleyeon Englishaffairs, partlybecausetheirrulerwas support-
ingFerrante ofAragonforthethroneofSicily,againstFranceandthe
claimsoftheQueen's father, ReneofAnjou. This and othercircum-
stancesgave thema biasin favorofYork, and a reasonforreporting
rumorand gossiphostileto theLancastrian cause. Thus in I46i, the
writerreportsthatMargaretand Somersethad persuadedHenryto
abdicatein favorofherson,andthatshehad thengiventhekingpoi-
son,althoughhe adds thatthesearerumorsin whichhe does notput
33ThePastonLetters,III, 75.
34The PastonLetters,III, 75.
35CharlesA. J. Armstrongnotes that since sensitiveinformationwas usually sup-
plied by the trustedbearer"this cautious habithas in generaldeprivedhistoriansof in-
estimable material,but nowhere more than in relationto the exchange of news." To
thisone mightadd thatit has also deprivedthemof invaluable expressionsof personal
opinion. "Some Examples of the Distribution and Speed of News in England at the
Time of the Wars of the Roses," in Studiesin Medieval HistoryPresentedto Frederick
MauricePowicke,R. W. Hunt, W. A. Pantin, R. W. Southern, eds. (Oxford: at the
Clarendon Press, I948), p. 43 5.
muchtrust.-6 Whilenotparticularly usefulinprovidingfactualinfor-

mation,theMilaneseStatePapersdo give a senseof thescurrilous
storieswhich were circulated(probablyby Yorkistpartisans)and
which,afterI460, beganto taintMargaret'sreputation. But theyalso
supporttheview of heras a significant partyleader.Indeed,when
sheand theKing werementionedtogether, itwas shewho was usu-
allyperceivedas themoverofevents.
Perhapsthemostheroicview of Margaretwas expressedby an-
otherforeigner, Pope PiusII, inhisCommentaries. He too was usually
inclinedto supporttheYorkists,buthis chiefaim was to enlistEn-
glishsupportin hisprojectedcrusadeagainsttheTurks.37 He also,it
shouldbe noted,supportedtheclaimsof Ferrante ofAragonand he
was influenced by thereportsof hisown representative in England,
FrancescoCoppini, Bishop of Turni. Coppini, who also servedas
theagentoftheDuke ofMilan,had beengiventhemissionofmedi-
atingEnglish conflictsin preparationforthe crusade.Instead,he
committedhimselfto York and sentback reportswhichwere bit-
terlyhostileto Lancasterand particularly to the Queen. No doubt
Pius reflectedhis agent'sattitudes,
althoughitis truehe changedhis
own viewsverylittleevenaftera discredited Coppinihadfallenfrom
favor.The King, althoughjudged less harshlythantheQueen, was
nevertheless describedwithdevastatingcontemptas "a man more
timorousthana woman,utterly devoidofwitor spirit,who lefteve-
rythingin his wife'shands."38In thisinterpretation therewas no
needto emphasizeMargaret'saggressiveambitionsinceshereceived
powerby herhusband'sdefault.But thePope did repeatthestoryof
herreputedadultery,by quotinga remarkattributed to Warwick.
Accordingto the Earl, Henry was a "dolt and a fool" and royal
36CalendarofStatePapers,Milan, I, 54-5 S. Prosperode Camulio,MilaneseAmbas-

sadorto theFrenchCourt,to FrancescoSforza,Duke ofMilan,March9, I46i, from
Ghent.Ibid.,I, 58. Prosperode Camulioto CichoSymoneti, SecretarytotheDuke of
Milan,MarchI 5, I 46 I, fromBrussels.
37TheCommentaries ofPius II, Books II and III, trans.FlorenceAldenGragg,with
historical notesbyLeonaC. Gabel,SmithCollegeStudiesinHistory,Vol. 25 (North-
ampton,Massachusetts: Publishedby theDepartment of Historyof SmithCollege,
I939-I940) Book III, p. 268. The Pope wroteabouttheeventsof his time,usually
withina fewmonthsof theiroccurrence. See ConstanceHead, "Pope PiusII andthe
WarsoftheRoses,"ArchivumHistoriaePontificiae, 8 (I970), I40.
38CommentariesofPius II, III, p. 268. On thequestionof datingthesepassagessee
ConstanceHead, "Pope PiusII andtheWarsoftheRoses," i67.
powerwas inthehandsofthequeenand "thosewho defiletheking's

chamber.
"39
Nevertheless, in Pius' narrative
Margaretis treatedas a significant
politicalforce.This was shown in his descriptionof the eventsof
I460. Not onlywas theQueen portrayed as theLancastrian military
and politicalleaderduringtheperiodin whichHenrywas in Yorkist
hands,but she remainedpreeminent even afterhe was back in the
Lancastriancamp.Margaretherself he characterizedas "inexorable,"
arrogant,and passionately revengefuli0 Yet in otherplaceshe could
portrayherwithsomethingverylikesympathy and witha reluctant
admiration forherundauntedcourage.Ifshe sometimessoundslike
one of the great(if misguided)queens of antiquity,it mustbe re-
memberedthathe was a humanistwhosestyleofliterary expression
had been formedby classicalmodels. Nevertheless, in his descrip-
tions(whichbalancesome admirablewithmanyundesirablequali-
ties)sheemergedas a womanoffiercecourageandbold,ifbad, char-
acter.This was theflavorofthoseset-piecesinwhichshewas shown
requestingmilitaryaid of Louis XI, and addressinghercaptainson
theeve ofherinvasionofEngland.
Those passagesare interesting not becausetheybearmuchrefer-
ence to realeventsbut becausetheypresentsentiments and expres-
sions which the Pope thoughtto be characteristic of the Queen's
publiccharacter and whichhe musthavebelievedwould be accepted
by hisreaders.Thus, in thespeechto theFrenchking,he makesher
denigrate herhusbandas a man''who oughtto havebeena woman,"
allows herto recountthestoryof hertroublesand thenputsin her
moutha requestforaid whichhas almostnothingofthesuppliantin
it.41Queen speaksto king,leaderspeaksto leader,withoutapology.
The same bold and masculinecharacter was evidentin his reportof
herspeechto hercaptains.She does notpleadwiththemto come to
heraid as an ordinarywoman mightdo. Rathershe attemptsto in-
spireand commandinthestyleofa maleleader."I haveoftenbroken
their[theEnglish]battleline. I have mowed down ranksfarmore
stubbornthantheirsarenow. You who oncefolloweda peasantgirl,
ofPius II, Book III, p. 269.

39Commentaries
ofPius II, Books VI and IX, trans.FlorenceAldenGragg,with
40The Commentaries
historical
notesbyLeonaC. Gabel,SmithCollegeStudiesinHistory,Vol. 3 (North-
ampton,Massachusetts:
Publishedby theDepartmentof Historyof SmithCollege,
i95 I), Book IX, p. 576.
41Commentaries
ofPius II, Book IX, p. 578.
follownow a queen."s42And ifthebattlegoes againsther,sheprom-

isesnotto leavethefieldalive. "I willeitherconqueror be conquered
withyou."43 The episodeconcludeswiththereactionsof heraudi-
tors.
Allmarveled
atsuchboldnessina woman,ata man'scourageina woman's
andatherreasonable
breast, Theysaidthatthespirit
arguments. oftheMaid,
whohadraised
Charlestothethrone,
wasrenewedintheQueen.44
In thiscase, as has been noted,Pius was not so muchgivingan ac-
countofeventsas makinga backgroundagainstwhichhe could de-
pict, in brilliantcolors, those sentimentsand expressionswhich
would bestrevealMargaret'scharacter. As withtheothermaterials
we have seen,his formulation includedelementsof hermythicper-
sona butnotyetpresentedas partofanygeneralhistorical pattern.
* * *
The EnglishChroniclesof theperiodrepeatedmuchof thesame

materialthatis to be foundin privateand informalsources,and
reflectsimilarattitudes.Theirpointof view is Yorkistforthemost
part,althoughWarkworth's Chronicle (whichwas writtenbetween
1478 and 1482) is lesspartisanthanmost.The workwas mildlycriti-
cal ofEdwardIV ratherthansupportive ofLancaster,foritwas writ-
tenlong afterLancastrianism had ceasedto be a politicalalternative.
Warkworthdisplayedno particularanimus toward Margaret,al-
thoughifhe feltanyactivesympathy itwas fortheunfortunate king.
Indeed,when he describedtheQueen, thenarrative tonewas curi-
ouslypassive.She is movedto actionby unnamedothersratherthan
takingtheinitiative herself.Thus,afterlandingatWeymouthonlyto
learnthattheBattleof Barnethas beenlost and Henrywas back in
the Tower, "thei made oute commaundementes, in the Quenes
nameand thePrynce,to all thewestecountre,and gaderetgretepe-
ple,and keptehireweytowardethetouneofBrystow."45 Therewas
no attemptto ascribemotivesforher actionsand the passagesin
42Commentaries ofPius II, Book IX, p. 58o.

