Living with the Future: Succession of Royal Cities Preserving Sasana and Its Influence on the

History of Myanmar and Myanmar Historical Writing

Alexey E. Kirichenko
Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University

There is hardly a thing more desirable and tempting for human heart than knowing the future. Accordingly,
a great deal of effort was dedicated to development and refinement of prognostic knowledge, an important
component of every pre-modern culture. Furthermore, is often impossible to understand human behavior if
we don’t know what expectations of the future underlay such and such actions.
Yet, analyzing the choices made by historical figures, scholars tended to prefer explanations of material
nature to causal factors arising from beliefs and perceptions. In case of Myanmar history such rationalism
led to certain bias in research: despite the availability of rich source material on traditional Myanmar
futurology and its influence on reality only few attempts to explore it were made. These pioneering
contributions (Than Tun 1960, Aung Thwin 1983, Tun Aung Chain 2000, Saw Tun 2002) clearly show
how much concerned the people of Myanmar were about prophecies and omens.
The purpose of this paper is to initiate closer scrutiny of our knowledge on transfer of capitals in
Myanmar throughout the 14th to 19th centuries. It focuses on information that influenced the establishing of
a new royal city (pyi)1 and choosing of its location. The data under study are found in Myanmar chronicles
belonging to the tradition of mahayazawins or great chronicles of kings2, other narrative sources3, epistles
and submissions to the kings (thwin-za, than-daw-u-tin-gyet), and prophetic literature (thaik-sa). The
abovementioned sources list royal cities preserving the Sasana for 5000 years of its existence and relate the
account of Lord Buddha’s coming to different places in Upper Myanmar to prophecy the rise of royal cities
there. As I hope to demonstrate, these pieces of data are interrelated and may have important bearing on
our understanding of Myanmar history and historiography. Starting with few words about the status of
royal city in Myanmar, I will describe briefly the concepts in question, try to trace their development, and
outline their probable influence on the shifts of seats of sovereign power and chronicle tradition.

The status of royal city in Myanmar

The notion of “royal city” (pyi) reflects complex organization of power in Myanmar during the period
under study. This term was used to denote any city which previously or presently had a lord (min) and
thus acted as an independent or semi-independent seat of power. Pyi was one of the attributes of
lordship so any person willing to establish his authority as a lord was required to secure a royal city
either by building or conquest. It seems that the loss of sovereignty by pyi (i.e. submission of one ruler
to another) did not result in status deprivation. Thus pyi was not simply an administrative entity, it was
a ritual and sacral center of a certain locale as well as effective or potential center of a polity (a
network of power relations linking different communities and their leaders).
Ritual role of pyi was reflected in concentration of relics and major religious complexes therein. At
an early stage of development, a city usually possessed one especially revered relic which was critical
for sacral identity of its inhabitants. Thus to reduce the status of a city the conquerors usually removed
the most important relics4. It is often stressed in the chronicles that such relics were venerated by the
“generations (or succession) of kings” of the royal city in question, i.e. were essential articles of royal
ritual.
The role of major pyis as religious centers was also reflected in their claims for special status in
preservation and transmission of Sasana. It seems that to bid for submission of other lords and leaders
as well as popular support the king could not build his royal city wherever he wanted. As shown by U
Tun Aung Chain, it was necessary to demonstrate Buddha’s prophecies for foundation of such pyi and
establish it on the “victory ground” (aungmyei) (Tun Aung Chain 2000). Below I would argue that
traditions identifying the cities regarding which such prophecies were made evolved in Myanmar as
early as the 14th century. In altered and amended form they influenced the shifts of seats of power in
historical perspective and shaped the construction of mahayazawins’ narrative as we know it.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 2
The accounts in question
The narration of royal succession in Myanmar chronicles of kings is organized by the cities where they had
reigned. The most well known Myanmar chronicles (e.g., the so called Glass Palace Chronicle and U
Kala’s Great Chronicle) belong to the tradition of mahayazawins, a specialized genre giving the full
account of royal succession traced from Mahasammata, the first monarch of the world, through a number
of royal cities. Relations about the sovereigns of each pyi formed a separate chapter (hkan) of a text.
Usually the chapter would open with a section describing how the foundation of the city was foretold by
the Lord Buddha on the occasion of his arrival to that place.
There exist to my knowledge at least four accounts where these predictions are related in toto. The text
of unknown date and unknown author labeled Zambu-kun-gya (Chief of Jambudipa)5 opens with a section
on prophecies made by the Lord Buddha on coming to Upper Myanmar. Observing different omens and
receiving homage from various personae Buddha predicts their future ascension to the throne as well as
the founding of cities of Thayeikhitaya, Arimaddana (Pagan), Yadanapura Ava, Sagaing. He also
identifies different places as sites of his previous births, thus referring to a number of jātakas (NL
3147: hpe v. – hpō v.). U Tun Aung Chain in his paper notes a similar account attributed to Taungbila
Hsayadaw Shin Muneindagotha (1578-1650) which records Buddha’s prophecies about Thayeikhitaya,
Pagan, Myinzaing, Mekkhaya, Pinle, Pinya, Sagaing and Inwa (Ava) (Tun Aung Chain 2000: 134).
The same story with some variations is recounted in Mahayazawuntha (Great Chronicle) attributed
to U Kala where it is split between chapters on Thayeikhitaya, Pagan, Pinya and Ava. The most
complete account (as regards the number of royal cities mentioned) is found in the chapter on Ava 6. Its
translation is given below:

In the time when the Lord Buddha became known he undertook a journey and arrived from
Mizimadeitha (Majjhimadesa) to Ngazaunggyan. Having made a prophecy about the locality of
Ngazaunggyan, [he] went to Kaungzin. Having arrived [there he] made a prophecy about Kaungzin.
Thenceforth he descended downstream and standing [atop Mount] Tangyi made a prophecy about
Tagaung. After that he arrived to Mandalay [where] biluma Izamukhi cut off [her] excellent breast and
donated [it to Buddha], whereby [he] made a prophecy that [Mandalay] will be a large royal city
Yadanabon. Thenceforth [he] arrived to the locality of Kyetyet and 4 bilus called Nga Taung Byon, Nga
Taung Kyi, Nga Taung Thaman, Nga Taung Myint who were brothers of biluma Izamukhi donated
pilaf whereby [Buddha] made a prophecy about the locality of Thaungthaman Taungkyi. [He] made the
[following] prophecy: “In times past [there] really was a couple of fowl kings and [they] used to
frequent this place. In locality of Kyethtaung [they] used to sleep”. When thenceforth [he] arrived to a
place where Sagaing was built [subsequently] one little bilu among one hundred bilus stole bathing
waistcloth of the Lord Buddha and ran away. [The remaining] 99 bilus asked permission from the Lord
Buddha and donated pilaf [to him]. Lord Buddha instructed 99 bilus in the Law and helped them to
become established in sotāpatti phala. Bilus took the bathing waistcloth [from] little bilu who stole [it]
and ran away, handed it over to the Lord Buddha and then asked for paribhogacetīya. 99 bilus led by
bilu Zeita built a cetīya and paid homage to it. This stupa is called Zeitawun till now.
Having instructed bilus in the Law the Lord Buddha made a prophecy about the locality of Sagaing.
When thenceforth he arrived to a place where Ava was built [subsequently] one elderly taungdu
donated three ripe cucumbers whereby [Buddha] made [the following] prophecy: “When there will be a
royal city in this place this thaungdu will become a king for three times and will honour my Sasana”. At
that time a little monkey experienced consciousness associated with veneration on seeing the Lord
Buddha and taking an empty beehouse offered [it to him]. The Lord Buddha accepted [the beehouse]
and having fondled her head let her go. That little monkey pulled out the thread which hanged from the
edge of the robe and shinned up the tree. Seeing that, [Buddha] smiled. When younger brother Shin
Ananda asked about the reason of smiling [Buddha] made [the following] prophecy: “Beloved son
Ananda! When there will be a royal city in this place that little monkey will attain kingship for three
generations. When she will become a king she will practice charity. [Yet she] will lack morality. [Thus
she] will propagate and destroy my Sasana at the same time”;
this royal city:
in the times past, in the beginning of the world under [king] Padonmasandathuyiya [it] was called
Ayeyawady-yahta Kanpahtani. Under this king rain of jewels fell three times.
Under king Vayonna [it] was called Puyeindada. Under this king rain of jewels fell 2 times.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 3
Under Lord buddha Kakuthan [it] was called Yadanapura Thunapayanda.
Under Lord buddha Konagon [it] was called Kamavasaya.
Under Lord buddha Kathapa [it] was called Otthaba. In this royal city under king Vathudeiwa rain
of jewels fell once.
Now this locality is called Tanpadipa.
After the reign of Tazishin Thihathu it is called Inwa.
Having made such prophecy [Buddha] went to Myinzaing [and] Pagan and made prophecies
[concerning these places]. Some say that the Lord Buddha did not come to the eastern bank of
Ayeyawady River (MYG I: 341-343).

