® Academy of Management Review

1993, Vol. 18, No. 1,88-115.

EMOTIONAL LABOR IN SERVICE ROLES:

THE INFLUENCE OF IDENTITY
BLAKE E. ASHFORTH
Concordia University
RONALD H. HUMPHREY
Wayne State University

Emotional labor is the display of expected emotions by service agents

during service encounters. It is performed through surface acting,
deep acting, or the expression of genuine emotion. Emotional labor
may facilitate task effectiveness and self-expression, but it also may
prime customer expectations that cannot be met and may trigger emo-
tive dissonance and self-alienation. However, following social iden-
tity theory, we argue that some effects of emotional labor are moder-
ated by one's social and personal identities and that emotional labor
stimulates pressures for the person to identify with the service role.
Research implications for the micro, meso, and macro levels of orga-
nizations are discussed.

The role of emotion in the workplace has been a constant though often
implicit theme in the organizational behavior literature. The interactive
effects among the work context, the work content, and the individual's
emotional state—frequently operationalized as satisfaction, intrinsic mo-
tivation, stress, and mood—has been examined under such headings as
job design (Hackman & Oldham, 1980), decision making and innovation
(Isen & Baron, 1991), group dynamics (Smith & Berg, 1987), leadership
(Yukl, 1989), culture and climate (Schneider, 1990a), and the physical en-
vironment (Sundstrom, 1986).
Recent theoretical and empirical work has been focused on how emo-
tions are expressed in the workplace as well as on how they are experi-
enced (James, 1989; Parkinson, 1991; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987, 1989, 1991;
Stenross & Kleinman, 1989; Sutton, 1991; Van Maanen & Kunda, 1989;
Zerbe & Falkenberg, 1989). This work indicates that the manner in which
one displays feelings has a strong impact on the quality of service trans-
actions, the attractiveness of the interpersonal climate, and the experi-
ence of emotion itself.
The present discussion focuses on the concept of emotional labor
(Hochschild, 1979, 1983), that is, the act of expressing socially desired

The authors thank Fred Mael, David Waldman, and the participants in Gary Johns's
organizational behavior doctoral seminar at Concordia University for their helpful com-
ments on earlier drafts of this article.

88
1993 Ash forth and Humphiey 89

emotions during service transactions. Hochschild argued that service

agents are expected to experience and express certain feelings during
service interactions, but that attempting to conform to those expectations
causes certain pernicious psychological effects among the agents. Given
the rapid growth of the service sector in many Western countries and the
growing recognition in the manufacturing sector of the importance of a
service orientation (e.g., Bowen, Siehl, & Schneider, 1989; Nusbaumer,
1987), this phenomenon clearly warrants attention.
We review and expand upon Hochschild's argument. First, emotional
labor is defined more rigorously, and its relevance to the service context
is discussed. It is argued that service providers comply with expression
norms or "display rules" through surface acting, deep acting, and the
expression of spontaneous and genuine emotion. Second, the functions
and dysfunctions of emotional labor are examined. It is argued that emo-
tional labor may facilitate task effectiveness by regulating interaction
and obviating interpersonal problems; emotional labor also may facili-
tate self-expression by allowing one to personalize role enactment. How-
ever, the presence of a service agent may prime expectations of good
service that cannot be met, and emotional labor may trigger emotive
dissonance and impair one's sense of authentic self. Third, and most
important, we contend that this perspective on emotional labor can be
enriched by considering the concept of identify. Drawing on social iden-
tity theory, it is argued that some effects of emotional labor on the service
agent are moderated by identification with the role in question: the
greater the identification, the weaker the negative effects on well-being
and the stronger the positive effects. We further argue that emotional
labor stimulates internal (psychological) and external (organizational)
pressures to identify with the role, but that service agents may use vari-
ous behavioral and cognitive defense mechanisms to ameliorate these
pressures. We also contend that identification with such a role includes
its own set of emotional risks. Finally, we discuss the research implica-
tions for the micro, meso, and macro levels of organizations and the pos-
sibility of extending the concept of emotional labor beyond service roles.

EMOTIONAL LABOR

Hochschild (1979, 1983) argued that common expectations exist con-

cerning the appropriate emotional reactions of individuals involved in
service transactions. These expectations give rise to feeling rules or
norms that specify the range, intensity, duration, and object of emotions
that should be experienced. Thus, flight attendants are expected to feel
cheerful and friendly, funeral directors are expected to feel somber and
reserved, and nurses are expected to feel empathetic and supportive.
Following Rafaeli and Sutton's (1989) lead, we prefer the term display
rules (Ekman, 1973) to feeling rules because the former refers to what
emotions ought to be publicly expressed rather than to what emotions are
90 Academy of Management Review January

actually felt. Because display rules refer to behavior rather than to inter-
nal states, it is relatively easy for customers, managers, and peers to
observe one's level of compliance with the rules.
We define the act of displaying the appropriate emotion (i.e., con-
forming with a display rule) as emotiona] labor. This notion differs some-
what from Hochschild's (1983: 7) definition of emotional labor as "the man-
agement of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily dis-
play." We prefer to focus on behavior rather than on the presumed
emotions underlying behavior because (a) as we noted previously, it is
the actual behavior or compliance with display rules that is directly ob-
served by and directly affects service recipients and (b) as we will dis-
cuss, one may conform with display rules without having to "manage"
feelings. Thus, our definition both emphasizes behavior and decouples
the experience of emotion from the expression of emotion.
Emotional labor can be considered a form of impression management
to the extent that the laborer deliberately attempts to direct his or her
behavior toward others in order to foster both certain social perceptions of
himself or herself and a certain interpersonal climate (Gardner & Mar-
tinko, 1988; Grove & Fisk, 1989). Indeed, like impression management
theory, Hochschild's (1983) conception of emotional labor draws heavily
on the dramaturgical perspective (Goffman, 1959, 1969): The laborer is
viewed as an actor performing on stage for an often discriminating audi-
ence.
The Service Context
According to the services management literature, there are several
reasons why the concept of emotional labor has particular relevance to
service encounters (Bowen, Chase, Cummings, & Associates, 1990; Bowen
& Schneider, 1988; Brown, Gummesson, Edvardsson, & Gustavsson, 1991).
First, front-line service personnel are situated at the organization-
customer interface and, thus, represent the organization to customers.
(The generic term customers is meant to encompass specific types such as
patients, clients, and students.) Second, service transactions often in-
volve face-to-face interactions between service agents and customers.
Third, given the uncertainty created by customer participation in the ser-
vice encounter, such encounters often have a dynamic and emergent
quality. Fourth, the services rendered during an encounter are relatively
intangible, thus making it difficult for customers to evaluate service qual-
ity. These four factors place a premium on the behavior of the service
agent during the encounter, and this behavior often strongly affects cus-
tomers' perceptions of product quality, both of goods and services (Bowen
et al., 1989).
Thus, following Hochschild (1983), we focus on organizational mem-
bers in customer-contact functions. Although our primary focus is on
transactions with external customers, these arguments also apply to
transactions involving internal customers. It should also be noted that in
1993 Ashfoith and Humphiey 91