43Ibid.
44Ibid.
45John Warkworth,A ChronicleoftheFirstThirteenYearsoftheReignofKing Edward
theFourth,ed. James 0. Halliwell, Camden Society Publication No. io ([London]:
i839), p. i8. Gransden remarksthatsince the chroniclerwas writingunder a Yorkist
king, his "Lancastrian bias" cannot be ascribed to governmentpropaganda. Antonia
Gransden, HistoricalWriting in England,(Ithaca, New York: Cornell UniversityPress,
i982), II, 259.
whichshe was mentionedweretoo briefforthereaderto infermo-

tivesfromthenarrative itself,or evento geta clearsenseoftheway
in whichthe writerperceivedher role and regardedherbehavior.
Since, in this account,Margaretneverachievedthe centrality ac-
cordedherintheworkofPius II andso manylaterEnglishwriters, it
maybe thattheauthordid notfindhereithersignificant or interest-
ing. In anycase,ifthereis in Warkworth a corrective
to theprevail-
ingYorkistattitudetowardtheQueen it does notlie in a variantin-
terpretation of her actionsbut in a depictionwhich makes those
actionsofonlysecondaryimportance.
Othersurvivingaccounts,tendto be Yorkist,somemoderately so
and othersin a morestrongly partisanvein.Written by thosecloseto
thedangerousebb and flowofYorkistand Lancastrian politics,they
werenotonlypoliticallycautiousbuthad a narrowlylimitedvision
of theeventstheydescribed.The EnglishChronicle ofthereignsofRi-
chard II, HenryIV, HenryVandHenryVI, (a continuation of TheBrut
fromEdward III's reign)whichhas alreadybeen mentioned,is not
untypicalofthegenre.Endingin 146i as theEarl ofMarchis chosen
King, the work as a whole is firmlyYorkist.However, Margaret
(who is unsympathetically portrayed)does appear as a dominant
forcein theaffairs of Lancaster.Henry,is blamedforhis failureto
govern,beingstirredto actiononlyby theintervention of his wife.
By thetimethenarrative reaches1459-1460, theQueen is described
as rulingtherealmas shelikesand "gaderyngrychesinnumerable."46
The authoralso raisesthechargeofbastardyagainstherson. Clearly,
therearenow presentmanyelementsofwhatwillbecomethestand-
ardMargaret-story butthoseelementshavenotyetbeenfitted intoa
coherentframework ofexplanation.The samecriticism mustalso be
made of Gregory's Chronicle (whichendedabruptlyin 1470), and of
thetwo pertinent accountsamongtheThreeFifteenth-Century Chron-
iclesfromthecollectionof Stowe. All theseauthorstreatedMargaret
perfunctorily and in a purelydescriptivefashion.47
Hardyng's Chronicle, in contrast,did make a stab at explanation.
46Davies,An EnglishChronicle,p. 79.

47TheHistoricalCollectionsofa Citizen ofLondonin theFifeenthCentury,ed. James
Gairdner,Camden Society Publication, New Series, No. I7 ([London]: i876). Three
ChronicleswithHistoricalMemorandabyJohnStowe theantiquary. . .,
Fifteenth-Century
ed. James Gairdner, Camden Society Publication, New Series, No. 28 ([London]:
i88o). The works are "A Short English Chronicle" and "Brief Note of Occurrences
... (MS Lambeth 448).
This is notsurprisingwhenthereaderrecallsthatthefirstversionof
thisworkwas presentedto HenryVI in 1457, whilethesecond(re-
visedwithan eye to thechangingrealitiesof contemporary politics)
was dedicatedfirstto Richard,duke of York, and thento his son,
EdwardIV. Practicalconsiderations ifnothingelse musthave com-
pelledHardyngto ponderatleastsomeoftheproblemsofinterpreta-
tion.In thefinalversionofhiswork,theauthoraccusedMargaretof
responsibilityforthedeathof Gloucesterand made thedisastersof
rebellionand thedepositionof Lancastertheresultof thatevent,al-
thoughtheintermediate stepsto thisend werenotworkedout. Fur-
thermore, althoughMargaretwas blamedforGloucester'sdeath,her
faultwas one merelyof omission,herfailureto "save suchea good
man".i8 This meantthatalthoughheractionsgave shapeto thenar-
rativeand servedto explainthetroublesthatfollowed,she herself
stilldid notreallyseemto be responsibleforthem.In thesameway,
althoughan importantaspect of her laterdark personawas pre-
figuredwhenthenarrator referredto heras a "capitaine,"he offered
no examplesof herleadership.Insteadshe was shown as a "piteful
anddesperateladye"who "mournesandlamentsthefateandcalami-
teeofherhusband"and callson herfriends forassistance.49
The only
emotionwhichprovidedany explanationof motive,was thelove
and careshe feltforherson, "forthatherhusbandewas a prisoner
anda captivepersone,and therefore as one casteawaye,so thatnexte
afterhymsheloved moostetenderly thishersoonne."0 It was a de-
pictionwhichfitted neatlyintotheprevailing ideaofproperfeminine
behaviorand one whichmaywell correspondin important respects
to a Lancastrianview oftheQueen.
However, with RobertFabyan'sNew Chronicles ofEnglandand
Franceanotherimportantpiece of theformulaicdepictionfallsinto
place.51This work has been describedas "the principalvehicleby
whichthehistoriographical traditionand factualcontentoftheLon-
don chronicleswas transmitted to Tudor England,"whichis to say
to PolydoreVergil,Stow and Hakluyt,Hall, Grafton,Holinshed,
48John Hardyng, Chronicle,fromtheEarliestPeriodofEnglishHistory(to I461), to-

getherwiththeContinuationby RichardGraftonto 34 Henry VIII, ed. Henry Ellis (Lon-
don: I812), p. 457.
49Hardyng,p. 458.
50Hardyng,p. 458.
5'Robert Fabyan, The New ChroniclesofEnglandand France,ed. Henry Ellis (Lon-
don: i8ii).
andofcourseShakespeare.52 The originalversionof TheNew Chron-