Comparison between Zambu-kun-gya and Mahayazawuntha shows that we deal with the same list of
pyis related in reverse (see the table below). The version of Mahayazawuntha is longer but by no means
exclusive of what we find in ZKG. The principal difference between these versions lies in the fact that the
former implies Buddha’s journey upstream the Ayeyawady River with prophecy in chronological sequence
while the later – journey downstream with prophecy in reverse order. The version of Taungbila Hsayadaw
appears a modification of ZKG.
Table 1
Buddha’s prophecies concerning royal cities of Myanmar
Zambu-kun-gya Mahayazawuntha
Pyi Place Addressee/Omen Pyi Place Addressee/Omen
Thayeikhitaya Mt. Tangyi mole/floating cow Nga-zaung-gyan
dung
Arimaddana Mt. Pura pauk tree Kaung-zin
Paukkayama
[Myinzaing] Mt. Tinbwin three bantengs Tagaung Mt. Tangyi
3 brothers-
kings
Yadanapura Dabessway kaing-thu-gyi Mandalay biluma Izamukhi
Ava Yadanabon
Sagaing Mt. Nga Pha white crane on [Amarapura] Kyet-yet 4 bilus: Nga Taung Byon, Nga
acacia/ Taungthaman Taung Kyi, Nga Taung
99 bilus led by Zeita Taungkyi Thaman, Nga Taung Myint
various places Sagaing 99 bilus led by Zeita
identified with Ava taungdu-gyi, little monkey
various Myinzaing [Mt. [three bantengs]
jatakas Tinbwin]7
Pagan [Mt. Tangyi] [pauk tree]
[Thayeikhitaya] [Mt. Tangyi] [mole/floating cow’s dung]

Finally, a black parabaik of the 19th century now at RCAMM (Acc. no. 196) relates the prophecy made
when Buddha was spending the rainy season at Kosala. Being questioned by Ananda as to where Sasana
will be preserved in the future, Buddha provides a list of royal cities with time spans assigned for them as
well as the number of kings who would reign there (RCAMM 196 pu net).
The list in question is essentially a modification of succession shown in Table 1. Besides parabaik
RCAMM 196, there exist numerous versions of it (so far I have identified twelve (see Table 2)). Two
earliest come from replies given by monks Lingathaya Thumyat and Zambuthiyi Thumyat to enquiry made
by Pindale-min (1648-1661) in CS 1019 (1657). The king asked famous abbots and monks skilled in
astrology to comment on the future of his royal city. He referred to a prophecy according to which the life
span of Ava would be 300 years and 26 lords would reign there. Pindale-min calculated that since the city
was founded by Thadominbya (1365-1367) in CS 726 (1365) the prescribed span would elapse in 8 years.
Besides that, to fulfill the prophecy 2 more kings were to ascend the throne of Ava in the meantime.
The copy I’ve consulted contains replies from “12 titled hsayadaws” (da-zeit-ya 12-ba hsayadaw),
successors of Bame Hsayadaw and Myatmuni Thangayaza who performed consecration rituals when
Nyaungyan-min (1597-1606) rebuilt Ava in CS 959 (1597), Lingathaya Thumyat, Zambuthiyi Thumyat,
Damapala Thumyat, and Lokottara Thumyat. Two of them (i.e. Lingathaya and Zambuthiyi) identified a

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 4
thaik of “exalted arahantas” (yahanda-thumyat) as the source of prophecy in question. According to this
thaik, after the parinibbāna of the Buddha Sasana would move from city to city in a manner similar to that
described in parabaik RCAMM 196 (NHD: ku r., kū v. – kei r.).
Next version comes from the commentary on yadu composed in CS 1107 (1745) by Myingwa-za
Nawadei. The commentary compiled in CS 1112 (1751) by Mahadamayazadipati’s minister Min Yaza
summarized the prophecies about the life span of Ava (Inwa) and among other references provided the
quotation from certain minzin-thaiksa (prophecy on succession of kings) “which records [the predictions]
made by arahantas” (RCAMM 610: hki-r. - hki-v.).
Two other versions appear in the manuscript labeled Yazawin-baung-hkyop-sa (Anthology of
Chronicles) which was copied in dabaung of CS 1220 (1859). The first one is a quotation from
unidentified ţīkā in Pali while another is in vernacular (UHRC 575: hkī v., hkū r.). The text itself is a
version of chronicle published under the title Zata-daw-bon yazawin (Chronicle of Royal Horoscopes). A
number of such versions are available in manuscript form, all of them vary in contents but are obviously
based on the same protograph. The list of 15 royal cities could be missing completely in some (e.g., NL Ba
764) while others contain only its vernacular variant. Such are the cases of undated Mss. UHRC 765 and
RCAMM 515 (UHRC 765: hku v., RCAMM 515: kà-v.)8.
Two more versions appear in the already mentioned parabaik RCAMM 196 – one as a relation of
Buddha’s prophecy and another as a list (RCAMM 196 pu net). Other sources which contain the list are
text or fragment9 published by U Htun Yi under the title Thathana-zet egyin (Egyin on the succession of
Sasana) and undated Aseindeiya meingun thamaing-yazawin (Chronicle of Buddha’s Utterance), verse
relating the list of 15 cities together with Buddha’s prophecy on the future of Ava, its decline, and
appearance of a new ruler at Padaung-thet-tha (Htun Yi (ed.) n.d.c; RCAMM 1300: ka v. – kā v.). Finally,
the texts of Min Yaza’s commentary, AMTY and copyists’ colophons to the sixth volume of
Mahayazawuntha from Mss. NL Kin 98 and UHRC 402 contain the versions of mnemonic verse to
memorize the list where the names of cities appear in abbreviated form (RCAMM 610: khi v., RCAMM
1300: kā v. – ki r., NL Kin 98: hti v., UHRC 402: ḍ hā r.).
As was already noted, all the versions of the list look like an elaboration of succession shown in Table 1.
The sequence of royal cities was expanded and accommodated to cover the whole span of 5000 years
which popular stereotype assigned for Sasana of Buddha Gotama. Discrepancies in contents, arrangement,
and timing testify that altering and editing of the list continued up to the late 19th century. Thus the concept
which was obviously developed much earlier remained viable till the last days of Myanmar monarchy.
Let’s have a brief look at the contents of Table 2. The lists of Lingathaya and Zambuthiyi are probably
based on the same text, the first version being a partial quotation. They share important features with
minzin-thaiksa quoted by Min Yaza, including Deilanin (Deiyanin) and giving two numbers for the kings
of Ava. At the same time their principal difference is the inversion of Thahton and Pagan, feature also
typical of the list contained in RCAMM 196. The slightly different tradition is represented in the lists of
UHRC 575, UHRC 765, and RCAMM 515 which are essentially the same as the majority of names in the
Pali version (UHRC 575 (1)) are either calques (Sadhunna/Thahton, Pakuna/Pegu, Maņḍala/Mandalay,
Kotumpa/Kaung-ton) or translation from vernacular (Ratanābhūmi/Myei-bon-tha). Verse quoted in
colophons of MYW belongs to the same tradition differing only in position of Shwe-bo-kyun in the
sequence (note the same change in RCAMM 196 (list)). The version of prophecy related in RCAMM 196
looks like similar though incomplete sequence. Its only principal difference is introduction of otherwise
unknown Shwei-min-wun. The lists of egyin, RCAMM 196, and AMTY could be grouped together on the
basis of introduction of Padaung-thet-tha. Version of egyin is specific because of inversion of Pagan and
Ava, omission of Shwe-bo-kyun, and introduction of Kanyan. Finally, verse quoted in Min Yaza’s
commentary and the text of AMTY represent the attempt to relate the sequence to actual history and other
historiographic traditions by inclusion of Myinzaing, Pinya, and Sagaing10.
So far I was unable to find other evidence showing closer linkage of accounts of Buddha’s prophecies
and the list of 15 royal cities or representing other stages in evolution of concept underlying them. Yet I
believe that such evidence exists and would be revealed as we push forward our rather fragmentary
knowledge of Myanmar sources. Considerations presented below form the basis of my conviction.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 5
Development of concepts under study
Conceiving transmission of sovereign power and Buddhist teaching in the manner described above
Myanmar literati elaborated the pattern common to Sinhalese and other Southeast Asian schools of
thought. Dīpavaṃsa and Mahāvaṃsa, Sinhalese chronicles in Pali (4th-5th centuries), provide earliest
available arguments on the role of certain locales in transmission of Sasana (Dīp I-II, Mhv I). There
are similar instances in Mon and Thai chronicles (e.g., Cāmadevīvaṃ sa, Jinakālamālī, Jengtung State
Chronicle, Mun-yazawin, etc.) also (CDV: 37-40, JKM: 43-52, JSC: 211-212, NL 2290: kī r. - kū r.).
Sinhalese historical tradition (as expounded by Mahavihara) was based on a doctrine that after the
arrival of thera Mahinda (3rd century BC) Lanka became the main centre of preservation and
propagation of Sasana. The underlying concept here was that historically Sasana shifts from one place
to another to repose in a place where the most important relics and shrines are concentrated, the most
pure recension of teaching is preserved, and the most powerful kings upholding dhamma reign. The
structure of Pali chronicles of Lanka reflects this pattern: they trace the lineage of kings from
Mahasammata to Dhammasoka, father of Mahinda, specifying three shifts of Sasana according to three
sańgāyanas, the so called Buddhist Councils in Rajagaha, Vesali, and Pataliputta. The special role of
Lanka is revealed in Buddha’s prophecies reproduced in the beginning of the texts. Arrival of Mahinda
together with delivery of relics and construction of Mahavihara signifies the ultimate shift of Sasana.
From now on the chronicler focuses his attention on events taking place on the island.
Narrative sources of Myanmar represent further development of this concept – at a given time
Sasana moves to royal cities of that country. How does that happen? One early explanation was
probably offered by Mons and later adopted by Burmese and Thais: arrival of thera Buddhaghosa
bringing copies of Tipitaka together with aţţhakathās to Jambudipa inaugurated a new era when Lanka
lost her exceptional status and flourishing of Buddhist teaching on the continent began under the
patronage of kings of Sudhammapura11. That tradition might have contributed to the development of
famous story of conquest of Thahton by king Anawrahta as this conquest together with moving of
sacred texts, relics, and samgha (events called “the establishment of Sasana in Pagan” in the Kalyani
Inscription (EB III ii: 188)) would make Pagan a mainstay of Sasana. Alternatively, the belief in
Thahton’s origins of Pagan Sasana could have led to a theory that it was Thahton whereto
Buddhaghosa had arrived with his manuscripts.
Yet this explanation was not the only one. A serious rival to Thahton’s position of mainstay of
Sasana emerged. In the texts of up-country origin it was Thayeikhitaya that assumed the role of the
first centre of Sasana in Myanmar. It’s not yet clear how this passage of status was substantiated, but it
is obvious that at one point Lanka was completely overshadowed by Thayeikhitaya. Important role
played by that city in religious history of Myanmar12 may have added credence to this argument.
In contrast with arrival of Buddhaghosa the timing of shift was set back for many centuries and
approximated the date of parinibbāna (543 BC). Moreover, this theory was either elaborated further or
combined with another one developed in parallel. As a result, there emerged a hypothesis that during
5000 years of Sasana the role of preservation and patronage of teaching would be sequentially
performed by several royal cities, the first of them (in Myanmar) being Thayeikhitaya, with respective
prophecies determined for each pyi.
The components of this scheme again were quite common to Theravadin communities with earliest
formulations coming probably from Lanka. The formula that Sasana of Buddha Gotama will survive
for 5000 years was reflected in a number of commentaries (Сūļavagga-aţţhakathā, Suttapātheyya-
aţţhakathā, Ańguttara-aţţhakathā) composed at Lanka. The belief in Buddha’s predictions about the
major events in history of Sasana as well as Sasana of the future Buddha is reflected in canonical texts.
Thus, Myanmar “innovation” was limited to different rendering of transmission of Sasana which
substituted the Sinhalese scheme Rajagaha — Vesali — Pataliputta — Lanka.
Noteworthy, the lists of royal cities being the repositories of Sasana apparently contradicted the
Sinhalese tradition of three sańgāyanas. Assigning the first 100-200 years after parinibbāna as the
period when Lanka was the mainstay of the Teaching (see Table 2) was a real tongue-in-cheek
maneuver: according to Mahāvaṃsa and other Sinhalese texts which dated Mahinda’s arrival to year