the Research Implications section, we briefly consider the relevance of

emotional labor to organizational members in other roles.
Display Rules
Display rules are generally a function of societal norms, occupational
norms, and organizational norms (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1989). Societal norms
provide general, overarching rules regarding how and what emotions
should be expressed during service encounters. Societal norms are typi-
cally manifested through the expectations of customers. ZeithamI, Para-
suraman, and Berry (1990) found that customer evaluations of a broad
range of services depend on 10 dimensions, including responsiveness,
courtesy, credibility (e.g., trustworthiness), access (i.e., approachability),
communication, and understanding of the customer. These dimensions
suggest that the service encounter is fundamentally a socia] encounter
and that customers tend to share fairly clear expectations about what
constitutes "good" service. In a real sense, service agents are indeed
often "on stage," performing clear roles.
However, two provisos should be noted. First, although customers
may agree on what generally constitutes good service, specific expecta-
tions may vary as a function of (a) the particular industry, organization,
and occupation; (b) the particular service rendered; and (c) the back-
ground and needs of the customer (ZeithamI et al., 1990). An important
concept in this regard is norm strength or norm intensify, defined as the
degree to which a norm is widely shared (consensus) and deeply inter-
nalized (potency) among a given aggregate of people (cf. Jackson, 1965;
Zerbe & Falkenberg, 1989). Zerbe and Falkenberg (1989) found, for exam-
ple, that the norm strength for display rules (as rated by students) was
greater for service occupations (e.g., nurse, flight attendant) than for non-
service occupations (e.g., shipping clerk, janitor). Similar differences of-
ten prevail for finer-grain distinctions, such as between fast-food restau-
rants and haute cuisine restaurants, or between discount stores and high-
end boutiques. Norm strength is also contingent on the nature of the
interaction. Zerbe and Falkenberg argued that norms tend to be stronger
in face-to-face service encounters, especially where emotional expression
is central to the transaction.
The second proviso is that societal norms vary across cultures. For
example, when McDonald's recently opened a fast-food outlet in Moscow,
management trained staff members to conform to Western norms of good
service. This included smiling at customers. However, this particular
norm did not exist in the former Soviet Union, and some patrons con-
cluded that staff members were mocking them.
Occupational communities (Van Maanen & Barley, 1984) and organi-
zations (or even departments) provide display rules that are more local-
ized and specific than the societal norms, such as the ones noted previ-
ously for flight attendants and funeral directors. Occupational and orga-
nizational norms tend to be consistent, though there are exceptions (e.g..
92 Academy of Management Review January

Plas & Hoover-Dempsey, 1988). Further, consistent with the dynamic and
emergent nature of many encounters, ethnographic studies of emotional
labor indicate that different occupational/organizational display rules
tend to be utilized as the demands of a given transaction change (e.g.,
Clark & LaBeff, 1982; Rafaeli, 1989; Sutton, 1991).
Finally, occupational and organizational norms also tend to be con-
sistent with societal norms, though exceptions in these cases are more
prevalent. Occupational or organizational display rules may differ in de-
gree or in kind from societal display rules. As an example of the former,
patients expect their physicians to demonstrate personal concern and
solicitude, whereas physicians share an occupational norm that legiti-
mates a greater degree of detachment (Lief 8f Fox, 1963). Generally, the
greater the power and status of the agent, occupation, or organization
vis-d-vis the customer, the greater the latitude to modify the degree of
compliance with societal norms. As an example of differences in the kind
of display rules, Rafaeli and Sutton (1991) demonstrated how police inter-
rogators and bill collectors expressed hostility and coldness to induce
anxiety in suspects and debtors. Differences in kind often reflect a coer-
cive element, where the presence of the target is more or less involuntary
and the agent has greater power than the target and greater control over
the encounter. Other examples of this coercive element include some
encounters with trial lawyers, teachers, emergency response personnel,
and prison officials.
Surface Acting and Deep Acting
Hochschild (1979, 1983) argued that a service provider performs emo-
tional labor in one of two ways. First, he or she may comply with display
rules through surface acting. Surface acting involves simulating emotions
that are not actually felt, which is accomplished by careful presentation
of verbal and nonverbal cues, such as facial expression, gestures, and
voice tone. In this way, the service agent feigns emotions that are not
experienced. A flight attendant discussed how she would prevent panic
during a crisis, despite her own anxiety:
Even though I'm a very honest person, I have learned not to
allow my face to mirror my alarm or my fright. I feel very
protective of my passengers . . . my voice might quiver a little
during the announcements, but somehow I feel we could get
them to believe . . . the best. (Hochschild, 1983: 107)
The flight attendant uses surface acting to display an emotion—
calmness—that she does not actually feel. The use of surface acting does
not mean that the agent experiences no emotion (in this case, the agent
experiences anxiety); it means that the displayed emotion differs from the
felt emotion.
Note that a discrepancy may occur between felt and displayed emo-
tion even though the service agent is deeply concerned about the welfare
1993 Ashfoith and Huihphiey 93

of his or her customers. As we will discuss, such discrepancies may occur

because various factors impede the agent from feeling the emotions that
he or she wishes to display. This situation contrasts with other cases of
surface acting wherein the agent is not particularly concerned with the
welfare of his or her customers, such as when a salesperson mechanically
greets a customer. This idea is akin to Rafaeli and Sutton's (1987: 32)
distinction between "faking in good faith" and "faking in bad faith."
As the flight attendant example also illustrates, even the apparent
absence of emotion may be the product of emotional labor (cf. affective
neutrality; Parsons, 1951). Surface acting is the form of acting typically
discussed as impression management, and it constitutes the basis of
Goffman's (1959, 1969) dramaturgical analysis of everyday encounters.
The second means of complying with display rules is through deep
acting, whereby one attempts to actually experience or feel the emotions
that one wishes to display. In much the same way that actors "psyche
themselves" for a role, a service agent psyches himself or herself into
experiencing the desired emotion. Feelings are actively induced, sup-
pressed, or shaped. In the following example, a flight attendant describes
how she tries to stop feeling angry and resentful at an annoying passen-
ger:

I may just talk to myself: "Watch it. Don't let him get to you.
Don't let him get to you. . . ." And I'll talk to my partner and
she'll say the same thing to me. After a while, the anger goes
away. (Hochschild, 1983: 55)