icleswas completedin 1504 withan initialcontinuation to I 509 andit
was publishedin i5 i6. By thistimecircumstances madeit notonly
safebut politicto show sympathyforLancastersincethatwas the
House fromwhichthe currentoccupantof thethroneclaimedde-
scent.Margaretbecame "thatnoble and moost bounteouspryn-
cesse," a queen of whom, in a phraseFabyan twice employed,
"manyand untruesurmysewereimagenedand tolde."53To be sure,
his descriptionof her activitiesdiffered littlefromthat of other
chroniclers, but he was inclinedto explainthemin morefavorable
terms.Thus, he tellsthereaderthatshecausedYork to be dismissed
fromhisprotectorship which "was the cause of new warre . . ." but
explainsthatshedid so becauseshebelievedthepresenceofa protec-
torarguedthattheking"was insuffycient to governe. . . whichas
she thoughte,was a greatdishonoureto the kyngeand to all the
realme.. . .9954
Far moreimportant, however,was theway in whichthewriter
introducedan elementof historicalexplanation,and one withMar-
garetatitscenter.55The schemahe used,whileexplainingthedecline
of Lancaster,made the Queen both theprecipitating factorand to
some extentthecauseof thattragicseriesofevents,althoughhe put
farlessstressthandidPolydoreVergiluponherpersonalresponsibil-
ity.Accordingto Fabyan,HenryVI's marriagewas thekeyto the
disastersof thereign.Fromit flowedtheloss of Maine and Anjou,
thefallof Suffolk, and theruleof theQueen and hercouncil"to the
greatdisprofite ofthekyngand hisrealme,and to thegreatmaugre
and oblyquyof the quene."56The end resultwas theloss of Nor-
52Gransden,Historical inEngland,
Writing II, 247. Fabyan'sapproachto hismaterial
is also worthy of note. Levy describes him as "literary-minded",not only collecting
but comparingdifferent accounts. Yet he also pointsout thatwhile Fabyan approached
a "system of criticism"he neverthelessshowed little"sense of improbability." F. J.
Levy, Tudor HistoricalThought(San Marino: California: The Huntington Library,
i967), pp. I9-2I.
53Fabyan,p. 652.
54Fabyan,p. 63 I. He mentionsthe question of the prince's legitimacybut without
specifyingadultery.The slander,as he tellsit, was thattheprince"was not the naturall
sone of Kyng Henrye, but changydin the cradell." Ibid., p. 628.
55Thelargerplan was based the sevenjoys of the Virgin, with eachjoy represented
in a book, as Gransdenindicates. However, thisdid not affectthe historicalschema of
theperiodunderdiscussionhere.Gransden, Historical Writing
inEngland,II, 246.
56Fabyan, p. 6i8. Drawing upon unspecifiedsources, he points out that the mar-
riage was unprofitablein a number of ways. Firstwas the loss of Maine and Anjou.
mandy, rebellion,and finallythe fall of Lancastrianmonarchy.

Throughouthisdescription ofthereign,theroleofMargaretandher
"affynyte" is madeexplicit.Of course,theactualexpositionofthese
ideas was ratherless systematic and symmetrical thana bareoutline
of themsuggests.Remembranceswere takenfrom"dyverswrit-
ers," and providentialand practicalexplanationsmingled,undisci-
plinedby therationalization and theaesthetics ofa VirgilianPlan.
Fabyanchoseto operatewithintheawkwardformatand thecon-
straintsof a London Chronicle.Yet in his thinking he moveda step
or two in thedirectionof a new kindofwork,one whichwas more
complexand more comprehensive in its design,and whichwould
come to itsearlyfulfillment in theAnglicaHistoriaofhis contempo-
rary,PolydoreVergil.An ecclesiastical careeristbutalso a competent
scholar,thisItalianhumanisthad a professionaland personalper-
spectivequitedifferent fromtheEnglishwriterswho had preceded
him. It was HenryVII who had encouragedhimto takeup thetask
of writingan EnglishHistoryand one ofitsunenunciated goals was
to provideEurope with a coherentand favorablebackgroundof
explanation-andjustification-fortheaccessionto powerof a Tu-
dor dynasty.57 Yet PolydoreVergilwas a trainedscholarwho ap-
pliedhispowersofcriticalreasoningand ofsynthesis to thetask.Al-
thoughhis AnglicaHistoriabegan withtheBrutmaterialand drew
heavilyupon variouschronicles,the finalportion(whichextends
fromthereignof HenryVI intotheTudor period),is now consid-
ered a valuablesourceof factualinformation.58 However, the real
Next were the charges forbringingMargaret to England, forwhich Suffolk"axyd in

playne parlyment,a fyfteneand an halfe" bringingdown on himselfthathatredof the
people which led to his death. Finally,it was clear God was not pleased, since fromthe
day of the marriagefortunedesertedHenry, leaving all to be ruled by the queen. "All
whiche myseryfyll,for brekyingof the promyse made by the kyng unto the erle of
Armenakkysdoughter...."
57Levy, TudorHistoricalThought,pp. 55 and I73. Levy maintainsthat the history
was directlyrelatedto therequirementsof Henry VII's foreignpolicy in seekingrecog-
nitionforhis dynasty,and thatthe work was intendedprimarilyforforeignconsump-
tion. This, in Levy's view, also helps to explain therelativebrevityof Polydore's work
and the factthat(being too briefin its coverage forEnglish taste)no complete transla-
tion was published.
58PolydoreVergil, The AnglicaHistoriaofPolydoreVergil:A.D. I485-I537, ed. with
a trans.by Denys Hay, Camden Society Publication No. 73, 3rd ser. (London: Offices
of the Royal Historical Society, I950), Introduction,ix-xliii. See also Denys Hay, Po-
lydoreVergil:RenaissanceHistorianand Man ofLetters,(Oxford: The Clarendon Press,
I952) Chapt. 4, "Sources and Method of theAnglicaHistorica,"pp. 79-I28.
significance oftheworkdidnotlieintheinformation itconveyed,

butrather in theauthor'sabilityto shapehistorical consciousness.
The Tudorhistorians whofollowed himwouldnotonlyaccepthis
assumption thathistory shouldhaveanexplanatory thesisorunder-
lyingargument, butwouldadoptthethesishehadproduced to ex-
plaintheevents oftheperiod.ItwasPolydore Vergilwhocreated the
historical,philosophical andto a greatextent themoralframework
of Shakespeare's tetralogy and who still,partlythroughShake-
speare'smajestic conception, influencespopularviewsofthe"Wars
oftheRoses."
Anyonewhohasseenorreadtheepicwhichcommences withRi-
chard II andconcludes withRichard III, willhave a vividsenseofPo-
lydoreVergil'sformulation.59 Although Shakespeare's workactu-
allyconsists oftwoseparate cycles(RichardII toHenryV,andHenry
VI to Richard III) createdat differenttimes,theirinterconnections
andthenatureofthehistorical material,makeitpossibleto regard
theworkas a conceptual whole.Beginning withthedeposition ofan
anointed king,itendswiththedeposition ofanevilusurper andwith
thecrowning ofHenryVII as therestorer ofunityandorder.Anex-
amination oforderandwhathappenswhenthenatural orderis bro-
ken,itis implicitly a meditation uponvariousaspectsoflegitimacy
andpower.
In PolydoreVergil'shistory theconflict ofLancaster andYorkis
theresult ofthatoriginal dis-orderingofsocialandpolitical relation-
ships,butthedislocation isnotcausedbyimpersonal forces.Thehu-
manistwas no morewillingthen,thantheplaywright wouldlater
be,todenythesignificance ofindividual choiceandthedetermining
forceof individual character.Although eachpersonis partof the
general pattern, eachalsobrings abouthisorherspecific end.There-
fore,although itis fromthemarriage ofHenryVI andMargaret of
Anjouthatthemaintroubles of thereignbegin,it is Henry'sun-
worldliness and "careonelyforhis souleshealth"whichallows
powertofallintothehandsofhisdominating andambitious wife.60
Margareton herpartis a woman "verydesirousof renowne,fullof
59Thatthereare two cycleswrittenat different

times,HenryVI-Richard III, dating
fromI 590 and the earlierRichardII-Henry V, mattersless forpurposes of thisdiscus-
sion thanthe generalconceptionof which theyare both clearlya part.
6OPolydore
Vergil,ThreeBooksofPolydoreVergil'sEnglishHistory
comprising
the
reignsofHenry VI, EdwardIV, and RichardIII, ed. Sir Henry Ellis, Camden Society
PublicationsNo. 29 (London: i844) p. 70.
policie,councell,comelybehavior,and all manlyqualities"and yet

