H C S P T E C H N I C A L B R I E F NO.

Conservation Planning in
the Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood
The Status of Activities of Urban Revitalisation
in Historic Cairo’s al-Darb al-Ahmar

Historic Cities Support Programme

Darb Al-Ahmar Community Development Co.
A subsidiary of Aga Khan Cultural Services - Egypt

THE AGA KHAN TRUST FOR CULTURE

 T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................. 3 COMMUNITY PROFILE

Social Survey ......................................... 76
SUMMARY .............................................. 5 Lifestyles and the Supportive
Physical Environment ........................... 82
INTRODUCTION
Conservation and Revitalisation FORMS OF INTERVENTION
in the Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood ........ 8 Types of Intervention Actions to be Applied
in the Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood ........ 96
HISTORY Actions to preserve:
A Historical Perspective of Preventive maintenance and repair of elements
Restoration
al-Darb al-Ahmar ................................. 18
Rehabilitation
Adaptive re-use
SUMMARY OF PHYSICAL SURVEY Reconstruction
Land Use .............................................. 22 Actions to transform:
Infrastructure and Services ........................ 26 Partial demolition
Land Ownership and Tenure ..................... 30 Demolition without reconstruction
Redevelopment
Building Types in the
New development
Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood .............. 32
Significant Structures
and Architectural Features ..................... 44 INTRODUCTION TO CASE STUDIES ............. 105
Assessing the Physical Condition
of the Buildings ................................. 54 CASE STUDIES
An Assessment of the Transformations Case study 1: Rehabilitation ..................... 107
within the Built Environment ................. 58 Case study 2: Reconstruction .................... 119
Street Morphology and Open Spaces ........... 66
Case study 3: New development ................. 129
Case study 4: Partial demolition ................. 135
Case study 5: Rehabilitation .................... 145

Continued on the following page

 TAB LE O F C O NT E NT S

IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGIES BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 166

Building Costs and Financial Mechanisms ..... 156
Legal Considerations ............................... 160 SUPPLEMENT
Building Inventory Sheets
CONCLUSION
Recommendations for Immediate Actions ...... 161

Research, writing, design, production, and copy editing of the report by J. Allen, K. Ibraheem, S. El Rashidi, and D. Rodrigues. All illustrations, drawings,
and photographs were produced by the team unless otherwise noted. Copyright 1999, The Aga Khan Trust for Culture, 1-3 Avenue de la Paix, 1202
Geneva, Switzerland. Reproduction of this document in whole or in part is prohibited without the express consent of AKTC.
 C R E D I T S A N D A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
This technical report presents the status of
activities currently being undertaken for the
urban revitalisation of al-Darb al-Ahmar’s
Aslam Mosque neighbourhood. The work is
part of the planning and conservation efforts
of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture’s Historic
Cities Support Programme, directed by
Dr. Stefano Bianca. The study has been
developed by Jeff Allen, Kareem Ibraheem,
Seif El Rashidi, and Debora Rodrigues,
an interdisciplinary team from Aga Khan
Cultural Services, Egypt (AKCS-E), under the
leadership of Francesco Siravo, Senior Project
Officer, AKTC. Dr. Dina Shehayeb was
responsible for the social survey and lifestyle
assessment, assisted by Sherif El Wagih,
and also contributed to the case studies and
implementation strategies. Ashraf Abdu
3
conducted the demographic survey. Additional
photographs of the study area were provided
by Hussein Aga Khan, Eric Baratta, and
Maha Maamoun.
The support and guidance received from
the Governorate of Cairo, the Ministry of
Culture, as well as from the Supreme Council
of Antiquities, and in particular its Secretary
General Dr. Gaballa Ali Gaballa, are gratefully
acknowledged. Special thanks are also due
to Prof. Frank Matero of the University of
Pennsylvania, and Dr. Abdelhalim Ibrahim
Abdelhalim of Community Design Collaborative.
This report could not have taken form without
the assistance and cooperation of the residents
of the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood, who have
been extremely helpful and very welcoming
throughout the course of the work.
 S U M M A R Y

T his report presents an investigation of the Aslam

Mosque neighbourhood, a section of historic
Cairo’s al-Darb al-Ahmar district, and outlines possible
in the area, leading to the expulsion of both the current
residents and the existing activities, thus paving the way
for a total substitution of the traditional urban fabric.
strategies for the future rehabilitation of its traditional Awareness of these potential risks prompted
housing with the participation of the residents. AKTC to initiate a general investigation of the Darb
al-Ahmar district and, in particular, to earmark the
BACKGROUND Aslam Mosque neighbourhood
as a pilot initiative for the
The Aslam Mosque neighbour- identification of planning
hood is notable both for its turn- policies and housing strategies
of-the-century architecture and aimed at the preservation and
its role as a hub of artisanal appropriate development of the
activity. In recent years, entire area. This report presents
however, the neighbourhood— the results of the survey on the
like other areas of historic pilot area and the initial
Cairo—has witnessed a decline conclusions regarding prospects
in socio-economic conditions and opportunities for future
and an increasing deterioration rehabilitation actions.
of its building stock and
infrastructure. CONTENT OF THE REPORT
Today, the initiative by
the Aga Khan Trust for The report is divided into an
Culture (AKTC) and the introduction and seven
Governorate of Cairo to create sections:
the 36-hectare al-Azhar Park
on top of the Darassa Hills, Although the Aslam Mosque still stands • the introduction describes the
after more than six hundred years, many of
east of al-Darb al-Ahmar, neighbourhood as part of the
the neighbouring buildings, by and large
provides an opportunity for constructed less than a century ago, district and the larger context of
rehabilitation efforts in the have disappeared. Islamic Cairo;
neighbourhood. But the creation
of the new park also presents serious risks for an • section one traces the history of the area, first as a
area that is both socially and environmentally fragile: marginal settlement on the outskirts of Cairo, through
al-Azhar Park, which is to become metropolitan Cairo’s its rise as a wealthy residential quarter, up until the
major green space, will no doubt represent a powerful late nineteenth century when it began to decline;
attraction and a catalyst for private investment. Unless
held in check and properly channelled through a • section two presents the results of the detailed
conscious planning effort, speculative pressure may physical survey that was carried out in the
soon determine a pattern of uncontrolled development neighbourhood in 1998, including land use, tenure,

5
building types, building conditions, open spaces, community that is determined to continue to live in the
infrastructure and public services; area and willing to invest directly in the rehabilitation
and upkeep of the existing houses. As the five case
• section three contains a demographic survey and studies indicate, most of the required interventions
lifestyle assessment. These investigations depend on improvements that can be undertaken through
complemented the information of the physical survey the use of local skills and resources and that can be
in order to reflect the way of life, afforded by the community.
problems, and expectations of However, there are a few
the neighbourhood residents; major obstacles to the
development of a long-term
• section four identifies possible rehabilitation programme
forms of intervention in the involving the residents:
neighbourhood based on the
quality and condition of its • the lack of technical advice,
structures. The report identifies which often has impeded the
nine levels of intervention identification of potential
subdivided into actions aimed at structural problems in the
preserving the historic fabric and buildings and their prompt
actions aimed at transforming resolution;
individual buildings considered
inappropriate or structurally • an unclear planning framework
unsafe; and general insecurity among
the residents about their tenure
• section five contains detailed status. The latter, in particular,
analyses of five properties in is indicated as a major deterrent
the study area that best reflect Darb Shoughlan, the neighbourhood’s to direct investment;
main thoroughfare, is a centre
the diversity of urban issues of artisanal activity. Small trucks can often
found in the neighbourhood, as be seen bringing supplies to local workshops. • the lack of financial and credit
well as problems requiring mechanisms that can be used by
urgent attention; the residents to finance the upgrading of their houses.

• section six of the report assesses current building costs
and reviews legal and financial aspects to identify and
propose strategies that can be followed by the residents
themselves to improve the quality and condition of their
buildings, which can play a positive role in the future
rehabilitation of the neighbourhood;
• the last section contains general recommendations
for the neighbourhood.
CONCLUSION
The physical and social investigations presented
in this report emphasise the fact that the Aslam
Mosque neighbourhood consists of a closely-knit
In its conclusions, the report outlines the need for
increased technical assistance, a revision of the
current planning regulations, security of tenure, as
well as suitable housing finance options.
In addition, the case studies presented in the report
propose a series of models for housing rehabilitation
and new construction that take into account residents’
lifestyles, income levels and tenure status, as well as
available institutional and financing programmes that can
be used to facilitate implementation. Eventually, similar
strategies and methods can be adopted in the
rehabilitation of other historic neighbourhoods in Cairo.
(Opposite page) When local workshops are closed,
Darb Shoughlan is transformed from a busy commercial
thoroughfare to a quiet residential street.

6
7
 I N T R O D U C T I O N
CONSERVATION AND REVITALISATION
IN THE ASLAM MOSQUE NEIGHBOURHOOD
T his pilot project focuses on the formulation of a
detailed plan in which policies that have been
identified at a general level are tested at the
neighbourhood level. Following a detailed survey
of both the social and physical fabric of a small
neighbourhood within greater al-Darb al-Ahmar—a
district occupying a strategic position at the heart
of Islamic Cairo—the plan exemplifies a procedure
for assessing existing social and physical
conditions and recommends methods for appropriate
interventions. Used as a model for future
rehabilitation action in similarly distressed areas,
the same approach can be applied to the rest of al-
Darb al-Ahmar, as well as to other parts of historic
Cairo.
(Above) View from the dome of Aslam Mosque, past Aslam
Square and Darb Shoughlan Street, towards the distant
summit of the Citadel and the Mosque of Mohammed Ali
Pasha.
8
GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION
Bounded by the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar to
the north, the Ayyubid city wall to the east, Hozayen
alleyway to the south, and Fatma al-Nabaweya Street
to the west, the neighbourhood under investigation
forms part of the eastern periphery of the Darb al-
Ahmar district. Bisecting the area is Darb
Shoughlan, a major thoroughfare that runs parallel
to the historic wall from the vicinity of the Blue
Mosque to Aslam Square.
The Ayyubid city wall, together with the
Darassa Hills and cemetery that lie beyond, has
created an impenetrable barrier to the urban
expansion of al-Darb al-Ahmar. Without available
and accessible destinations to the east, street
circulation in and out of the study area is
predominantly of a north-south nature. At Aslam
Square, the primary arteries of Darb Shoughlan and
Fatma al-Nabaweya converge from the south and
link to form Abdallah al-Geuweiny Street, which
moves traffic northward and is the only major access
to al-Azhar Street—arguably historic Cairo’s most
important thoroughfare. Of secondary importance
is a road leading west to Bab Zuwayla, which,
though historically important, has had minimal
impact in the centuries since the closure of Bab al-
Mahruq, an Ayyubid gate adjacent to the square.
BACKGROUND
Located at the eastern edge of the Fatimid city, bordering
the Darb al-Ahmar district on the other side of the
Ayyubid city wall, the Darassa Hills for centuries served
as a dumping ground for the old city of Cairo. The
initiative by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture and the
Governorate of Cairo to transform this former dumping
 The study area (lower
right) lies adjacent to
the future al-Azhar Park
(middle left), another
project of the Aga Khan
Trust for Culture,
currently under
construction in the
Darassa Hills. The two
areas are divided by
the historic Ayyubid
wall, which leads to the
Citadel in the distance.