Hochschild (1983: 38-42) discussed two avenues for deep acting: (a)
exhorting feeling, whereby one actively attempts to evoke or suppress an
emotion and (b) trained imagination, whereby one actively invokes
thoughts, images, and memories to induce the associated emotion (think-
ing of a wedding to feel happy). Surface acting focuses directly on one's
outward behavior; deep acting focuses directly on one's inner feelings.
Thus, this latter form of emotional labor extends the conventional notion
of impression management as the direct manipulation of behavior: In
deep acting, behavioral change is an indirect effect.
We noted previously that surface acting is consistent with either a
strong or weak concern for one's customers. Given the greater psychic
effort involved in deep acting, it appears that this form of emotional labor
is more consistent with a strong concern for one's customers.
Finally, the concepts of surface and deep acting refer to the effort or
act of trying to display the appropriate emotion, not to the outcomes—that
is, the quality of the effort (how genuine the emotion appears) and the
effects this effort has on the target audience (Hochschild, 1979). Just as the
performances of professional actors vary in quality, so too does the qual-
ity of emotional labor vary across service providers and across service
episodes for a given provider. Indeed, it seems likely that effort and out-
94 Academy of Management Review January

comes would be only modestly correlated: As with task performance in

general, the outcomes of emotional labor are a function not only of effort,
but also of a host of individual and situational factors (see Research
Implications). Further, given the repetitive and scripted nature of many
service roles, one may develop habitual routines for surface and deep
acting such that emotional labor becomes relatively effortless (Ashforth &
Fried, 1988).
Spontaneous and Genuine Emotion
Hochschild's (1983) definition of emotional labor (as the management
of feeling to comply with display rules) implicitly presumes that surface
or deep acting must be performed for compliance to occur. The service
agent is viewed as having to actively and more or less consciously at-
tempt to manage emotion. This deliberateness also is implicit in the lit-
eratures on impression management and dramaturgy, given the prevail-
ing metaphor of an actor attempting to win over an audience. The prob-
lem with this conception of emotional labor is that it does not allow for the
instances whereby one spontaneously and genuinely experiences and
expresses the expected emotion. Clearly, a service agent may naturally
feel what he or she is expected to express without having to work up the
emotion in the sense discussed by Hochschild. A nurse who feels sympa-
thy at the sight of an injured child has no need to "act." Without getting
into the controversy regarding the precise relationship between cognition
and affect (cf. Lazarus, 1984, vs. Zajonc, 1984), our point is that emotion
may be felt and displayed with relatively little effortful prompting. Thus,
we view this genuine experience and expression of expected emotion as
a third means of accomplishing emotional labor.

FUNCTIONS AND DYSFUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONAL LABOR

Functions of Emotional Labor
Task effectiveness. Consistent with the general function of norms
(Feldman, 1984), compliance with display rules facilitates task accom-
plishment—if the expression of emotion is perceived by the target as
more or less sincere (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1989). Given the dynamic and
emergent nature of many service encounters, emotional labor provides a
critical means of regulating interaction. Whyte (1973) discussed how wait-
resses smoothly guided interactions with patrons through such expres-
sive means as facial expression, posture, and tone of voice (cf. control
moves; Goffman, 1969). Thus, emotional labor may increase self-
efficacy—that is, the belief that one can successfully fulfill task require-
ments—and task effectiveness.
Relatedly, by fulfilling social expectations, emotional labor makes
interactions more predictable and avoids embarrassing interpersonal
problems that might otherwise disrupt interactions. A salesperson who
laughs on cue at a client's poor joke is allowing interaction to flow more
1993 Ashfotth and Humphiey 95

smoothly (Gross & Stone, 1964). Also, by mandating the display of emotion
and not the authentic experience of emotion, display rules allow the la-
borer to cognitively distance himself or herself from the implicated emo-
tion and to maintain his or her objectivity and emotional equilibrium.
Medical students learn the art of "detached concern" (Lief & Fox, 1963),
where they convey concern but remain sufficiently aloof to retain their
impartiality, and lawyers learn to act aggressively in court on behalf of
their clients without feeling conflicted about the actual guilt of their cli-
ents (Hirschhorn, 1989).
Service provider. Emotional labor also may facilitate self-expression.
As with most norms, although display rules do constrain behavior, there
is a certain degree of latitude in how they are enacted. This range of
acceptability enables the service agent to project at least some of the
"authentic self" into the enactment, that is, a sense of who one is, a sense
of what one values and wants, and a sense of how one is connected to
others. Clark and LaBeff (1982) discussed the wide variety of styles used
by professionals to inform people of the death of a loved one while re-
maining consistent with the norms of expressed compassion and support-
iveness, and Jackall (1978) described how bank tellers modified organi-
zationally mandated display rules to suit their own interpersonal styles.
Research on environmental psychology indicates that opportunities to
"personalize" the physical workspace—to modify it to reflect one's iden-
tity—are associated with satisfaction (Sundstrom, 1986). Analogously, it
seems likely that the personalization of role enactment afforded by ex-
pressive latitude would promote well-being.
This discussion suggests the following propositions:
Proposifion J; If the expression of emotion is perceived
by the audience as sincere, then compliance with dis-
play rules will be positively associated with task perfor-
mance.
Proposition 2: The latitude for self-expression in the per-
formance of emotional labor will be positively associ-
ated with personal well-being.
It should be noted that occasional deviations from display rules also
may facilitate task effectiveness and self-expression. First, by selectively
breaking rules, one effectively steps "out of role" to communicate the
nature and depth of one's (actual or apparent) personal convictions.
Santino (1990) described occupational stories exchanged by flight atten-
dants and by Pullman porters in which an agent, provoked by a very rude
passenger or pilot/conductor, responds directly and sharply. The deviant
nature of the retort lends weight to the message and may even help forge
new display rules, particularly if the agent involved has accumulated
idiosyncrasy credits (Hollander, 1964). The very popularity of such occu-
pational stories signifies their salutary effect on agents' collective esteem
and solidarity.
96 Academy of Management Review January

Second, Rafaeli and Sutton (1991) studied the use of emofionai con-
trast strategies. Police interrogators and bill collectors often conveyed a
mix of positive and negative emotions to create a contrast effect that
simultaneously heightened the anxiety-inducing properties of the nega-
tive emotions and the trust-inducing properties of the positive emotions.
By deviating from suspects' and debtors' stereotypic expectations of neg-
ative displays, the agents believed they gained greater compliance.
Dysfunctions of Emotional Labor
Task effectiveness. Emotional labor, however, is a double-edged
sword. Ashforth (In press) argues that when a system is established to
oversee a given concern, the reasonable expectation is created that the
concern will be effectively addressed. Analogously, the very presence of
a service agent (e.g., a bank teller versus an automated teller machine)
creates the expectation that good service will be forthcoming. However,
good service is often difficult to provide. First, customer perceptions of
good service hinge on more than mechanical conformity with display
rules: They hinge on the extent to which the service agent conveys a sense
of genuine interpersonal sensitivity and concern. The establishment of
this emotional rapport or resonance cannot be simply mandated by the
organization. Second, the ability of service agents to provide good service
is often externally constrained by physical and resource limitations,
peak/off-peak fluctuations in the level of customer demand, conflicting
and ambiguous role demands from customers, peers, and management,
and so forth. Third, "good service" is necessarily in the eye of the be-
holder, and the potential for disappointment is high, (a) given that spe-
cific expectations often vary across customers and that a service agent
may not perceive or may be incapable of responding to such variation and
(b) given that various cognitive biases predispose customers to perceive
their treatment unfavorably (Ashforth, In press). The risk, then, in priming
expectations of good service is that they may go unmet, thus alienating
the customer. This double-edge notion is succinctly captured by Thomp-
son (1976: 115): "synthetic compassion can be more offensive than none at
all."
Service provider. What is functional for the organization and cus-
tomer may well be dysfunctional for the service provider. Hochschild's
(1983) interest in emotional labor stems from what she argues are the
pernicious effects of both surface acting and deep acting on the laborer.
First, portraying emotions that are not felt (surface acting) creates a sense
of strain that Hochschild terms emofive dissonance, which is akin to cog-
nitive dissonance. This dissonance may cause the individual to feel false
and hypocritical. Loseke and Cahill (1986) described such a dilemma en-
countered by social work students: Their helping role often necessitated
that they mask their feelings from clients, and yet they experienced this
masking as fraudulent and as an indication that they were not bona fide
social workers. Ultimately, such dissonance could lead to personal and
1993 \ Ashfoith and Humphiey 97

