Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
1. Kautilya – Arthashastra
2. Ziauddin Barani – Fatwa-e-Jahandari
3. Rammohun Roy – Letter to Lord Amherst, 1823 on introduction of English
Education
4. Vivekananda – Culture, Democracy and Socialism
5. Mahatma Gandhi – Hind Swaraj
6. Ambedker – Annihilation of Caste
7. M.N. Roy – New Humanism
8. Jayaprakash Narayan – Towards A Reconstruction of Indian Polity
Essential Readings:
Additional Readings:
1. Sources of Indian Tradition, Penguin Books (India), 1991, Vol. I. From the
Beginning to 1800, edited by Ainslee T. Embree, Vol-II, Modern India and
Pakistan, ed. by Stephen Hay.
2. Kadam, K.N. (ed.), Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the Emanichipation of the Oppressed,
Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1993.
3. Gore, M.S., Social Thought of B.R. Ambedkar, New Delhi: Sage, 1992.
4. Majumdar, B.B., History of Indian Social and Political Ideas from Raja
Rammohun Roy to Dayananda, 1967.
5. Omvedt, Gail, Dalit Democratic Revolution, New Delhi: Sage, 1992.
6. Swami Ranganathanda, Swami Vivekananda, His Humanism, Moscow State
University lecture, Advaita Ashram, Calcutta: 1991.
7. Shankar Ghose, Modern Indian Political Thought, Allied, 1984.
8. Dennis Gilmore Dalton, India’s Idea of Freedom: Political Thought of Swami
Vivekananda, Aurobindo Ghose, Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore,
Academic Press, 1982.
9. Collet, S.D., Dilip Kumar Biswas and P.C. Ganguly, Life and Letters of Raja
Rammohan Roy, Calcutta: Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, 1988.
10. Nihar Ranjan Ray (ed.), Raja Rammohan Roy a bi-century Tribute, New Delhi:
National Book Trust, 1974.
11. Tagore, S.N., Rammohun Roy, His Role in Indian Renaissance, Calcutta: Asiatic
Society, 1975.
12. Agarwal, Narayan S., Gandhian Constitution for Free India, 1946.
13. Bandyopadhyaya, J., Social and Political Thought of Gandhi, Bombay: Allied,
1969.
14. Bimal Prasad (ed.), A Revolutionary’s Quest, Selected Writings of J.P., New
Delhi, OUP, 1980.
15. Purhoit, B.R., Beeswin Sadi Ke Rajnaitik Chintan Ki Pramukh Dharayen, 1973.
16. Trevor Ling, Indian Social Philosophy, Bangalore University, n.d.
Annexure II: Department of Political Science B.A. Hons. (Political Science), 1998
Guidelines: [Note: Each of the thinkers should be taught with reference to his historical
context. His ideas need to be evaluated in a comparative framework, keeping in view his
relevance for his times as well as for today.]
Introduction:
(i) Kautilya
I. Saptanga Theory and the concept of State: Seven Elements (Prakritis); nature,
inter-relation and assessment.
II. Dharma and Politics: meaning of dharma in broad sense; Rajdharma and
Apaddharma; issue of ends and means.
III. Inter-state Relations: The Theory of Mandala; instruments of foreign policy,
Four Upayas and Six Gunas; System of Spies and espionage; theory of wars –
A comparative assessment with Machiavelli, Contemporary Relevance.
(ii) Zia-Uddin-Barani
a) Religion
b) Social Evils
c) Education
d) Women
e) Freedom of Press
(iv) Vivekananda
I. Vivekananda’s role, response to British Colonialism and Western values.
II. Contribution to Political Ideas: Freedom, Socialism, Nationalism and
Humanism.
(v) Gandhi
I. Ambedkar’s critique of the Hindu Social Order and debate with Gandhi, his
approach to Social and Political Change.
II. His contribution to Constitution – making and his concepts of Democracy and
Social Equality.
i) Roy-Lenin Debate
ii) Mission to China
iii) Analysis of Indian Situation
i) Jail Years
ii) Twentieth Century Jacobism
iii) Critique of Fascism
iv) Analysis of World War II
v) People’s Plan
vi) Constitution of Free India
DIPLOMATIC SYSTEM:
In order to give practical shape to tile means, methods and qualities, suggested by Kautilya
the role of diplomats representatives and agents of the State has Never been questioned, A
diplomat or Doota is one who is accredited in the States both of friends and foes, for serving
the interests of his own king and his kingdom and, therefore is named by Kautilya as the
mouthpiece, of his king. The Sanskrit word for ambassador or diplomat is Doota which
literally means a messenger and suggests that he visits the foreign court for a particular
purpose or mission. The instructions given to tile Doota in the Arthashastra (1:16) indicate
that he was to reside in the foreign court only till he fell that there was still a possibility of his
mission to succeed, otherwise he was to return.
Kautilya describes the qualities of a doota as of high born, of good family, eloquent,
intelligent Sweet-speeche faithful in delivering his message and endowed with good memory,
I- should also be familiar with diplomatic policy, accustomed to espionage, fearless, loyal and
capable of understanding hints and inendoes which suggest intended policy and also to
comprehend tile meaning, facial features and expressions. Considering the doota as the eyes,
ears, voice and brain of his government at his station, Kautilya expects him to be in
possession of qualities like political sensibility, quick grasping power, eloquence, sweetness
of speech, accuracy, endurance, loyalty and honesty.
Kautilya’s description of the duties of an ambassador may be summerised as: transmission of
the views of his State; maintenance of treaties; issues of ultimatums gaining of friends;
creating intrigues; sowing dissensions among friends; fetching secret force; carrying away
the force, relatives and games; gathering information about the movement of spies; breaking
of the treaties of peace, and Winning over the favour of the envoy and government officers of
the enemy. After reaching his destination, the doota should state the object of his visit to the
enemy. He should also cultivate friendship with the enemy’s officers such as those incharge
of wild tracts, border areas of cities and countlyside He should also contrast the military
stations, economic strength and strongholds of the enemy country with those of his master.
He should ascertain the size and area of forts as well as the location of special treasures .A
doota is advised not to be puffed up with respects shown to him, and to avoid wine and
women strictly. He should try to gather information by conversation with the people; by
listening to the talk of the beggars,intoxicated and insane persons and persons babbling in
sleep: by observing signs in places of pilgrimage: and by deciphering paintings and secret
writings. ‘‘These instructions are as valid today as when they were written in the fourth
century B.C.”, says KM. Panikkar.
Doota had to report all secret information to the king in cipher code, Gudhalekha.
The Doots sent to foreign countries were classified into three categories. Nisrishtartha or
plenipotentiary resembled, in his powers, to the modern Ambassador. His qualifications were
the same as those necessary for a minister and he had full powers of negotiation. The next
grade of doota, known as Parimitaartha, was supplied with derinite instructions for a
particular mission and could not deviate from them. He possessed three-fourths of the
qualifications required for the first category. The shaasanaharaa was really a courier or royal
messenger and his duty was to carry messages between tile kings. He had no powers of
negotiation. He was expected to possess atleast half of the qualifications required for the first
category. Kautilya seems to have followed Ramayaná in so far as tile classification of
ambassadors is concerned. It is to be noted that tile classification of diplomats in modern
times (according to the Congress of Vienna in 1815) resembles remarkably with the one
given by Kautilya.
The envoys had certain immunities as well. In ancient India, as in modern times, the person
of the ambassador was regarded as inviolable. Like Ramayana and Mahabharta, Arthashastra
also illustrates that the dootas cannot be killed though they were liable to be punished. As a
rule, the Doota could ask for permission to return home after his mission was over. If,
however, he was convinced that further stay would pose a danger to his life, or to the interests
of his kingdom, he could even return without permission. Furthermore, Dootas enjoyed full
freedom of movement within the country. They wee to be allowed passage and were exempt
from payment of all ferry and custom duties. Kautilya makes specific provisions for the
subsistance of the envoys.
One can trace a few similarities between tile functions of Doota in the Kautilyan State and
those of an ambassador in the modern State. Safeguarding the territorial, political and
economic integrity of the State was the prime function of doota, as it is today. By the use of
means, peaceful or otherwise, the doota was to ensure the safety and security of the State.
The purpose of diplomacy then, as now, was to be ever on alert and render information about
tile policies of other countries which mitigate against tile interests of his own country. Even
today they have to play the complex role of Playboy, gentleman historian, commercial and
trade expert and columnist-publicist.
There are, however, some differences between the ancient and modern diplomacy. Ancient
diplomacy, like modern diplomacy, is on the high road to become open or popular diplomacy,
whose worst features (like comparative lack of decorum, use of the language of abuse, appeal
over heads of governments, direction to the people in the adversary camps of governments)
sometimes errupt at public forums like the United Nations. With the New Diplomacy (also
called as ‘democratic diplomacy’ or ‘diplomacy by conference’) as practised at the United
Nations and its affiliated organisations, the horizon of diplomacy has been broadened, but the
diplomatic methods of the past going right back to the days of Kautilya, have their value and
relevance even today.
ESPIONAGE SYSTEM:
If the envoys were the mouthpiece of the king, spies were considered to be his eyes. The role
of the spy was as important as that of an ambassador, Ancient Indian authors were well aware
of the institution and the role of spies. One finds eleborate reference to spies in Rig Veda,
Atharva Veda, Ramayana and Mahabharta, but it is only in the Arthashastra that the
institution of secret service is made a permanent feature of government. Kautilya describes a
complex, well- knit and well-organised system of espionage, systematically used for the
maintenance of internal security and for foreign relations.
While choosing a spy, no distinction of caste, creed or sex was observed. The king-in-council
was to appoint these officers after satisf himself completely as to their character and ability.
The spy was expected to be very smart, swift, intelligent and efficient. Dishonest and
misbehaving spies were to be punished and the honest ones rewarded and protected. Spies
sending wrong infonnation repeatedly were also to be punished.
Kautilya classifies spies into five categories: (i) Kaapatika-chhaatra (working under the guise
of a fraudulent disciple); (ii) Udaasthjta (a sham ascetic who has fallen from the real duties of
asceticism); (iii) Grihapatika (a householder spy); (iv) Vaidehaka (a merchant spy); and (v)
Taapasa (a spy under the guise of an ascetic practising austerities). These are the five
institutions (Sansthas) of espionage. They would be honoured by the king with awards of
money and titles and their main task would be to ascertain the purity of character of the
king’s servants. Apart from these, there are four types of wandering spies (Sanchaarah), viz.