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 6
236 after parinibbāna (Mhv V.280, XII.1-3, XIII.18) at that time Sasana has not yet reached the
island! The versions of thaiks and egyin with their 300 years are hardly more acceptable.
The religious and ceremonial importance of Myanmar cities obviously contributed to popularity of
such a theory. Conceiving the overlord as dhammarāja made his royal city a special place where the
true law was preserved. The building of royal cities and palaces was understood to be accomplished
only by those who receive a prophecy from the Buddha13. Such position favored the dissemination of
prophecies identifying the status of pyis as acting or future centers of Sasana and emergence of
prophetic literature with commentaries thereupon.

Status and date of the list of 15 royal cities

Important questions are to determine the validity of the list which helped to explain the transition of
supreme authority from one royal city to another and date it reliably. I would argue that it was not just
a historiographical cliché but a theory which had a direct and protracted impact on the policy of
Myanmar kings.
Certainly, it would be a gross oversimplification to claim that the sequence of pyis preserving
Sasana was the only concept which influenced the shifts of seats of power. First of all, available
sources show that there always was a plenty of alternative predictions which argued for quite different
future as compared to our lists. These prophecies are reflected both in separate texts (see for example
Nigyoda (ed.) 1939) and exegeses submitted by monks, brahmans, and officials (e.g., Htun Yi (ed.)
n.d.a: no. 32; Htun Yi (ed.) n.d.b.: 16-18; RCAMM 610: kha r. – khā r., kaw r. – kam r., kà v. – hkā r.,
ga r. – gī r., gu v. – gei r.).
The abovementioned commentary on yadu by Myingwa-za Nawadei shows the author deliberating
about the future and reflecting on available prophecies. Besides the list of 15 royal cities, he also
considered three more thaiks. The first one predicted that after the destruction of Inwa (Ava) 47 kings
would reign at Taungbyon and then there would be 47 kings at Mandalay. The second one, of Mon
origin, implied that after the foundation of Hanthawady and Inwa there would be a war between them,
Inwa would be destroyed by water and then Sasana would move to Deiyanin (Deilanin). The third one
argued for sequence Pagan, Pinya, Sagaing, Inwa, Mandalay, Tagaung, Kaungton, Kaungzin, and
Ngazaunggyan which meant that the next centre of authority would be Mandalay (RCAMM 610: hki
r. – hkī r.). The first two prophecies were also referred to during the discussion of CS 1019 (1657)
(NHD: ke r., kō r. – kō v.).
Some of alternative predictions appropriated the elements of our list and gave them a different
rendering. Such was the case of important letter submitted by Ngayane Hpongyi (?-1681) where this
famous astrologer predicted the moving from Ava to Mandalay Shweidaung in BE 2400 (1856). He
also maintained that in BE 2500 (1956) an old monk who had been biluma Izamukhi in one of his
former lives would reign in Mandalay (RCAMM 610: hkī v.).
Another influential source of alternative interpretations was astrological calculations. Many experts
of the 17th and 18th centuries challenged the sequence of pyis exactly on that ground. They disavowed
the assignment of 300 years to Ava as the auspicious time of its foundation in 1365 and 1597 provided
for life-span exceeding 1000 years. That was also guaranteed by magic rituals performed by Bame
Hsayadaw and Myatmuni Thangayaza in 1597 (NHD; RCAMM 610: hkā r. – hkā v.).
By the 17th century historical evidence also became the source of skepticism about the validity of
sequence. Thus, during the enquiry made by Pindale-min in 1657 one of his respondents, Zambuthiyi
Thumyat, noted that the prophecy seemed unreliable as it ignored such “great royal cities where
Sasana was preserved” as Myinzaing, Panya (Pinya), and Keidumati (Taung-ngu), omitted some of the
cities which had already appeared while naming others that had not appeared so far (NHD: kei r.). Min
Yaza in his commentary also noted that abbots of former times doubted the “prophecy about the
succession of Sasana” (thathana-daw-asin thaiksa) (RCAMM 610: hki v.).
Moreover, at certain moments the kings seemed quite unhappy about the implications of that
prophecy and looked for various means to counteract it. For almost every Nyaungyan reign after
Pindale-min we have evidence on efforts taken to extend the life span of Ava and prevent the
emergence of any successor. Min Yaza, for instance, mentions the building of Bonzanwadi palace by
Pyi-min (1661-1672) to correct the 300 years life span, building of Myatnanbontha palace in CS 1038