at thesame time"of thekindeof otherwomen who commonlyare
much geven and veryreadieto mutabilitieand chaunge."61She is
also proud,and findingGloucester'sdominationofherhusbandin-
tolerable,decides"by litleand litleto deprivethedukeof thatgreat
authoritiewhichhe had."62 PolydoreVergilused thesameelements
andin placesalmostthesamephraseologyas Fabyanbutwithdiffer-
entemphaseswhichled, in theend,to a verydifferent characteriza-
tion.The passivelyfeminine womanofHardyng'sportrayal, andthe
busy politicalqueen of Fabyan's,now becomes the activeplotter
whose destruction ofthegood dukeofGloucestersetsforcesin mo-
tionwhichwilllead to disasterforherself andthedynasty.Thus "by
meansof a woman, sprangeup a newe mischiefe thatsettall out of
order."63
Margaret'sstorywas, of course,onlyone strandin a morecom-
plicatedskeinof causationin whichcontentionamong theEnglish
noblesfor"glorieand soveraintie,"and York's "outrageouslustof
principalitie"
also playedtheirpart.f'Withinthedivinelydetermined
order,all resultsflowfromhumanchoices.Choosingthebad rather
thanthegood bringsevil consequencesfortheindividualand per-
hapscausesdisasters ofa moregeneralkind.Interweaving manysep-
aratestories,PolydoreVergilcreateda complexlytextured narrative
fabric,held togetherby simpleconceptualthemes.65 But thisunity
had a price.Individualshad to be reducedto theessentialsof their
61Three
BooksofPolydore
Vergil,
p. 70.
62Three BooksofPolydoreVergil,p. 70. In emphasizingthe masculinity of the
Queen's character andbehavior,Polydoreis in markedcontrast to hiscontemporary,
FabyanandpointsthewayforlaterTudorwriters.
63Three BooksofPolydoreVergil,
p. 70. Fabyanhadmerelynotedhow dissention had
grownbetweenHenryand some of his lords "most specyallyatwenethe quenys
couceyllandyedukeofYorkeandhisblode.Forall contrary thekyngespromyse, by
meanysofthequene,whichthanbareye cureandchargeoftheland,thedukeofSo-
mersetwas setatlarge. . andrestored to hisold favorandpower.TheNewChroni-
cles,p. 628.
64Three BooksofPolydore Vergil,
pp. 93-94.
65Rather thanpressingEnglishhistorybackto itsmythical beginnings, Hall con-
centrated on therelatively
briefperiodoftheWarsoftheRosesandtheemergence of
theTudorswho wereclearlytheheroesofhis story.This schema,together withhis
enthusiastic fortheTudor cause,further
partisanship heightened and simplified the
colorationofhisportraits. See Levy, TudorHistoricalThought,pp. I73-I74. It would
havebeenas easyto makeMargareta tragicheroineas a villainess.However,Hall's
emphasisin dealingwithherwas alwaysupon theimpropriety of herbehavioras a
woman.
character types.This was done by heightening qualitieswhichwere

significant in thenarrative,and washingaway ideosyncratic or in-
convenient details.The processwas one whichwas notonlyadopted
but intensified by his Tudor apostles,withconsequenceswhichwe
willlatersee.
The MargaretofPolydoreVergil'snarrative is firstintroducedat
thetimeofhermarriage,and is butbriefly described.Nevertheless it
is immediately made clearby thereference to hermasculinequalities
of character,thatshe represents one of the inversionsof orderin
whichthestoryabounds.Justas Henryof Derby broketheproper
successionby seizingthecrown,just as herown husbandstandsso-
cial and politicalpropriety on itshead by his womanlypassivity,so
hermasculineambitionand decisiveness willhelpto undermineand
destroyorder withinthe realm by settingthe nobles againstthe
crown. The natureof her negativecontribution to thisprocessis
in
clearlysummedup herpersona,thatofa womanwho is "fordili-
gence,circumspection, and speedieexecutionof causescomparable
to a man."6 The manlikeelementin hernatureis somethingwhich
could perhapshave been inferred fromwhat otherEnglishwriters
had said about heractions,but whichwas not by themdefinedso
explicitly,norgiventheemphasisitreceived,fromPolydoreVergil.
Indeed,hisinterpretation accordedmuchbetterwithhercharacter as
it was depictedby Pius II in his Commentaries, and perhapswiththe
ideasoftheEuropeanaudienceforwhichtheAnglicaHistoria was in-
tended.The same masculinequalitieswerealso illustrated in herbe-
haviorwhichwas inappropriately martial,and tiedby thenarrator's
commentto an illegitimateexerciseof power. "Surely," he con-
cluded, "this Margarete,wife unto the king,warredmuch more
happilyby herowne conductand authoritie thenby thekinges."67
At onlyone pointdidPolydoreVergildescribethequeenin terms
of whatwas thenconsideredtypicallyfeminine behavior.This was
the displayof womanly weakness which followed the death of
Warwickanditwas includedonlyso thathe couldrecallto thereader
(aftera hiatusof manypages and years)theway in whichMargaret
initiatedtheseeventsby bringingaboutthedepositionand deathof
Gloucester.Althoughnot quitetheend of thestory,sinceTewkes-
buryhad stillto be foughtandHenryandherson killed,thiswas the
66ThreeBooksofPolydore p. 102.
Vergil,
67Ibid.,p. i09.
effective logicalconclusionto herparticipation

and aesthetically as a
character.
Thereafterthewriterquicklyrelegatedherto captivityand
exile,thendoubledback to delivera finalpanegyricon hersaintly
husband.This in turnallowed him to relatethereignto thelarger
themeof his work by pointingout thatalthoughHenryVI himself
was guiltlessofwrongdoing:
Thesoveraignty
extortyd
forceably theFourth,
byHenry toKing
grandfather
Henry the Sixt, cowld not therbybe long enjoyed of thatfamyly,and so the
grandfathersoffenceredowndydunto thenephews.,'
PolydoreVergil's greathistorywas probablywrittenbetween

I5I2 and I5I3 and was firstprintedin I534. Revisededitionsap-
pearedin I 546 and I 555 and otherversionsand translations also cir-
culated.Althoughhe wrotein Latinand althoughEnglishwriters
wereinclinedto condemnhisforeignbirth,hisRomanreligion,and
his supposedhostility to Englishcustomsand traditions, an elegant
styleand thesymmetry of his formulations provedirresistible
even
to hiscritics.69
Hall, Graftonand Holinshed(thelastactuallya group
ratherthana singleauthor)wereamongthosepopularwritersofhis-
torywhose workwas readilyavailableto Shakespeareand hisaudi-
ence,and who were deeplyindebtedto theVergilianmodel. It was
notjust thattheyassimilatedelementsofPolydore'sworkintotheir
own but thattheyacceptedhis aestheticshapingof thematerialof
Englishhistoryfor the period,includingthe portrayalof Queen
Margaret.Yet theirdifferences, particularly
in thecase of Hall and
Grafton,are significant in termsof the darklegendof Margaret's
queenshipwhichnow appearsinwhatwillbecomeitsShakespearean
pattern.
In PolydoreVergil'sview Margaretwas a figureoftragedyrather
thanof evil. Althoughshe precipitated manyof thetroublesof the
reignshe was not herselfwithoutdignityand even a kindof nobil-
ity.70Polydoreeitherstrovefora scholarly judiciousnessinhiswork
or at leastvalueda semblanceof even-handedness. However,in the
accountsofHall (first publishedin I 548) andGrafton(whoseChroni-
cleatLargeappearedin I 569) balancegave way to enthusiastic parti-
sanshipfortheTudor dynasty.In thecaseofMargaret,thishelpedto
68Ibid., p. '54.
69Hay,Polydore Vergil,
pp. 131-132.
70InfirstintroducingMargaret,he refersto her "noble Acts" and speaks of herlater
as being wise and prudent. ThreeBooksofPolydoreVergil,pp. 68, 71.
encourage a kindlyviewofherhusband, HenryVI, butnotnecessar-