9
site into an urban park has prompted parallel rehabilitation THE STUDY AREA IN CONTEXT
efforts in the areas neighbouring the future al-Azhar Park,
among them: the conservation of the Ayyubid city wall, Like the rest of al-Darb al-Ahmar, the study area is in
the adaptive re-use of the former Darb Shoughlan School, urgent need of rehabilitation: dilapidated buildings,
and the restoration of the Qaytbey complex. inadequate water and electricity supplies,
But particularly relevant to this pilot project are disintegrating sewers, and unsatisfactory rubbish
the efforts to implement clearly disposal are a few commonly
defined rehabilitation projects in found problems. But like other
smaller neighbourhoods, in parts of al-Darb al-Ahmar, this
which the use of appropriate neighbourhood is a lively
conservation methods, com- community of residents and
munity involvement, and artisans who have a strong
institutional coordination are desire and the economic means
seen as fundamental compo- to stay and invest in the area.
nents of the process. This Among the area’s most
planning approach, which, striking features is the Mosque
among other things, presents of Aslam al-Silahdar, which is
practical rehabilitation proposals still being used for worship 600
based on the actual needs of the years after its construction.
residents, offers a better chance Not surprisingly, the square in
of success than past attempts at front of the mosque is one of the
comprehensive conservation most important centres of
planning. activity within the neigh-
bourhood—numerous shops, a
DEFINITION dye-house, a bakery, and a
OF BOUNDARY Because of the shortage of proper coffeeshop are all to be found in
commerical space, many craftsmen have
had to set up shop in the ruins of collapsed its immediate vicinity. (In fact,
Although the neighbourhood structures in order to stay close to Aslam Square is the only open
their homes and business contacts.
selected for this pilot project is space in this densely built-up
only a small portion of the Darb neighbourhood.)
al-Ahmar district, it nevertheless provides an accurate The built environment in the study area
indication of the urban conditions prevalent in the consists of a combination of turn-of-the-century
strip along the Ayyubid city wall. In particular, the housing units and post-war buildings. The former are
area was chosen for encompassing a group of generally built on narrow plots of land and are usually
residential and commercial buildings located along a two to three storeys high, in many cases with
section of an important spine, Darb Shoughlan, which projecting upper floors, while the latter are usually
connects the neighbourhood square to a formerly vital built on larger and squarer plots of land and have four
building, the Darb Shoughlan School. With the current or more storeys, often with cantilevered balconies.
project to transform the former local school into a Although predominantly residential, the study
community centre, this area can clearly be defined as area also contains a fair amount of commercial
a section of a commercial spine linking two important activity—many of the buildings on Darb Shoughlan
community nodes: the current Aslam Square and the have shops and workshops at street level. Above
future community centre. Because of this, the study these shops are the residential units, indicating the
area can be treated as a semi-separate urban entity, existence of commercial space even in non-commercial
yet one that forms an integral part of east al-Darb al- buildings. Also used as workshops are the numerous
Ahmar and, specifically, Darb Shoughlan. structures that are no more than partial ruins. Often,

10
ISLAMIC CAIRO AND ENVIRONS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
The study area in context
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The Aslam Mosque

neighbourhood is pictured Bab
Th al-Futuh
below in orange eN
ort
(see the following page he rn
for a detailed map). Wa Bab al-Nasr
ll

O
To Attaba I R
al-Khadra A
C
Khan Mosque of
C al-Hussein
al-
I Khalili
M Midan Hussein
A

Mosque
L

and Khanqah
of al-Ghuri Mosque Al-Azhar
S

To al-Tahrir of al-Azhar University

I

Square Mosque of
al-Muayyad
Bab Zuwayla
l
al

Mosque of
THE
W

al-Maridani
FUTURE
d

To the Mosque of AL-AZHAR Al-Mugawerin

bi

Sayyeda Zaynab PARK Cemetery

yu
A y
T h e

Mosque
of Aqsunqur

Bab al-Wazir
Mosque of
ar-Rifa’i
N
Mosque of
Sultan Hassan
To the Mosque
THE CITADEL
of Ibn Tulun 0 100 200 300 400 500
Metres

11
TARGET NEIGHBOURHOOD STUDY MAP
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Building Identification Numbers
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

All of the buildings within the

study area were assigned a

iny
number for easy identification.

we
168
Information for each building

eu
l-G
was catalogued and transferred 111

hA
to a detailed inventory sheet and

lla
da
a specifically created database

lam
Ab
125
as a basis for the subsequent

As
112 113

ret
203
proposals for intervention.

Ha
204
169 117 130
Ha
Aslam 114 131
ret Mosque 132
Sa’ 115
ad
Alla 133 196
h 116
Midan 134
137 135 136
170 Aslam 448
ya 139
wa
138
ab
l-N

171 211
141
aA

172 143
tm

140 142
144
Fa

173 146
147 489
491
148
174 151 198
AL-DARB AL-AHMAR 149 150
AND ISLAMIC CAIRO 153
499
an

177
154 152
ghl

181
hou

178
182
bS
Dar

209
183
213

212 FUTURE
AL-AZHAR PARK
215 216
218 217
447
303 446
285
445
286
444
302 605
287
442
441
301
440
300
438
439
437
299
l
al

298 436
435
W

297 434 433

296
d

432
bi

295 431
469
yu

294
430
293
Ay

426
292
427 428 429
291
e

612
290
Th

425
289 488
487
424
423
283
409 422
421
408 412 414 420
413 607
416
415 418
419
417

12
they are converted into workshops to provide All of this information was transferred to a
additional space for the large number of craftsmen detailed inventory sheet as well as to a specifically
residing in the area. created database. (This database can be expanded to
It is perhaps ironic that economic stagnation over accommodate additional categories and information.)
the years has helped preserve the historic character of Of particular relevance were the analyses on the
the streetscape. Although several of the buildings have typology, the state of conservation, the state of
deviated from traditional Islamic integrity, and the type of
architecture with a more ownership and tenure for each
European-influenced design, the building. These were plotted on
arrangement of the area is less separate base maps of the area,
Europeanised: with the exception and were instrumental in the
of a few thoroughfares, the subsequent definition of the
neighbourhood has short and criteria for intervention.
highly irregular streets, which The investigations of the
often zigzag into innumerable physical fabric show a
dead ends. This creates one of combination of different housing
the most striking features in the conditions as well as the
area, especially when coupled presence of several ruined
with buildings that have structures and empty plots.
overhanging balconies or Most buildings are inhabited but
projecting upper floors, which generally poorly maintained,
are often placed in close due to the imposition of rent
proximity to one another on the controls and the insecurity of
neighbourhood’s narrow streets. tenure. The need to intervene is
evident both in owner-occupied
METHODOLOGY Of equal importance to the physical survey was and rented units, although
to understand the needs and desires of the
AND FINDINGS area’s residents. The proposed interventions are houses occupied by tenants are
products that derive from the social setting usually in worse condition. The
based on input from the community.
The sample area for this housing stock is on average
particular pilot initiative quite old; however, evidence of
includes approximately 125 buildings located in the recent transformations can frequently be observed.
vicinity of the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar, along Changes are usually aimed at subdividing or increasing
the eastern portion of al-Darb al-Ahmar. In order to the available space within the units to make room for
update previous surveys and gather new expanding families. In some cases, substandard or
information, four team members conducted a field overcrowded housing conditions were found, as well
survey of the neighbourhood on a plot by plot basis. as evidence of serious structural problems. The latter
A survey sheet was used for recording is in part the result of damage from the 1992 earthquake,
comprehensive information on each building, as well as from the area’s high water table and poor
namely its location, condition, use, ownership and plumbing.
tenure, as well as the number of residents, valuable The survey also identified a high percentage
architectural features, date and type of construction, of ruins and vacant plots, where buildings have
extent of alterations, and state of integrity. The collapsed due to protracted deterioration and the 1992
physical survey also included a drawing of the earthquake. Almost always, the fate of abandoned
ground plan for each building and a morphological properties has been collapse or demolition. The
analysis of the study area’s streets and urban resulting vacant plots, visible throughout the
spaces. neighbourhood, are used to dispose of solid waste

13
14
and to store materials belonging to nearby workshops. In-depth interviews of a smaller sample group helped
In some cases, shacks have been built on these plots in understanding residents’ lifestyles, priorities, and
to accommodate the residents. expectations, and how the present fabric serves or
The physical survey also highlighted potential impedes these.
sites for special revitalisation efforts: the various ruins The results of the social survey, in particular,
and vacant plots of land represent an opportunity for were surprising and defy the commonly held image of
future residential development, the area. The Aslam Mosque
while the many commercial neighbourhood, and indeed all
activities and workshops along of al-Darb al-Ahmar, is often
the main thoroughfare of Darb characterised as a slum area
Shoughlan are an important where the incidence of crime and
asset, with the potential of unemployment is high, where
generating more employment residents are presumed to be
and income in the area. recent immigrants occupied in
Furthermore, the northern marginal activities, and, as a
boundary of the study area result, where traditional values
includes the Mamluk Mosque and a sense of community are
of Aslam al-Silahdar (also often lacking.
known as Aslam Mosque), Contrary to these
constructed adjacent to a perceptions, the survey showed
former gate in the Ayyubid city that the adult population is
wall and now overlooking a overwhelmingly employed in
square of reasonable size. This productive activities and the
combination of the historic presence of crime in the
mosque, the former gate, and the neighbourhood is, in fact,
square leading south to Bab Out of choice, many families negligible. Furthermore, over sixty
have lived and worked in
Zuwayla is a valuable the neighbourhood for generations.
percent of the population has
component, for it has the Those who have moved out of the area lived in the area for thirty years or
potential of becoming a link expressed their desire to return. more, and almost twenty percent
between the Darb al-Ahmar has resided there for more than
community and al-Azhar Park. fifty years. Length of residence in the area was found to
In addition to the physical survey, a social be the result not of necessity, but of choice. Most
survey was carried out on a representative sample of inhabitants feel comfortable and safe in the
the area’s residents. (The buildings chosen for this neighbourhood. They cite the proximity of work as well
survey corresponded to the relative percentages of as the social support from their relatives and neighbours
each of the major building types prevalent in the area.) as reasons to stay, indicating as primary concerns the
The information gathered included demographic very traditional values and sense of community that are
statistics on household members such as occupation, often said to be lacking.
place of work, commute to work, length of residence in When asked about the neighbourhood’s positive
the area, previous place of residence, as well as rent aspects, the families interviewed also noted as valued
values, occupancy rates, and basic housing facilities. assests the lack of vehicular traffic, the high density of
people and activities, the proximity of services, and a
(Opposite page) This aerial view shows the density of general sense of security. Their lists for house
the urban fabric of the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood. improvement were simple and straightforward: in addition
A portion of the Ayyubid city wall can be seen in the lower
right, with Darb Shoughlan Street running parallel to the obvious concerns about structural safety, damp
and leading to Aslam Mosque. walls, and leaky roofs, unrelated families who have to