work-related maladjustment, such as poor self-esteem, depression, cyn-

icism, and alienation from work. Indeed, this reasoning prompted Foegen
(1988) to argue that emotional laborers should receive "hypocrisy pay."
Second, as argued by Darwin and Freud, among others, emotional
reactions serve a signal function, helping one to make sense of situations
and connecting one to others and to the context (Thoits, 1989). Deep acting
may distort these reactions and impair one's sense of authentic self. Just
as expressive latitude was argued to promote psychological well-being,
this expressive inhibition and distortion may impair well-being. Deep
acting may ultimately lead to self-alienation as one loses touch with this
authentic self, and it may impair one's ability to recognize or even expe-
rience genuine emotion (Ashforth, 1989). Accordingly, one prostitute
stated: "in order to continue I had to turn myself off. I had to disassociate
who I was from what I was doing. . . . [But] I found I couldn't turn myself
back on when I finished working" (Terkel, 1974: 96).
Further, the masking or reworking of authentic emotions that one
would otherwise prefer to express has been linked to psychological and
physical dysfunctions (King & Emmons, 1990; Parkinson, 1991; Penne-
baker, 1985). In a study of prison officers, Rutter and Fielding (1988) found
that a perceived need to suppress emotions in the workplace was posi-
tively associated with overall stress and negatively associated with job
satisfaction.
Emotional discrepancies. The common denominator of these negative
effects on the service provider is a discrepancy between what is expected
and what is experienced. This discrepancy is common because even
though display rules may regulate expressive behavior, they cannot reg-
ulate expressive experience. As elaborated in the following pages, emo-
tions often reflect one's central, salient, and valued identity (or identities).
Further, emotions are often involuntary (e.g., a doctor feels momentary
disgust at the sight of a deformed person), they often lag behind situa-
tional cues (e.g., an upset company lawyer enters a meeting where she is
expected to be emotionally neutral), and they are subject to situational
stressors, mood, fatigue, and other factors besides normative demands
(Thoits, 1990). Finally, following Ashforth and Fried's (1988) discussion of
mindlessness, deep acting tends to become more difficult with each iter-
ation of the role. Frequent repetition tends to blunt felt emotion. Thus, Van
Maanen and Kunda (1989) described how ride operators at an amusement
park, who were expected to be perpetually cheery, would often go "on
automatic pilot" or "into a trance," experiencing only "emotional numb-
ness."
Clearly, then, the various dysfunctions described in this section may
corrode both the willingness and ability to perform emotional labor and,
ultimately, may undermine the various functions of emotional labor. The
precise time frame for such effects is unclear. Conceivably, following the
distinction between acute strain and chronic strain (Payne, Jick, & Burke,
1982), the dysfunctions could become evident in both an immediate man-
98 Academy of Management Review January

ner and in a cumulative, long-term manner. Emotive dissonance and the

impairment of authentic self are particularly likely to have a cumulative
effect. The upshot is that, compared to the functional effects, the dysfunc-
tional effects are more likely to become apparent in the long run.
Before we can formulate propositions regarding the dysfunctions of
emotional labor, we need to consider the critical role that identity plays in
the emotional labor process. Specifically, we contend that the effects of
emotional labor on the personal well-being of the service provider are
moderated by the extent to which the demands of the role in question are
consistent with his or her social or personal identity.

EMOTIONAL LABOR AND IDENTITY

Social Identity Theory
According to social identity theory, the self-concept is comprised of a
personal identity encompassing idiosyncratic characteristics (e.g., traits,
abilities) and a sociai identify encompassing salient group classifications
(e.g., religious affiliation, organizational role) (Ashforth & Mael, 1989;
Tajfel & Turner, 1985). Individuals define groups according to the proto-
typical characteristics ascribed to or abstracted from the members. Indi-
viduals classify themselves and others into various groups as a means of
ordering the social environment and locating themselves and others
within it.
Social identification, then, is the perception of belonging to a group
classification ("I am a woman"; "I am a member of Northern Telecom"). As
individuals begin to identify with a given group, they tend to assume the
prototypical characteristics of the membership as their own. This "self-
stereotyping" amounts to the depersonalization of the self such that indi-
viduals come to see themselves as more or less exemplifying the group
(Turner & Oakes, 1989). Individuals develop a sense of who they are, what
their values, goals, and beliefs are, and what they ought to do.
Thus, proponents of social identity theory suggest that individuals
who strongly identify with their organizational roles (or, relatedly, their
occupations, departments, or organizations)—that is, individuals who
regard their roles as a central, salient, and valued component of who they
are—are apt to feel most authentic when they are conforming to role
expectations, including display rules. They are most truly "themselves"
when they are fulfilling the role of, say, the extroverted salesperson or the
sympathetic employee assistance counselor. Indeed, even if the social
identity is weak, they may still feel authentic if the display rules are
consistent with central, salient, and valued elements of the personal
identity (extroverted, sympathetic).
Given that perceptions of legitimate role expectations may differ
among the service provider, customer, management, and others, it should
be noted that we are referring to the perceptions of the service provider
because it is his or her conceptualization of the role that directly affects
1993 Ashfoith and Humpbiey 99