ilya sympathetic viewofherself. Hall andGrafton werevirtually
intheir
identical hostile treatment
oftheQueen,identical notonlyin
regardto thecontent oftheirdescriptionsbutalsoin language.Of
thetwoHallwasthemoreoriginal, Grafton notonlyservedaseditor
and continuator forhis predecessor,but copiedlargeportionsof
Hall'snarrativeintohisown Chronicle. Hall is alsomoreimportant
sinceitwasprobably throughhiswork,orthrough Grafton'suseof
hiswork,thattheseideasweretransmitted to Shakespeare.71 Where
thetwoauthorsdiffered, variations
consisted ofa fewspecific epi-
sodesamplified, alteredoromitted,andinwording changes,mostof
whichwerestylistic rather
thansubstantive.
Conceptually, HallandGrafton weredeeplyindebted toPolydore
Vergilalthough theydifferedfromhimintheirunabashed national-
ism.Theyalsotendedto simplify motivation, andtherelationships
between events, bystrengthening thedescriptive element andgiving
a morevividsenseofcharacter. Subjected tothistreatment, Marga-
retbecameevenmoreambitious, was depicted as interveningmore
decisivelyin politics,was moreclearlyherself a usurper ofpower
whichshewieldedillegitimately, andwasmore"masculine" bothas
a captainanda politician.
Theresult wasa distinctively different
por-
trayal,eventhoughfewnewelements hadbeenintroduced intothe
story.For example,whilePolydoreVergil,in bringing Margaret
intothenarrative, hadannounced thefactofthemarriage, andpro-
videda thumbnail sketchof thebridewhichemphasized positive
ofbeauty,
qualities wisdomanda "haultecouragewhichwasabove
thenature ofhersexe," HallandGrafton returned tothetraditionof
thechronicles.
72Theyemphasized theunfortunate results
ofa match
whichwasnotonlyunprofitable anddivisive, butmadeto theevi-
dentdispleasure ofGod. Whilepayingthenowcustomary tributeto
thebride'sbeauty, witand"pollicie,"theyfeltcompelled toaddthat
7tCairncross emphasizesShakespeare's withthewholeofHall's

"easyfamiliarity"
chronicle andsaysitwasuponHall, morethananyothersourcethathebasedhisinter-
pretation ofthedynasty,TheSecondPartofKingHenryVI, Introduction, xli.Bullough
agreesthatthemainsourceforthisplay,likePartIII, seemstohavebeeneitherHall or
Grafton.Geoffrey Bullough,Narrative andDramaticSourcesofShakespeare (London:
RoutledgeandKeganPaul, i960), III, 90. Certainly
in bothPartsII andIII, thestamp
is firmly
ofHall's interpretation fixeduponthematerial pertaining
to Margaret.
72Three BooksofPolydoreVergil,
p. 68.
in "stomackeand courage, [she was] more lyke to a man thana

woman."73
This emphasison masculinequalitiesof character,whichPoly-
dore had certainlyindicatedbut neverthelesstouchedupon only
lightlyin hisnarrative,
would be repeatedlystressedin theirown-
andalwaysto theQueen's disadvantage.Theirmostfrequently used
descriptivephrasesservedto hammerhome a messagewhichcould
be neithermistakennor overlooked.She "bare therule,"or "ruled
the rost," or became "Quene Margaretwhose breathruled,and
whose word was obeyedabove thekingand his counsayle,wythin
therealmeof Englande."74 Indeed,phraseswhichspecifiedthatshe
bore the rule,became so much a partof her descriptionthatthey
were rarelyomitted,even when thecontextmade theiruse redun-
dant.In addition,thesewriterstendedto elaborateupon and make
morevividlyimpressive incidentswhichweresimplyintegrated into
theflowof PolydoreVergil'snarrative.75An exampleis thepointin
I456 when Margaret,fearful of York's intentions,persuadedthe
kingto withdrawto Coventryon a pretextof ill-health.To these
barefactsGrafton(andHall) addedthat:
Diverswayes[were]studiedprively,to bringtheQueene to herhartesease,
andlongdesiredpurpose:whichwas thedeathanddestruction oftheDuke of
York,[and]theErlesofSalisburie
andWarwick.76
This,ofcourse,convertedwhatin PolydoreVergilappearsas a plot
by York againstthe King, into a plot by Margaretand her allies
againsttheDuke. Hall and Graftonalso choseto includetherumor
of theprince'sbastardywhichPolydoreVergilhad discreetly omit-
ted.
The outlinesofMargaret'sdarkqueenship,darkin itsdeeds,dark
73Edward Hall, Hall's Chronicle.. . (Originaltitle,The UnionoftheTwoNobleand

IllustreFameliesofLancastre andYorks ., I548), ed. HenryEllis (London:i809), p.
205. Grafton's Chronicle, i, p. 625.
74Hall,p. 220 and232. Grafton, I, p. 64i and653. Holinshed,III, 224 and23 8.
75Hay,Polydore Vergil,p. I34, indicatessomething of thedifficulty Hall encoun-
teredintranslating PolydoreVergil'sproseandthewayhehadto "buildup hismean-
ingwitha sonorousagglomeration ofsynonyms". It mightbe arguedthatthisprocess
itselfled to an intensification andsimplification ofmeaning.But I wouldsuggestthat
theprocesswas a consciousone sincemanyotherdescriptive wordscouldhavebeen
attachedto Margaret,pitiful,sorrowful, and nobleto nameonlyones whichwere
actually-butinfrequently-employed.
76Grafton, I, 657;Hall, p. 236.
in thecharacterof thequeen herselfand darkin itsresultswas now

clearlydelineated.Margarethad becomea "manlywomanusyngto
ruleand notto be ruled."77 She was "desirousofgloryand covetous
ofhonor."78 Her naturesaidHall explicitly,was one "belongingto a
man,fulland flowyngofwitand wilinesse. "79 She had "determined
wythherselfe,to takevpponhertheruleandregiment, " bothofthe
kingand his kingdom,and was prepared"to plucketheswordeof
aucthoritieout of theirhandes."80"And althoughshejoyned her
husbandewithherin name fora countenaunce, yetshe did all, she
saydeall, and she bare thewhole swinge,as thestrongOxe doth,
whenhe is yokedin theploughwitha pooresielyasse."981 Her power
was illegitimatein its originand in the way in whichit was em-
ployed.Thus, inevitably, shebecamea tyrant, a royalmonsterwho
was servedoutoffear.She had becomea queen"whose countenance
was so fearefull,and whose look was so terriblethatto all men
agaynstwhome she tooke a small displeasure,her frowningwas
theirundoing,and herindignation was theirdeath."82
* * *
The attitudeof theseparticular Tudor writerswas clearlyhostile

towardMargaretandevenmoretowardwhatsherepresented. Their
antipathyno longercenteredupon her dynasticpoliticsnor did it
springfromspecificacts,such as thedepositionof Gloucester.In-
steadit was focusedupon herbehavioras a woman.83The fearthat
women mightbreakfreefromtheirnaturaland theologically deter-
minedroleof subordination, and in doingso burstthebondsof so-
cialorder,was an ancientone. Theoryandpracticeassumedthatmen
weredominantin all socialas well as politicalrelationships.
Any al-
terationof thisorderof thingscauseddeep concernin theobserver
and usually,angertowardthenon-conforming female.Wherethe
woman exercisedpoliticalrule,the problemwas even more trou-
bling.As earlyas 1462 or 1463 an anonymouspoliticalwriterhad
complainedofQueen Margaretnotjust thatherpowerwas wrongly
I, 670; Hall, p. 249.