15
16
HUSSEIN AGA KHAN
share a bathroom complained of the lack of private occupied, and which would thus present, at least
facilities. The survey also found that many households ininitially, a more realistic opportunity for intervention.
living in tight quarters could afford more space, but they In categories that examined the potential for
say that alternatives are not available in al-Darb al-Ahmar. rehabilitation, there was a preference for buildings that
What is clear from the interviews is that not only were architecturally valuable, but which were
the residents view this neighbourhood as their also strategically located. Given the importance of
permanent home. Moreover, the Ayyubid city wall as regards
there is the will to actively the rehabilitation of the area, it
explore ways of achieving was essential to include at least
greater security of tenure as one building constructed
well as making improvements to against the wall in order to
the buildings themselves. examine the delicate issue of
There is no doubt that the how best to intervene when
residents are committed to the inhabited structures are located
area, and, given a more enabling in close proximity of a
environment in terms of monument. A ruined plot was
legislation, financing, and also chosen to provide
urban management, they are possibilities for new infill
ready to invest their own projects to be explored.
resources. A perennial concern in any
selection process is the owners’
CRITERIA financial ability to invest in
FOR INTERVENTION improving their own property.
Based on the social survey of
Cross-referenced and the study area, choices were
compared, the findings and This woman’s house collapsed during made concerning the abilities of
the 1992 earthquake, and after moving
analyses of the physical and to the outskirts of Cairo,
individuals to follow through on
social surveys were the basis for she returned to the area, preferring to live a particular intervention
investigating and proposing in a totally ruined building. process. The selected case
possible forms of intervention for studies presented the best hope
each individual unit or group of buildings. This for intervention on the current economic realities of
constituted the second phase of work, in which a specific residents in al-Darb al-Ahmar. Consequently, existing
form of intervention—be it preservation, restoration, financial institutions were examined to establish the
rehabilitation, demolition, or new development—was relevance of Egyptian housing banks to the financial
recommended for each of the 125 structures surveyed. means of local residents and alternative schemes were
In particular, five buildings were selected as case studies reviewed in the light of local investment potentials.
that would best reflect the different conditions observed Although the five case studies do not
in the study area. The examples were selected to encompass all the possibilities for the urban
encompass the widest possible range of urban conservation of the area, they provide preliminary
conditions, thus providing a basis on which suitable proposals for intervention on a neighbourhood scale.
criteria of intervention could be proposed. In future, the proposals put forth in this pilot project
In the selection process, preference was given can serve as a model for the rehabilitation of other
to buildings that were owner rather than tenant areas of al-Darb al-Ahmar, most of which have similar
urban environments. These initial representative
(Opposite page) Although the study area displays
a combination of modern and traditional buildings, projects can serve to offer alternatives of revitalisation
it still retains much of its turn-of-the-century character. for the area and greatly enhance its future prospects.

17
 HISTORY
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
OF AL-DARB AL-AHMAR
I n the Fatimid period, the eastern periphery of what
is now known as al-Darb al-Ahmar was located just
outside the southeastern corner of the walled city of
Cairo. The area to the east of the Fatimid city remained
vacant until the end of the tenth century, when the
Caliph al-Hakim ordered the dumping of debris to
prevent flood water from entering Cairo. The extent
of this initial dumping cannot be ascertained, but
the area continued to be used as a dumping ground
until 1997, by which time centuries of debris had
formed mounds that were thirty metres high in some
areas. Popularly referred to as the Darassa Hills,
these mounds prevented the city from expanding
eastwards and thus served to define this boundary
of Cairo.
By the Ayyubid conquest of Egypt in the
twelfth century, the city had expanded considerably:
the construction of Salah al-Din’s Citadel to the south
gave this area of al-Darb al-Ahmar great importance,
and the old Fatimid walls were extended to connect
the new seat of power to the old imperial capital. This
Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar
(1345)
Mosque of Amir
Altunbugha al-Maridani
(1340)
former peripheral zone was integrated into the steadily
growing city, the capital and military stronghold of
the Ayyubid empire.
Part of this area’s importance lay in the fact
that it formed the eastern edge of the Ayyubid city,
and thus was linked to the movement of people to and
from Syria, as well as to a market for animal fodder
located outside Bab al-Mahruq, one of Cairo’s east
gates. Bab al-Mahruq was in its heyday an essential
junction connecting the city to important trade routes
as well as to the numerous activities that took place
outside the city walls. Furthermore, it provided direct
access to Bab Zuwayla, the southern gate of the
Fatimid city, which by Ayyubid and Mamluk times had
become imbedded in the heart of the city.
The Bab al-Mahruq Gate, initially named Bab
al-Qarratin after the market for animal fodder,
obtained its present name in the mid-thirteenth
century when a group of 700 Mamluk princes burnt
it down in order to flee from Aybak, the reigning
sultan of the time. Among those who fled were
Bab Zuwayla
(1092)
Mosque of
Mosque of
Sultan
Amir
al-Mu’ayyad
Qijmas
(1420)
al-Ishaqi
(1481)
 Qalawun and Baybars I, who would soon return and
rule as sultans of Egypt.
The area surrounding Bab al-Mahruq
remained important at least until the mid-fourteenth
century when Aslam al-Silahdar, the sword bearer
FOUR SEPARATE PHOTOGRAPHS BY PASCAL SEBAH, AMERICAN UNIVERSITY IN CAIRO, RARE BOOKS AND SPECIAL COLLECTIONS LIBRARY
of Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad, chose to build his
religious complex there, indicating that the
neighbourhood was sufficiently prestigious and well
frequented. The endurance of the Citadel as the
seat of power through the Mamluk and Ottoman
periods ensured that the area surrounding it
remained important. Bab al-Wazir Street, to the west
of the city wall, had become a significant
processional route, and thus numerous religious and
residential complexes were built along it. Several of
these still remain, among them the thirteenth-century
Palace of Alin Aq, the fourteenth-century mosques
of Aqsunqur (known as the Blue Mosque) and
Aytmish al-Baghasi, and the sixteenth-century
religious complex of Khayrbek, named after the first
Ottoman governor of Egypt.
By the eighteenth century, the connection
through Bab al-Mahruq had been blocked and
mounds of debris had accumulated outside the
city walls, indicating that the area’s role as a link
t o t h e e a s t h a d d i m i n i s h e d c o n s i d e r a b l y.
Although the north-south thoroughfares
remained important, the closure of the route
leading to Bab Zuwayla meant that this area of
al-Darb al-Ahmar became a considerably more
Mosque and Tekkiya of Muhammad Bey Abul Dahab
(1774)
Mosque and
Khanqah of al-Ghuri
(1503)
marginal zone, somewhat isolated from the
thriving commercial activity taking place elsewhere.
By the late nineteenth century, however, a sharp
increase in population growth coupled with an
economic boom led to notable urban expansion in Cairo.
This was felt in areas such as al-Darb al-Ahmar, where
there was a steady influx of people, especially between
1890 and 1900. The construction boom in this area
was remarkable, for it coincided with attempts to
modernise the city through the newly created Ministry
of Public Works, which spearheaded a campaign to
set guidelines for urban planning. The approach
instituted by the Ministry of Public Works was one
concerned with giving Cairo a more “modern”
appearance—in other words, a European façade, with
much less concern over interior spaces. Although
this was a somewhat superficial approach, it ensured
that areas such as al-Darb al-Ahmar had some sense
of visual harmony.
There was, however, a clear distinction
between the new districts of Cairo and the older,
more traditional areas such as al-Darb al-Ahmar,
which received less attention and therefore changed
more slowly. In spite of this, there was a definite
trend towards Europeanisation—often by
merchants who had acquired wealth and moved back
to the older areas of Cairo, but sought to imitate
A panoramic view of Islamic Cairo, taken in 1880 by the
French photographer Pascal Sebah. The striped façade of
the Aslam Mosque is clearly visible in the left foreground.
Burg al-Mahruq
(1170s)
Mosque of al-Azhar Qalawun Complex
(970) (1284)
 LEFT: LEHNERT & LANDROCK, ORIENTAL ART PUBLISHERS; RIGHT: HUSSEIN AGA KHAN
A historical photograph of al-Darb al-Ahmar taken in the
1920s (above left), and the neighbourhood as it appears the Ministry of Public Works, hence the similarities
today (above right). between the buildings found in the area.
Although different eras brought with them a
European building types being constructed in newer multitude of architectural styles that have
districts of the city. continuously redefined the urban fabric of al-Darb al-
Nineteenth-century photographs of the area Ahmar, street patterns in the area have remained
depict a generally prosperous residential basically unchanged for several centuries. Moreover,
neighbourhood. The Aslam Mosque, which appears many of the buildings constructed in the past fifty
whitewashed, is surrounded by an abundance of large years or so have respected traditional plot lines, and a
Ottoman-style houses, complete with courtyards, few new buildings still follow late nineteenth-century
wind-catchers, and elaborate wooden balconies. conventions of spatial distribution. The result is that
It is from the last few decades of the nineteenth al-Darb al-Ahmar, despite recent campaigns of
century that one can attribute many of the buildings indiscriminate building, has, by and large, retained a
in al-Darb al-Ahmar, which show a tendency towards great deal of its historic character.
the regularisation of their external appearance and a
movement away from traditional Ottoman architecture.
During this period, there was also a movement to
construct buildings to be rented out; these had to
follow strict building codes, and, given the number
of inhabitants that were moving into areas such as
al-Darb al-Ahmar, a substantial number of such
buildings could be found there. The regulations
concerning this type of building meant that there
was little room for deviation from the model set by