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 7
(1676) to counteract the Mon thaik about Deiyanin and Burmese thaik about the destruction of Ava,
rituals performed in CS 1040 (1678) by Ngayane Hpongyi, planting of banyan trees at envisaged
future pyis of Hanthawady, Deiyanin, Myeibontha, Thittaungpalin, and Taungbyon to nullify their
potential in CS 1064 (1702), building of yadaya palace called Bonnanthazan the same year, rituals
performed by Taninganwei-min (1714-1733) in CS 1080 and 1081 (1718-1719), and building of
yadaya palaces at Legyi by Taninganwei and Mahadamayazadipati (1733-1752) (RCAMM 610: hkī
r. – hku r.).
Yet it seems that the court was never quite sure about the results of its efforts. Though respondents
of Pindale-min expressed full confidence in the effectiveness of arrangements guaranteeing life span of
1000 years, some of them commented that in accordance with a number of thaiks descendants of
Pindale-min would rebuild or move the city (NHD: ki r., kō-r.). Others reflected on the number of
kings (26 or 36) and ruled for 36, i.e. partially confirmed the applicability of the prophecy (NHD: kū
v., kei v.). Min Yaza’s commentary is also revealing. Having summarized the evidence in favor of
lengthy life span of Ava, the author noted that though all mentioned rituals seem to be effective, there
is no way to avert the prophecy of Buddha so in BE 2400 there would be a movement from Ava to
Mandalay and in BE 2500 Izamukhi would ascend the throne (RCAMM 610: hku v.).
The rise of Konbaung dynasty further complicated the interpretation of sequence, yet in amended
form the prophecies related to it influenced the moving of royal cities in the late 18th – 19th centuries.
That was especially true in case of return to Ava in 1764-1766, moving to Amarapura in 1783 and
foundation of Mandalay in 1856. It seemingly was but the last act in the long play of getting along
with Buddha’s prophecies. The previous acts were staged earlier and here the issue of dating becomes
critical.
Sources provide enough data to suggest a comparatively early development of theories of shifting
mainstay of Sasana. First versions of our list are dated to 1657. Responses to the enquiry of Pindale-
min clearly demonstrate that the beliefs in question were well known. In addition to information
provided by Lingathaya Thumyat and Zambuthiyi Thumyat, “twelve titled hsayadaws” replied that
Yadanapura’s life span of 300 years was not obtained by astrological calculations but originated from the
prophecy about the lineage of kings (yazawin-thaik-zin) made by exalted arahantas (NHD: ki r.).
Successors of Bame Hsayadaw and Myatmuni Thangayaza referred to the words of old people (thugyi)
who said that after 300 years Shweiwa (Ava) would be destroyed by water and at the end of 26 reigns royal
city would be moved (NHD: ki v.).
Other documents also testify the currency of this information. A reply of Sagaing Shweiumindaw
Tithathanazawta Hsayadaw and Sagainggyaung Anuyotda Hsayadaw to another question posed by
Pindale-min reflects the monks’ knowledge about the assignment of 300 years as the life span of Ava
(RCAMM 610: gā v.). The same figure was mentioned in thwinza submitted in CS 1077 (1715) by
Hsayadaw Athabaloka and Myodwin Wadawkyaung Hsayadaw as Ava’s allotment in a sum of years
of Sasana (thathana-daw-kein). According to thwinza, 36 kings were to reign there (RCAMM 610:
kam v. – kà r.).
Thus, we can safely assume that by the mid-17th century the concept of shifting mainstay of Sasana
was quite developed. As evidenced by monastic writings of that period, a certain sequence with
corresponding time spans was established. Besides that, a number of Buddha’s prophecies as well as
later thaiks emerged in relation to the key cities of the list.
Indirect evidence allows pushing the date a bit earlier. First of all, to gain currency the prophecies
had to circulate for some time. As in the 17th century they were already well-known, one may suggest
16th or even 15th centuries as possible horizons. Earlier date might explain absence of Pinya, Sagaing,
and Taung-ngu from our lists and their inconsistency with normative tracing of royal succession in
Myanmar sources14. The same applies to discrepancies between the timing of the list and actual shifts
of royal power in Myanmar.
The dating of contents of chronicles is also relevant. For example, Zambu-kun-gya, one of our
sources for Buddha’s prophecies, looks like being composed in Ava period (1365 – early 16th cent.)
with only slight amendments made in the 17th century. If this hypothesis holds up, that might mean that
the concept of succession of royal cities was well known in the 14th and 15th centuries.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 8
th
It also seems legitimate to analyze the building of Pinya and Ava in the 14 century, choice of
Hanthawady (Pegu) as a principal city by Mintaya Shweihti and Hanthawady Hsinbyumyashin in the
16th century, and Thalun-min’s decision to withdraw from Hanthawady in 1635 in the light of theory
of shifting Sasana. This would push the development of the concept in question as far as the late Pagan
period (late 13th century) and I believe this is not improbable. The arguments in favor of this
suggestion are given in the following section.

Founding of Pinya, conquest of Hanthawady, and Thalun-min’s return to Ava

Dating the first part of the list of 15 royal cities later than the early 14th century confuses the reading of
accounts on establishment of Pinya (1313). Various texts relate that prior to building Tazishin
Thihathu (1313-1324), the founder of the city, made four attempts to construct Ava but failed due to
extraordinary circumstances (MYB: kā r. 3-4; ZKG: ba v.; MYG I: 316-7; YT: 168-9; HNY I: 369-70).
It is unclear where the construction was attempted and how it corresponded to subsequent locations of
Ava. Yet textual evidence leaves no doubt that the plan envisaged the building of Ava, i.e. the city
which, according to Buddha’s prophecy, was to appear atop certain Mount Minwun. When Thihathu’s
initial plans were aborted he declared that location of Pinya was the top of Mt. Minwun and built the
city there. Fifty years later, in 1365 Thadominbya again “moved” the top of the mountain when
constructing Ava (MYG I: 340; YT: 201; HNY I: 396).
It is difficult to explain an aspiration to build exactly atop Mt. Minwun and nowhere else unless we
consider the sequence of royal cities and assume that by early 14th century Ava was known as a future
pyi or successor to Pagan. If it was so, Thihathu and Thadominbya’s pretensions were direct attempts
on Pagan’s sacral status.
Another intriguing event was the transfer of power from Taung-ngu to Hanthawady in 1530s. The
rise of Taung-ngu was accomplished by Mingyi Nyo (1485-1531) and his heir Mintaya Shweihti
(1531-1550). Before Mingyi Nyo there was no direct succession of rulers in Taung-ngu. If we give
credit to mahayazawins, the authority was usually transmitted by appointment from Ava. The status of
city was seemingly low — it was located on the southeastern fringe of Ava’s domain far off its major
agrarian and ritual centers. In 1502 Taung-ngu broke away while circumstances favored Mingyi Nyo
against his competitors at Pyi (Prome), Hanthawady, and Ava. He strengthened his position through
temporary occupation, destruction, and deportations from the towns south of Ava (MYG II: 154-162).
His son Mintaya Shweihti focused his efforts on taking Hanthawady which was accomplished by 1538
(MYG II: 177). Two years later Mintaya Shweihti enthroned Minye Thihathu at Taung-ngu (MYG II:
177) moving himself to Hanthawady. Though he didn’t perform any ritual rebuilding of the city or
construction of main royal palace, Hanthawady was identified in the chronicles as the “city of royal
residence” (nei-pyi-daw). Hanthawady Hsinbyumyashin or Bayin-naung (1551-1581), a successor to
Mintaya Shweihti, turned it into a full-fledged royal city by means of necessary construction and
rituals.
Scholars tended to explain the transfer of capital from Taung-ngu to Pegu with Mintya Shweihti’s
affection towards Mons, city’s better location as a base for conquest of Ayutthaya, or considerations of
control over maritime trade (Mozheiko, Uzyanov 1973: 183, Lieberman 1984: 29-30). I would argue
that at least equal in importance to trade considerations was the following factor: remote position of
Taung-ngu as regards the main centres of Myanmar culture as well as ritual marginality made it
illegitimate as a seat of sovereign power. Though conquering vast territories Taung-ngu rulers surely
remained a kind of upstarts for traditional elites.
On the contrary, foundation of Hanthawady was presumably prophesied by the Buddha (cf. the
chronicle of Taung-ngu where no such prophecy is related (TY: 7; YT: 324)), it was considered a place
where “ekarāja kings rule”, a centre of Sasana and - if our argument is correct - it was supposed to
supplant Ava as such. The conquest and possession of such pyi radically transformed both the status of
new rulers and their claims to authority in the eyes of other power-holders. One may argue that as
Hanthawady was conquered first among the cities of such ranking (it was followed by Pyi, Mottama,
Ava, Chiang Mai, Ayutthaya), it became the seat of sovereign power. Yet, if the idea of Hanthawady
supplanting Ava as a repository of Sasana was current before the mid-16th century it is easy to
understand why it was conquered first.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 9
The journey of Thalun-min upriver accompanied by moving of population from the regions
adjacent to Hanthawady to Upper Myanmar was convincingly explained by Victor Lieberman as
stemming from “identification with Burman as against Mon culture”, loss of Pegu’s importance in the
face of relinquishing of eastern conquests and silting of Pegu river, and necessity to remain closer to
the main demographic resources and core agricultural areas of the empire (Lieberman 1984: 59-60).
Still, one may argue that given Thalun-min’s administrative vigour he could have managed both
reconcentration of crown resources around Pegu and maintaining control over the hinterland. Relative
length of Anauk-hpet-lun-min and Thalun-min’s residence in Lower Myanmar as well as the timing of
exodus from Hanthawady approximately 100 years after the city’s capture from the Mons favour the
emphasis on cultural or conceptual rather than administrative explanations.