(i) Satri (classmate spies or spies learning by social intercourse): (ii) Tukshna (firebrands of
fiery spies). According to R. Sharnasastri and in the views of P.V. Kane, it is the desperado,
the one who, regardless of his life, may fight el ephants for money. (iii) Rasad (poisoners
who are very cruel); and (iv) Bhikshuki (a woman ascetic, who has access to king’s harem
and the Prime Minister’s residence).
Each of these categories was further sub-divided into two parts of Baahya (external) and
Aabhyanta (internal) spies. So far as the organisation of the espionage system is concerned, it
used to be a regular department, with a separate head for each category. Secrecy among all
categories was given foremost preference. Some of the spies were appointed to spy oil the
spies. Kautilya further specified that the secret information furnished by one agency should
nor be communicated to another agency. To avoid aiw conspiracy, all the spies were to be
strangers to each other. All the information was to be sent in writing, but in a secret code;
Kautilya further advises the kings not to act on the report of one spy alone. If the information
from three sources is found to tally, then alone is the king advised to take action.
In so far as the internal role of spies is concerned they were expected to find out the
movements and behaviour of the King’s ministers, heir-apparent, priests, commander of the
army, the door keeper, officers incharge of the harem, the magistrates,the collector general,
city constables, officers incharge of forts, boundaries and wild tracts, the heads of
departments and the assembly of councillors. They were to collect prevalent rumours in the
country and help build the iniage of the king. They were to find out whether the people are
contended or not and inform the king about it. Kautilya also mentions the spies employed by
the collector-general to suppress the thorns’ or persons who disturb peace in the society.
Through the spies, the king can inflict punishment on those who are dangerous to the safety
of the kingdom and can not be put down in open day light. In the administration of justice,
spies are used when the statement of either of the parties is found self-contradictory.
Moreover, local spies detect the spies set up b foreign kings. Therefore, internal aspionage
system can guard the kingdom against factions among his people and the intrigues of foreign
kings.
Kautilya provides an intricate net—work of the spies in the field of ifltcrstate relations. The
object of sending spies into another country were to sow dissensions and seek information.
Extra credit was given for killing the enemy-king. As merchants, the spies could sell
poisoned food or kill whilst their client was examining merchandise. It was considered rather
excellent to impersonate a god and then kill the royal worshipper as he came to offer prayer.
All kinds of magical tricks were devised to lead the enemy, king and people into believing
that some miracle had been performed. Once the ability to perform miracles was
acknowledged, a fair amount of dissension and unrest could be created without too much
trouble. Seduction of the enemy’s army by lies, bribes, false promises, poisonous liquor, or
any other method was looked upon with approval by Kautilya. Women, including prostitutes,
were to be used as spies. The spies were to strike down the enemy king whereever he was
known to go unguarded. They could also lure the army chief in love-affair and later could
either poison him or cause animosity among the officers. They could also disguise
themselves as palmists and arouse ambition of becoming the king in chief and other officers
to make them disloyal. While pursuing the method of fortune— telling, king’s minister was
expected to carry out the forecast of the spy. Thus, in external spying, or for that matter, in
diplomacy, there was no morality. Little surprise was occasioned by unprovoked aggression
or violation of neutrality of other States. Trechely and falsehoods compounded by State
immorality comprised the Modus operandi of spies. Diplomacy, too, was often equated with
deceit and fraudulent activities. The enemy witted by spies into a false sense of security, was
attacked, taken by surprise and vanquished.
Thus, the picture of the spy-systeni as given by Kautilya,makes us aware of the highly
developed diplomatic intrigue of his times and proves that the art of espionage reached its
zenith in the Arthashastra.
WAR AS THE LAST RESORT OF DIPLOMACY:
Being a practical and realistic statesman, Kautilya admitted the possibility of warfare. The
usual causes for which States went to war with each other, according to A.S. Altekar, were :
(i) the desire to attain the imperial status; (ii) the necessity of self-preservation; (iii) the
acquisition of additional territories or tributes; (iv) the restoration of balance of power; (v) the
retaliation for raids; and (vi) the rescues of oppressed populations. One can make out that
these are the normal causes of war in all times and climes.
Kautilya divides war into three types, viz. Prakaash-Yuddha (Open war), Kuta-Yuddha
(treachrous war) and Tushnim-Yuddha (silent war).
When a battle is fought in daylight and in some definite locality, it is termed as an open fight.
It recommends a high code of honour on the battlefield. It requires that the enemy should not
be struck unawares or when not properly armed. Kautilya preferred that if Vijigishu has
immense superiority over his enemy, then Prakaash-Yuddha or ‘ethics’ of battlefield has to be
maintained.
However, threatening in one direction and assault in another; destruction of enemy when he
is careless or is in trouble: bribing a portion of the army and destroying another are forms of
treacherous fight. The beginning of an attack is the time for a Irecherous fight in which the
enemy king can be invited on any occasion and then can be captured; efforts can be made to
separate the enemy from his allies, the stores and the water supply of the enemy can be
poisoned, country can be devasted, crops and stores can be burnt, and civilians can be taken
into captivity. During this warfare, the king should harass the enemy by display of the army,
secret contrivances, fiery spies, witchcraft, proclaiming the conqueror’s association with
gods, inciting traitors, setting fire to the camp, sowing the seeds of dissension, and by telling
the enenw that his fort was burnt or someone rose in rebellion. This type of war may be
resorted to upon when the Vijigishu is not superior to the enemy and the circumstances are
unfavourable to him.
Tushnim Yuddha or silent battle concerns itself with the secret practices and instigation
through secret agents. An attempt to win over the chief officers of the enemy by intrigue is
the differentiating feature of a silent battle. It is fought by spies and, to a certain extent, by
doots. It is not a var in the modern sense, but a device to sow the seeds of dissensions in the
enemy, a method which is vastly and effectively used even today. A weak king should wage
trecherous and silent battle against a powerftml enemy.
War being found inevitable under certain circumstances, Kautilya tried to mitigate its evils by
recommending a high code of honour in the battlefield. Though he advised the king to follow
all methods of warfare, both fair and foul, except when his State is immensely superior to that
of his enemy. It is wrong to say that Arthashastra knows nothing about fair play in a battle as
maintained by some scholars. Following the noble traditions laid down by earlier thinkers,
Kautilya also lays down that some categories of persons, like those who have fallen down or
have surrendered or laid down their arms or those not participating in the war, should not be
attacked.
The conqueror is advised to cover the enenw s vices with his own virtues, observe his duties
strictly, bestow rewards, gifts and honours and remit taxes. He is, further, advised to accept
the mode of life, dress, language and customs of the conquered people, and not to covet the
land, belongings, Sons and wives of the king slain by him. Kautilya took a humane and
realistic view, asking the Vijigishu to install the fallen dynasty on the throne and treat the
defeated princes with honour and kindness.
Again, it is true that when the fight ends in victory, the subsequent conduct of the Vijigishu is
to be determined by the relative strength of the defeated enemy, but in case of annexation of
territory, the Vijigishu is advised to win over the people and not to terrorise or exploit them.
Similarly, prisoners of war were also to be given generous treatment. Apart from the moral
aspect, this advice has practical implications. If the conqueror behaves in an arbitrary and
irresponsible way, other kings of the circle of Slates will be provoked against him, and even
his ministers may go against him.
Kautilya mentions three types of conquests and three types of conquerors. i.e.Dharmavijaya,
Lobhavijaya, and Asuravijaya and Dharmmvijayi, Lobhavijayi and Asuravijayi.
Dharmmvijayi (just conqueror) is satisfied with mere obeisance. Hence, a weak king should
seek his protection. Lobhavijayi (a greedy conqueror) is satisfied with his gains in land and
money. Hence, a weak king should pacify him by giving him wealth. Asurvijayi (a demon-
like conqueror) is the worst. He is not satisfied by merely seizing the land, treasure. Sons and
wives of the conquered, but is also desirous of taking the life of the later. So a weak king
should keep him at a distance by giving him land and
money.
CONCEPT OF DHARMA VIJAYA (RELIGIOUS VICTORY):
Kautilya observes that Dharmavijaya is the best and advises the Vijigishu to aim at being a
Dharmmvijayi. We may well assume that accordingly the rules were actually followed in
practice as long as the opposing States were evenly matched and annexation did not follow
the defeat. Megasthenes was surprised to notice that warfare in India did not usually interfere
with the agricultural operations. Combatants on either side waging the conflict made carnage
of each other but allowed those engaged in agriculture to remain quite unmolested. Yuan
Chwang was also struck b the fact that wars, though not infrequent produced little harm to
the counrtry. It seems that so long as annexations were rare, the rules of Kautilya appear as
humane, when compared to the attrocities that disfigured the warfare in the ancient Middle
East.
Thus, Kautilya’s theory of Mandala, his discussion of peace time Upaayas war tactics of
Shadyaguna, classification of envoys, system of espionage and of the means to be used by
them for strengthening their State not only bear witness to his genius for anticipating and
providing for all possible situations a State may have to face in its relations with
neighbouring States, but also serve as a commentary on the high level of diplomacy
prevailing in his times. Kautilya has, however, been severely criticised for’advocating means
and methods, some of which are regarded as unethical or immoral and for which Kautilya has
been ‘misinterpreted’ as “Indian Machiavelli”
KAUTILYA AND ARISTOTLE:
Kautilya (375-300 B.C.) comes closer to his contemporary Greek philosopher, Aristotle (388-
320 B.C.) in several ways. Just as Kautilya was the first Greek political thinker to elevate
politics to the level of a science by separating it from Ethical and Moral laws, Kautilya too
was the first Indian thinker who transformed statecraft into an autonomous, systematic and
scientific study by seperating it from both Ethics and Religion.
The methods of both Kautilya and Aristotle were analytic and genetic. Tbey first divided a
whole into parts, studied each part thoroughly and synthesized the results of their analysis
back into the whole. They considered the views of their predecessor thinkers and
philosophers, pointed out their respective shortcomings and gave their own suggestions to
overcome them, so as to improve the overall quality of the prevailing social, economic and
political system. Even in this exercise, they were inclined more to preserve the older values
and ways of thinking, rather than build castles in the air.
Aristotle, by presupposing the ruler’s ability to govern the minorities, entrusted him with the
task of regulating the organised society. Kautilya, too, entrusted his ruler with the
responsibility of preserving and protecting the social set-up which was becoming
increasingly corrupt.
Like Aristotle, Kautilya maintained that it is absolutely unjust for anyone to give up his social
and political responsibilities in order to become a philosopher or take up the responsibilities
of wandering ascetic, a sanyasi.