20
 CAIRO AND ENVIRONS IN 1929
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
The study area in historical context
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The Aslam Mosque

neighbourhood
BAEDEKER’S EGYPT AND THE SUDAN, 8TH EDITION, 1929

21
 S U M MARY O F
LAND USE
A lthough the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood is
by nature residential, the large number of
commercial shops as well as residential buildings that
have commercial space on the ground floor stresses
the importance of commercial activity in the area. Most
of the buildings, however, are strictly residential; they
are usually shared by more than one family, and, in several
cases, by an extended family.
Buildings used solely for commercial purposes
are another important land use category. Although
carpentry and metal workshops occupy most of these
buildings, they are also used by coffeeshops and
bakeries. Most are located along the study area’s major
thoroughfare, Darb Shoughlan, though a few can be
Residential
component
Commercial
shop
Mixed-use buildings are a common feature in the study
area. This three-storey residential building has a small
grocery store facing the area’s major thoroughfare.
PHYS I CAL S U RVEY
found scattered in the smaller alleyways, such as the
small metal shop on Aftet Hozayen. Prior to the 1992
earthquake, commercial activities were confined to
main streets, while alleys were strictly residential. But
as a result of the earthquake, several vacant lots located
in formerly residential alleyways were converted to
accommodate commercial activities.
In addition to buildings that are used
exclusively for either residential or commercial
purposes, there are a large number of buildings used
for several purposes simultaneously. Residential
buildings that have commercial activities on the ground
floor are very common in structures from different periods
as well as in different building types, from turn-of-the-
century townhouses to modern apartment buildings.
Two other land uses form part of the study area:
those combining religious and commercial activities and
those combining religious and residential uses. The
former includes two religious buildings, Aslam
Mosque and a small historic shrine, which also house
commercial enterprises, while the latter includes only a
small shrine located within a larger residential building.
The fact that the three religious buildings in the study
area are not used exclusively for said purpose emphasises
the link between religious and non-religious activities
and the pervasiveness of mixed-use buildings in the area.
As regards open space, there is only one within
this densely built-up neighbourhood: the small square
in front of Aslam Mosque. Although classified as
“open space,” the square is usually congested with
parked vehicles, street vendors, and a swing set.
This space also incorporates one of two green
spaces in the area (the other is the small garden on
the grounds of the former Darb Shoughlan School).
Lastly, vacant land includes the several
ruins that can be found scattered throughout the
neighbourhood, located on both the area’s major
thoroughfare as well as the smaller alleyways.
22
 ○

The Ground Floor Plan of

○
○

the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood

○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○

FUTURE
○
○

AL-AZHAR PARK
○
○
○
○
○
ASLAM MOSQUE NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUND FLOOR PLAN MAP
○

Th
○

e
○

Ay
yu
○

bi
○

d
○

W
al
○

l
○
○
○
○
○
○
○

Midan
○

Aslam
○
○

Da
○

rb
○

Sh
ou
○

gh
lan
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○

AL-DARB AL-AHMAR
○

AND ISLAMIC CAIRO

○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○

23
 Land Use
Residential (56)
Commercial (23)
Mixed Use (32)
Religious / Residential (2)
Religious / Commercial (2)
Vacant / Ruins (12)

25
ASLAM MOSQUE NEIGHBOURHOOD INFRASTRUCTURE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Streets and destinations
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Ab
u
To Khan al-Khalili,
Hu al-Azhar Mosque
re
ib
a
St and University
re
et

iny
we
eu
Haret Aslam

l-G

mb
is a cul-de-sac

ha

ara
lla

Z. B
da

lam
Ab

As
To al-Darb

ret
al-Ahmar,

Ha
Aslam
Bab Zuwayla, and Mosque
Ha Z.
Bur Said Street ret
Sa’ el
ad -H
All or
ah ey
a
Aslam
Square
a
ey
AL-DARB AL-AHMAR
aw
ab

AND ISLAMIC CAIRO

l-N
aa
tm
Fa

Bab al-Mahruq

b
ou
To Shari Ay
ret

Suq el-Silah and

Ha

the Mosque of H. Z. al-Sa’ayda

Ay
Sultan Hassan
an

ou
b
ghl
hou
bS
Dar

THE FUTURE
AL-AZHAR PARK

A. Karn al-Sarif

Z. Ezz el-Din
l
al

Z. A
yb ak
W
d

Z.
al-
To u
bi

r kom
any
yu

Z.
al-
Ay

Ma
hru
q
e
Th

A. Atfet al-Fourn
el-
Ga

N
me
l
Atf
et H
o zay
en

To the Mosque
of Aqsunqur and
the Citadel

26
 S U M M A R Y O F
INFRASTRUCTURE AND SERVICES
L ike other parts of al-Darb al-Ahmar, the
infrastructure in the study area has been subjected
to neglect and gradual deterioration. This does not
mean that infrastructure is completely lacking in the
area; however, maintenance attempts are sporadic and
long-term infrastructure improvement schemes are rare.
ROADS AND TRAFFIC
Within the neighbourhood, the major portion of
movement is pedestrian traffic; other movement is
limited and split between animal-drawn carts and
vehicular traffic, the latter consisting mostly of cars
and small trucks. The study area’s narrow, irregular,
and unpaved streets make it difficult for large buses
to pass through; therefore, bus service is only
available on the main east-west routes of al-Azhar,
Ahmad Maher, and Darb al-Ahmar, and on the north-
south route of Bab al-Wazir.
Although temporary traffic jams such as the one seen above
are infrequent, the narrow roads make it difficult for more
than one vehicle to pass at a time.
P H Y S I C A L S U R V E Y
Traffic tends to be concentrated on a few of al-
Darb al-Ahmar’s main streets, such as al-Azhar and
Bab al-Wazir, which is just outside of the study area.
Al-Azhar Street is the main commuter route to and
from Cairo’s central business district, and Bab al-Wazir,
though a much narrower artery, is an important
shortcut for vehicles coming from the Citadel and
heading towards the business district.
THE WATER SYSTEM
Given that the Water Network Authority for Greater
Cairo—the entity responsible for the provision of
potable water—only maps networks with conduits, it
is difficult to determine whether or not certain areas
in the neighbourhood are serviced by smaller networks.
It is likely, however, that most houses in the study
area are connected. Houses in the vicinity of the
Ayyubid city wall are an exception: their location
Most buildings need to have their plumbing systems
upgraded, since leaky pipes cause damage to both the
interior and exterior woodwork, masonry, and finishes.
27
By some estimates, nearly one third of the potable water in
Cairo is lost through ruptures and leaks. It is ironic that
in a desert climate it is not uncommon to find large puddles
and running water flooding the streets.
within a monument domain—the historic wall—
prohibits them from being legally connected.
Nonetheless, several of these houses are
connected, and those that are not must depend on
communal taps.
Of particular relevance is the poor condition
of the water network in greater al-Darb al-Ahmar,
which has affected the foundation walls of buildings
in the study area. In addition to the rising water
table, loss of water during distribution has caused
further damage to the woodwork, stonework, and
plaster finishes. But this situation may ameliorate:
the Water Network Authority plans to replace
primary and secondary 100-millimetre lines with lines
150 millimetres in diameter. The current water
supply, as well, will be increased from 120 litres per
person per day to the international standard of 250
litres per person per day.
28
The poor condition of the sewage network has
had a negative impact on several of the buildings in
the study area. Many of the older pipes, which were
laid a century ago, are now brittle and often cracked,
resulting in back flows and sewage leakage. The newer
pipes are in no better condition: finished in cement,
their joints have cracked open, causing sewage to leak
into the ground. The resulting acids from these leaks
become concentrated in the groundwater and interact
with the atmosphere, eventually destroying the
masonry, mortar, and plaster of buildings.
In a move to remedy back flow problems, the
Regional Cairo Sewage Network Authority, which
is the entity responsible for the installation and
maintenance of sewage and stormwater networks
in the area, plans to improve and develop the
wastewater networks of Greater Cairo. Parallel
new systems, with carrying capacities roughly
equivalent to the original networks, will double the
drainage capacity in the city. In addition, the old
sewers will be repaired and the number of maintenance
manholes will be increased.
(Top) As seen in this ruined structure located on Darb Shoughlan, vacant lots often become informal dumping grounds for
nearby businesses, which otherwise have no convenient outlet for refuse disposal. (Above left) Government collection is
presently inadequate and cannot keep up with the rubbish that piles up in the area. (Above right) This particular location
along Darb Shoughlan has become a neighbourhood rubbish dump. Besides being unsightly and unsanitary, the often
large mound can inhibit the movement of vehicles up and down the street.

RUBBISH COLLECTION
The General Authority for the Beautification and
Cleanliness of Cairo—the entity responsible for rubbish
collection in the metropolis—has limited manpower,
so it is forced to concentrate its resources on the major
arteries, which leaves large portions of the city without
adequate service. The result is that the rubbish in the
study area is dumped on the street, usually in heaps
around ruins, and picked up by the authority truck
every few days. (Ruins and vacant plots are also used
as informal dumping sites for workshop waste.)
In addition to the General Authority, there exist
private collection services; charging only a small
monthly fee, these services depend largely on the
income generated from the waste they are able to
recycle. Unfortunately, the rubbish in al-Darb al-
Ahmar is rarely collected by such services: unable to
recycle much of the area’s rubbish, they prefer more
affluent places where the recyclability is higher.

29
 S U M M A R Y O F P H Y S I C A L S U R V E Y

LAND OWNERSHIP AND TENURE

I nformation concerning land ownership and tenure

patterns was obtained through field investigations.
An understanding of the subdivision and tenure status 8%
Types of Land Ownership
2%
Governmental ownership
Religious
of building units and plots is important for two main ownership
reasons: firstly, to identify the limits of the building units
that can be subjected to direct interventions; and secondly,
to single out the potential actors of future building actions
within the neighbourhood.
The results of the survey show that the majority
of the buildings in the study area are privately owned,
totaling 110 in number: twenty-four are owner-occupied,
90%
thirty-three are owner- and tenant-occupied, forty are Private
tenant-occupied, and thirteen are vacant. ownership

The remaining buildings are under religious and

public ownership: the Ministry of Awqaf owns ten (nine
are tenant-occupied and one is vacant), and the Pie chart showing the different types of land ownership in the
study area. Of the buildings surveyed, most are under private
government owns two (one is tenant-occupied and the ownership.
other is vacant).
The Awqaf buildings are religious buildings
and shrines, as well as properties that have been
endowed by individuals to the state. These buildings
remain under the jurisdiction of the ministry. The other
governmental buildings are properties owned by the
state and utilised for a wide range of purposes,
depending on the government organisation under
whose jurisdiction they lie.