Development of mahayazawin tradition

Regardless of impact on actual historical events prior to the 17th century, the concept under study
played a decisive role in shaping the mahayazawin tradition of Myanmar chronicle writing.
Mahayazawin narrative was apparently structured by the theory of shifting mainstay of Sasana and
sequences described above. The religion-centered approach implied that changes in seats of power
were conceived as changes in centres of Buddhism and vice versa, history of royal cities was
interpreted relative to Sasana (the opening of chapter with Buddha’s prophecy, foundation of city as its
fulfillment, etc.), milestones in the history of the Teaching helped to organize the history of kings, and
so on.
The initial reliance on the Sinhalese scheme of transmission of Sasana amended by the journey of
Buddhaghosa is manifested in Yazawin-gyo, the earliest of surviving mahayazawins. There “the
succession of kings” included the rulers of Majjhimadesa (from Mahasammata to Dhammasoka),
Lanka (from Vijaya to Mahanama in whose reign Buddhaghosa came to the island), and Myanmar. In
later texts (MYW, YT, HNY) Lanka was omitted and the sequence was reduced to Majjhimadesa —
Myanmar.
Adopted from the Pali sources, chapter on Majjhimadesa in mahayazawins followed the Sinhalese
approach to royal lineage through sańgāyanas. Account on Lanka given in YG on the basis of
Mahāvaṃsa was also organized after the milestones in Sasana history (arrival of Mahinda, building of
Mahathupa, reduction of canon to writing, etc.), ending with the arrival of Buddhaghosa. Such
termination of narrative could not be traced to Sinhalese tradition: Mahāvaṃsa initially ended with
Mahasena, not Mahanama who reigned at the moment of Buddhaghosa’s journey. Account of
Mahanama together with four preceding rulers formed the very beginning of Cūļavaṃsa (Cv
XXXVII.209-247). That leaves no textual reasons for addition of five monarchs to the lineage of
Mahāvaṃsa as was done in YG or its source15 while the belief that Buddhaghosa’s journey shifted the
mainstay of Sasana to the continent seems a reasonable explanation.
In later chronicles (MYW, YT, HNY) the omission of chapter on Lanka introduced the
abovementioned milestones into the chapters on Thayeikhitaya and Pagan. Again the arrival of
Buddhaghosa marked the termination of synchronization.
The chapters on the kings who reigned in Myanmar were structured in the following manner:
Thayeihkitaya (5th century BC – 1st century AD16) — Ayimadana (2nd - mid. 14th centuries) — Pinya
(1313-1364) — Sagaing (1315/1322-1364) – Ava (1365-1555) — Taung-ngu/Hanthawady/Taung-ngu
(1485-1610) — Ava (1597-1752) — kings from Yadanatheinga Konbaung (1752 – 19th century).
There also were interpolations about the kings of Hanthawady (1369-1538), Pyi (1242-1542), Chiang
Mai (1294-1558), and Ayutthaya (1348-1563). The chapters up to Ava display specific characteristics:
they begin with Buddha’s predictions, recounting of city’s past names under previous buddhas, etc.
The narrative thus looks like an unfolding of sequence of royal cities preserving the Sasana, the
concept analyzed in this paper. The evolution of Sasana and its presumed shifts frame the account of
royal succession and characterization of kings17.
Initial emphasis on perceiving royal succession through Sasana perspective is clear in the earliest
surviving narrative sources (Min-yaza-bon /Relations of Min Yaza/ and Yazawin-gyo) with their tendency
to present a schematized account of Thayeikhitaya, Pagan, and Pinya ending with calculations of life-spans
(athet) of cities (MYB: ka v. – kā r.; YG: 77-79). The following passage from YBK is also illuminating:

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 10
“In the year of Sakaraj 662 the palace of Pagan came to an end. Saw Mun Nit, the son of king Kyawzwa,
Saw Nit, the son of Saw Mun Hnit, these 2 generations of kings are not included into the calculation of
Sasana and remain simply extra kings as Myintzaing, Pinya, and Ava have already appeared [during their
reigns]”18.
Finally, the importance of list of 15 cities for chronicle writing is testified by its inclusion into copyists’
colophons of Mahayazawuntha in Mss. NL Kin 98 and UHRC 402. There it was added to fill up free space
on the leaves allocated for respective volume of the text19. In case of Ms. NL Kin 98, it’s the only factual
insertion among several hsudaung-sa (specification of desired reward for the merit obtained by copying).
Ms. UHRC 402 is incomplete (second bundle of the manuscript is missing) and thus it’s impossible to
determine exactly what copyist had selected for addition. As for the first bundle, free space remained in
vols. 2 and 6 and it was filled with exposition of ten laws of kingly conduct (rājadhamma) and the list of
15 cities. This clearly signifies that the latter was considered relevant to other information recounted in the
chronicles of kings – a specialized genre of literature indispensable for ceremonial and reference usage of
the crown.

Implications
Despite the obviously unfinished state of my research, I believe that the data presented here
demonstrate the existence of complex theories and beliefs which underlay the execution of royal
power, the status of royal cities, and development of Myanmar historiography. Though further study is
needed to trace the evolution of these concepts and date them reliably, it’s clear that comprehensive
history of foundation of key royal cities of Myanmar through the 14 th to 19th centuries still remains to
be written and a critical scrutiny of circumstances surrounding these projects is necessary.
At the same time, uncritical following of periodization found in yazawins should be avoided as it
was dictated by conceptual considerations rather than historical events. A good example is the existing
knowledge on the decline of Pagan and rise of alternative seats of power in the late 13th - first half of
the 14th centuries. It’s not improbable that chronicle accounts of secession of dependent territories and
submission of Pagan kings to rulers of Pinya and especially the theory of Pagan’s “destruction” by
Mongol invasion (MYG I: 300-16) are rather symbolic in nature. They might have been influenced by
a belief in shifting of mainstay of Sasana from Pagan to Ava, as argued by the list.
Another important historiographical stereotype – the idea that decline of an old pyi and rise of a
new one comes as utter destruction of the former – might have contributed also. This idea is clear in
such conceptual works of Myanmar historiography as Zambu-kun-gya and Cetīyakathā of Monywei
Hsayadaw (1766-1834) where the succession of royal cities antedating Thayekhitaya was pushed up to
the beginning of time (ZKG: hpo v. – bā v.; CK: 1-5). Though not incorporated into mahayazawin
tradition, this “destruction” perspective obviously influenced the former in certain aspects. Thus, the
still current tendency to terminate the history of Pagan in 1287 or at the turn of the century is an
apparent anachronism. Effective end to Pagan claims to sovereignty was probably brought only by
Thadominbya (1365-1367) and that was just the beginning of accommodation of Pagan elites to
subordinate status. This history is almost forgotten now, but that doesn’t mean it never happened20.
If arguments presented here are essentially correct one may speak of relative conservatism of
Burmese monarchial culture with certain key concepts being developed at an early date and surviving
(in amended form) up till the last days of Myanmar independence. This fact should be given
consideration while trying to appreciate the modernization efforts of the last Konbaung kings (cf., for
example, Thant Myint-U 2001: 104-185; 245-254).