his or her propensity to identify. A flight attendant may identify strongly

with her service role and yet feel quite justified in sharply rebuking a
passenger who pinches her bottom. In turn, it seems likely that the
greater one's identification with a given service role, the greater the "zone
of indifference" (Barnard, 1938), that is, the greater the range of role de-
mands with which one is willing to comply without critically evaluating
the demands.
Conversely, individuals who define themselves in terms of other so-
cial groups or idiosyncratic characteristics whose display rules are dis-
crepant with those of the organizational role are more apt to experience
emotive dissonance and self-alienation. It is the perception that one is
behaving contrary to a central, valued, and salient identity that triggers
these effects. In a study on stripteasers, Peretti and O'Connor (1989) found
that the greater the discrepancy between a stripteaser's perceptions of the
actual self and the ideal self of stripteaser, the greater the emotional
problems and psychological detachment from sexual activity.
Note that acting pei se is not the issue. An introverted person who
identifies with his role of salesperson may be motivated to act in an
extroverted manner. Indeed, in such cases, acting may protect a valued
identity.
This perspective dovetails nicely with recent literature on (a) the
identity-stress interface and (b) sociological research on identity.
Identity and stress. Stress researchers argue that the effects of po-
tential stressors depend on how the stressors are perceived or appraised
(e.g., Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Burke (1991) and Thoits (1991) elaborated
on this argument by proposing that the effects of a stimulus depend on the
perceived reievance of the stimulus to one's important identities: the
greater the relevance, the greater the potential threat to psychological
well-being. Thus, a very poor performance appraisal would constitute a
greater psychological threat to people who define themselves primarily in
terms of their work roles than to people who do not. Thoits (1991) further
proposed that this identity-relevance argument may encompass positive
events: the greater the relevance of a positive event to an important iden-
tity, the greater the enhancement of psychological well-being. Thus, a
very good appraisal would constitute a greater psychological boost to
people who define themselves primarily in terms of their work roles.
The relevance to emotional labor is as follows. A customer-contact
role carries certain normative expectations, including display rules. The
more strongly one identifies with the role, the greater the positive impact
that fulfilling those expectations has on one's psychological well-being.
Emotional labor provides an opportunity to "act out" (Cheney, 1983: 346)
one's identification, that is, to express one's fidelity to the valued identity.
In Thoits's (1991) terms, this emotional labor constitutes an identity-
lelevant experience, specifically, an identity-enhancing one. However, if
one is indiffeient to the identity implicated in the role, then emotional
labor will have little impact on one's well-being. Thoits terms this an
100 Academy of Management fleview January

identity-irreievant experience. Finally, if one has assumed an identity

whose normative expectations are contrary to those in the customer-
contact role, then emotional labor will have a negative impact on one's
well-being. Although this constitutes an identity-relevant experience, it is
"identity-threatening."
Sociological research. Turner (1976) distinguished between institu-
tional and impulsive self-conceptions. Individuals who assume an insti-
tutional focus ("institutionals") believe that the real self is revealed
through the attainment of "institutionalized standards," such as the cool
professional or the supportive parent. Conversely, "impulsives" believe
that the real self must be discovered by volitional and spontaneous acts
that often involve deviance from institutionalized standards. Thus, Gor-
don (1989) found that individuals who interpreted their emotional experi-
ences through an institutional focus felt the most genuine when their
experiences and behaviors were consistent with display rules, whereas
individuals who assumed an impulsive focus felt the most hypocritical
under these circumstances.
This contrast is evident in the following examples. A student who
was publicly criticized by a school official stated:

I did not allow my temper or stubbornness to overshadow my

rationality. I was honest, cool-headed, and expressed my
ability to debate and argue intelligently rather than fading
into a whimpering and guilt-filled actress simply to dismiss
the matter. (Gordon, 1989: 127-128)

After a basketball game, a second student stated:

We lost and I was actually angry at some of the players. But I

somehow was able to ignore this anger and act like the game
was just another game. My real self wanted to walk over to
some of the players and cuss them out. But what I really did
was say how they played such a good game. (Gordon, 1989:
128)

The first student, who assumed an institutional orientation, is pleased

with her ability to restrain her emotions and respond in an even, rational
manner to her accuser. The second student, who assumed an impulsive
orientation, interpreted his emotional restraint in a more negative man-
ner, even though he was complying with the norms of good sportsman-
ship. This contrast suggests that the dysfunctional effects of emotional
labor may apply only to impulsives and that emotional labor may, in fact,
promote psychological health among "institutionals."
Based on our review of the identity literature, we propose the follow-
ing:
Pioposition 3: It emotional laboi is consistent with a cen-
tral, salient, and valued social and/or personal identity
1993 Ashtoith and Humphiey 101

Cor identities^, it will lead to enhanced psychological

well-being.
Proposition 4: li emotional labor is inconsistent with a
central, salient, and valued social and/or personal iden-
tity (or identities), it will lead to emotive dissonance
and/or a loss of one's sense of authentic self.
Distinctions such as identity-irrelevant versus identity-relevant,
identity-threatening versus identity-enhancing, and institutional versus
impulsive seem to suggest that identification is a dichotomous function,
that identification is fixed and resistant to situational pressures, and that
identification targets are mutually exclusive. However, research on iden-
tification processes indicates that (a) individuals vary widely in the extent
to which they identify with a given target, (b) the extent to which an
individual identifies with a given target may change over time, (c) the
salience of a given identity is partially a function of situational cues, and
(d) individuals are capable of multiple and even conflicting identifica-
tions (Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Serpe, 1987; Thoits, 1983; Turner & Oakes,
1989). Thus, Smith and Berg (1987: 90-95) have discussed the "paradox of
identity," whereby one struggles with simultaneous desires to meld with
a group and yet preserve a unique sense of self, and Kahn (1990: 694) has
described the "calibrations of self-in-role," whereby one oscillates be-
tween personal engagement and personal disengagement at work. Ac-
cordingly, emotional labor may at times provoke a sense of ambivalence
or approach-avoidance conflict, such that Propositions 3 and 4 become
simuitaneousiy true.
Emotional Labor and the Pressure to Identify
As noted, individuals vary in the degree to which they identify with a
given identification object. However, because positions that require emo-
tional labor often involve not only cognitive and behavioral input into
task performance but also emotional input, there tends to be greater in-
ternal and external pressure to identify with the position, if not the orga-
nization.
Internal pressure. The involvement of emotions through deep acting
makes it more difficult for individuals to distance themselves from the
position (Van Maanen & Kunda, 1989). As Cooley (1922) argued, emotions
are a sign of the "I." They provide strong cues for the construction of
identity—especially in the absence of a clear identity or a strong contrary
identity. Sutton (1991) described his experience as a participant observer
at a collection agency. As a collector, he found that his initial telephone
pitches to debtors came across as tentative and flat. Soon, however, with
the help of coaching and experience, he actually began to feel the arousal
and mild irritation that he was expected to express to debtors.
Even surface acting can stimulate internal pressure. First, like cog-
nitive dissonance, emotive dissonance is aversive (Richman, 1988). Thus,
102 Academy of Management Review January