Just as Aristotle had undertaken an indepth study of the constitutions and political
organisatioji of the Greek City States of his times, as well as the ones which existed before
him, Kautjlya too, had analysed at length a number of polities known as Dvairajyas,
Vairajyas, and Arajyas. His description of tile procedures of choosing a king and
oforganisingjudicja and administration in India were, by and large similar to those of
Aristotle’s Greek City-States.
Just as Aristotle had accepted the superiority of meritorious and able philosophers over both
the individual and the society, Kautilya too had acknowledged the relative significance and
superiority of religious Brahmans versed in Vedas and Anavikshiki over the rest.
Like Aristotle, Kautilya had also realised the significance of rule by the noble elite. To both
of them, the people co-exist not by dint of fear or compulsion, but by the motivation to lead
the noblest lives and attain the maximum possible mental and spiritual results. They, thus, in
their own ways, prescribe a code of conduct for the monarchs or the oligarchs and look at the
State as a union or brotherhood of men who are agreed to rule and to be ruled. They, thus,
acknowledge the underlying harmony between the subjects and the sovereign, the people and
the government. They also recommended a number of methods by which the king could get
rid of traitors, rebels, assassins and bad characters.
The objective of both Aristotle and Kautilya was the establishment of a society which is not
only based on the principles of human dignity, moral responsibility and enlightened
patriotism, but also accords the individual his due place in the overall social and political set-
up.
Despite these striking similarities there are some fundamental differences in the philosophies
and strategies of Aristotle and Kautilya. For instance, while Aristotle was eager to establish
an ideal State Kautilya’s primary concern was the proper administration of a well- ordered
State.
While Aristotle devoted himself to the comparative and critical analysis of the political
organisation of a variety of Greek City-states, and the changes to which they were often
subjected. Kautilya’s basic concern was the political stability of the monarch and the
monarchy, the king and the kingdom.
While Kautilya was primarily interested in the monarchic system and wanted to make it
strong and enduring: Aristotle dialated upon monarchy aristocracy oligarchy, democracy and
tyranny His sociological network distinguished several types of oligarchies and democracies
based on the character of the dominant class in each.
Kautilya takes little note of the transformations States constantly undergo On the contrary.
Aristotle witnessed monarchy being changed into oligarchy, oligarchy into democracy, and
democracy into tyranny. Kautilya refers to Sanghas (republics) ways of popular control over
the king, who, in turn, was cautioned against political instability. But, sociological details of
the Politics are practically missing in the Arthashastra. Though Kautilya refers to Dharma,
Samastha, Vyavhaara and Raajashaasana as the sources of temporal authority, no practical,
effective or constitutional limitations on kingly authority finds reflected in the irthashastra.
While Aristotle underlines the significance of constitutionalism and constitutions. Kautilya
upheld the sovereignty of the king and kept him within the traditional maryaada (discipline)
of Anvikshki, Trayee, Vaarta and Dandaniti.
In the times both of Aristotle and Kautilya, the institution of slavery was widely prevalent.
While Aristotle justified their exclusion on the basis of qualitative differences between the
master and the slave, Kautilya confined himself to ensure the slaves’ basic rights and
facilities and provided for their emancipation, without going into the question of
righteousness or otherwise of the social system itself.
Both Aristotle and Kautilya excluded from citizenship certain classes of people and made no
attempt whatsoever to hide their contempt for the so-called lower classes, the ones who were
engaged in manual and industrial labour. Just as Aristotle would deprive the ‘slaves’ from the
rights of citizenship, Kautilya would exclude the ‘shudras’ from the political process, so as to
preserve the assumed superiority of the higher classes of royal families, the Brahmans, the
royal fighters and the businessmen.
Aristotle’s Ideal State was the Greek City-State and its social and political life, Kautilya’s
ideal was the Vijigishu King, aiming at conquering the whole of the country from the
Himalayas to the sea (Kanyakumari).
In short, if Kautilya was philosophically closer to Aristotle, he was poles apart from
Machiavelli. Nonetheless, Aristotle, Kautilya and Machiavelli, all of them continue to be
relevant in their own distinct ways. It is, however, difficult to say as to who would be
relatively more relevant when and where? Their respective relevance would ultiniatel depend
on the social and political situations and circumstances which keep on changing.
KAUTILYA AND MACHIAVELLI:
Kautilya (375-300 B.C.) has often been compared with Nicolo Machiavelli (1496-1527
A.D.), the modern Italian political thinker whose famous reflections are set forth in his three
complimentary works: The Art of War, The Discourses on King and The Prince. Machiavelli
occupies the enviable position of being the first modern political thinker or philosopher in
European history, one who synibolised a revolution in political theory that reflected the
Renaissance spirit. Kautilya,on the other hand, inherited a long tradition of pre-existing
Arthashastra school of thought, to which he had given a modernistic outlook and content.
SIMILARITIES:
With the vast difference in the Italian and Indian historical, geographical and cultural
situations, some subjects and themes of the Prince and the Arthashastra are, nevertheless,
common, For instance, the acquisition, preservation, and expansion of the State. Both
realistically analyse the methods by which a king may rise to supreme power and maintain it
against all odds. In both, we find the duality of treatment of the feelings and susceptibilities
of men and the tendency to legitimise force and fraud in the interest of the State. For, both the
authors, the interest of the State, vis-a-vis the interest of a person is paramount.
Both of them held the belief that, through a proper and critical study of history, one could
deduce not only the causes of maladies of society, but also the cures thereof. Imbued with an
enduring value, these precepts have validity, not only for the writer’s contemporary time, but
for the future too. One of the signal lessons of history is that in any particular situation,
alternative courses of action are open to the statesmen or the monarch, though the choice
offered may be limited. Accordingly, both these thinkers introduced the formulae of elasticity
in political action.
For political preservation, while Machiavelli singles out a class of aristocrats for ruthless
action. Kautilya considers anti-social elements and conspirators as enemies of the state and,
therefore, objects of extermination.
There is another close affinity between the ancient Indian thinker and the modern Italian
thinker. Both of them approach the common political problems in the same spirit and temper.
Kautilya belonged to the Arthashastra school which looked at the political phenomenon
without linking them inany way with divine agency or revelation. The approach was thus
religious and rational. The Modern Italian thinker affected a break with the medieval way of
thinking and reasoning and adopted the empirical or historical method of investigation and
emancipated the State from t1 bondage to ecclesiastical authorities. He, thus, presented the
art of kingship by delinking politics from medieval influences of Christianity. Similarly,
Kautilya reconstructed the science of politics, distinct from the Dharmashaastra and
Nitishaastra.
Machiavelli wrote his Prince with the professed object of indicating the methods by which
Lorenzo de Medici could make himself the master of Italy, just as Kautilya had in mind the
expansion of the Mauryan Empire under the aegis of Chandragupta Maurva,
As far as the maxims set out by Machiavelli, these are often addressed to princes as well as to
the high functionaries who carry on the affairs of the government and even the usurper or the
new monarch. In a similar vain, Kautilya’s stratagems for warriors and statesmen, as given in
the Arthashastra, rest on his deep learning, knowledge of human nature and a sound
discernment of the mosaic of motivation that inspire people,both high and low. These
trickeries have undoubted utility for tyrants and usurpers but can equally be useful to the
good kings too.
In the field of realpolitics, there is much that is common between Kautilya and Machiavelli.
Kautilya is aware that the Swami (king) can hardly feel secure in a State where persons shorn
of power by him are still alive and well. Similar insistence was that of Machiavelli while
cautioning the Prince against any possible conspiracy and scandle.
What brings the Florentine closest to ancient India is his doctrine that whenever the interests
of the State are involved, the prince can adopt any means for the achievement of this purpose.
Machiavelli maintains that the sole end of the prince is to make the kingdom strong and
united, establish peace and expel the foreign invaders. For this noble end, any means would
be satisfactory. To him, the question of the morality of means is irrelevant so long as the end
is noble. The name of Machiavelli is, thus, intimately connected with the doctrine that the
end justified the means”. He held that, like the art of navigation, the art of government is also
part of morals. However, Kautilya zealously upheld the claim of morality to regulate personal
and public life, lie was prepared to advise the Prince to ignore their maxims and resorts to
unfair and even immoral means to protect the safety and security of the State.
Dealing with the king’s security against his sons, he asks unscrupulously to banish or
imprison a prince who has no love for his father. He should be kept under duress. He should
be prompted to thieving, robbery, poisoning or may be allowed to conspire and strike the
king and then be put to death. Kautilya suggests a number of measures for the suppression of
persons of doubtful loyalties and criminal character. The king’s spies should act as agent-
provocateurs so that such persons may be punished by fine or banishment. Thieves and
adulterators should be tempted to commit crimes and then punished. They may be instigated
to attack caravans and villages and then killed by troops specially posted for the purpose or
arrested or poisoned secretly in sleep or intoxication.
For the suppression of the foes of the State, Kautilya advocates the methods of treachery and
secret diplomacy. Such officers, who injure State interest, should be prosecuted on trumped
up charges of murdering the king or adultery with the Queen. In this way alone can all
dangers arising from civilians be ruled out. The most important task for the king was to
ensure sovereignty and for that he could use any means, however mean and petty. For
financial emergency, Kautilya recommends the use of force to extract money, confiscation of
property, unscrupulous use of poison and dagger. He demands of a king an attitude of naked
self-interest displayed in inter-state relations where the State should legitimately use intrigue,
opportunism, treachery and violences. For the conquest of a world-kingdom, everything is
justifiable, including secret arms, fire, sword, medicinal preparations and poison, espionage,
charms and temptations. Similarly, when the Varnashramadharma, the four fold order, is in
crisis and when the survival of a way of life is at stake, Kautilya thinks no means of
protection as immoral. He advises his king to wield an actopus like iron grip on society and
to destroy disloyalty by a heavy and ruthless hand.
VARIANCES:
Between the range of subjects covered by Machiavelli’s Prince and Kautilya’s Arthashastra
one can, no doubt, trace general resemblances, but the two flows from radically different
sources and imbibe opposite spirit and ideology. The prevalent conception about Kautilyan
and Machiavellian traits is founded on the monumental error of viewing their thinking
independently of their basic premise and postulates.
The typically Indian conception of a synthetic philosophy, comprising all knowledge on
diverse human affairs, stands in contrast with the Italian analytical and materialistic approach
to social and political problems.
Machiavelli’s empirical method, founded on historical data, has no equivalent in Kautilya’s
casual references to classical antiquity. Machiavelli’s application of history to point a moral is
different from Kautilya’s dependence on scriptures and conventional wisdom for reinforcing
the traditional moral order.