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 11
Table 2
Royal cities being the repositories of Sasana (omoemawmfwnf&m_ynf)
Lingathaya Zambuthiyi Minzin-thaiksa UHRC 575 (1) UHRC 575 (2), UHRC 765, MYW
RCAMM 515
Pyi Term Kings Pyi Term Pyi Term Kings Pyi Term Pyi Term Kings Pyi
Thiho kyun 300 Thiho kyun 300 Thiho 100 5 Sīhaļa dīpa 100 Thiho pyi 200 5 Thi[ho]
Thahton myo Thahton pyi
Thayeikhitaya Thayeikhitaya Yathei-pyi 500 25 Sīrikhetta 500 Thayeikhitaya 500 39 Tham[yeikhitaya]
nagara Yathei pyi
Thahton 300 35 Sadhunna 100 Thahton pyi 300 35 Tha[hton]
raţha
Paukkayama Paukkayama Pagan 1000 55 Arimadda 1000 Pagan 1000 55 Pu (Pagan)
nagara Paukkayama
Yadanapura 300 26/36 Yadanapura Ava myo 300 26/36 Ratanāpūra 300 Ava 300 36 A[va]
Ava myo nagara Yadanapura
Delanin Ot-tha Pegu 100 5 Pakuna nagara 100 Ot-tha Pegu 100 521 O[ttha Pegu]
Hanthawady
Deiyanin 100 2 Dakkhiņapāda 100 Dakhinapathaka 100 5 Da[khinapathaka]
desa
Myei-bon-tha Myei-bon-tha 100 3 Ratanābhummi 100 Myei-bon-tha 100 5 Myei[-bon-tha]
(Pyi-bon-tha,
Pya-bon)
Thit-taung- Thit-taung- 200 3 Dārukoņa 200 Thit-htaung- 100 5 Thit[-htaung-
palin palin palin palin]
Shwe[-bo-kyun ?]
Mandalay 700 66 Maņḍala 700 Mandalay 700 66 Man[dalay]
nagara
Tagaung 800 96 Ekaṃ’assu 800 Tagaung 800 96 Ta[gaung]
nagara
Kaung-ton 200 Kotumpa 200 Kaung-ton 200 3 Kaung[-ton]
nagara
Kaung-zin22 200 Ekasuddha 200 Kaung-zin 200 3 Kaung[-zin]
Kyun-bo-lo Kyun-bo-lo 200 Dīpamaraya 200 Shwe-bo-kyun 200 3
(Kyun-bo)
Nga-zaung- Ngazaunggyan 500 Kathali raţha 200 Nga-zaung- 200 3 Nga[-zaung-gyan]
gyan gyan

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 12

RCAMM 196 (prophecy) RCAMM 196 (list) Egyin Min Yaza (verse) AMTY (text) AMTY (verse)
Pyi Term Kings Pyi Term Pyi Term Kings Pyi Pyi Term Kings Pyi
Thiho pyi 100 3223 Thiho 100 Thiho kyun 300 32 Thiho 300 51 Thi[ho]
Thahton 200
Thayeikhitaya pyi 500 36 Thayeikhitaya 300 [Thayei]khitaya pyi 500 26 [Thayei]khitaya 500 56 Tha[yeikhitaya]
Thahton pyi 300 3 Thahton myo 200 32 Thahton pyi 300 3224 Tha[hton]
Yadanapura 300 36
Paukkan 1000 55 Pagan 1000 Pagan 1000 55 Pu (Pagan) Arimatana pyi 1000 55 Pa[gan]
Myinzaing myo 4
Pa (Pinya)
Sa[gaing] Sagaing myo 6
Pinya myo 6
Yadanapura Inwa 300 36 Inwa 300 Wa [Inwa] Inwa pyi 300 36 I[nwa]
Ot-tha Pegu 100 Pegu 100 50
Padaung-let-tha 100 Padaung-thet-tha 100 5 Thet-tha-padaung myo 100 5 Th[et-tha-padaung]
Ot-tha Pegu 100 5 O[ttha Pegu]
Myei-bon-tha 100 3 Myei-bon-tha 100 Shwe-bon-tha 100 2 Myei-bon-tha 100 2 Myei[-bon-tha]
Shit-htaung-palin 300 2 Thit-htaung-palin 200 Thit-taung-palin 100 2 Shit-taung-palin 200 2 Shit[-taung-palin]
Shwe-bo-kyun 700
Mandalay 200 66 Mandalay 800 Mandalay 800 60 Ma[ndalay] Mandalay 500 66 Man[dalay]
Shwedaung
Tagaung 200 66 Tagaung 200 Tagaung 800 66 Ta[gaung] Tagaung myo 800 9625 Ta[gaung]
Kanyan 100
Kaung-ton 200 3 Kaung-ton 200 Kaung-ton 200 Ka[ung-ton] Kaung-ton Kaung[-ton]
Kaung-zin 200 3 Kaung-zin 200 Kaung-zin 200 Ka[ung-zin] Kaung-zin Kaung[-zin]
Kyun-bo Kyun[-bo]
Nga-zaung-gyan 400 3 Nga-zaung-gyan 200 Nga-zaung-gyan 200 Nga[-zaung-gyan] Nga-zaung-gyan
Shwei-min-wun 300 5

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 13
Abbreviations
CDV Cāmadevīvaṃsa MYG Mahayazawin-gyi
CK Cetīyakathā MYW Mahayazawuntha
Cv Cūļavaṃsa NHD Nga-htat-dayaka-bayin-min-htan…
Dīp Dīpavaṃsa SMK Shei-haung-myanma-kyauksa-mya
EB Epigraphia Birmanica TLS Thathana-lingaya-sadan
HNY Hmannan-mahayazawin-daw-gyi TTD Thathana-thokdi-dipaka
JKM Jinakālamālī TY Taung-ngu yazawin
JSC Jengtung State Chronicle YBK Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa
Mhv Mahāvaṃsa YG Yazawin-gyo
MY Mun-yazawin YT Yazawin-thit
MYB Min-yaza-bon ZDB Zata-daw-bon-yazawin
ZKG Zambu-kun-gya