dissonance may induce a realignment in identity to resolve the disso-

nance. Davis (1968) described both the inauthenticity felt by student
nurses when they initially enacted their instructors' conception of the
nursing role and the way in which the associated feelings of guilt and
hypocrisy helped motivate the students to gradually internalize the role.
Baumeister (1982) cited laboratory research that suggests that the act of
publicly expressing a given emotional state can induce a corresponding
change in felt emotion. Indeed, Hochschild (1990: 121) argued that "[i]n
surface acting, we do not simply change our expression; we change our
expression in order to change our feeling."
Second, following Salancik's lead (1977), acting as if one were a cer-
tain type of person tends to commit one to the persona if one perceives
that the behavior was explicit, irrevocable, public, and volitional. Given
the social nature of emotional labor, the individual's choice to accept the
position and its implied demands, and the various techniques employed
by organizations to heighten commitment (Salancik, 1977), the individual
may well come to identify with the role. Adler and Adler (1991) described
how college basketball players attempted to publicly conform to their
exaggerated public personas while privately retaining a less inflated
view of their own importance. However, the repeated public enactment of
the role of star gradually induced the players to think of themselves as
stars: Role playing had become role taking.
External pressure. Given the dynamic and emergent quality of ser-
vice encounters, the relative intangibility of services, and the direct, face-
to-face manner in which services are often rendered, it is difficult for
organizations to regulate encounters through conventional control sys-
tems (e.g., direct supervision, rules and procedures). Further, as noted,
organizations cannot mandate an emotional rapport between service
agents and customers. Accordingly, organizations often focus on more
indirect controls, that is, on establishing a service culture that will facil-
itate identification with the service role and internalization of service
values and norms (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987; Schneider, 1990b). Those who
use such controls are often concerned not only with the display of emo-
tion, but also the very experience of emotion.
External pressure, then, comes in the form of more intensive efforts
during recruitment, selection, and socialization, a practice that is referred
to in the services management literature as cuiturai controi (Bowen &
Schneider, 1988). It seems likely that organizational efforts to exert cul-
tural control would be positively associated with (a) the perceived impor-
tance of customers, where perceptions might be based on various instru-
mental criteria (e.g., volume of transactions, tenure of association) and
expressive criteria (e.g., a strong service ethic); (b) the frequency of con-
tact between service agents and customers; and (c) the potency of cus-
tomers' beliefs about appropriate emotional expression. (The other facet
of norm strength, consensus, is more likely to affect the ease of exerting
cultural control rather than the perceived need: Organizations that face
1993 Asbfoith and Humphiey 103

diverse but potent customer expectations may need to channel consider-

able resources into developing service agents who have a diverse reper-
toire of response capabilities.) Thus, the more frequent an agent's contact
with important customers holding potent expectations, the greater the
organization's efforts to control that agent's emotional expression and to
align this expression with the actual experience of emotion.
Through more or less structured experiences of both a direct nature
(e.g., training, feedback, discussion, rituals) and an indirect nature (e.g.,
stories and myths, metaphors, observation of models), the agent comes to
learn the content, intensity, and variety of emotions that ought to be
experienced and expressed while performing the work role, and the in-
ternalization of and compliance with display rules is typically main-
tained by various rewards and punishments. Sutton (1991) discussed how
a collection organization attempted to select people who appeared pre-
disposed to experience and who display arousal and irritation, as as-
sessed through interviews, training, and a trial period. Newly hired col-
lectors were then socialized via instruction and feedback to express these
qualities to debtors. Good performance was encouraged through praise,
raises, promotions, and prizes, and poor performance was discouraged
by criticism, warnings, demotions, and dismissals.
Perhaps the most potent influence is the sociai vaiidation of the emer-
gent identity. Contributors to the identity literature suggest that the iden-
tification process is often cued and negotiated through situated symbolic
interactions (e.g., Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Swann, 1987). Following Coo-
ley's (1922) notion of the looking glass self, as members of a person's role
set begin to treat that person as if he or she were an exemplar of the role,
the person comes to think of himself or herself in these terms and begins
to act and feel accordingly. This idea is reflected in the previous example
of the college basketball players. Once the identity is established, the
person tends to behave so as to maintain both self- and social perceptions
of the new identity (Burke, 1991).
Based on this discussion of the internal and external pressures to
identify with one's service role, we propose the following:
Proposition 5: The degree of effort that organizations ex-
ert to recruit, select, socialize, and reinforce the inter-
nalization of and compliance with display rules will be
positively associated with (a) the perceived importance
of customers, (b) the frequency of contact between ser-
vice agents and customers, and (c) the potency of cus-
tomers' beliefs about appropriate emotional expression.
Proposition 6: Compliance with display rules through
either surface acting or deep acting will, over time, fos-
ter (a) identification with the role (or the values and
norms of the role) and, thus, (b) an alignment between
the expression of emotion and the experience of emotion.
104 Academy ot Management Review January

In Thoits's (1991) terms. Proposition 6 suggests that emotional labor may

trigger psychological processes that transform identity-irrelevant experi-
ences and even identity-threatening ones into identity-enhancing expe-
riences.
Finally, given that deep acting explicitly involves reworking one's
felt emotion, whereas surface acting does not, we can add the following:
Proposition 7: In comparison to surface acting, deep act-
ing (a) will lead more quickly to identification with the
role (or the values and norms of the role) and (b) will be
more strongly associated with identification.
Qualifications. These propositions, however, warrant two important
qualifications. First, individuals are not simply passive recipients of ex-
ternal pressure, and they are likely to be especially wary of organization-
al attempts to influence something as ostensibly personal as one's emo-
tional state. Accordingly, external pressures that convey a marked lack of
respect for one's individuality, professionalism, or worth are apt to be
resisted (Argyris, 1957). Indeed, such attempts may provoke the opposite
effect. Ashforth and Gibbs (1990) argued that organizational attempts to
legitimate an activity are occasionally so heavy-handed and insensitive
that constituents reject the attempts as manipulative and do precisely the
reverse to display their defiance. One retail chain made its cashiers pin
dollar bills to their uniforms. Customers were entitled to one dollar if they
did not receive a friendly greeting or a sincere thank you. The company
promised a free dollar to all cashiers who finished the two-week cam-
paign with a perfect record and a recognition pin to the most courteous
cashier at each store (Hochschild, 1983: 149). It is not hard to imagine how
such a transparent campaign could foster resentment and cynicism
among the cashiers.
Second, as with cognitive dissonance, emotive dissonance and self-
alienation may be resolved by means other than identification with the
role in question. Such means include various behavioral and cognitive
defense mechanisms that may be utilized to ameliorate the emotional
discrepancies that cause dissonance and self-alienation (cf. Ashforth &
Lee, 1990; Breakwell, 1986). Behavioral mechanisms range from proactive
tactics designed to remove the causes of emotional discrepancies to re-
active tactics designed to avoid the causes or to buffer the psychological
impact of discrepancies. Satyamurti (1981) discussed how social workers
routinized their relationships with clients so as to minimize the need for
personal interaction and the expression of empathy and concern, and
Pogrebin and Poole (1988) found that police officers utilized humor to dif-
fuse their fear and disgust so as to enable them to comply with display
rules requiring poise in the face of danger and tragedy. Cognitive mech-
anisms are similarly varied. Emerson and Pollner (1976) reported that
psychiatric emergency teams preserved a desired identity as benevolent
caregivers by using derogatory labels to characterize situations where
1993 Ashtoith and Humphiey 105