30
 State of Ownership
Private (owner occupied) (24)
Private (owner occupied with tenants) (32)
Private (tenants) (45)
Private (vacant) (14)
Awqaf (tenants) (8)
Awqaf (vacant) (2)
Governmental (tenants) (1)
Governmental (vacant) (1)

31
 S U M MARY O F PHYS I CAL S U RVEY
BUILDING TYPES
IN THE ASLAM MOSQUE NEIGHBOURHOOD
T he building typology employed for the study area
assesses buildings in terms of several factors,
namely their plan, elevation, design, use, siting,
construction technology, and materials. The
categorisation of buildings in such a manner allows for a
better understanding of their socio-economic status, as
well as the lifestyles and needs of their residents. From
this, a sounder and better-directed set of urban
intervention schemes can be proposed.
As a rule, traditional buildings of different
typologies were constructed using similar materials
and finishes, the only difference being in the level of
detailing and architectural ornamentation, as well as
in the quality of the workmanship. Generally, the post
1950s era can be considered the point at which
traditional materials were abandoned in favour of more
modern materials, and yet, in spite of this, traditional
building conventions continued to be used long after
building materials had been replaced. Consequently,
there are often links between different building types:
at times these links are based on similarities between
the construction techniques and the architectural
vocabulary used, and at others they are based on the
persistence of conventions of spatial distribution
across several building periods.
Categories of Building Types
of the Aslam Neighbourhood
Traditional Modern
Residential Construction
Traditional
Collective
Housing
32
Although declining economic conditions brought
about the end of traditional building types that were
considered to be too luxurious for the area, modern
buildings almost always served the same functions as
their traditional counterparts. Thus, the traditional
townhouse prevailed—more or less in a similar form—
even after the 1950s, and the nineteenth-century rab’, a
collective housing unit, was replaced by the modern
apartment building, which was a more efficient and
economical means of housing large numbers of people.
One feature common to almost all of the
following building types is the existence of commercial
spaces even in non-commercial structures, whether
traditional or modern, religious or residential. This is
especially true in the case of modern structures, where
space for commercial activities is almost always
provided, even in small alleyways, where traditionally
there were no commercial activities.
Although ruined structures cannot be
considered a building type—indeed, they are the
remnants of former building types—they have been
included in this typology, given that they form a
relatively large component of the area. Many are used
for commercial or even residential purposes, indicating
the demand for housing and of workspace in the area.
Substandard
Housing
Ruined
Religious
Buildings
 Traditional Residential

TRADITIONAL TOWNHOUSE
Traditional townhouses are residential buildings that
were initially constructed between 1880 and 1920.
However, in view of the fact that they had developed
to meet the specific urban and social conditions of
the area, their architectural principles remained
popular even in the later part of the twentieth century,
when more modern building types had taken over in
other parts of the city. Even today, many of the
buildings in the area follow architectural
conventions and patterns of space that were first
developed in the late nineteenth century.
Many of these buildings are constructed on
small and narrow plots of land, therefore with a
linear-based arrangement of interior spaces, and,
given the fact that most of them have only one
façade, they often include a lightwell or a courtyard
to allow light and air into the rear of the building.
Since the average plot size rarely exceeds forty
square metres and is sometimes as small as twenty
square metres, stone corbels or wooden beams are
frequently used to allow the upper storeys to project
over the street, thus providing additional space.
In spite of the fact that most of these
buildings are essentially residential structures,
commercial activities are often found on the ground
floor, namely in buildings located on important
streets such as Darb Shoughlan. In such cases, the
spaces with direct access to the street are generally
designated for commercial activities, while the rest of
the ground floor retains a more residential function.
In smaller alleyways, however, buildings were
constructed to be solely residential, indicating that ever
since the late nineteenth century there was a distinction
between residential and mixed-use streets.

Although this structure

has many of the typical Three to four storeys
features found in with a flat roof
traditional townhouses,
the decorative elements,
such as the ornate Upper floors of rough
moulding lines, indicate cut stone or brick with
it was built with added a plaster finish
expense.

Large upper-storey
windows Wrought iron
transom with
a radial design

Small square-shaped
ground-floor windows
with iron grilles Cut limestone
ground floor

Large stone portal

surrounding a
wooden door
with two leaves

33
The legacy of earlier building Many of the traditional townhouses
elements can be seen in the lattice have projecting upper floors, which
screens and mashrabeyya window. provide more space.
In general, these flat-roofed structures are three
or, in rare cases, four storeys high, and can thus be
viewed as townhouses, essentially constructed for a
single extended middle-class family, but now often
subdivided into smaller residential units occupied by
lower income groups. Some buildings of this type
were initially constructed as multiple-family residences;
these can be distinguished by the fact that their
staircases are clearly separate from their living areas,
creating a distinction between public and private space.
In buildings originally constructed for single families,
there is no such differentiation—the staircase is fully
integrated with the rest of the house. At present,
however, almost all buildings of this type house more
than one family. The occupants live in one- to two-
room units and often share the bathrooms with their
neighbours. At times, the water tap is also shared
and is usually located on the ground level. Most
units have electricity and sewage systems but some
lack running water.
The load-bearing, ground-floor walls are built
of limestone ashlar, and the upper floors are of brick
with a plaster finish. (Occasionally, the construction is
of alternating courses of plastered stone and brick.)
Buildings of this type tend to have a large, stone portal
surrounding a wooden door with two leaves and
decorative grillework. In most examples, a wrought iron
transom with a radial design surmounts the doorway,
illuminating and ventilating the dim interior corridor.
34
Most of the wooden balconies have
rotted, and only a few, such as the one
seen above, still survive.
The window treatment in these buildings is
of several types: in many cases windows have a
lattice screen that slides up and down, and in other
cases traditional wooden shutters are used.
Occasionally, the upper storeys have projecting
wooden balconies, sometimes with intricate carving;
these are a development of the mashrabeyya
windows that were commonly used until the end of
the eighteenth century. Both the wooden balconies
and the window screens are designed to maximise
privacy, serving to seclude each house from its
neighbours, which are in very close proximity. The
windows are usually large (approximately 1.20 metres
wide and 2.50 metres high), so as to maximise light
and provide adequate ventilation to houses that are
almost always located in narrow streets and
surrounded by buildings. On the upper storeys, the
windows, which are aligned on each storey, tend to
be placed at regular intervals along the façade. And
on the ground floor, smaller, square-shaped windows
with iron grilles are used for security, especially in
buildings where the ground floor was initially
intended for non-residential purposes.
Decorative elements are usually limited to
simple mouldings above the windows and, in rare
instances, stucco cornices. The stonework on the
ground floor has decorative detailing, which, though
often simple, at times incorporates elaborate floral
and geometric designs.

While these buildings were initially
constructed for middle-class residents, they have
remained functional even today, in a less prosperous
community. In part, their success lies in the fact
that they generally consist of small independent or
semi-independent spaces, thereby proving to be
versatile, multi-functional, and conducive to
subdivision into several small residential units.
Furthermore, the absence of a symmetrical spatial
arrangement makes buildings of this type feasible
on awkwardly-shaped plots of land. It is because of
this flexibility that buildings of this type continued
to be constructed in the area.
TRADITIONAL MANSION
The second type of traditional residential unit
intended to house one or a few families takes two
main forms, both considerably larger than the
previously-mentioned townhouse. The first is
generally an upper middle-class, three- to four-storey
structure, consisting of a few semi-separate
35
Commercial spaces
line the main street
n
hla
oug
Sh
rb
Da
Zuq
aq
Ayb
Residential ak
living space
The use and orientation of ground-floor spaces were
often dictated by whether the structure faced a main
street or an alleyway. Houses on major thoroughfares
(top right) usually have commercial space on the ground
floor, while those on cul-de-sacs (bottom right) are
mainly residential. (Above left) Darb Shoughlan is still
lined with turn-of-the-century traditional townhouses that
have commercial activities on the ground floor.
apartments, all with a similar ground plan. In general,
this type of structure is greatly influenced by
European architectural trends, consisting of a formal
ground plan characterised by a central hall
surrounded by rooms. The exterior detailing is
generally inspired by neo-classical and neo-baroque
architecture. This type of building was not very
common in the study area, but was popular in other
areas of Cairo between 1900 and 1925; it reflected a
more bourgeois lifestyle, and was therefore not
representative of this section of al-Darb al-Ahmar.
In general, it was better suited to areas that were
less traditional and more Europeanised.
As for the other form within this category,
this is a much more palatial structure, generally
 A temporary constructed surrounding a large courtyard.
structure infills Commercial Buildings of this type tend to date from the second
the original spaces line the
courtyard space two cross streets half of the nineteenth century, when al-Darb al-Ahmar
was an area in which wealthy individuals still resided.
Given that these buildings date from a period when
Ab European architecture was starting to become popular
u
Hu
re in Egypt, they display a combination of both local and
ib
a
foreign architectural styles. The idea of a central
courtyard, for example, was typical of the traditional,
upper-class, Cairene house. On the other hand, the
arrangement of rooms follows a much more European
pattern, with the relationship between the interior
spaces formal and often relying on symmetry.
lan

Not surprisingly, these buildings are much

gh

more elaborate than most others in the area. Wooden

ou
Sh

balconies with intricate decorative elements are

rb
Da

The remains of common and considerably more ornate than those

the main living seen in other buildings from the period. In the
space lie
opposite the
grandest buildings, the walls and ceilings of the
courtyard reception rooms are painted, often with pseudo-
entrance European designs. Although very few such
buildings remain in the area, there is evidence that
they were not uncommon at the turn of the century,
before the economic decline of al-Darb al-Ahmar.
On the whole, both of these large residential
structures were not widespread in the area; the first
form in particular is especially rare, as it first became
popular in the early twentieth century, when the area
was already unfashionable. One thing that is important
to note is that, although they were essentially residential
structures for relatively well-off individuals, these
buildings often had commercial spaces on the ground
floor, as did the traditional townhouse. This
emphasises the commercial importance of the area and
the fact that even its richest residents were likely to
have been merchants. Not surprisingly, this building
type died out in the early twentieth century, when the
area began to decline sharply.

(Top left) One of two examples of a traditional mansion

in the study area is a complex featuring ground-floor
commercial space, emphasising the commercial
importance of the area. (Bottom left) Although most of
the residential section lies in ruins, such as the courtyard
entrance, this structure still retains characteristics that
suggest the wealth that once existed in the neighbourhood.