77Grafton,
I, 628;Hall,p. 208.
78Grafton,
79Hall,p. 208,omittedinGrafton.
80Grafton, I, 655; Hall, p. 234.
8'Grafton, I, 629;Hall, p. 208.
82Grafton, I, 66i; Hall,p. 24I; Holinshed,p. 252.
83Notall Shakespeare's is onenotable
sourcestookthisview.Holinshed'schronicle
exception.
used but thatit was "a gretabusion/ A wommanof a land to be a

regent,/ Qwene MargreteI mene,thateverhathement/ To gov-
ernealle Engelandwithmyghtand poure.... "84The realquestion
was whathappenedwhena womanwieldedpowerandperhapsalso,
whetherhersex oughtto barherfromexercising anypowerat all.
In thesixteenthcentury,withtheappearanceon theEuropeanpo-
liticalsceneof a numberof femalerulers,questionsabout women
andpowerassumeda new importance.Most ofthesewomengained
powerindirectly, itas Margaretherself
exercising had oncedone,on
of a
behalf husbandor son. But otherswererulersin theirown right.
To theEnglish,all of themmusthave been of interest.Acrossthe
Channel,followingthedeathof herhusbandin I 55, Catherinede
Medici moreand moreturnedherhandto politics.To thenorth,in
Scotland,Maryof Guise took up thereinsof administration forher
infantdaughterin I54I. And in timethatdaughterwould becomea
politicalforcein herown rightas MaryQueen of Scots.But forthe
English the most significant examples of femalerulerswere the
daughters ofHenryVIII, theirown queens,Maryandherhalf-sister,
ElizabethTudor.
Of course,by Shakespeare'sday, Elizabethwas firmlyseatedon
herthroneand was sufficiently popular(at leastwithherprotestant
subjects)to seem a model of a successfulfemaleruler.Yet thevery
amplitudeofhersuccesstendsto obscurethedifficulty withwhichit
had beenachieved,and theextraordinary natureoftheresult.In fact,
ElizabeththeQueen was an icon of regalitywhichElizabethTudor
herselfhad created.It was an image which she continuedto tend
throughout herreign,althoughby theI 590S itwas largelycomplete
in shapeand substance.As Gloriana,Belphoebe,Judithand Astraea,
ina hostofliterary andpopularformulations, shepersonifiedthevir-
tuesof a sovereignprincewho was also a woman.85Agelessin artif
notin fact,she was portrayedas thevestalwithhersieve,as Diana
crownedwiththevirginmoon, and as a hieraticimageof wisdom
84"A PoliticalRetrospect," PoemsandSongsRelating
in Political toEnglishHistory,
ComposedDuringthePeriodfromtheAccession ofEdwardIII tothatofRichard
III, Thomas
Wright,ed. (London: i86i, reprintedby Kraus Reprints,i965) II, 268-269.
85Yates' analysis of the Astraea image shows the complex and politicallysophisti-
cated underpinningfor these personificationsof Elizabeth's queenly power. Astraea
combined the idea of thejust virginof the golden age with both imperialand religious
imageryand was expressed in paintingand engravingas well as literature.Frances A.
ThemeintheSixteenth
Yates,Astraea:theImperial (London:RoutledgeandKe-
Century
gan Paul, I975), p. 39. Deborah, Diana, Cynthia and Belphoebe are among the per-
and power, holdingthe rainbowbetweenelegantlyslenderroyal

fingers.Out ofthematerialsofherlifeand experienceElizabethhad
inventeda royalpersonaso persuasivethattheimage had come to
seemnotonlyacceptablebutnatural. 86
This positiveimagecannot,however,be understoodin isolation.
It mustbe seenin relationto a largerpatternin whichnegativeim-
ages (suchas thatof Queen Margaretand even moreof Elizabeth's
own sister,Mary)also figured.They too werepartofEnglishexpe-
rienceandreflected generalattitudestowardwomenwhichprevailed
at all otherlevelsof Tudor society.87 Certainlytherewas nothingin
thehistoryof hersister'sreignto suggestthata woman could be a
strong,successfuland popularmonarch.The Spanishmarriage,the
humiliating loss of Calais, thepersecution
of herprotestantsubjects
had, by the end of Mary's reign,dissipatedthesupportwhichshe
had atfirstenjoyedas legitimate claimantto thethroneand madeher
muchdisliked.88 This personalunpopularity mergedwithand rein-
sonificationsexamined by Elkin Calhoun Wilson in England'sEliza (New York: Octa-

gon Books, i966). Elizabeth herselfshowed concern for her image in a number of
practicalways, from the pageantryof her public appearances, to the thoughtshe de-
voted to revising and presenting her parliamentaryspeeches. Allison Heisch had
pointed out the care with which the Queen matched her utterances(and theirimages)
to a particularaudience. "Queen Elizabeth I: ParliamentaryRhetoricand the Exercise
of Power." Signs, i (Autumn, I 975), 3I-57.
86RoyStrong, TudorandJacobeanPortraits(London HMSO, i969), Plates i99 and
2I5. Stronggives a clear, richand appropriatelycomplex sense of theway in which the
officialpictographic image of the Queen became, at last, a mythicfigure,towering
above the realm of England, an image of almost cosmic power (here he was speaking
specificallyof the Ditchley portrait,but with referenceto his generalthemes). Portraits
ofQueen Elizabeth(Oxford: The Clarendon Press, i963), p. 3. The productionof por-
traitswas (theoretically)controlled throughofficialpatterns,and unapproved repre-
sentationswere destroyed. Of course, formal and officialpropaganda played only a
partin creatingthe Elizabethan image. Subjects both high and low responded on their
own, repeatingand elaboratingimages, and creatingnew verbal and pictographicrep-
resentations.
87Seeforexample,LawrenceStone,TheFamilySex andMarriage inEngland, I500-
i8oo (New York: Harper and Row, I977) and Gordon J. Schochet, Patriarchalism in
PoliticalThought:
TheAuthoritarian
FamilyandPoliticalSpeculation
andAttitudes
Espe-
ciallyin Seventeenth-CenturyEngland(New York: Basic Books, I975), Chapter 3, "Pa-
triarchalismin Tudor Political Thought," to name but two significanttitlesout of an
immenseliteratureon the subject.
88Loadeshas describedsome of thebitterinvectivelevelled againstMary Tudor and
indicates that by I 558 catholic propagandistshad virtuallygiven up and did not at-
temptto harnesspatrioticenthusiasmto the Queen and her cause. Open criticismcon-
tinuedto be suppressed. D. M. Loades, The ReignofMary Tudor:Politics,Government,
andReligion inEngland,I553-I558 (New York: St. Martin's Press, I979), pp. 393 and
440-44 I.
forcedgenerallynegativeattitudestowardwomen rulersand could