The more fundamental difference lies in the objectives of the two sets of policies formulated
by them. Machiavelli was motivated by a burning patriotism to see Italy rise again from the
ashes into a modern nation for the deliverance of the unhappy land from decay. Kautilya, on
the contrary, was aspired to ensure the security and stability of the kingdom so as to achieve
Dharma on the globe. Kautilya‘s major preoccupation, unlike that of Machiavelli, was to
foster and restore the ethical values of Indian system both in method and in principle.
Kautilya’s essentially spiritual disposition and Machiavelli’s essentially secular-material
makeup stand out against each other. Though both believed and prescribed to the rulers the
rules of the game of politics, the use of religion for political ends, their grounds for doing so,
as also their concepts of power and goals, were mutually exclusive.
Like Mahaabhaarta, Kautilya allows the king, for financial extortions from subjects, use of
techniques of extortion when the treasury is empty, the army is small, and the king has no
allies and friends abroad and is invaded. This a Apaad-dharma or ”Dharma of distress” in a
critical situation. Disapproval of these methods in normal conditions is a settled Kautilyan
prescription. The ultimate political ideology in times of peace is of inapplication to these
Apaad-dharma situations that transgress the cannons of Dharma.
Kautilya also does not wholly subscribe to the view of Machiavelli that man is born bad and
has no inherent virtue in him. That he is a “compound of weakness, folly and knavery,
intended by nature to be tile dupe of the cunning and the prey of the despotic”. On the
contrary, he admits that man has altruistic and good qualities alongside some selfish and bad
traits. He, thus, does not endorse the view of Machiavelli that man is thoroughly bad and
wholly selfish. To him, a man, apart from being selfish and leaning, is altogether rational and
is, therefore, advised to follow a code of conduct on Dharma and to adopt immoral means to
deal with cunning.
Again and again, Kautilya stressed that the State was an organism on which depended the
happiness of the society and its individual members. This moral base of the State was
repeatedly denied by Machiavelli, for his mission was to free politics from its slavery to
theology and isolating the phenomenon of politics, so as to study them wholly without
reference to the facts of moral existence.
The doctrine of political dharma, Raajadharma, incorporates the functions and duties of the
king, outlines the principles of social conduct and deals with royal duties and civil and
criminal law. In accordance with Manu’s proclamation of Dharma as the supreme principle in
human life, Danda or the royal power of punishment, in the double aspects of coercion and
protection, is equated with Dharma. The King is considered as the wielder of the rod of
punishment and, if he is not just, he has to compensate for the loss and to perform penance.
This involves extra-political sanction for the king against violation of his duties of protecting
the fourfold social order. Dharma does not necessarily imply the contractual concept of
authority versus responsibility. Raajadharma is monarchical in its orientation and reflects the
personification of Dharma in the king and identifies the king with Dharma. It further
advocates the supremacy of Dharma over the king. It would, thus, be wrong to infer that
Kautilya, like Machiavelli, tends to give a carte-blanche to the king. In contrast, it can be
argued that the Kautilyan king was to allow public meetings in temples and markets. And,
when he talks of humiliating the public, he means that ill-treatment is to be awarded to the
foreigners and not to the natives. Kautilya pleads for judicious taxation, a check on profits
and measures to remove poverty. Even in crisis, he suggests taxes to be levied on certain
classes of people and exemption for others. He also asks that the profits of the fraudulent
traders by usurped. Thus, in Arthashastra, there remains an ultimate accountability to the rule
of Dharma.
It is interesting to note Kautilya’s perception of a two-fold standard of the end of existence.
One, the role of virtue and wealth in principles and policies of government, such as, the
behaviour of a saintly king, the noble training of a prince, and restraints on the king. Kautilya
rejects Bhardwaja’s advice to a king to involve his sons in sexual indulgence for the sake of
his own security. He condemns the advice to a minister to usurp the throne by treachery and
violence after king’s death. He suggests judicial pronouncements against torture. In inter state
relations, he advocates Shapath (oath) as the basis of Pratigya (treaties). Truthful kings
should solemnly pledge and carry out duties with a sense of dedication, he pleads. The
second aspect is that of expediency. Those officials who are found by spies to be disaffected
for some just reasons are to be conciliated by riches and honours. But, those disaffected for
no reasons and harming the king’s interest may be secretly put to death. While the loyal
subjects should be honoured, the disloyal ones should first be treated with conciliation, but if
they remain disaffected even thereafter, they should be entrusted with the work of revenue
collection and of inflicting punishment so that they incur people’s wrath and then they may
secretly be put to death.
There is fundamental difference between the kingship of Kautilya and Machiavelli. As for
Machiavelli, he left the personal and private character of the Prince of his upbringing out of
sight, and treated him as the personification of the State, wherein the private individual is
inevitably merged in the politician. On the other hand, Kautilya’s characterisation of the king
was by self-control, wisdom, discipline and noble conduct. lt further emphasises
acquaintance of the King with Trayee (the three Vedas) Aanvikshaki (dualistic Sankhya),
Vaarta (trade, commerce and agriculture) and Dandaniti (punishment) and also restrains him
from Kama (lust), Krodha (anger), Lobha (greed), Mana (Vanity), Mada (haughtiness), and
Harsha (too much joy). The ruler should daily reflect on his adherence to regular public
appearance and punctual perforniance of his routine duties and sacffices. What is most
significant is Kautilya’s priority to Dharma over Danda. While Machiavelli argues, ‘it is not
necessary for a prince really to have virtues, but it is very necessary to seem to have them”, to
Kautilya, King’s departure from moral norms was a temporary expedient for the restoration
of those moral norms. The king was expected to be a virtuous person in thought, word and
deed. If he had to be cruel by necessity, it was to make virtuous life possible for all.
So far as the ultimate objective of the State is concerned, Machiavelli did not think much of
the populace, the welfare of the less privileged did not bother him, as these concerned
Kautilya. The majority of citizens, to Machiavelli, were content with the security of person
and property that the State provided them. He glorified the State and stressed the over-riding
claim of the State to the loyalty of the individual. He would not concede that man had any
right over and against the State. Man attained his optimum development through
subordinating himself to the society, held Machiavelli, and that the State provided political
framework essential to the development of mankind. On the other hand, to Kautilya, the State
was subordinated to the soietyc which it did not create, but which it existed to secure. The
highest office of the State is, thus, an aggregate of the people whose welfare is an end in
itself. Political power is the means to attain such an end.
The Kautilyan maxim: Prajaa Sukhe Sukhram Rajyah, Prajanam cha Hiteh Hitam (in the
welfare and happiness of the people lies king’s welfare and happiness), is indicative of his
emphasis on the equation of welfare Vs. power, Machiavelli insists that a good ruler is one
who achieves the good of the people by fair or foul means, Kautilya demands that a good
ruler should be a good man, besides being a ruler. Kautilya, therefore, was the spokesman of
Udyaana, establishment of righteousness on earth, and aspired for Vaarta, enhancement to
trade and commerce.
To conclude, Kautilya, in contrast to Machiavelli, is not prepared to subordinate ethics to
politics. His schematic diversion into Machiavellian mode is a minor feature of his total
conceptual make up. Thus, the tenor of his though is both markedly different and
fundamentally opposite to that of Machiavelli.
CONTRIBUTION OF KAUTILYA:
The contribution of Kautilya to the subject is immense. He virtually reconstructed the science
of politics out of the tangled mass of Arthashastra literature left behind by his predecessors
and left his impression on all subsequent thinkers. His Arthashastra proved to be a vast
storehouse of information and contained all the available data on almost all the branches of
politics. Dr. Radhakrishan Choudhary in his book Kautilya‘s Political Ideas and Institutions
shows that writers like Dandin, Bana, Samadeva Suri, Manu, Yajnavalkya and Katyayana
were greatly indebted to this great ancient Indian thinker. Dr. Ghoshal opines that no only the
admission of the great merit of Raajadharma in the Mahaabhaarta but also the “wholesale
incorporation of the Arthashastra material into the Smriti tradition” can be traced to Kautilya.
It was largely due to Kautilya that the estimate of the 1 traditional services, i.e. Trayee,
Aanvikshaki, Vaarta, and Dandaniti became a common place in the political thought of India.
The six traditional types of foreign policy, the techniques of applying the King’s coercive
authority, the relative importance of the seven constituents the State, also gained currency in
the ancient Indian political thought.
His Arthashastra proved to be a truly great treasure house of knowledge about statecraft and
diplomacy. It would not be wrong to hold that if he had been guided and inspired solely by
the ancient values of life embodied in traditional Varnashramadharma, his Arthashastra could
never have come to exercise the wide influence it actually did High ideals inspire men only
when they are adjusted and adapt to the actual needs of social life. Dharma is indeed the
highest value of life, but it should take due note of the material basis of life of Artha and
Kamaa, divorced from the actualities of life, it would be like a great and beautiful mansion
without any one to live in and enjoy it. Varna-Vyavasthaa was a sound ideal, but the realism
of Kautilya, however, leads him to realise that departure from the healthy rule arc bound to
take place, and accordingly he found place for the offspring of mixed marriages in the new
castes which he recognized.”
A king should observe all the dictates of Dharma and morality in his dealing with his subjects
and also with States under ordinary circumstances, but Kautilya permits him to violate them
in crisis or if the interest of the States so require. Kautilya knew that the pursuit of politics
requires compromise with the principles of justice and morality. He realised the necessity of
wielding the rod of chastisement and, at the same time, cautioned the king against the
undesirable consequences of unduly severe punishment. He upheld the ideal of Chakravartin
but impresses it on the mind the Vijigishu that he should be content with the recognition of
his suzerainty by the less powerful chiefs and should not think of annexing their territories, in
all spheres of state-activity one finds that Kautilya avoids the extreme and adopts the middle-
of- the-road policy. Masking Arthashastra a manual for the king and his
ministers/administrators. Kautilya perceived their problems with such clarity of vision that
his solutions became a veritable storehouse of learning.
In the words of M.V. Krishna Rao, “Kautilya was a State socialist in the sense that he stood
for the maintenance of the authority of the State, for the extension of its functions and
thereby establish a socialist State’. Good government ensued from the social welfare
measures that the State took, pursuing them diligently and consistently. It was towards this
end that Kautilya spelled out the measures for the regulation of commerce and mines and
other manufacturers. Guilds and artisans \‘ere protected by the State. Kautilya’s ideas, thus,
added up to more than ‘:a body of positive knowledge which has been applied to industrial
technique”, and comprised a comprehensive social plan which aimed at realising Dharma
through Artha.