they were forced to physically restrain or coerce patients (cf. role distanc-
ing, Goffman, 1961), and Lifton (1986) described how Nazi doctors utilized
"psychological numbing" so as not to feel guilt and shame at their com-
plicity in the extermination of human beings while ostensibly affirming
their Hippocratic Oath of caregiving. Though the latter example is ex-
treme, it does point out the potential to cognitively insulate oneself from
emotional discrepancies.
Such techniques are frequently intended to create a psychological
and perhaps even physical boundary between one's central identity and
the undesired identity implied by one's role behavior (Epstein, 1989). The
boundary acts as a buffer or breakwater against the daily assaults on a
cherished self, forestalling the potential dysfunctions of emotional labor
and the impetus for identity realignment. Indeed, given how frequently
defense mechanisms appear to be used in everyday life, it could be ar-
gued that the dysfunctions of emotional labor represent a failure of one's
routine resistances to change in the self.
Given the normative quality of display rules (and feeling rules), de-
fense mechanisms often require the tacit support of management or the
legitimation of an occupational subculture or counterculture (Thoits, 1990;
Van Maanen & Barley, 1984). Organizations that require frequent emo-
tional labor, such as retail stores and banks, often rigorously demarcate
"frontstage" and "backstage" regions to allow employees to temporarily
"step out of character" and relax (Goffman, 1959), and Rosecrance (1988)
found that public defenders' attempts to neutralize the hostility of their
clients were heavily supported by occupational myths (e.g., clients are
naive).
This discussion suggests two further propositions:
Proposition 8: Organizational efforts to encourage iden-
tification with the service role (or the values and norms
of the role) are less likely to succeed if they are per-
ceived by the service provider to be heavy-handed and
insensitive to his or her individuality, professionalism,
or worth.
Proposition 9: Surface acting and deep acting are less
likely to foster identification with the service role (or the
values and norms of the role) if the service provider uti-
lizes behavioral or cognitive defense mechanisms to re-
move or avoid the causes of the discrepancies or to
buffer the psychological impact of the discrepancies.
Emotional Costs of Identification
Finally, it should be noted that identification carries its own set of
potential emotional risks. One risk entails burnout. Field research sug-
gests that human service workers often become emotionally exhausted by
their ongoing attempts to provide care and support for needy people (Lee
& Ashforth, In press; Maslach, 1982). Exhausted workers report that, de-
106 Academy of Management Review January

spite their best efforts, they are simply unable to give any more of them-
selves. Maslach (1982) found that individuals with high initial job involve-
ment, professional commitment, idealism, and empathy for others are
most susceptible to burnout, presumably because they invest more emo-
tion in the enactment of their helping role. These, of course, are precisely
the individuals most likely to identify with their roles.
A second and related risk involves self-esteem. Social identity theo-
rists maintain that individuals identify with groups partly to enhance
self-esteem (Hogg & Abrams, 1990). Thus, identification can be emotion-
ally debilitating if one is forcibly separated from the group in question, as
through a layoff, transfer, or retirement, or if the group performs poorly or
becomes socially stigmatized. The debilitating effect of identification can
be mitigated, however, if one is able to rationalize the negative event or
find another basis for social comparison (Mael & Ashforth, 1992).
Third, identification with a role may exacerbate the psychological
impact of job stressors and performance failures. The more individuals
define themselves in terms of their organizational roles, the greater the
internalization of role obligations (Ashforth & Mael, 1989) and the more
likely they will feel anxious if they are unable to fulfill those obligations.
In Burke's (1991) terms, this failure "interrupts" the continuous verification
of one's social identity, triggering distress. Thus, in a study of bank em-
ployees, Schneider (1980) found that it was precisely those employees who
were most committed to a service orientation that experienced the great-
est frustration at management's tendency to put efficiency ahead of ser-
vice.
These emotional risks stem from a fundamental dependency on the
work identity. Research on social identity indicates that the accumulation
of multiple identities generally benefits one's psychological health
(Thoits, 1983, 1991). The greater the proportion of one's self-conception
that is vested in a single identity, the more emotionally susceptible is one
to the ups and downs of the role or group in question. Indeed, two items
from the Mael and Ashforth (1992: 122) measure of organizational identi-
fication are "When someone criticizes [this organization], it feels like a
personal insult" and "This organization's successes are my successes."
Thus, the more central the role in one's identity, the greater the vulnera-
bility to emotional costs. Ironically, it may well be the alienated em-
ployee who is best able to distance himself or herself from the group and
its associated emotional demands. Note, however, that the very depen-
dency that puts one at risk may also function as a source of emotional
well-being, providing a sense of belongingness, empowerment, and
meaningfulness (Ashforth & Mael, 1989).
This discussion suggests a final proposition:

Proposition 10: The more central a given role or group is

to one's identity, the stronger the association between
one's emotional well-being and the perceived suc-
cesses, failures, and demands of the role or group.
1993 AshloTth and Humphiey 107

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Hochschild (1983) argued that service providers are expected to feel
and display certain emotions during service encounters. The act of dis-
playing the appropriate emotion is termed emotional labor. If service
providers do not genuinely feel the expected emotion, then emotional
labor may be performed through either surface acting, whereby they pre-
tend to feel the emotion, or deep acting, whereby they induce themselves
to feel the emotion. Emotional labor is a double-edged sword in that it can
facilitate task performance by regulating interaction and precluding in-
terpersonal problems, or it can impair performance by priming expecta-
tions of good service that cannot be met. Also, although emotional labor
may provide the service agent with some leeway for self-expression,
Hochschild (1983) argued that it may undermine personal well-being
through emotive dissonance (the sense of strain caused by portraying
feelings that are not felt) and self-alienation (the loss of one's sense of
authentic self).
We argued that this perspective on emotional labor could be enriched
by incorporating the concept of identity. Specifically, we maintained that
the negative effects of emotional labor on the well-being of the service
provider are moderated by identification with the role (or the values and
norms of the role) in question. Indeed, identification may render emo-
tional labor enjoyable and enhance well-being. It was further maintained
that (a) surface acting and deep acting trigger psychological pressures to
align one's experience of emotions with one's expression of emotions, but
that service providers may use various behavioral and cognitive defense
mechanisms to mitigate these pressures and thus forestall identity re-
alignment and (b) organizations often attempt to recruit, select, socialize,
and reinforce the internalization of and compliance with display rules in
occupations where emotional labor is central to the work role. Identifica-
tion, however, carries an emotional risk: It may psychologically bind one
to the role such that one's well-being becomes more or less yoked to
perceived successes and failures in the role.
Research Implications
This perspective suggests several directions for future research.
First, at the micro level, researchers should focus on the experience and
expression of emotion during service episodes. Particular attention
should be paid to the interaction of situational, interpersonal, and indi-
vidual factors and the way in which the process of emotional labor un-
folds and with what outcomes. The literatures on services marketing,
identity, emotional labor, dramaturgy, and impression management sug-
gest a host of potentially important variables. A partial list of situational
and interpersonal variables include transaction-defining and identity
cues, consistency between customer expectations and occupational and
organizational display rules, duration of the episode, time pressure, de-
108 Academy oi Management Review January