36
 Traditional Collective Housing
RAB’
In addition to the buildings that were constructed
to house one or two families, there were also
buildings built to house numerous families. This
building type, known as the rab’, was initially
developed in the Mamluk period as a residential
structure for the lower and middle classes.
Generally, it consisted of a series of similar
housing units—often duplexes or triplexes—that
were rented out. The nineteenth-century rab’,
however, differed from its medieval counterpart
in that most of the units were single-storey
“apartments.” Nevertheless, the function
remained the same: serving to house large
numbers of people in one building, usually in small
units with shared utilities.
This type was not as common as the
townhouse: the rab’ would have required some
kind of organisational framework to coordinate
37
the rental of the various units, whereas the
townhouse was an independent unit, often
privately owned. In the study area, only one
remaining building can be classified as a rab’,
although historic reports indicate that there was
at least one other—which has now disappeared—
opposite the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar.
Generally, the architectural features of this
type of structure did not differ from the townhouses
built during the same period: there was a slight
European influence, for example, in the stuccowork,
as was typical of most contemporary structures. The
rab’ continued as an architectural typology only until
the early twentieth century, after which it was
replaced by the modern apartment building serving
the same purpose.
The study area’s one remaining rab’, which has undergone
several alterations over the years, has a prime location on
Aslam Square.

The small, traditional apartment buildings, such as the
structure seen above and in plan at right, provide a visible
link between the old and new forms of architectural
concepts and features. Although it has shifted away from
the single-family residential building, with floors clearly
divided into separate living units, it still uses traditional
building materials and design.
TRADITIONAL APARTMENT BUILDING
Buildings of this type are multiple-family residential
structures, usually three storeys high and generally
built between 1920 and 1940. Simpler than the
traditional townhouse, this type has fewer decorative
elements and a more uniform treatment of the ground
and upper floors. Whereas the traditional townhouse
was often meant to be a single-family residential
building, this type was generally built for multiple-
family use—floors are clearly divided into separate
apartment units, usually two, each one with its own
utilities. (Unlike the traditional townhouses, these
buildings reflect a more modern infrastructure, including
electric, water, and sewage lines.)
38
lan
gh
ou
Sh
rb
DaThese buildings are usually constructed of
load-bearing brick walls, which are often left
exposed. Doors are simpler than those of the
traditional townhouse, and, in several examples,
they are completely made of iron, rather than a
combination of wood and iron, as was previously
the case. Windows, which are usually square-
shaped, are not as large as those of the
townhouse, and shutters have replaced the
traditional lattice screens. Balconies with iron
balustrades, the use of I-beams for structural
support (instead of wooden beams), and the use
of concrete as a building material becomes more
common. Like the turn-of-the-century townhouse,
this building type will often have projecting upper
storeys. One or more shops frequently occupy
the building’s ground floor.
In general, there is a greater tendency
towards regularity in the plan and a movement
towards the standardisation of living units. In
many cases, however, building plots remain long
and narrow as those of the townhouses. Although
buildings of this type can be seen as the
antecedent to the post-war modern apartment
building, they still retain some traditional
architectural concepts and features and,
volumetrically, are compatible with the
surrounding urban fabric.
 Modern Construction

MODERN APARTMENT BUILDING building the ground floor in stone—or of any decorative
stonework—having completely disappeared.)
Located on major thoroughfares, buildings of this type These buildings often have four or more
are residential apartment buildings built after 1945. storeys, with cantilevered balconies and a regular
Unlike the long, narrow, and irregular plots of the division of the façade into modular units. Unlike the
traditional townhouse and the small apartment building, traditional apartment building, buildings of this type
this building type is generally built on larger and squarer are distinguished by their spacious entrance
plots of land. Reinforced concrete frame with brick hallways, a European influence. More than two
walls, finished with gunite cement, replaces the use of apartments share the landing on each floor and the
stone as the main building material. (The tradition of roof is not usually used for domestic activities.
Although not as intricate as
earlier examples, the doors on
these buildings frequently have
decorative iron grillework, and
the windows are usually
smaller and less elaborate than
those of older buildings.
Shutters have now completely
replaced the traditional lattice
screens, and decorative
elements are hardly ever used on
the façades. Many of these
buildings were designed with
spaces for shops or workshops
on the ground floor, irrespective
of whether the street is a
commercial thoroughfare or a
residential alleyway.

Built on a larger and squarer

plot of land, this seven-storey
modern apartment building
completely breaks with the
scale and massing of other
tradtional building types in the
neighbourhood. Modern materials
such as reinforced concrete have
replaced the use of stone.
Although most modern apartment
buildings, such as this one, have
a regular division of the façade
into modular units, others do
maintain historic plot footprints
and vertical dimensions.

39
MODERN TOWNHOUSE

Located both on major streets and smaller alleyways,

buildings of this type are modern residential
townhouses built after 1945, usually two to three
storeys high and often housing more than one family.
Unlike the modern apartment building, this building
type follows the footprint of the traditional townhouse
and is comparable in scale and in massing, incorporating
similar architectural features such as the projecting
upper floors and the interior division of space.
Construction technology and materials,
however, are modern: reinforced concrete, gunite
cement finishes, and the use of I-beams for
structural support have all replaced traditional
materials and techniques. Although the use of
stone or of any decorative stonework has completely
disappeared, brick is still a commonly used material.
Entranceways are less elaborate, window openings Atfet Hozayen features several modern townhouses such as
are smaller, and decorative elements are minimal. this 1970s four-storey structure.

COMMERCIAL

Buildings of this type are one-storey structures

Many of the modern commercial structures in the study
area are used by furniture makers.
constructed for commercial purposes. They are
usually found on major streets or squares and
consist of a series of separate units, used either as
shops or workshops. Dates of construction range
from the mid-twentieth century to the present day,
with only a few examples built prior to 1950. Given
their commercial nature, they are usually very simple,
with little, if any, ornamentation.
Construction materials depend on the period
in which they were built: the later examples are
usually of brick, sometimes with a flat, metal roof;
the earlier examples are frequently of rubble or a
combination of brick and stone. Most examples,
however, have a simple plaster finish. When window
openings exist, they are generally very small;
therefore, most of the light and ventilation comes in
from the shop entrance, which tends to be large.
(These entrances are usually the slated metal doors
that roll up and down.)

40
 Religious

MOSQUE

The only mosque in the study area is one

constructed in 1343 by Aslam al-Silahdar, the
sword bearer of the reigning Sultan al-Nasir
Muhammad. Today, it has become an important
neighbourhood mosque that serves a large
percentage of the population, especially on
Fridays. Of architectural significance is its
ribbed dome, which is notable for its cut
tilework decoration, a technique that was rare
in Cairo but appeared in several other
fourteenth-century buildings. The brick
minaret, however, is a poorly built Ottoman
structure; evidently, the original minaret
collapsed and had to be replaced.
One of the most important elements on the
exterior of this building is the inlaid panel above the
southern portal; its intricate floral panels resemble
tent-work designs still being made today in the
nearby area of Khayameya. The interior is also
impressive: it is cruciform in plan with arcades on
two of its sides, and the qibla (Mecca-oriented) wall
has a typically Mamluk prayer niche. A skylight,
which was constructed earlier in this century to
replace the original, surmounts the large central
space. Elaborate stucco lozenges and medallions
with stalactite designs decorate the interior walls.

(Top) The Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar is the only

SHRINE
This type of religious structure is generally a small
building, usually one storey in height, which
designates a sacred place. There are two such
structures in the study area, occupying strategic
sites: one is located on the square in front of Aslam
Mosque and the other is located on the study area’s
main thoroughfare, Darb Shoughlan. Both are simple
buildings, with little ornamentation.
The shrine on Aslam Square is a modern
structure dating to the twentieth century, whereas
mosque in the study area. (Bottom) The small Ottoman
shrine seen above dates to 1677.
the one on Darb Shoughlan is a traditional Ottoman
structure dating to 1677. As regards the latter shrine,
it is located within a larger property containing a
one-story structure that faces Darb Shoughlan and
a rear courtyard that is currently filled with rubble.
The Darb Shoughlan façade has received numerous
coats of paint, while the courtyard features
traditional iron window grilles and decorative stone
treatments around the door.

41
 Substandard Housing
Although many of the these structures were erected as
temporary housing, several have been around for ten years
or more.
Ruined Buildings
PARTIAL RUIN
Usually consisting of a ground floor, partial ruins
are often the remains of buildings that were
severely damaged in the 1992 earthquake.
Several of these structures still retain some
valuable architectural features, but, for the most
part, the doors and windows are in disrepair, the
plasterwork has delaminated, and the stonework
is often badly deteriorated. These partial ruins
are usually used as workshops or as informal
storage space. In several cases, however, they
are used as a dwelling space.
42
MAKESHIFT STRUCTURES
Structures of this type are generally poorly
constructed out of brick and rubble and other
makeshift materials. Many such structures are
located in close proximity to one another on large
plots of land, usually the site of former ruins.
One storey in height and containing one to two
small rooms, they are rented out as residential
units, although on occasion they have been
used as workshops. In some cases, these
structures are merely simple wooden shacks
built in the vicinity of the historic wall.
TOTAL RUIN
Consisting of rubble or only a portion of the
ground floor, total ruins are usually the remains
of two- to three-storey buildings. Several of
these structures collapsed during the 1992
earthquake, and what is left is beyond repair.
These ruins are often vacant and used as rubbish
dumps for workshop waste.
(Below left) Typically, partial ruins are used for carpentry
work or for some other commercial activity, while most
of the total ruins (below right) remain vacant.
 Building Typology
Traditional townhouse (44)
Traditional mansion (2)
Rab' (1)
Traditional apartment building (7)
Modern apartment building (16)
Modern townhouse (13)
Commercial (14)
Mosque (1)
Shrine (2)
Makeshift structure (8)
Partial ruin (12)
Total ruin (7)

43
 S U M M A R Y O F P H Y S I C A L S U R V E Y

SIGNIFICANT STRUCTURES
AND ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES

W ithin the study area, there are many

buildings that are architecturally and historically
important. What makes the neighbourhood significant,
portals lend character, especially at the pedestrial level,
and are distinctive features in and of themselves.

however, is neither one individual building nor SIGNIFICANT STRUCTURES

individual architectural features, but rather the group
of buildings taken as a whole—in other words, the
continuity of its urban fabric. Nevertheless, a few singular
structures such as the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar and
the former Darb Shoughlan School are worth mentioning,
for they each contribute to the overall quality of the
area. In addition, architectural elements such as the
decorative iron window grilles and the elaborate stone
Noteworthy for a number of distinctive architectural
features, the Mamluk Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar
dominates the study area and forms a backdrop to a host of
daily community activities that take place in Aslam Square.
Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar
Constructed in 1343, the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar
was named after Baha al-Din Aslam, a Qipchak Mamluk
who became sword bearer of Sultan al-Nasir
Muhammad. During the Mamluk era, rulers and
important members of the court left their mark upon
the city by constructing a building or a series of
buildings, which almost always included a mosque.
The size and location of the building was usually a
reflection of the status and wealth of the patron. The

44
TOP AND FAR RIGHT: CRESWELL, RIGHT: ERIC BARATTA

(Top) An interesting feature of the Mosque

of Aslam al-Silahdar is the faience tile found
on the drum of the dome over the tomb of
Baha al-Din Aslam. Creswell recorded this
photograph of the tilework in the early part of
the twentieth century. Today, much of tilework
inscription has fallen away. (Left) The mosque
is monumental even from the narrow
intersection of Haret Aslam and the adjoining
square. (Above) The use of arcades in the
interior of this mosque is unconventional,
given that they were usually found in religious
structures with large open courtyards.