Bibliography
Primary Sources:
DUROISELLE, CHAS. (ed.). Epigraphia Birmanica being Lithic and Other Inscriptions of Burma.
vol. III, pt. II. Rangoon: Supdt., Govt. Printing, 1928
GEIGER, WILHELM (tr.). Culavamsa, Being the More Recent Part of the Mahavamsa. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1996 (reprint)
GEIGER, WILHELM (tr.). The Mahāvaṃsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon. Colombo, Ceylon
Govt. Information Department, 1960
GRAY, JAMES (ed.). Buddhaghosuppatti or the Historical Romance of the Rise and Career of
Buddhaghosa. London: Luzac & Co., 1892
GUNABALA, U. Min-yaza-bon (Relations of Min Yaza). Microfilm of IOL palm-leaf manuscript at
UHRC catalogued as Manrajapuin (MF/283)
HLA TIN, U (ed.). Zatadaw-bon yazawin. Yangon: Yin-gyei-hmu wun-gyi-htana, 1961 (Chronicle-
Relation of Royal Horoscopes)
Hmannan mahayazawin-daw-gyi (Big Great Royal Chronicle of the Glass Palace). Yangon: Pyi-gyi-
mandain, 1967
HSONDA HSAYADAW (NANDAMĀLĀ). Thathana-thokdi-dipaka-pat hnin thathana-thokdi-dipaka-
nithaya. (Text and nissaya of “The Explanation of Purification of Sasana”) Yangon: Thathana-
yei uzihtana, 1980
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Nyaung-yan-hkit thwinza-mya
(Submissions of Nyaungyan Period). Yangon: Myanma-hmu-beiman sapei-ban, n.d. Copy
available at UHRC (Acc. no. 13448)
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Shei-haung hmat-sa padeitha.
(Collection of Old Texts). vol. 10. Yangon: Myanma-hmu-beiman sapei-ban, n.d. Copy available at
UHRC (Acc. no. 13894)
HTUN YI, U (SHEI-HAUNG SA-PEI THU-TEI-THI TA-U) (ed.). Thathana-zet e-gyin (Egyin on the
succession of Sasana). Published in Shei-haung sapei: Atwezin – anyun hnin nauk-hset-twe.
[Yangon], n.d., not paginated. Copy available at UHRC (Acc. no. 9705)
JAYAWICKRAMA, N.A. (tr.). The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror Being a
Translation of Jinakālamālīpakaraṇam of Ratanapaňňa Thera of Thailand. London: The Pali
Text Society, 1978
KALA, U. Mahayazawin-gyi (Big Great Chronicle). / Ed. by Saya Pwa and U Hkin Soe. Yangon:
Hanthawady, 1960-1961, in 3 vols.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 14
KANDAWMINGYAUNG HSAYADAW. Hsayadaw Khingyi Byaw-i athtotpat (Biography of
Hsayadaw Khingyi Byaw). Yangon: Hanthawady, 1906
MAHADAMATHINGYAN. Thathana-lingaya-sadan (Embellishment of Sasana). Yangon: Hanthawady,
1956
MANGRĀI, SAO SĀIMÖNG (tr.). The P̣āḍæng Chronicle and the Jengtung State Chronicle
Translated. Ann Arbor: Centers for South and Southeast Asian Studies, 2002
MONYWEI ZEITAWUN HSAYADAW (ARIYĀVAṂSA ADICCĀRAṂSĪ). Seitiya-kahta-man’-do
ya-za-win-hkyup (Abridged chronicle named Cetīyakathā). / Ed. by Shei-haung-sa-pei thu-tei-
thi ta-u: Yangon: Ngei ya-moun sa-pei, n.d.
Nga-htat-dayaka-bayin-min-htan hsayadaw-mya thwin-de sadan (Submissions of hsayadaws to the
King-Donor of Nga-htat). Handwritten copy of a palm leaf manuscript (7 lines per leaf, leaves
ka – hkū, copied on CS 1154 (1792)) now presumably at the Universities’ Central Library or
the National Library, Yangon
NIGYODA, U (ed.). Thaiksa-nyunbaung. Yazawin thanhkeit (Anthology of Prophetic Literature and
Précis of Chronicles). Meithtila: Maung Hla Maung, 1939
NL 3147 – Zambu-kun-gya-kyan (Chief of Jambudipa). Palm leaf manuscript at the National Library,
Yangon. Handwritten copy also available at UHRC (acc. no. 18014)
NL Kin 98 – Mahayazawuntha (Great Chronicle). Palm leaf manuscript at the National Library, Yangon,
made in 1880-1884 for Kinwun Mingyi and catalogued as Mahayazawin-daw-gyi (Big Great Royal
Chronicle)
NL 2290 – Mun-yazawin (Mon Chronicle). Palm leaf manuscript at the National Library, Yangon,
catalogued as Mun-yazawin. Handwritten copy available at UCL (Acc. no. 300762)
NYUN MAUNG, U (ed.). Shei-haung-myanma-kyauksa-mya (Old Lithic Inscriptions of Burma). vol.
3. Yangon: Shei-haung-thutheithana uzihtana, 1983
OLDENBERG, HERMANN. The Dipavamsa: An Ancient Buddhist Historical Record. New Delhi:
Asian Educational Services, 2001 (reprint)
PWA, SAYA (ed.). Taung-ngu yazawin hnin Taung-ngu thamaing-haung (Chronicle of Taung-ngu
and the Old Thamaing of Taung-ngu). Taung-ngu: Keitumati, 1924
RCAMM 196 pu-net – Black parabaik at the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts,
Yangon, catalogued as Min-zet, taya-sa, Saleimyo thugyi-do hsayadaw mein-gyet, thathana-tiya
nemyei (Succession of kings, sermon, hsayadaw’s answer to thugyis of Salei and places being the
repositories of Sasana)
RCAMM 515 – Not titled. Incomplete palm leaf manuscript of Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa at the Research
Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, Yangon, catalogued as Thathana-zet, min-zet, myo-zet
(hmattan) (Record of Successions of Sasana, Kings, and Cities)
RCAMM 544 – Collection of submissions, royal orders and Atula Hsayadaw’s Hpaya-zet, thathana-zet,
hsaya-zet, myo-zet, min-zet hton-baung (Anthology of Successions of Buddhas, Sasana, Teachers,
Cities and Kings). Palm leaf manuscript at the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts,
Yangon, catalogued as Myo-zet, min-zet, pyidaung-zet, thathana-zet, hsaya-zinzet thamaingsa
(History of Successions of Cities, Kings, Royal Seats of Power, Sasana, and Teachers)
RCAMM 610 – Collection of submissions (thwin-za, than-daw-u-tin-gyet). Incomplete palm leaf
manuscript at the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, Yangon, catalogued as
Amei-daw-phei thwin-za-mya (Submissions in Reply to Kings’ Questions)
RCAMM 1300 – Aseindeiya meingun thamaing-yazawin (Chronicle of Buddha’s Utterance). Palm leaf
manuscript at the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, Yangon, catalogued as Min-
zet-yazawin (Chronicle of Successions of Kings)

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 15
SWEARER, DONALD K. AND SOMMAI PREMCHIT. The Legend of Queen Cāma: Bodhiraṃsi’s
Cāmadevīvaṃsa, a Translation and Commentary. New York: State University of New York
Press, 1998
THILAWUNTHA, SHIN. Yazawin-gyo (Celebrated Chronicle). / Ed. by U Hpe Maung Tin. Yangon:
Wuntha-yeik-hka, n.d.
THWINTHIN TAIKWUN MAHASITHU. Thwinthin myanma yazawin-thit (Twintin’s New Chronicle of
Myanmar). vol. 1. Yangon: Mingala, 1968
UHRC 402 – Mahayazawuntha (Great Chronicle). Palm leaf manuscript at the Universities’ Historical
Research Centre, Yangon, made in 1882 for Hsayadaw U Nyana from Konzaung village and
catalogued as Kala, U, Mahayazawuntha
UHRC 575 – Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa (Anthology of Chronicles). Palm leaf manuscript at the
Universities’ Historical Research Centre, Yangon, catalogued as Min-zet-hnin zata-daw-bon
/yazawin-zaya/ (Relation of Generations of Kings and Royal Horoscopes /Chronicle in Tabular
Form/)
UHRC 765 – Not titled. Palm leaf manuscript of Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa at the Universities’ Historical
Research Centre, Yangon, catalogued as Botdawin-hnin yazawin (Chronicles of Buddhas and
Kings)
Secondary Literature:
AUNG-THWIN, MICHAEL 1983. “Prophecies, Omens, and Dialogue: Tools of the Trade in Burmese
Historiography,” in Alexander Woodside & David K. Wyatt (eds.). Moral Order and the
Question of Change: Essays on Southeast Asian Thought. New Haven: Yale University Press:
78-103
AUNG-THWIN, MICHAEL 1985. Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press
AUNG-THWIN, MICHAEL 1998. Myth and History in the Historiography of Early Burma:
Paradigms, Primary Sources and Prejudices. Athens: Ohio University Center for International
Studies (Monographs in International Studies. Studies in Southeast Asia Series No. 102)
BENNET, PAUL 1971. Conference under the Tamarind Tree: Three Essays in Burmese History. New
Haven: Yale University, Southeast Asian Studies
LIEBERMAN, VICTOR B. 1984. Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c. 1580-
1760. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press
LUCE, GORDON H. 1969. Old Burma - Early Pagan. Vol. 1. Locust Valley, New York: J.J. Augustin
MOZHEIKO I.V., UZYANOV A.N. 1973. Istoriya Birmy: Kratky ocherk (An Outline of History of
Burma). Moscow: Nauka
SAW TUN 2002. “A Preliminary Study of Burmese Prophetic Sayings,” Journal of Burma Studies.
vol. 7 (2002): 70-83
STRACHAN, PAUL 1989. Pagan: Art and Architecture of Old Burma. Whiting Bay: Kiscadale
THAN TUN 1960. “The Influence of Occultism in Burmese History with Special Reference to
Bodawpaya’s Reign 1782-1819,” BBHC I ii (Dec. 1960): 117-145
THANT MYINT-U 2001. The Making of Modern Burma. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
TUN AUNG CHAIN 2000. “Prophecy and Planets: Forms of Legitimation of the Royal City in
Myanmar,” Myanmar Two Millenia pt. III. Yangon: Universities’ Historical Research Centre,
2000: 133-155 (reprinted in Selected Writings of Tun Aung Chain. Yangon: Myanmar Historical
Commission, 2004: 124-150)

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 16
HLA THAMEIN 1968. Pagan-hkit myint-gwin-gye (The Panorama of Pagan Period). Yangon: Pyi-lon-
gyut