gree of customer involvement, diversity of customer demands, whether

the interaction takes place in public or private, norm strength and the
degree to which expression is scripted, customer familiarity with the par-
ticular service and the service agent, and the relative power and status of
the participants. A partial list of individual variables includes gender,
age and tenure, centrality of social and personal identities, job involve-
ment, self-monitoring, empathic ability, positive and negative affectivity,
expressive ability, affect intensity, tolerance for emotional discrepancies,
and emotional stamina. Finally, a partial list of process/outcome vari-
ables includes the expression and experience of emotion, the use of sur-
face acting versus deep acting, the use of defense mechanisms to buffer
the impact of emotional labor, the degree of conformity with display
rules, the perceived authenticity of displays, customer satisfaction, task
effectiveness, and various personal adjustment factors such as identifi-
cation, stress, self-esteem, and cynicism.
These variables could be used to formulate numerous specific hy-
potheses. For example, one could argue that the less status and power the
service agent has relative to the customer, the greater will be the con-
formity to display rules; the less the agent's job involvement and identi-
fication with the role and organization, the greater will be the use of
surface acting and defense mechanisms and the lower will be the per-
ceived authenticity of displays. Also, the higher the agent's self-
monitoring and empathic and expressive abilities, the higher will be the
customer satisfaction and task effectiveness; the greater the norm
strength, the less impact individual variables will have on expressive
behavior; or the more potentially conflictive the interaction (e.g., a cus-
tomer complaint department), the more reserved will be the agent (cf.
Ashforth & Lee, 1990; Goodsell, 1976; Parkinson, 1991; Rafaeli & Sutton
1989).
A second focus of future research is the meso level. Researchers
might study the impact of one's social network—for example, co-workers,
superiors, subordinates, customers, family members—on such issues as
the social construction and maintenance of social/personal identities and
occupational/organizational display rules, the enactment of identities,
display rules, and defense mechanisms during service interactions, and
the experience of emotion itself. For instance, one might examine the
formal and informal mechanisms through which co-workers communicate
and reinforce cognitive, affective, and behavioral role expectations, the
ways in which social networks legitimate the use of certain defense
mechanisms, the relevance of "emotional contagion" to the experience
and expression of emotion during service interactions, or the ways in
which service agents manage the conflicting identities or display rules
cued by various members of the role set (cf. Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Den-
ison & Sutton, 1990; Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, In press).
Third, at the macro level, researchers should examine how societal
norms, occupational norms, and organizational norms jointly influence
1993 Ashfoith and Humphiey 109

the nature of display rules (e.g., their content, intensity, diversity,

strength, and consistency) in various service settings and how organiza-
tions foster and sustain a desired service culture. For example, one could
interpret the recent spate of popular press articles on the service ethic
(e.g.. Business Week, 1990; Sellers, 1990) as an attempt to align the ex-
pressive behavior of service agents with societal expectations, and one
might study how recruitment, selection, socialization, and reward prac-
tices are used to encourage internalization of and compliance with dis-
play rules and their attendant social and personal identities. A particu-
larly interesting issue is the relative emphasis that should be placed on
recruiting and selecting individuals predisposed to a service orientation
versus sociaJizing and lewaiding individuals to internalize a service ori-
entation (cf. Chatman, 1991; Schneider, 1987). Sutton (1991), for instance,
has suggested that to the extent that emotional expression is dependent
upon enduring dispositional factors, recruitment and selection is prefer-
able to socialization and reward.
As the previous examples suggest, the micro, meso, and macro per-
spectives are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Indeed, it can be argued
that they constitute a system of interacting parts, which suggests the
necessity of a diverse set of research methodologies. Perhaps the most
promising methodology at this early stage of theorizing is an ethno-
graphic approach (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1989; Van Maanen, 1988). The use of
participant observation, structured and unstructured observation, inter-
views, content analysis of training materials, and so on, should provide
a thick description of the enactment and interpretation of expressive be-
havior. Rafaeli's (1989) study of supermarket cashiers and Sutton's (1991)
study of bill collectors provide excellent examples.
Although emotional experience and expression are inherently diffi-
cult to assess through survey methods, advances in the field suggest that
a survey approach may have some utility as well. Examples include mea-
sures of display rules and norm strength (Zerbe & Falkenberg, 1989), emo-
tional expressiveness (King & Emmons, 1990; Riggio, 1986), emotional con-
trol (Riggio, 1986; Roger & Najarian, 1989), work affect (Burke, Brief,
George, Roberson, & Webster, 1989), and emotion in social interaction
and emotion antecedents (Scherer, 1988). Survey methods can be em-
ployed profitably in a longitudinal design to capture the process of iden-
tification, internalization and personalization of display rules, utilization
of defense mechanisms, development of empathic and expressive ability,
change in personality attributes associated with emotional labor, and
Kahn's (1990) calibration of self-in-role.
Extending emotional labor. Future research should also be focused
on the extent to which the concept of emotional labor can be generalized
beyond service roles to other organizational roles. Given that roles are
essentially bundles of social expectations and that emotions are inevita-
bly experienced in the performance of roles, it is difficult to imagine an
organizational role to which display rules would not apply at various
110 Academy of Management Review January

points. Thus, the propositions may apply generally across the organiza-
tion (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1989). However, researchers should consider the
differences between internal or external customer contact roles and other
roles and the implications these differences may have for the develop-
ment of display rules, the performance of—and sanctions for—emotional
labor, and tendencies toward identification. For example, one could ar-
gue that display rules generally are less likely to regulate non-customer-
related within-organization interactions because (a) service agents typi-
cally are responsible for enacting the organization's desired image vis-
a-vis external customers and perhaps the department's or occupation's
desired image vis-d-vis internal customers and (b) external customers, as
"partial employees" (Mills & Morris, 1986), tend to be seen less frequently
and turn over more quickly than full employees; thus, they are less likely
to develop an informal, personalized working relationship with organi-
zational members. Or one could argue that display rules are more likely
to regulate interactions across hierarchical, departmental, and occupa-
tional boundaries than interactions within such boundaries, because of
differences in status, authority, and so on.
Conclusion
Interactions involving organizational members are subject to norms
regarding the content, intensity, diversity, and consistency of displayed
emotion. The resulting emofionai labor suggests that the expression of
socially appropriate emotion constitutes a neglected form of role demand.
Given the centrality of emotion in the construction of one's perceptions of
the world and the self and, thus, the potentially important effects of re-
working one's emotions, it is crucial that management researchers study
the whys and wherefores of this phenomenon.
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Blake Ashforth received his Ph.D. in organizational behavior from the University of
Toronto. He is an associate professor of management at Concordia University, Mon-
treal, Canada. His current research interests include the dysfunctions of organiza-
tional structures and processes, the adjustment of newcomers to work, and the links
between micro level (individual), meso level (groups), and macro level (organiza-
tional) processes.
Ron Humphrey received his Ph.D. in sociology and social psychology from the Uni-
versity of Michigan. He is currently an assistant professor at Wayne State Univer-
sity, Detroit, in the Department of Management. His research interests focus on how
organizational structures and job characteristics influence cognitive and emotional
processes, including decision making, power relations, communication, prototypes,
and scripts.