Using the name Chanakya for Kautilya. K.M. Panikkar observed:” The system that Chanakya
perfected or inherited or, in any case, described, endured without much change through the
ages. The Hindu kings to last followed the organization of the Mauryan Empire in its three
essential aspects, the revenue system, the bureaucracy and the police. The organization as it
existed was taken over by the Muslim rulers and from them by the British, if Indian
administration is analyzed to its bases, the doctrine and policies of Chanakya will be found to
be still in force.’’
The essence of Kautilya’s teaching was the promotion of a more scientific statecraft, best
illustrated in his pronouncements on diplomacy and inter-state relations which have enduring
value still. His contribution lay not only in expounding the ramifications of the in Mandala
theory with its pronounced postulates of peace through power, but also the value lie attached
to Dharma Vijaya. Assigning equal importance to the three principal factors of power. peace
and time was a significant contribution of Kautilya.
In his own days. the sage-diplomat witnessed and inspired the irresistible expansion of the
Mauryan Empire tinder Chandragupta and Bindusara. Later, Chandragupta grandson,
Ashoka, built his great Empire on the basis of Arthashastra and the scheme of administrative
machinery detailed in its pages. Ashoka bequeathed to history the ideals of Dharrna or
Dhamma, a moral or ethical order which is the very basis of every civilized society. Thus.
Kautilya was the prophet of Ashoka’s kingdom of righteousness, for despite whatever
Kautilya wrote on statecraft and diplomacy, there is the persistent case of a serene
atmosphere in the Arthashastra where intellectual liberty and spiritual freedom are guaranteed
for the people through the Dharmic, the ethical, and not the theological, State.
In formulating the details of his political ideals, principles, plans and ethico-political
strategies, Kautilya had taken cognizance not only of the events of his days, but also the ones
that were likely to change the entire course of thought and action. That is why he and his .
4rthashastra have their marked relevance not only for our times, but also for the generations
to come.
CHAPTER III
FEDERAL STATE
Gandhi regarded State as a power structure, an embodiment of political power. Political
power r in the State and that is what distinguishes the State from all other associations.
Gandhi was against the concentration and centralisation of political power, because be
regarded power as a corrupting force. He was of the view that power corrupts its possessor
and absolute power corrupts absolutely. He, therefore, was against any one person or organ of
the Government possessing the entire political power. He wanted that, in order to minimise
its corrupting influence, power should be decentralised to the maximum possible extent. In
his order of things, the State would be essentially federal, in which the central Government
would have power only on those matters which are of national and international importance.
The provinces will have power only on matters of provincial importance. District Councils
will have power on matters of district importance and the residuary (remaining) powers
would remain vested in the Panchayats. Panchayats would wield maximum power as every
adult citizen would be a real participating member in the Panchayat and not in the Parliament.
Gandhi was of the view that the maximum power should be at the place or level where
maximum people are involved and since the maximum people are able to participate in their
Government at the village Panchayat level, the maximum powers should remain vested with
the panchayats. Gandhi’s swaraj is, thus, essentially a Grain Raj, as bulk of political power
and economic resources would vest with the Panchayats or rather the Gram Sabhas at the
village level, which would be the primary level of rural administration, the level which is
nearest to the people.
SECULAR STATE
Gandhi considered religion to be a purely personal matter, i.e. a matter entirely between the
man and his Maker, the God. The State should not interfere with religious matters, for no
State can either force people to be good or to become bad. People would be good or bad
according to their own choice and circumstances, and not according to the dictates of the
Government, The State should, therefore, refrain from interfering with religious matters, just
as religious groups or denominations should keep away from political matters. The State
should treat all religious at par. It should not recognise any religion as State religion. It should
not be a theocratic State. When Gandhi was charged that India having a majority of Hindus
would eventually become a theocratic State, A Hindu Raj, Gandhi reacted very sharply. He
said that if in his life time, India ever became a Hindu State, the only option open to him
would be to commit suicide. He would not like to live as a citizen of a theocratic State.
The secular State should grant freedom of conscience and the right to freely practice, preach,
profess and prorogate the religion of one’s choice. State ought to be a garden allowing the
flowers of all religions to blossom, without let or hindrance.
Gandhi, infact, imbibed the positive features of Indian Secularism and negative features of
Western Secular State.
The positive features of Indian secularism were reflected in his notions of: (a) the divinity
and essential goodness and ethical orientation of man; (b) Divine brotherhood (c) Ethically
enlightened religion; (d) Oneness of all religions (e) Ethical code of conduct; (f) Dharma as a
way of life embracing ethics, morality and virtue (g) Spirit of assimilation, accommodation
and harmony amongst all individuals, and (h) a coordinated system of rights and duties.
Gandhi, however, tried to maintain a clear distinction between the personal and social aspects
of religion in his own life. Personally, he subscribed to the Vaishnavite Hinduism and gave
the look of a Hindu ascetic. He regarded Hinduism as the liberal-most universal religion. At
the same time, his in depth study of the religions of the East and the West made him realise
and appreciate the fact that the different religions are, in fact, only the different roads for the
realisation of God, for each one of them, in its own characteristic way, highlights the
fundamental norms of morality. The social aspect of religion, therefore, encouraged Gandhi p
advocate mutual respect towards and tolerance of all religions, spiritual fraternity, and unity
in diversity. That is how, he included within the ambit of such a universal religion the
elements of God as Truth, Ahimsa (non-violence), Congregational prayer, Moksha
(salvation), Jivdaya (Compassion), Brahmacharya (celebacy), Asvad (Control of the palate),
Asteya (non-stealing), Aparigraha (non-possession), fearlessness, Swadeshi and Bread
Labour, the themic linkage whereof is provided by his subscription to the inherent unity of
the Ends and the Means.
Gandhi also subscribed to the negative features of Western Secular State. which were
reflected in : (a) mutual exclusiveness of State and religious denominations: (b) absence of
State religion, (c) relegation of religion to the private sphere of activity; (d) non-
differentiation and non-discrimination with religion; (e) State not to interfere iii the personal
laws or internal affairs of religions denominations; (f) freedom of voluntary conversion; (g)
freedom of conscience, belief, faith and worship; (h) freedom to preach, profess and
propogate religion, and (i) freedom to read and interpret scriptures. While clearly advocating
mutual exclusiveness of State and religious denominations, Gandhi recommended
jurisdiction of State in social religion, to the extent it ensures : (a) protection of the places of
worship from riots and desecration; (b) provision of secular, ethical and moral education; and
(c) the removal of legal hindrances in the way of socio-religious reforms.
Gandhi, thus, perceived India as a multi-religious society aiming at the promotion of
communal harmony hand and protection of the religions beliefs and interest of minorities n
the other.
Gandhi’s secularism essentially depicted the triple objective of enlightened Religiosity,
Spiritual Pluralism, and Communal Harmony as pre-conditions for the attainment of Swaraj.
DEMOCRATIC STATE
Gandhi’s Swaraj means Government by the consent and participation of the people. He
agreed with Abraham Lincoln that a truly democratic government is a ‘government of the
people, by the people, for the people.’
Gandhi regarded direct democracy to be impossible in a large country like India with
enormous population. If everyone was given the right to govern, millions of people will
govern in millions of ways and that would actually lead to an anarchy He, therefore,
preferred a representative or parliamentary form of Government. He followed the
Westminster Model but adapted it to suit India’s needs and circumstances. did not want
political power to be arranged in the form of a pyramid with centre at its apex. He wanted
power to be arranged in ever-widening concentric oceanic circles, beginning with the
individual as a focal point, with the Village Panchayats as the first circ the Taluka or Block as
the second circle, the District as the third circle. Province as the fourth circle, the Central
Government as the fifth circle and the World Government as the sixth circle. When power is
arranged in a circular form, then every circle works for the welfare of its focal point. i.e. the
individual, keeping the welfare of the people uppermost for government at even level.
He compared the Government with an ‘umbrella’ which is selected and bought by an
individual according to his choice, though used by him sparingly in hot sun or in a rainy
season, and which is rejected and discarded once it becomes torn and useless. Similarly, the
people should have the opportunity to choose the type of Government they want, as they
would pay for its working in the form of taxes. They should tolerate it so long and only so
long as it is, useful to them and should reject and overthrow it the moment it becomes useless
or oppressive, just as easily as they would throw away or discard a useless umbrella.
The democratic government will have its three regular branches, the legislature which will
make the law, the executive which will execute the laws duly made, and the judiciary which
will interpret the laws and decide cases and disputes In so far as the legislature is concerned.
Gandhi preferred a unicameral legislature. because he thought that a poor country like India
would not be able to bear the cost and burden of a bicameral legislature, which would be far
too expensive. So far as the Executive is concerned, he wanted that both at the centre and in
tile provinces there should be a clear cut separation between the formal and the actual heads
of the executive. The formal head of the State at the Centre should be known as the President
and in the Provinces as the Governor. The Governor should be elected by the people of the
province and the President by the people of the whole of India These formal heads would,
generally be nominal. They would not interfere with the normal day-to-day functioning of the
Council of Ministers which will be headed by the Prime Minister in case of the Centre and
the Chief Ministers in case of the Provinces and which in turn, would be a part of the
legislature and directly and collectively accountable to it. The Council of Ministers would be
guided by the Parliament and would be subordinate to it, executing it faithfully. In his order
of things, the Executive would not dominate the Legislature. The Legislature would, instead,
dominate the Executive. The Legislature should not surrender before the whims and fancies
of a Prime Minister, as he thought it does in case of Britain. where the Parliament surrenders
as a hapless “prostitute’• before any and every Prime Minister and is dictated by him. Tile
Legislature should be supreme and its members should endeavour to fulfill the assurances
given voluntarily to the people at the time of election. The Judiciary should be impartial. It
should be independent of both the legislature and the executive and the salary and term of
office of the judges should be fixed and unalterable to their disadvantage. so that they may
act impartially. without favour or fear.
HOLDERS OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY
Gandhi’s emphasis was not so much on the political structure, as on the people who would be
chosen to man it. He. therefore, laid stress on tile quality of men who would be elected or
selected on the legislature and the executive merely on merit. This would also be true with
regard to the personnel of the judiciary, administrative services, tile police and the military.
All the branches of Government would be manned by the fittest. i.e. the most qua1if the most
suited for the job. He regarded the wielder of power as a ‘trustee’ of the people. and wanted
each one of them to exercise his authority by the ultimate standards of right and wrong. of
what is in the interest of the people and what is contrary to their interest. Therefore, they
should act as genuine servants of the people, watchful of their interest and ever eager to
fulfill their obligations to the best of their ability. The entire structure of Government should
run in a manner that it results in the achievement of good of all the people in all the fields of
human activity. Only when such a system is established, that Gandhi’s Swaraj would have
been realised.