Notes
The author is indebted to the directorate of Universities’ Historical Research Centre, Yangon, for kind permission to study
manuscripts and books in the library of UHRC as well as to UHRC library staff for their patience and assistance during my
library hours. I’d like to thank Daw Tin Phone Nwe, Chief Librarian of the Universities’ Central Library, Daw Myint Myint
Thein, Librarian of the Research Centre for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, and U Tin Saung, Librarian of the National
Library, Yangon, for their generous help during my visits to their institutions. My sincere gratitude goes to all the staff of
UCL, RCAMM, and NL. This paper would also be impossible without the help of SEAMEO Centre for History and
Tradition, Yangon. Last but not the least, assistance of my good friends U Khin Maung Sein and Aurore Candier was
essential.
This paper was written with kind support of the Russian Foundation for Humanities (grant 05-01-01419а).
1
I prefer rendering word pyi as “royal city” instead of “capital” for the following reasons. Pyi denotes a duly built and
consecrated city which has a lord (min). As there were many mins in precolonial Myanmar besides the sovereign or
overking which was known as the “great lord” (min-gyi), “lord of the Law” (taya-min) or the “great lord of the Law”
(mintaya-gyi), there were numerous pyis in addition to the one where min-gyi’s palace was located. What also contrasts pyi
with the capital is that once consecrated it could not be deprived of its status (e.g. by transfer or conquest).
2
Namely the so called Yazawin-gyo (Celebrated Chronicle) by Shin Thilawuntha, Mahayazawuntha also known as
Mahayazawin (Great Chronicle) attributed to U Kala, Yazawin-thit (New Chronicle) by Thwinthin taikwun Mahasithu U Htun
Nyo, Hmannan mahayazawindawgyi (Big Great Royal Chronicle of the Glass Palace).
3
Zambu-kun-gya (Chief of Jambudipa), Min-yaza-bon (Relations of Min Yaza) by Gunabala, and Yazawin-baung-khyop-sa
(Anthology of Chronicles) (versions of this text were arbitrarily combined by U Hla Tin and published as Zata-daw-bon
yazawin).
4
According to available accounts, the relics initially were concentrated in Thayeikhitaya by king Duttabaung who carried
the Buddha’s frontal bone from “kanyan pyi” (country or royal city of kanyans) and destroyed one of two stupas built by
Taphussa and Ballika moving four hair relics to a new cetīya (MYG I: 119, 199). After the destruction of Thayeikhitaya
kings of Ot-tha (Ussa Pegu) broke the reliquary and moved the relics to their city distributing them between Shweimodo,
Kyaik-ko and royal palace (MYG I: 199). After some time the relics employed in royal ritual were concentrated in Pagan
due to efforts of king Anawrahta who ritually “subdued” other royal cities by means of removal/obtaining of relics. He
carried away “exalted relics kept in jeweled caskets and venerated by generations of kings in the royal city of Thahton”
together with sets of Tipitaka (MYG I: 183); as a token of gratitude for help against gyun warriors “the king of Ot-tha ...
presented to Anawrahta the hair relic which was venerated by generations of kings of Ot-tha kept in a golden casket”
(MYG I: 197), to which the inscription Pl. IV 425a dated CS 678 (1317) adds “. . . . nhlade Buddha, statue of Buddha made
of glass, these buddhas” (SMK III: 2745-6); in Thayeikhitaya Anawrahta destroyed “the royal cetīya built by king
Duttabaung, took the frontal bone relic and carried it away placing on the white elephant in pyathat made of jewels” (MYG
I: 189) (archaeological data confirm the opening of Bobogyi stupa by Anawrahta (Luce 1969 I: 19)). He also attempted to
remove the relics from tayop pyi (China) (MYG I: 184-8), Lanka (MYG I, 191-4), Arakan (YT: 89) and Theingothaya (i.e.
Shweidagon stupa) (MYG I: 398). Thus, almost every major seat of power mentioned in mahayazawins fell victim to him.
Another contribution was made by king Alaungsithu (or Narapatisithu as a famous confusion exists as regards these
monarchs) who again tried to get the tooth relic from tayop pyi and received from Sinhalese monarch a “statue showing
Shin Mahakathapa observing the dhutangas which was venerated by generations of kings of Theingo” during his voyage
round the “great ocean” (MYG I: 223; cf. alternative version in ZKG: bā v. –bu v.).
From accounts on kings of Pinya we learn that Tazishin Thihathu enshrined in Pinya Shweizigon “5 of seven relics
encapsulated in betel bowl during the reign of Anawrahtaminzaw and venerated by succession of kings [of Pagan]” (MYG
I: 324) (note the symbolism of this act as Pagan Shweizigon enshrined the relic moved from ritually subdued
Thayeikhitaya) with two others being delivered to Sagaing later (ZKG: bei v. – be v.).
Afterwards the changes in organization of power made the removal of relics exceptional: the major examples are the
moving of Buddha’s begging bowl and tooth relic, Buddha images, and copies of Tipitaka from Hanthawady to Taung-ngu
in 1599 (MYG III: 100) and transportation of Mahamuni image from Arakan in 1785.
5
There exists a tradition assigning the composition of Zambu-kun-gya to Taungdwingyi Hsayadaw Khingyi Byo (1722-
1762) (Kandawmingyaung Hsayadaw 1906: 11). On the basis of analysis of the text and its comparison with others, I
believe it was probably composed in the late 15th century and revised later in the 17 th or 18th centuries.
6
The same account is given in Hmannan-mahayazawin-daw-gyi (HNY I: 396-398) while in Yazawin-thit it appears in
abridged form (YT I: 197, 199).
7
Details related in other sections of Mahayazawuntha are given in brackets.
8
A slightly incorrect reproduction of the lists from UHRC 575 and 765 is available in (ZDB: 29, 89).
9
I’m reluctant to identify it as complete text as it consists only of three stanzas yet is classified as egyin. Usually egyins or
ceremonial royal cradle-songs are more lengthy.
10
The existence of prophecy concerning Sagaing and its usual absence from the list of 15 royal cities show the difference
between the statuses of royal city (pyi) and “royal city being the repository of Sasana” where the former is applicable to
several locations at a time and the latter is unique.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com

 17

11
Though Pali texts did not state the exact destination of Buddhaghosa’s journey (Mhv XXXVII.246; BGU: 63) whereby
scholars from different countries of Southeast Asia could have laid claims to his legacy, in Myanmar it was believed that
Buddhaghosa arrived to Mon coastal city of Thahton (Sudhammapura) (MYG I: 146; YG: 65).
12
In the 16th century Thayeikhitaya or Pyi was an important religious centre and monks from there occupied prominent
positions at the courts of Mintaya Shweihti (1531-1550), Hanthawady Hsinbyumyashin (1551-1581) and later in the 17th
century at Ava. In the 18th century several samgha leaders like Atula Hsayadaw Shin Yatha (1700-1786) and Hsonda
Hsayadaw Shin Nandamala (1718-1784) traced their monastic lineage to Thayeikhitaya (RCAMM 544: ba-v. – bu-v.;
TTD: 1; TLS: 3).
13
This belief is reflected, for example, in the thwinza sent by Anandadaza Hsayadaw to Nyaungyan-min in CS 959 (1597).
(Htun Yi (ed.) n.d.a: no. 6).
14
This succession was traced through Thayeikhitaya, Pagan, Pinya/Sagaing, Ava, Taung-ngu/Hanthawady, Ava, etc.
15
Tracing the history of Lanka up to that moment became a common Southeast Asian practice. JKM is a good example
(JKM: 94-96) which may reflect the incorporation of Mon historiographic stereotypes into Northern Thai chronicles.
16
Here and below I follow the chronology of MYW.
17
Such approach is untypical for subsequent chapters where the focus gradually shifts towards chronological documenting
of reigns. These changes in principles of chronicle writing also speak in favor of dating of the concepts in question before
the 17th century.
18
This fragment is confused in the published version: omoemawmfta&twGufodkhr0if rifusyfom_zpfavownf became
omoemawmfta&twGufodkhr0ifcif/usyfom_zpfavownf which gives incomprehensible “Saw Mun Nit, the son of king Kyawzwa, Saw
Nit, the son of Saw Mun Hnit, these 2 generations of kings are simply extra before included into the calculation of Sasana as
Myintzaing, Pinya, and Ava have already appeared” (ZDB: 43).
19
Seemingly, the tradition of writing on palm leaves in Myanmar required that the number of leaves in each volume was
equal. In case the copyist managed to put down the contents on fewer leaves he would add something on his behalf and if he ran
out of space he could leave the text unfinished.
20
Despite the appearance of works where Pagan after the early 14 th century is seen as important cultural and symbolic
centre (Bennet 1971: 4-11, Aung-Thwin 1985: 196-7, Strachan 1989: 11) or even effective centre of authority (Hla
Thamein 1968: 59, Aung-Thwin 1998: 93-120) the date 1287 remains magical for popular literature.
21
26 in RCAMM 515. Ms. UHRC 765 gives the number of kings only for the first six entries (Thiho to Ot-tha Pegu) while
the numbers for Tagaung, Kaungton, Kaungzin, Kyun-bo, and Nga-zaung-gyan appear only in RCAMM 515. The name
Myei-bon-tha occurs only in UHRC 575 while in UHRC 765 it becomes Pyi-bon-tha and Pya-bon in RCAMM 515. Shwe-
bo-kyun appears only in UHRC 575, while both UHRC 765 and RCAMM 515 have Kyun-bo.
22
Three last cities (Kaung-zin, Kyun-bo-lo, and Nga-zaung-gyan) are missing in RCAMM 610 but mentioned in the copy
of that text in UCL manuscript Min-a hset-thwin-de meittaza (Epistles sent to kings) (hgū r.).
23
Number 2 in 32 was added by different hand.
24
Subtotal – 1000 years, 139 kings.
25
Subtotal – 4200 years, 422 kings.

PDF created with FinePrint pdfFactory Pro trial version http://www.pdffactory.com