easilyhaveextendedto hersister.
Justhow bitterand powerfulsuch feelingscould be, and how
was demonstrated
closelytheyweretiedto politicalconsiderations,
in the controversyover queenshipwhich usheredin Elizabeth's
reign.This was touchedoffin i558 byJohnKnox' FirstBlastofthe
Trumpet AgainsttheMonstrousRegiment ofWomen whichwas, in fact,
directednot againstElizabethbut a trioof Catholicqueens. How-
ever,Knox arguingfromauthority andrevelationmaintained that:
To promotea womantobearerule,superioritie,
dominionorempireabove
anyrealme, orcitie,
nation, isrepugnanttonature, toGod,a thing
contumelie
mostcontrarious
tohisreveled
willandapproved andfinallie
ordinance, itis
thesubversion
ofgoodorder,ofallequitie
andjustice.89
Unusual onlyin its harshrhetoricand in thesystematic
way it ap-
pliedan existingbody oftheoryaboutwomento theproblemoffe-
male rulers,Knox' work illustratesthe difficultiesElizabeth had to
surmountin creatingherown positiveand successfulexemplifica-
tionofqueenship.
Althoughnotdirectedspecifically
at Elizabeth,Knox' arguments
touchedthelegitimacyof herruleas well. In therealmof academic
debateJohnAylmerwas encouragedto respondwithhisHarborowe
for Faithfulland Trewe Subjects,which appeared in ijss. It did not
make a case forthe abilitiesof women in general (forAylmer did not
have a highopinionof theircapacities)but onlyfortheexceptional
woman,suchas Elizabethherself, who "God by birthhathcalledto
the governmentof realmes."90Probably more significant,since the
work of creatingthe Elizabethan icon was partof a much broader ef-
fort,was the fact that in lauding the new Queen's virtues,Aylmer
foreshadowed elements of the persona which she would create for
herself.
Shecommeth inlykea lambe,andnotlykea Lyon,likea mother,
andnotlyke
a stepdam.Sherusheth notinatthefyrst
chop,toviolate andbreakeformer
lawes,tostirre
herpeopletochaunge whattheylist,beforeorder
betakenby
lawe.Shehangest no man,shebehedeth none,shebumeth none,spoileth
none.91
89[John AgainsttheMonstrous
Knox], The FirstBlastoftheTrumpet ofWomen
Regiment
([Geneva]: M.D.LVIII, reprintedNew York: Da Capo Press, I972), p. 9.
9[John Aylmer], An HarboroweforFaithfulland TreweSubiectes(Strassborowethe:
[i 59], reprintedNew York: Da Capo Press, I972), sig. H3v.
91Aylmer,sig. N4v and oi.
The maidenlyyetmaternalpersona,theempoweringandsafeguard-
inglegalformswithinwhichpoweris properly exercised,theappro-
priatelynurturant and mercifulbehaviorare all in directand sym-
metricalcontrastto thekindof illegitimate and therefore unnatural
powerwhichrulerslikeMargaretrepresented. The contrast between
negativeand positive,darkand bright,unacceptableand acceptable
patterns of feminine power-and behavior-were alreadybeingde-
lineated.
Elizabethwas well awareofthevalueofherimageandwas fierce-
lyprotective ofit. She also understoodthedelicacyofherpositionas
a queenin a worldof men.This was shownin thelongtortuoushis-
toryofherrelationswiththeQueen of Scots.Whilea complexmix-
tureof politicaland personalconsiderations guidedher policyto-
ward this dangerous cousin, it is also clear that Elizabeth was
profoundly disturbedby theidea of executingMary and was most
unwillingto do so. Despitegreatprovocation,shedidnotpermitat-
tacks upon the Scots queen to appear in licensedpublications-
althougheventuallyan unofficial campaignwas directedat under-
mining her characterand good name.92However, even this
unofficialliterature was neverpermitted to suggestthatMary'ssexin
anyway disqualified herfromrule.
The Queen musthavegivena good deal ofthoughtto theoretical
questionsofsex and powerbutshewas notpreparedto see themdis-
cussedin any open way. Indeed,on herside,thewhole matterwas
envelopedin one of thosepolitic,and characteristic, Elizabethansi-
lences.In such a situation,whateverinterest hersubjectsmay have
felt,wisdom and self-preservation dictateddiscretion.Holinshedin
his Chronicle, forexample,chose to omit all specificreferences to
Margaret'smanlikecourageand boldnessof spirit.93 Yet Elizabe-
92PaulJohnson has recounted how, in the period following the Babington Plot,
Elizabeth was driven step by reluctantstep toward Mary's execution, and suggests
"she came close to a breakdown and, at times,to a total loss ofjudgment." ElizabethI
(New York: Holt, Rinehartand Winston, I974), p. 289. The storyof Elizabeth's prop-
aganda dealings with Mary Queen of Scots is dealt with in Imagesofa Queen: Mary Stu-
artin Sixteenth-Century Literature(Berkeley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, i964). She
was equally politicin referencesto her sister,Mary Tudor.
93Anexample is a passage citedin n. 77, above. In theaccounts of Hall and Grafton,
theDuke of York expects thatMargaret(who is describedas "a manlywoman, usyng
to rule and not to be ruled"), will resisthis designationas Henry's heir. Holinshed in-
cludes the restof the passage but omits the referenceto the Queen's manly character.
Hall, p. 249, Grafton,I, 670, Holinshed, p. 268.
thanscontinuedto be intriguedby the natureof queenshipand if

some writerschosenotto tacklethetopic,othersfoundthemeansto
do so in an oblique fashion.For a playwright like Shakespeareone
obvious solutionwas to turnto areasof commonexperiencewhich
would be familiarto an Elizabethanaudienceyetnot too perilously
relevantto current eventsor politicalfigures.Likeotherswho wrote
about women in theirrelationships to power, he sometimeschose
characters who wereremotein timeor atleastfarremovedby geog-
raphy.Yet therewas also materialto be minedfromEngland'sown
not too distantpast,materialchargedwithemotionand filledwith
color,butnotparticularly dangerousin thecontextofcontemporary
politicallife.The storyofMargaretofAnjou wasjust suchmaterial.
Shakespearewho in hishistoryplaysexploredmanyaspectsofle-
gitimacy,examiningtheproblemof orderand thenatureof king-
ship,was interested in Margaretbothas a queenand as a woman.He
madeheran important character in HenryVI, PartII, and HenryVI,
PartIII, and depictedherfromthefirstas strongand ambitious.94
She resentsGloucester'scontroloverherhusbandand despisesHen-
ry'sweaknessin submitting to it. Yet, althoughsheis strong,there
arealso signsofweaknessforshelacksthetruequalitiesofroyalty.In
herjealousyoftheduchessofGloucester,forexample,shegivesway
to spitefulill-temperwhich demonstrates unqueenlylack of self-
control.The duchessherself is madeto pointthemoralbyremarking
that in this court the real master"wear[s] no breeches."95The
Queen's character is also taintedby immorality: sheis an adulteress.
But it is power ratherthanlustwhichdominateshercharacter, and
vengefulness whichbecomesitsmostterrible flaw.Thisis not,how-
ever,a matteroffatebutofchoice.Thus afterthemurderofSuffolk,
sheconsciouslyputsasidefeminine weaknessin favorofrevenge.A
she
troublemaker, encourages the quarrelbetweenSomersetand
York, insteadof strivingforpeace and tranquility as a ruler(and a
woman) should.This lastis a turningpoint:thereafter hercharacter
growsin malignity and evilpower.WhenHenryprovesreluctant to
act she upbraidshim forhis weaknessand seizingtheinitiative her-
94Margaretfirstappeared in Henry VI, PartI but at the veryend of the play and al-
most as an after-thought.Indeed, according to one school of thoughtshe was tacked
on to forma connectionwith Parts II and III, since the various partsprobablywere not
composed at the same time.
95WilliamShakespeare, 2 Henry VI, Act i, Scene iii, Line I46.
self,usurpshisplacenotonlyas husbandbutas sovereign.The per-

versionofrightorderthenworksitselfoutin thenextplayofthecy-
cle,HenryVI, PartIII.
FromthispointonwardMargaretherself proceedsto acttheman.
She becomestrulymanlike,butonlyby adoptingthemostdebased
and violentmasculinetraits.WhenHenryagreesto disinherit their
son in favorof York, she repudiateshusbandand marriage,"I here
divorcemyself/ Both fromthytable,Henry,and thybed."9 Mak-
ing herselfthe militaryleaderof the royalforcesshe assemblesan
armyand defeatsYork and his alliesat Wakefield.But evenvictory
cannotsatisfyherappetiteforvengeanceand she tauntsand humili-
ates the captiveDuke, offering him a handkerchiefsteepedin his
child'sblood. Havingtakenon theworstcharacteristics ofa manshe
has also lostall thatis gentle,good and noblein a woman. Not only
is sheblindto pitybutshelacksthedignitythatshouldcharacterize a
royalperson."Stamp,rave,and fret,"shetellshim,"thatI maysing
and dance."97IntoYork's mouthShakespeareputthewordsthatde-
lineatehermonstrousness and definesome of thechiefelementsof
thatdarkperverted queenshipwhichsherepresents:
She-wolfofFrance,butworsethanwolvesofFrance,
Whosetonguemorepoisonsthantheadderstooth!
How ill-beseemingis itinthysex
To triumphlikean Amazoniantrull
Upon theirwoes whomfortune captivates!
Womenaresoft,mild,pitiful,
andflexible;
Thou stem,indurate,
flinty,
rough,remorseless.98
An archvillainess,
Margaretis also used to epitomizethe worst
qualitiesofherown sex. She is insulting,
shameless,a scold,a strum-
pet, a "wrangling woman. "99Edward of York blames all the trou-
bles of therealmon herpridefor"hadstthoubeen meek,our title
stillhad slept."''
? Even thosewho compliment hervaliantmindand
dauntlessspiritare using termsunsuitableto a femininepersona,
96Wiliam Shakespeare, The ThirdPartofKingHenryVI, ed. Andrew S. Cairncross,