Such a Swarajist State would provide maximum initiative and opportunity to the people to
govern themselves the way they want. The more frequent and active the people’s
participation in their governance, the less would be the need of a government to impose its
will on the people Such a devolution of political power from the Government to the people
themselves would minimize the occasions of the State to compel obedience and extract co-
operation. Once the people get used to render willing obedience and voluntary cooperation,
the State, as an embodiment of physical force or organized violence, would no longer be
needed, it would disappear, whither away, leaving the people free to approximate to the
ultimate state of Shashan Mukta Samaj, a stateless society, a state of nature, the Kingdom for
God on Earth, in which, like Rousseau. Gandhi thought people might have originally lived.
Gandhi’s Swaraj is, thus not an end in itself, but only an effective means to the realization of
a stateless society.
GANDHI’S PHILOSOPHY OF SARVODAYA
The purpose of Gandhi’s Swarajist State was to establish Ramrajya, the rule of dharma. or the
Kingdom of God on Earth. While addressing the predominantly Muslim audiances, Gandhi
also described it as Khudai Raj and defined it as a State which would be free of all
inequalities, in which justice would be prompt, perfect and inexpensive and the freedom of
worship, speech and the press would be sustained by the power of healthy and well-informed
public opinion and would be able to promote the moral, social and economic development of
all classes of the people. It would depict true democracy; free from inequalities, injustices
and exploitation and would aim at the welfare of the people of India as well of the world as a
whole. People would realise and obey all the rules willingly, voluntarily and cheerfully. In
such a self-regulated society, there would be no distinction between the ruler and the ruled.
Refuting the criticism of Ramrajya as the Hindu Raj or the rule of Lord Rama, Gandhi
asserted that it would be a dharmarajya, based on Truth and Morality, a State of Enlightened
anarchy. a state of spiritual perfection, based on the modern ideals of Justice Liberty, Equality
and Fraternity.
Realising the limitation of such a perfect, stateless utopian society, Gandhi himself specified
the second-best ideal, in which the State would not only “hinder the hindrances”, but would
also actively work for the welfare of all, Sarvodaya.
Sarvodaya is Gandhi’s theory of the purpose of State: The term sarvodaya is a combination of
two words Sarva plus Uday - meaning welfare, good or upliftn1ent of all.
Gandhi was well-versed with the Western political theories of the purpose of State, especially
with the views of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill. To Bentham, The real purpose of
State was the “greatest happiness of the greatest number”, i.e. economic welfare of the
majority of the people. Bentham thought it to be essential for the very survival of the
Government in power. A democratic government is based on the consent and participation of
the majority. If the Government looses confidence of the majority, it would no longer be in
power. John Stuart Mill improved upon Bentham’s Theory by declaring that the purpose of
the State should actually be “the greatest good of the greatest number”, i.e. the allround
welfare of the majority of the people. The Government should strive to achieve not merely
the economic welfare of the majority, it should work for the welfare of the majority in all the
fields of human activity, whether political, social. economic, educational or any other. Both
Bentham and Mill, thus, represent the majoritarian theory of the purpose of State. Gandhi
was aware of the concepts of both Bentham and Mill and found himself unable to accept
these theories on two grounds first, the welfare or upliftment of the majority would inevitably
be at the cost of the corresponding minority and, therefore, ethically unsound. The good of
one should never be at cost of the good of another. His second objection to Bentham’s theory
was that if the welfare of the majority is sought only in the economic field then, it wound not
only neglect the minority, but also neglect all other fields of human activity. Gandhi was also
of the view that in pursuing the Majoritarian ideal. the Government would not be performing
any benevolent function. as the welfare or upliftment of the majority is inevitable for the
Government to keep itself in power and, as such, a self-sufficing objective, which would
hardly do any good to anyone whatsoever.
On his way back from South Africa to India, Gandhi came across a copy of John Ruskin’s
Unto This Last - meaning the upliftment of the last man or the neglected minority. Gandhi
was deeply impressed by this work and translated it into Gujarati as Antyodaya, the welfare
of the last man or the neglected minority. Gandhi appreciated the argument that if the
Government adopts Antyodaya as its philosophy, then the tradition neglected sections of the
people would be taken care of by the Government, which would be working for the
upliftment of those who are left out by every Government. However, if the Government only
serves the minority, howsoever neglected it might have been, it would be serving them at the
cost of the majority which it. in any case, needs to retain itself in power. Gandhi’s objection
was again on ethical grounds. If the welfare of majority should not be sought at the cost of
minority, the upliftment of the minority too, should not be sought at the cost of the huge
majority which too needs the attention of the Government and which, in turn, the
Government itself needs for keeping itself in power.
Gandhi did not reject either the majoritarian or the minoritarian points of view, nor could he
accept either of them in their totality. He, rather, synthesized the majoritarianism of Bentham
and Mill with the minoritatianism of Ruskin and evolved a new theory of the purpose of State
and named it sarvodaya. i.e. the welfare, good or upliftment of all in all, walks of life. This
ideal would be ethically sound as in its Pursuit, the Government would not be seeking the
welfare of one at the cost of another, neither of the majority at the cost of minority nor of
minority at the cost of majority . It would be working for the all— round welfare of all. This
ideal would remain an ideal for no Government, howsoever perfect or conscientious it might
be, would be able to achieve it cent percent. It is only such an ideal which the State should
keep before itself, so that it always remains an ideal to work towards. It should never be left
in a vacuum where the ideal it sets before itself is cent percent achieved and there is nothing
more to achieve. In that case, if there is no scope for progression towards some ideal. then it
would inevitably lead to retrogression, for human nature is never static. It keeps on changing.
If it cannot go upward it would start degenerating (going down). Therefore, this ideal is the
one which cannot be attained fully but towards the attainment of it, the State can
continuously strive to work. It is never left without an ideal. to achieve. Sarvodaya is,
therefore, Gandhi’s unique contribution to political philosophy as the theory of the purpose of
State, which is not only politically acceptable in any democratic society but is also ethically
sound.
FUNCTIONS OF THE STATE
The State would be able to achieve the ideal of Sarvodaya only if, and to the extent, it
performs the functions which conform to this ideal and refrains from performing those
functions which would come in the way or obstruct the achievement of this ideal. Keeping
this overall view before him, Gandhi, from time to time, expressed his views as to what the
State ought to do and what it must not do. Many of the ideas he expressed on this subject
were the result of the extraordinary situations created by the contexts of apartheid in South
Africa and the alien British Rule in India. Gandhi desired Swaraj but he did not have the
opportunity to live in a Swarajist State. He was assassinated within six months of India’s
Independence and during that period he was pre-occupied with the uphill task of restoring
communal harmony and the problems created by the transmigration of population between
India and Pakistan. Some of the functions he considered essential for the State in that context
may not be relevant in a democratic set up free from apartheid alien and feudal rule. That is
why his views are to be considered in the transformed context the Swarajist State which he
sought to achieve, but which he could not realize during his life time. The variety of
functions Gandhi suggested from time to time can be systematically put into a number of
categories.
However, in assigning these functions to the State, Gandhi did not want the Sate to impose
itself on the people. He wanted it only “to create conditions” in which people would be free
to act according to their conscience and to serve those who are nearest and best known to
them. Service of all is possible only if the Government joins hands with the people and seeks
their collaboration to serve all those who need to be served.
Protective functions The first obligation of the Government to protect the poor. the needy and
the oppressed against not only the wrong — doers (the criminals), but also from epidemics
and natural calamities. To perform these functions, the State is allowed the use of armed
forces. The State will have to maintain the police and armed forces not on an ad hoc basis,
but on a permanent basis and train hem for all eventualities and keep them satisfied and
happy so that they remain loyal to it. Armed forces would be needed only during wars,
aggressions, revolts and rebellions and police would be needed when the criminals strike
against the peace-loving majority. When these occasions are not in sight, then the police and
the armed forces are not to sit idle. After all, they are constantly paid out of the taxes levied
on the common man. Their services must therefore, be utilized for some constructive work
when these abnormal situations are not there. Their services should be utilised as a body of
reformers rendering social service. People should not be afraid of them. They should be able
to accept them as their benefactors. In normal circumstances, the police and the military
would be the messengers of peace and non violence. They would make the people disciplined
and restore peoples’ self-confidence. They would work in fields. In the cities, they would
sweep the streets and clean the latrines and would be ever-ready to live up to the message of
which they would be embodiment. i.e. “May I Help you”, so that people can seek their help,
assistance, co-operation and guidance whenever they are in need of it. It would be a body of
reformers and social workers ever-ready to serve the people even at the cost of their own life.
Prohibitive functions : Gandhi, like T.H. Green, believed that the primary duty of the State is
to ‘hinder the hindrances”, i.e. to remove obstacles in the way of each individual seeking to
achieve his welfare in common with everyone else. Gandhi would like the State to perform a
number of prohibitive functions, keeping the people away from the things which are not good
for them. The State would indirectly help the people by removing obstacles in the way of
seeking good life. In this area, Gandhi would like the State to perform a variety of functions,
such as the following:
1. To convert liquor-dens and bars into restaurants, supplying nutritive refreshment, allow
instructive literature and recreation facilities to wean the addicts away from the lure of
intoxicants.
2. To prohibit, by law, the manufacture and sale of cigarettes, cigars and beedies.
3. To prohibit the use of intoxicants, especially by women and children. The use of
intoxicants would, however, be permitted only for medicinal purposes.
4. To ban all literature which is obscure or which is intended to promote fanaticism, ill-will or
hatred between individuals, classes or races.
5. To ban, by law, all evil customs and practices like the evils of untouchability, race
prejudice, colour distinctions and the institution of Devadasis.
Economic Functions : In this field, the State will have to effectively deal with the problem of
starvation, nakedness, disease, illiteracy and lack of communication. In the context of the
abnormal conditions created by famine, mass unemployment and communal riots, following
the Partition of India, Gandhi suggested the following economic functions which, he thought,
the Government should perform.
1. To ensure employment to all unemployed persons so as to enable them to secure the basic
necessities of life through the swet of one’s brow. He termed it bread-labour.
2. In order to enable the State to provide employment to one and all, he would permit it to
own and manage the industries, and public utility services like transport and communication.
3. He would allow it to own and cooperatively cultivate land so that the articles of universal
consumption are made available to all. Gandhi was a socialist, for he would not only allow
the State to nationalise the key industries and public utility services but also allow it to have
the ownership of land. Gandhi had a unique ability to give old phrases new meaning. Gandhi
had cc across in Hindu Literature a phrase “Sabhi Bhoomi Gopal Ki”, which literally means
that all land belongs to God. Gandhi substituted the word State for God. Since the State was
to provide employment to all, it must have the ownership of all land and major economic
resources, without which no State would be able to create employment opportunities for all.
4. It would allow the State to regulate customs and international trade as this must not be left
to private hands.
5. It is said that Gandhi was against machinery. Gandhi was not against machinery as such.
He was against only such power driven machinery which results in unemployment. In a
country where majority of the people are unemployed, Gandhi could not allow the use of
machinery to create further unemployment. For instance. he was not against textile factories
or factories grinding wheat or preserving oil seeds, as these industries would generate
employment and not unemployment.
6. Gandhi would concede to the State the right to impose taxes. It is only with the support of
the taxes of the people. that the machinery of the Government can function. Government
should. however, follow a policy of graded taxation: i.e. it should tax each category of people
according to its capacity to pay the tax. There should be only two criterions for the
Government to levy and collect taxes: first, the people who are being taxed are able to pay
the tax; and secondly the money collected by way of taxation is utilised for the general
benefit of the society He would, however, impose two specific restrictions on Government’s
power to impose taxes: (i) articles of universal consumption, i.e. the articles which the poor
use in common with the rich. like salt and khadi should not be taxed; and (ii) the State. being
secular, should not impose any religious tax.
Educational Functions : Compelled by the context of mass illiteracy in India, Gandhi, asked
the State to provide seven year free and compulsory primary vocational education to all the
children between the age group of 7-14 years. At this stage. the education would not only be
free, but also compulsory. That was the only way to remove the scar of illiteracy from the
face of India.
In so far as higher education is concerned, Gandhi followed the principle that out of the taxes
paid by the people, in common with one another, the government should pay only for that
education which is necessary to make the people literate and train them for some vocation, so
that they can either take up a job or are able to become self employed. Beyond this,
responsibility of the State for high education is only for such people whom the State would
need to run the administration. The State has no responsibility for training the people for
private sector. In this respect. Gandhi evolved a formula : “he who needs the expertise pays
for its training too”. If. for example. the Birla and Tata need experts they should also pay for
the higher education and training of the experts needed by them.
Political Functions: In the political field, Gandhi wanted the Government to perform the
following functions:
1. To take care of its citizens. befriend them and be kind to them;
2. To work for the upliftment of the down-trodden;
3 To redress the legitimate grievances of the people;
4. To ascertain public opinion before passing any law, order, policy or programme;
5. To promote units amongst various castes classes and religious groups;
6. The Legislature should make the law for peoples’ welfare on its own, without waiting for
the people to struggle for it;
7. The executive should so execute the law as to maximize peoples’ welfare; and that
8. Judiciary should ensure inexpensive, expeditious, incorruptible and impartial justice to all.
International functions : Realising the significance of, the notion of ‘Vasudhaiv
Kutuinbakam’ (the whole earth is the family writ-large), Gandhi believed in the possibility of
world Government. He thought the U.N. would one day lead to the establishment of world
Government in which the States would give up their false notion of sovereignty and would
work not for their own selfish interest but in the interest of the whole world. For this purpose,
he wanted the State to perform the following functions :
1. To cooperate with and strengthen the international associations and organizations like the
U.N;
2. To promote international co-operation, peace and security;
3. To protect the rights and interests of citizens of all the States;
4. To work for physical disarmament and moral rearmament;
5. Not to wage war or commit an aggression on any country, and in case it is committed by
another, then, to defend preferably by offering non-violent resistance;
6. To help the neighboring States in need of help;
7. To support the people of all nations clamoring for peace, freedom and democracy;
8. To eliminate the evils of narrowness, selfishness and exc1usiveness and
9. To promote transformation and reconstruction of the political social and economic
structures of the nations. along non-violent lines.
Things that are not Caesor’s: Gandhi was of the view that the State should not interfere with
the peoples freedom, their thoughts and their conscience. He was in agreement with Henry
David Thoreau who wrote his famous essay “Stone walls do not a prison make”. It means
that if you disobey the State, it can deprive von of your wealth and imprison your body. but
no State can imprison your soul. Like Thoreau, Gandhi was also of the view that men cannot
be made good or virtuous by acts of Parliament. If they are compelled to do any act which the
Government considers good, then they are no more credited with virtue than a donkey who is
compelled to carry a load. The State cannot impose morality. It can neither compel the people
to be good or to become bad. People would be good or bad of their own choice and according
to their own circumstances. Secondly. the State cannot and should not interfere with peoples’
religion for religion is a personal matter exclusively between God and man.
The State should imprison only those criminals who violate the laws of the State. It must
never imprison or punish its best and wisest citizens or the freedom fighters. in order simply
to harass them unnecessarily. Freedom fighters have no personal stake, no self-interest, the
work for the freedom of their country and they win ultimately. They are not and should not be
considered the enemies of the State. They seem to violate the law. In fact they only focus on
the deficiencies of laws. They are not criminals or enemies of the State. They are the friends,
well wishers and beneficiaries of the State. The State should be proud of them, rather than
punish or imprison them. Thus, Gandhi was against tile punishment or imprisonment of
freedom fighters, like himself.
Justification of the State : The actions of the State are to be judged in terms of the functions it
performs. So long as and to the extent it performs the functions which lead to the good,
welfare or upliftment of all in all fields of human activity, the existence of the State and the
acts of its government are justified. On the other hand, if it indulges in acts which takes it
away from the ideal of Sarvodaya, to that extent its actions and its very survival cannot be
justified or defended. In short, the functions of the Government must always be in full
accordance with its ideal of Sarvodaya.
GANDHI’S CONCEPT OF POLITICAL
OBLIGATIONS AND RIGHTS
The problem of political obligation in Gandhi s political thought is essentially a problem of
ruler-ruled relationship. i.e. relationship between the citizens and the State, or to use the
modern phraseology. a problem of relationship between political obligors and political
‘obligees’ whose positions are interchangeable. In short. it is a problem of reciprocal
relationship between the political obligors and the political obligees.
Political obligors are essentially the people. the human beings who are distinguished by
Gandhi by the attributes of conscious — divinity, rationality and sociability and who are-
striving for self- realization through the service of the nearest and the dearest. On the other
hand, political obligee is essentially the State which to Gandhi must be a Swarajist,
democratic, federal, secular socialistic republic aiming at Sarvodaya, i.e. the welfare of all in
all fields of human activity, by removing the obstacles or hindrances from the way of
individual’s attainment of good life and by simultaneously creating maximum opportunities
or conditions favourable to self-realization.
The non-fulfillment or breach of political obligation is followed by punishment, that is, if an
individual citizen, or a group thereof, is guilty of violating a law, he is legally punished either
by fine or imprisonment or both. On the other hand, if the State does not fulfill its obligations
towards the citizens, the citizens may disobey it. non- cooperate with it or even overthrow it.
MEANING OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION
In defining the term political obligation, Gandhi not only adheres generally to the scope
defined by T.H. Green, but also improves upon it. To Gandhi, the term political obligation
includes the following types of obligations
1. Obligations of the citizens towards the State;
2. Supplementary or additional obligations of criminals and civil resisters towards the jail
authorities who are obliged, in Gandhi’s scheme of things, to reform the criminals so that
when they come out of the jail, they are better suited for the society:
3. Obligations of the State towards the citizens;
4. Obligations of the jail authorities towards the prisoners;
5. Obligations of the citizens inter se (amongst themselves): and
6. Obligations of the prisoners inter Se.
Gandhi improved upon Green’s definition by incorporating them supplementary obligations
of the criminals or law breakers towards the Slate. At the same time. lie did not accept,
Green’s inclusion of slave’s 1oyalty to the State as a political obligation. He was of the view
that a slave loyalty is not willing or voluntary and therefore no by ally. Slave is loyal because
he has no choice or alternative. He serves not willingly or voluntarily but only under duress.
Therefore. his loyalty cannot be treated as political obligation.
NATURE OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION
Gandhi rejection of slave’s loyalty as political obligation was based on his submission that
political obligation is essentially reasoned or willed, i.e. voluntary. The law-abiding instinct
of man does not involve acceptance of any law as such, specially a law which is distasteful.
Like Thoreau, Gandhi too said : “True loyalty does not consist in saving yes’ to everything. It
means acting according to “one’s conscience and reason”. A citizen obeys laws voluntarily
and never under compulsion or for fear of punishment prescribed for their breach. Obedience
under compulsion or for fear of punishment is no obedience. He was of the view that a law,
order or decision should be accepted willingly. A Citizen must be free to obey or disobey a
law on merit, If the law’ serves his interest and that of the society of which he is a member.
he can reasonably justify his obedience. On the other hand, if a law violates his basic, rights
or freedoms or comes in the way of his progress then he has a right to disobey it. Obedience
is, thus, optional, voluntary, willing and is to be exercised in one’s own discretion.
At the same time, willingness to obey is related to the obligor’s capacity to perform the
obligation, if, for instance, a person is asked to pay a tax which is beyond his capacity to pa
then even if he wants to obey such a law, he would not be able to obey it because he just can
not. Similarly, if a citizen is asked to work for 12 hours a day in order to earn his livelihood,
it may be beyond his capacity to work for such a long duration and therefore, even if he
wants to earn his livelihood by working honestly, he would not be able to do so, because the
prescription of the inordinately long working hours would be beyond his capacity.
Another point which Gandhi made in defining the nature of Political obligation was that the
citizen’s loyalty to ‘the State’ is Subordinate to his loyalty to God, who is his creator. The law
of God or the divine law is communicated to us through our soul. A person can be expected
to obey the law” ,of State only in so far as it is in accordance with his conscience. If the law
requires a citizen to perform certain acts which are contrary to his conscience, then he is duty
bound to obey his conscience rather than the law. In that case, he would obey the law or voice
of his conscience and refuse to obey the law of the State and would, as a consequence, invite
the penalty prescribed for its violation. For example, whenever Gandhi thought he should go
to a particular place to help the people to overcome their difficulties and the State imposed a
ban on his entry in that area. Gandhi obeyed his conscience and visited that area instead of
obeying the instructions of the Government not to visit that area, and in the process asked for
the highest punishment prescribed for its violation. For instance, when Gandhi was
conducting, on behalf of the Congress, an enquiry into the causes, circumstances and
consequences of the Jalianwalan Bagh Massacre, he visited Punjab to perform his duty and
when the government banned his entry, he preferred to accept the penalty of disobedience
rather than obey an instruction which was contrary to his conscience.