The Arden editionof the Works of William Shakespeare,2nd. ed. (London: Methuen,
i964), Act i, Scene i, Lines 254-26i.
973H6, I, iv, 9i.
983H6, i, iv, iii-ii and I4I-I42.
993H6, 2, ii, I75.
1??3H6,2, ii, i6o.
whileherenemiesaccuseherofbeingwarlike,ruthless, inhuman,in-
exorable,manlikein harshnessand strength of character.Even the
deathof herson cannottemperthefierceness of hernatureand she
liveson to appearin Richard III as an avengingfurywhose cursesset
in motionthefinalfatalworkingout oftheplot.
In a dramawhichplaysupon so manydifferent inversionsofright
order,MargaretandHenryrepresent thereversalofthenaturalorder
of male/female and husband/wife as well as subject/sovereign rela-
tionships.Henryis soft,pitiful,gentleand easilyinfluenced, alto-
getherunwarlike.He expressesthefeminine virtuesin contrastto his
forceful and domineeringwife.This reversalof rolesis depictedas
being,inevitably, a sourceofevilanddestructiveness notonlyforthe
individualsinvolvedbut forthe realm. It is a representation on a
smallscale of thechaos whichresultswhen thetruesuccession,an-
othernaturalrelationship involvingauthority and subordination, is
sinfully and arbitrarily
altered.Both haveto be paid forin blood and
suffering-not onlythatof thetransgressors themselvesbutof their
progeny,friends and allies.
These werestrongand compellingthemes,dangerousone might
havethoughtto thatsymbolof regalitywhichby Shakespeare'sday
his own sovereignlady, ElizabethI, had so carefullyconstructed.
And yetit was not so. So skillfully had theTudor Queen reversed
thesedarkimages,so successful had shebeenin turning herfeminin-
ityto positivepurposes,or in surmounting it to wielda kindof an-
drogenouspower, thathis depictionof Queen Margaretposed no
practicalthreat.Shakespeare,who was cautiousin otherrespects,
doesnotseemto havefearedthatanyoneinauthority would perceive
a perilouslikenessbetweenone queen and theother,northatmem-
bersof his audiencewould considerthathis commentson illegiti-
matefeminine powerhad anyapplicationto theirown sovereign.By
then,ofcourse,theElizabethanartefact was complete,firmly estab-
lishedand farfrombeingchallenged,could be burnishedand even
enhancedby thecontrastofitsopposite.It was notjust in thefaceof
thepatriarchal restrictions
ofherday,butagainstitsdarkandpower-
fulimagesof illegitimate queenship,imageslikethatwhichShake-
spearecreatedin his Margaretof Anjou, thatElizabethforgedher
own royalicon oftriumphant and compellingbrilliance.

La Regalidad en Margarita de Anjou Reina de Inglaterra

Cargado por

Información del documento

Título original

Derechos de autor

Formatos disponibles

Compartir este documento

Compartir o incrustar documentos

Opciones para compartir

¿Le pareció útil este documento?

¿Este contenido es inapropiado?

Copyright:

Formatos disponibles

La Regalidad en Margarita de Anjou Reina de Inglaterra

Cargado por

Copyright:

Formatos disponibles

Reflections of Power: Margaret of Anjou and the Dark Side of Queenship

Author(s): Patricia-Ann Lee

NewsandNotesEditor MARGARETL. RANALD

When of Anjoudiedat theChateauof Dampierre,

woman peculiarlysensitiveto theimplications of herown imageof

The firstpointof referencehas to be Margaretherselfand anyat-

2WilliamShakespeare, TheSecond PartofKingHenryVI, ed. AndrewS. Cairncross,

anyof theseplaces.He did notevenhold theislandsofMajorca and

4Richard Grafton,A ChronicleatLargeandMeereHistory ofthe Affayres

impressionthey give is of a direct,vigorous and businesslike

6Cecil Monro, ed., Lettersof Queen MargaretofAnjou and BishopBeckington.. . .

jewels, provideotherinsightsintoheractivities althoughtheprecise

a contemporary (albeita Yorkistpartisan)

13JohnSilvesterDavies, ed., An EnglishChronicle oftheReignsofRichard II., Henry

meantforMargaret,particularly afterthebirthof herson in 1453,

17Bagley, pp. 23-26.

the same time Margaret's personal position was substantially

19Crawford,"The King's Burden?," p. S3.

PrinceEdward was not in factthe son of theking.21It is truethat

2tCalendar of StatePapers,Milan, I, 27, "Copy of News From England by Letters

vision had been established,althoughin December the crisisdis-

duke of York, and its creationnot to be interpretedsimply as a decisive victoryof the

26Wolffe,"The Personal Rule of Henry VI," p. 3I, mentions the gentleman of

age ofgrowingliteracyin whichbothrumorand propagandacould

The ReignofKing HenryVI, p. 2 I 7.

or atleasta hostileview inwhichmanyoftheirideaswereimbedded,

31Crawford, "The King's Burden?" p. 52.

theletterconcludeswiththeinformation that,"theresumpsion, men

muchtrust.-6 Whilenotparticularly usefulinprovidingfactualinfor-

36CalendarofStatePapers,Milan, I, 54-5 S. Prosperode Camulio,MilaneseAmbas-

powerwas inthehandsofthequeenand "thosewho defiletheking's

ofPius II, Book III, p. 269.

follownow a queen."s42And ifthebattlegoes againsther,sheprom-

The EnglishChroniclesof theperiodrepeatedmuchof thesame

42Commentaries ofPius II, Book IX, p. 58o.

whichshe was mentionedweretoo briefforthereaderto infermo-

46Davies,An EnglishChronicle,p. 79.

48John Hardyng, Chronicle,fromtheEarliestPeriodofEnglishHistory(to I461), to-

andofcourseShakespeare.52 The originalversionof TheNew Chron-

mandy, rebellion,and finallythe fall of Lancastrianmonarchy.

Next were the charges forbringingMargaret to England, forwhich Suffolk"axyd in

significance oftheworkdidnotlieintheinformation itconveyed,

59Thatthereare two cycleswrittenat different

policie,councell,comelybehavior,and all manlyqualities"and yet

character types.This was done by heightening qualitieswhichwere

effective logicalconclusionto herparticipation

PolydoreVergil's greathistorywas probablywrittenbetween

encourage a kindlyviewofherhusband, HenryVI, butnotnecessar-

7tCairncross emphasizesShakespeare's withthewholeofHall's

in "stomackeand courage, [she was] more lyke to a man thana

73Edward Hall, Hall's Chronicle.. . (Originaltitle,The UnionoftheTwoNobleand

in thecharacterof thequeen herselfand darkin itsresultswas now

The attitudeof theseparticular Tudor writerswas clearlyhostile

I, 670; Hall, p. 249.

used but thatit was "a gretabusion/ A wommanof a land to be a

and power, holdingthe rainbowbetweenelegantlyslenderroyal

sonificationsexamined by Elkin Calhoun Wilson in England'sEliza (New York: Octa-

forcedgenerallynegativeattitudestowardwomen rulersand could

thanscontinuedto be intriguedby the natureof queenshipand if

self,usurpshisplacenotonlyas husbandbutas sovereign.The per-

96Wiliam Shakespeare, The ThirdPartofKingHenryVI, ed. Andrew S. Cairncross,

También podría gustarte