Citizen’s loyalty to the State comes first, vis-à-vis his loyalty to any other association. As a
social being, man is a member of number of associations like family, school, church or club,
just as he is a member of the State. In case all these associations desire him to perform certain
acts and if these directions are contrary to one another, then the citizen is in a dilemma as to
whose orders he should obey. For instance, if a person is asked by his church to participate in
a procession and if the State stops or prohibits the procession, then he is to obey the State
rather than the church. This is because his membership of the State is primary and
compulsory and that of all other associations secondary and voluntary. Moreover, State is not
only the human association, but the first among various associations of man. Since State is
first among all his associations, State’s claim to citizens obedience is also first to that of all
other associations.
Ambedkar was of the view that in India there is a Uniform Civil Code of laws covering
almost every aspect of human relationship, except marriage and succession. The Hindu Code
Bill drafted by him revolution introduced only four new factors in the existing law. These
were
(a). Abolition of the doctrine of rights by birth;
(b). Absolute right over property to women;
(c).Equitable share to daughter;
(d).Provision for divorce not only to men, but equally to women as well.
If the Hindu Code Bill, with these provisions, could be adopted. It would be consistent with
the provisions of article 15 of our Constitution which directs the state not to “discriminate
against any citizen on ground of ‘birth’. It would also be in accordance Article 13 of the UN
charter which lays down:
“encouraging and progressing development of international Law and its codification.”
Dr. Ambedkar, along with sixteen other members of the Select committee of the Constituent
Assembly which was entrusted with the job of amending and codifying certain branches of
the Hindu law, presented to the Constituent Assembly its Report on August 12. 1948. Report
contained nine points: Preliminary; Marriage and Divorce; Minority and Guardianship; Joint
family. Property: Women Property; Succession, Maintenance and Miscellaneous.
Later on, he drafted the Hindu code Bill along with these subjects. It was aimed at removing
the legal obstacles in the social advancement of women. However, it was opposed by the
orthodox section of the increase of the Parliament, including a number of Congressmen. The
Congress Party did not support the Hindu Code Bill. Prime Minister Nehru permitted the
Congress members to vote on the bill according to their conscience. This resulted in the
dropping of the Hindu Code Bill and that marked the occasion for Ambedkar’s resignation
from the Nehru Cabinet
CONVERSION TO BUDDHISM:
To Ambedkar, Buddhism was important not only because he agreed with its tenets and
institutions, but also because it enabled him to reconstruct more scientifically and
satisfactorily the history of ancient India, says K. Raghvaendra Rao, the illustrated author of
Makers of Indian Literature: Babasaheb Ambedkar. According to Ambedkar, “Ancient Indian
History must be exhumed... Fortunately with the help of the Buddhist literature. Ancient
Indian History can be dug out of the debris which Brahamin writers have heeped upon it in a
fit of madness.” He characterized Buddhism as a ‘revolution’ a revolution almost as great as
“The French Revolution’’. Starting off as a religious revolution, Buddhism grew into a multi-
pronged revolution: social, cultural and political. He suggests that the distinctiveness and
profundity of the Buddhist revolution could be seen from an examination of the pre-
revolutionary system, the ancient regime of India.
Ambedkar paints a sketch of the degraded condition to which the Aryan civilization had sunk
prior to the advent of the Revolution It was, in short, a society riddled with social evils such
as gambling, drinking and sexual immorality of all varieties. Buddha was the first and
perhaps the greatest of the social reformers. India had produced, His religion spread
everywhere, spilling beyond the borders of India It succeeded not only because of the content
of its teachings but also because of the charismatic personality of its founder, who himself
lived by his teachings. Through his own example, he showed what a pure life was, what was
right conduct, and by implication exposed the impurity and the immorality of the Aryan
Brahmanical life of his time.
To enable the ordinary people to follow his high moral ideals, Buddha innovated the
institution of baptism into a moral way of life. This consisted in convertion to Buddhism,
taking a vow to observe certain moral precepts. These were five in number and hence known
as panch shila. These are
a) Not to kill;
b) Not to steal, lie, be unchaste:
c) Neither to drink intoxicant liquor nor to eat at forbidden times;
d) Not to dance, sing or attend theatrical or other spectacles, use garlands, scents and
ornaments; and
e) Neither to receive money, nor to use high or broad beds.
These apparently negative virtues stemmed from the cardinal virtues of love and wisdom.
These Buddhists precepts constituted a direct challenge to the caste system which had defiled
the essence Aryan Brahmanical order. The Buddha preached against the caste order and
freely admitted Shudras to his Bhiku order. He also opposed lower status accorded to women
in the ancient regime, and admitted. Buddhism opened up its educational system both to the
shudras and the women.
It was in this context and due to these compelling reasons that Dr. Ambedkar embraced
Buddhism and advocated it as an ideal not only for India but for the whole strife-ridden
world. His acceptance of Buddhism was not merely a negative gesture of leaving Hinduism.
But was a positive act of commitment to a superior religious way of life. That is why. he was
hailed ‘Nav Buddha’
POLITICAL IDEAS:
Though Ambedkar was not primarily a political theorist, he had work with a fairly definite
political and legal thinking, which is widely reflected in the views lie expressed on a variety
of subjects, especially on the floor of the Constituent Assembly of India. Ambedkar regarded
the State as a necessary institution which he thought exists for the performance of the
following three sets of goals:
.(a) In the first place, it has individualistic functions, as its goals. He subscribed to the view
that “The right of even subject to life, Liberty and Pursuit of happiness and to free speech and
free exercise of religion” is sacred.
b) The second place, he also expected the State to perform judicial functions and maintained
social, political and economic justice within the society, by eliminating or atleast reducing
inequalities of class, caste and religion. It must ensure the maintenance of law and order
functions
(c) In the third place, the State is required to see that every individual citizen enjoys “freedom
from want and freedom from fear.”
By performing these functions, the State would act as a servant and an instrument of public
welfare and would, thus, essentially be democratic.
Ambedkar had a marked preference for democracy not only because it gives largest possible
participation to the people in their governance but also because it ensures immense
opportunities of challenge and change, without necessarily shedding unnecessary blood.. It is
a system which is neither hereditary, nor does it allow political power to be vested in or to be
identified with a particular person. People elected through the system of Universal Adult
Franchise hold the reigns of power.
Ambedkar was generally in favour of the parliamentary form of democracy because he
thought it to be the best available system. However, in view of the then prevailing
extraordinary and highly abnormal circumstances in India, he personally preferred a
presidential of government as that would protect and promote India’s security, unity, integrity
and sovereignty. It would be a highly centrifugal system as it would not only divide powers
between the Centre and the States but would also effectively ensure political stability. Hence,
in his view a Presidential form of government, unlike the parliamentary system, would imply
a kind of federal system ensuring not only division of powers, but also encourage the
strengthening of democratic federalism.
He had come to this conclusion by studying the views of the thinkers and writers like
Alexander Pope who had publically expressed his view that “Power corrupts its possessor
and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Hence, ideally speaking that the State would be
good or viable which is based on the division, decentralization and maximum defusion of
power. Such a system would protect not only a strong central government but also the rights
and freedom, of the minorities who would general be treated at par with others
CITIZENS RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS:
Ambedkar was of the view that a democratic federal framework would ensure every citizen
sum minimum set of equal rights and freedoms and would not deprive them of the benefits of
their profession.. He also believed that the guarantee of minimum freedoms and rights alone
would not make State an ideal State. In his view, each and every citizen should be able to
enjoy all the freedoms and rights in consonance with similar freedoms and rights available to
all others in the State. However, he believed that however rich a State may be, it will have to
provide these basic rights equally to one and all.
The rights and freedoms which Dr. Ambedkar wanted the citizens of every liberal democracy
to posses and enjoy are the rights which he succeeded in including in the list of Fundamental
Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy enshrined in our Constitution. These are in
fact the rights which are intended to improve the quality of democracy and also help people
in improving the quality of their own. However the most important of these rights which he
was able to think of and provide was the right to constitutional remedies which enables every
citizen to have his violated rights restored by approaching the Courts to issue appropriate
writs. He believed that if this right is not ensured to the citizens, all other rights would loose
their importance as the State would go on delimiting and restricting these rights and these
would, one day, virtually disappear. He regarded Fundamental rights as the very soul of
democracy, the fountain democracy and the fragrance of democracy.
RESERVATION FOR THE BACKWARD SECTIONS QV THE SOCIETY:
Ambedkar was eager that not only these elaborate sets of rights be available to all the
citizens, without discrimination, but that, by itself, would not meet the ends of justice. This is
because there are iii India a number of classes and sections of people which have been
historically, socially, educationally and economically backward. These include the shudras,
the avarns, the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the other socially, economically
and sexually backward citizens of India. These have always been kept apart and away from
the society and have never been allowed to get themselves assimilated in the mainstream of
the Indian society. Therefore, the State will have to make special efforts to ensure these rights
to them on the basis of priority, so that they are also able to come up to a normal level to
enjoy the rights and freedoms which others would ordinarily be enjoying in any case.
A LINGUISTIC REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE:
In order to promote the cause of the unity of India on the one hand and reduce social tensions
on the other, he was eager to reorganize the Indian Provinces on a national linguistic basis.
Such reorganization would curb casteism, communalism, regionalism and fundamentalism.
He was not willing to allow the State to reorganize itself on any other basis. as that would
seriously threaten the unity and integrity of India. Here, it may be recorded that Ambedkar
was also eager to encourage the various scripts and languages, whether regional, provincial
or sectional. The scripts may vary, but in the interest of the Unity of India, the language
should be one, so that it may serve as a cementing force, and not a divisive force. That it why,
of all the languages spoken in India lie wanted Hindi to be the official language not only of
the central Government but also of all the provinces, so that it becomes a strong denominator
of India’s unity and integrity.
VIEWS REGARDING INDIA’S PARTITION:
As stated earlier, Ambedkar was probably the only non-Muslim leader of India’s struggle for
freedom who openly defended the Partition of India into India and Pakistan on communal
grounds. He was of the considered view that every community should have the Right and the
autonomy to preserve, protect and enrich its culture and religion, and to that end, every
community which has all the essential elements of a nation should have the right to secede
and declare itself as an independent sovereign State. Therefore, he not only supported
Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan, but also asked for the creation of an independent sovereign
Dalitistan. He declared that those who have deliberately been kept separate for decades and
centuries should have the right to live separately, so that they are no longer oppressed,
suppressed and exploited.