45
TARGET NEIGHBOURHOOD STUDY MAP
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Significant buildings
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The Shrine of
The Ahmad al-Faqih

iny
remains

we
eu
of a large

l-G
hA
mansion

lla
da

lam
Ab

As
ret
Aslam

Ha
Ha Mosque
ret
Sa’
ad
Alla
h
Aslam
Square
a
ey
aw
ab
l-N
aa
tm
Fa

49 Fatma al-Nabaweya
an
ghl
hou
bS
Dar

AL-DARB AL-AHMAR
AND ISLAMIC CAIRO

1 Haret Beni Ayoub

72 Darb Shoughlan
SITE OF THE FUTURE
AL-AZHAR PARK

4 Zuqaq al-Mahruq

The former
Darb Shoughlan School

54 Darb Shoughlan N

The Shrines of
Sidi al-Ansari and
Sidi Aly Gawish

46
Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar should be seen in this light: A simple, two-storey building houses the older
fairly large in size, it was built adjacent to Bab al-Mahruq— shrine of Ahmad al-Faqih. Beyond the locality of the
one of Cairo’s east gates—at the intersection of two historic shrine, the building itself has little
important thoroughfares, suggesting that its patron was significance: it is a modern twentieth-century structure
of considerable importance. built out of concrete and with minimal ornamentation.
The fact that the mosque has two entrances (on Of greater importance is the shrine on Darb
its southern and western façades) indicates that both Shoughlan, dating to 1677 and located within a
streets on which they are located were important, and it traditional Ottoman structure. Several exterior and
is probably for this reason that the minaret was placed at interior features indicate that this one-storey structure
their intersection. The thoroughfare leading west to Bab presumably dates to the same period as the shrine.
Zuwayla, however, was most likely of special importance, Constructed of cut stone, the Darb
since Bab Zuwayla, the southern gateway of Fatimid Shoughlan façade has received several coats of
Cairo, was by the fourteenth century in the centre of the
thriving Mamluk city. The mosque was surrounded by
other buildings constructed by Baha al-Din Aslam: a sabil-
kuttab and several residential structures were all located
in its immediate vicinity.
In addition to being historically important, the
mosque is architecturally valuable. Its ribbed dome is
notable for its cut tilework decoration, a technique
that was rare in Cairo but appeared in several other
fourteenth-century buildings, among them: the Sabil
of al-Nasir Muhammad and the Mausoleum of Princess
Tughay. It has been suggested that tilework of this
type was the work of Iranian craftsmen from Tabriz
who were in Cairo at the time. Unfortunately, a great
portion of this band of tilework around the base of the
dome has disappeared.
The interior plan is a variation of the cruciform
madrassa. Of special interest is the fact that iwans are
used only on two sides of the sanctuary, while arcades
are used on the other two sides. One of the most important
decorative elements on the exterior of this building is the
inlaid marble panel above the southern portal; its intricate
floral panels resemble tent-work designs still being made
today in the nearby area of Khayameya.

The Shrines of Sidi al-Ansari and Sidi Aly Gawish

and the Shrine of Ahmad al-Faqih

There are two historic shrines in the study area: one is

located on Aslam Square and the other is a few hundred
metres south on Darb Shoughlan. The former
incorporates the grave of Ahmad al-Faqih, while the
latter contains the graves of Sidi al-Ansari and Sidi
Aly Gawish.
(Top) The al-Ansari and Aly Gawish shrines are located in
a simple Ottoman building. (Bottom) On the other hand, the
Shrine of al-Faqih is found inside a modern structure located
on Aslam Square.

47

(Top) This partially ruined mansion is one of only a few left
from a time of opulence and wealth in al-Darb al-Ahmar.
(Bottom) The mansion and its courtyard are surrounded by
commercial space on two sides.
paint. Towards the rear, the courtyard side features
traditional iron window grilles and a stone moulding
around the doorway, and, in the interior, the east
wall (facing Mecca) has a prayer niche while the
other walls still retain the original brackets for
holding oil lamps. The two graves of Sidi al-Ansari
and Sidi Aly Gawish are covered with decorative
stone, wooden latticework, and headstones.
48
The construction method suggests that the
building has always been a one-storey structure:
slender rafter beams span the entire space without the
bulk support needed for a second level. With this in
mind, the current condition of the building necessitates
extensive repairs to the roof, which has been braced
up with a temporary combination of bulkheads and
steel I-beam supports. A shoemaker in a neighbouring
shop currently uses the historic shrine as a space for
storage. Furthermore, the rear courtyard is filled with
trash and rubble. Despite its current usage and state
of neglect, the building reflects a high degree of
integrity and is a significant component within the
study area.
The large mansion on the corner of
Abdallah al-Geuweiny and Abu Hureiba
Built in the second half of the nineteenth century and
considerably larger than the majority of townhouses
in the area, this once palatial structure contains the
ruined remains of a multiple-storey mansion of which
only the ground floor is still intact. A series of
commercial shops, housing an assortment of craftsmen,
workshops, and stores, line the structure’s Abu
Hureiba and al-Geuweiny façades.
The interior courtyard, entered through a
pseudo-European portico, has been partially infilled
with temporary workshops built of various materials.
The mansion is probably one of the largest residences
in the area, and what is left of the building indicates
extravagance in workmanship: ceiling ornament, wall
murals, traditional window latticework, a large wooden
balcony, and an abundance of ornamentation. It
displays a combination of both local and foreign
architectural styles: Gothic, neo-classical, and Ottoman
patterns all exist side-by-side. Inside the house, the
arrangement of spaces follow a European pattern of
symmetry and formality.
As regards materials, the ground floor is
composed of various combinations of rubble with a
stucco finish and cut stone treatments. The remains of
the cantilevered first floor indicate a continuation of those
materials, in addition to the application of stucco over
the surfaces and the use of wood in the articulation of
architectural forms and decorative treatments.
Unlike many of the neighbouring Tucked down a side street, 4 Zuqaq
structures, routine maintenance has kept al-Mahruq displays a high level of
54 Darb Shoughlan in reasonable shape. craftsmanship.
As the sole existing example in the study area
and extraordinary in today’s context, buildings of
this type suggest the extreme wealth of some
individuals in nineteenth-century al-Darb al-Ahmar.
The existence of shops, however, emphasises the
importance of commercial activities even for wealthy
families.
54 Darb Shoughlan
What makes this building notable is that it is unique
in the area while at the same time it is in harmony with
its more conventional contemporaries. Unlike most
traditional townhouses in the study area, the exterior
of this four-storey, turn-of-the-century building is
finished with cut stone on all floors, giving it a
consistent overall appearance, which is different from
the usual combination of a stone base with plaster-
finished upper storeys.
The building shows a strong neo-classical
influence, seen both in the formally designed façade
and in architectural features such as the stone
pediments above the windows. The interior, which has
an ornate iron staircase and decorative tilework,
displays the same sort of attention to details.
This building has had routine maintenance and
upkeep, thus avoiding many of the problems
49
As seen on its chamfered northwest
corner, 1 Haret Beni Ayoub features
decorative stucco cherubs.
associated with nearby structures. In part, its
importance derives from its preservation and
wholeness in original form, being an excellent
example of a traditional townhouse incorporating a
compatible addition. Likewise, its craftsmanship and
ornamentation reflect the high end of construction
in an area where the majority of houses were built
for a middle-class, extended family.
4 Zuqaq al-Mahruq
Like the townhouse located at 54 Darb Shoughlan,
routine maintenance combined with quality
craftsmanship single this building out as an
outstanding example of the traditional townhouse type
in the study area.
Built circa 1930, this three-storey building has
several valuable architectural features: a wooden
door with iron grilles, decorative wooden panels
between the first and second floors, carved stone
detailing, mouldings, balconies, and oriels. The
oriels, in particular, are supported on wooden and
steel I-beams, displaying a mix of traditional building
form with then current materials and building
technology. The ground floor, which has an added
balcony, is of limestone ashlar and the upper floors
are of brick.
Partially disguised beneath later With all of its well-crafted features, 72
additions, 49 Fatma al-Nabaweya has Darb Shoughlan epitomises the ideal
the remains of an Ottoman building. extended-family townhouse.
1 Haret Beni Ayoub
Finished entirely in plaster, this building has enclosed,
mashrabeyya-type windows on its north façade and
open balconies with decorative iron railings on its west
façade, the latter suggesting European influence.
Especially distinct are the two decorative stucco cherubs
that can be found on the chamfered corner between the
north and west façades, above the remains of what was
probably a small drinking fountain.
Although the exterior design of this circa 1900,
four-storey building reflects European influence, the
interior space has a plan common to local tradition. It
features an entrance passageway leading to a centralised
courtyard space through which the upper floors can be
accessed, suggesting a design for an extended family
who required an internal communal area surrounded by
distinct divisions of private space.
49 Fatma al-Nabaweya
This is the remains of an Ottoman structure located on
Darb Shoughlan, which has been incorporated into a
modern building that has its main entrance on a parallel
street, Fatma al-Nabaweya. The old stone corbel and
iron window grilles on the ground floor of the Darb
Shoughlan façade indicate that this portion of the
50
The proximity of the former Darb
Shoughlan School to the Ayyubid city
wall makes it especially important.
building was probably built around 1750. In particular,
the corbel is located close to the ground, suggesting
that the original eighteenth-century building was
below the current street level. Furthermore, the blocked
opening to the left of the corbel was probably the old
entranceway. Inside are the remains of an ornate
ceiling with interlocking wooden panels, which, besides
those found in the Mosque of Aslam al-Silahdar, are the
only surviving examples in the study area.
72 Darb Shoughlan
Built circa 1900, this three-storey traditional townhouse
had a fourth-storey addition that was significantly
damaged during the 1992 earthquake and
subsequently demolished. Overall, this building recalls
turn-of-the-century Darb Shoughlan at its height as a
predominately residential street inhabited by extended
families and local shops. It represents the finest of
local construction work completed during the period.
As is typical of the area, the ground floor is
finished with a fine cut stone veneer and the upper
floors are stuccoed. Valuable architectural features
include a decorative stone portal with a carved wooden
door and sunrise-patterned transom grillework, ornate
iron window grilles, neo-classical stone pilasters, and
windows with decorative stone mouldings. The first
and second floors have high windows that are typical
of the study area; they open horizontally in two
sections in two-leaf vertical formats and then
accordion-fold back against the interior sill walls.
In the interior, large regular spaces have proved
efficient to adapting to the needs of the inhabitants;
the ceilings are high and the rooms spacious. The
iron staircase lies at the rear of the structure, next to a
lightwell that penetrates the height of the building.
The former Darb Shoughlan School
The former Darb Shoughlan School is centrally located
within the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood, between
Bab al-Mahruq to the north and the Citadel to the
south. Oral history and physical analysis suggest
that the building was originally built as a residence at
the beginning of the twentieth century. (Sometime in
the 1940s, the structure was converted into an
elementary school, hence the building’s current name.)
Four storeys in height and of masonry
construction, the building has an interior plan that is
formally arranged around two central halls entered
through an enclosed stairwell, indicating that the
floors may have been divided into separate flats.
As was prevalent in the area during the time of its
construction, the residence was most likely built
for an extended family.
Sitting adjacent to and connected with the
Ayyubid city wall, the school follows the architectural
styles and conventions that were prevalent during the
early part of the twentieth century, whether in al-Darb
al-Ahmar or elsewhere in Cairo. The architectural
details and the general appearance of the façade, as
well as the interior division of spaces, reflect European
architectural trends and a strong neo-classical
influence, which was popular during this period. It
was not very common, however, to find a building of
such size and grandeur in the area at this time, as most
were located closer to the centre of the city.
Removal of the woodwork followed by a fire
in 1996 has left the building in a partially ruined
condition. But despite its poor state, the former
Darb Shoughlan School retains its garden, as well
as its exterior configuration and several significant
architectural features.
51
ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES
Exterior mouldings and decorative elements
Although many of the building details found within
the study area follow classical European prototypes,
they are usually limited to simple ornament around the
windows. For example, these can include horizontal
bands or alternating triangular pediments and semi-
elliptical arch forms, both of which are placed above
the windows. In exceptional cases, a stucco cornice
may decorate the uppermost floor or stucco details
can be found on the façade. Cornice mouldings,
however, appear infrequently, but it is possible that
many were eliminated as upper floors were added in
the succeeding years.
Other decorative treatments include water
table articulations, quoins, and pilasters; these can
be of cut stone or stucco. There are a few instances
where isolated decorative elements appear on the
façades, although this is rare; one such example are
the winged cherubs that adorn the chamfered corner
of a traditional building. However, considering
historic demographic information and the economic
status of the inhabitants at the time of construction,
the use of more elaborate decorative elements
appears to be limited.
Doors
Decorative features are not simply limited to wall
decoration: elements such as doorways are also
subjects for embellishment, and they frequently
consist of a monumental frame or panel with a recessed
niche for the door. Many of the area’s traditional
buildings tend to have a large and elaborate stone
portal surrounding a wooden door with two leaves. In
most examples, a transom with decorative grillework
surmounts the doorway.
The door leaves vary in design, but they
typically maintain classical ornamentation, often with
pediments and decorative moulding. Like the door
leaves, the decorative grillework varies in detail,
though frequently the metal designs follow art nouveau
influences of organic floral shapes. Trimming around
these entranceways usually continues the same type
of classical motif. They frame the actual opening
with decorative moulding, and, occasionally, a
keystone is centered above the door. In other cases,
the portal designs follow traditional Islamic
geometric patterns, with joggled voussoirs and
other cut stone construction methods. And still
others merge the two influences, but these are both
rare in the study area.
Modern entrances lack the detail and
craftsmanship of their older counterparts. The expression
of design around the door is minimal and the doors
themselves tend to be simplified, mass produced, metal
compositions. In some cases, grillework is displayed,
and although the designs tend to imitate the concepts
established in the traditional doors, they lack the same
quality in design and craftsmanship.
Windows
Window treatments tend to be of the following types:
windows with wooden shutters, windows with
decorative iron grilles, and windows with traditional
lattice screens that slide up and down. In particular,
the use of lattice screens—in this context, in the form
of thin strips of wood usually in a diagonal pattern—
has been a noticeable feature of Islamic architecture.
Often incorporated into mashrabeyya-type
windows, these screens are designed to perform two
essential functions: to provide privacy to the
occupants while permitting currents of air to
circulate through the rooms. (Mashrabeyya is the
term for the wooden grilles that are traditionally
made from short lengths of turned wood joined
together through polygonal blocks so that they form
large areas of lattice-like patterns.)
The mashrabeyya-style designs found on
many of these turn-of-the-century buildings tend
to be less traditional in ornament and
craftsmanship than their older counterparts; they
are influenced by European forms, incorporating
decorative elements and latticework of a more
simplified nature. Similarly, other window
treatments exhibit European influences, such as
vertical-swinging shutters with louvered
constructions, and an average window size of
approximately 1.20 metres wide and 2.50 metres
52
high. In comparison, modern windows tend to
be of a smaller dimension and a less vertical
nature than the traditional forms.
Unfortunately, there are only a few remaining
windows from the Ottoman and Mamluk periods;
foremost are the iron grid windows. By and large, the
significant window treatments found in the study area
derive from European technology and construction
methods, although they often show a historical relation
in form to earlier Islamic periods.
Oriels
These are enclosed, box-like projections from the
wall of a building, typically with one or two
windows. When more elaborate, they tend to be
supported by thick stone or wooden corbelling that
originates from the ground-floor walls, but more
common are a series of timbered supports, either
rough or finished beams, that project straight out
from the façade. In both cases, the cantilevered
support systems are deeply embedded into the
ground-floor structure. Often, buildings display two
oriels on one façade: they can be vertically stacked
as multiple-floored compositions or be placed side-
by-side on one of the upper floors.
Balconies
Found in old and new constructions, open balconies are
listed here for their social and architectural contributions
to the traditional, Cairene built environment. Their social
significance lies in their participation as an intermediate
zone between the private and public aspects of the
neighbourhood’s inhabitants.
Physically, balconies found in the study area
contain little ornamentation beyond corbelling
details, but a few exhibit decorative iron railing or
stucco patterns that are significant. More important,
the balconies in the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood
are horizontal extrusions in the street. Like oriels,
they encroach upon a street, changing the
streetscape and altering pedestrian vistas. Their
real significance to the study area is not in their
individual contributions, but in their overall
character enrichment of the area.
 Samples of the architectural features found
in the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood

D - Stacked
oriels

A and C - Large
traditional windows
and shutters with
mouldings

E - A balcony with
timber supports A - Cast-plaster
ornamentation

B - Typical decorative
stone portal with iron
grilled door
A, C, and D - Wooden
lattice window screens
with decorative
ornamentation and
a mashrabeyya-type
window

C
D
E - Balconies with
iron railings

E
A

D - A traditional
mashrabeyya-type window
B with decorative woodwork

As seen on this model of a typical traditional structure, most of the buildings in the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood
contain a combination of architectural elements that derive from European models, but Islamic influences can also
be seen in the design of oriels and mashrabeyya-type windows.

53
 S U M M A R Y O F P H Y S I C A L S UR V E Y

ASSESSING THE PHYSICAL CONDITION

OF THE BUILDINGS

Overall Condition of Buildings

T he physical survey included a general assessment
of the external condition of all structures in the
study area. (In most cases, especially when there were
10%
6%
Total Ruin
Partial Ruin
signs of structural instability, interiors were also
20%
assessed.) Structural elements, finishes, roofing, and Good
fittings were all appraised individually. This type of
28%
assessment was important to evaluate common Poor
deterioration and structural problems, and,
36%
consequently, to identify the best options for Deteriorating
intervention. Based on the results of these
investigations, each building was then given an overall
Pie chart showing the different building conditions in the
assessment according to five categories: good, study area. As much as 64% of the buildings were found
deteriorating, poor, partially ruined, and totally ruined. to be in deteriorating to poor condition.

GOOD

Buildings in good condition appear structurally sound and

show evidence of maintenance. Twenty-five or
approximately 20 % of the buildings in the study area are in
good condition; of these, twenty-two are modern buildings,
consisting of thirteen multiple-storey apartment buildings,
eight townhouses, and one commercial structure.
Considered to be relatively new buildings, they usually
have minor ground-floor damage caused by rising damp.
The remaining three buildings are of traditional
construction. As is the case with the modern buildings,
most of the damage to these buildings has been the result
of the rising groundwater. With routine maintenance and
upkeep, they have avoided many of the problems associated
with other traditional structures, which for the most part
were found to be in deteriorating to poor condition.

Most of the large, modern apartment buildings

found within the study area are structurally
sound and show evidence of maintenance.

54
DETERIORATING

Buildings in deteriorating condition do not have

structural defects, but do show unmistakable signs of
deterioration and no evidence of recent repairs: missing
exterior plaster, exposed stonework and loose mortar,
damaged roof surfaces, as well as doors and windows in
poor condition indicate a need for prompt repair and
general maintenance work.
The results of the survey show that the majority of
buildings in the study area are in deteriorating condition.
Totaling forty-four in number or approximately 36%, these
buildings show little evidence of maintenance: crumbling
stonework, delaminating plaster, damaged doors and
windows, and minor surface cracking along the walls are a
few commonly found problems. Of these forty-four, twenty-
five are traditional buildings built before 1945; the remaining
nineteen are modern buildings, most of which are one to
two storeys high. (Of the structures built after 1945, the
larger apartment buildings tend to be in better condition This circa 1900 building shows unmistakable
signs of deterioration and no evidence of recent
than the smaller residential and commercial structures.) maintenance.

POOR

Buildings in poor condition are in advanced states of

deterioration and may have serious structural problems
such as large structural cracks and missing components.
These buildings are in need of urgent intervention, and, in
some cases, complete sections may have to be rebuilt.
Thirty-four or approximately 28% of the buildings
in the study area are in poor condition. Twenty-seven of
these are traditional buildings, including a mosque and a
shrine, two are modern buildings, and five are makeshift
structures. (Most of the structures in this last category are
shoddily built out of rubble and other materials, and
therefore have not aged very well.)

Serious structural problems such as large cracks

and missing components indicate a more
advanced state of deterioration.

55
PARTIAL RUIN

Buildings in a partially ruined condition are fragmented

buildings. Twelve or approximately 10% of the buildings in
the study area are considered to be partially collapsed
structures. These buildings, which for the most part consist
of only a ground floor, are generally the remains of traditional
two- to three-storey buildings. Often, the remaining ground
floor still retains several valuable architectural features such
as iron window grilles, elaborate stone portals, stone corbels,
and other decorative detailing. Used mainly for commercial
purposes (shops and workshops occupy several of these
structures), they usually have a certain level of upkeep, unlike
the totally ruined structures.
The 1992 earthquake is the main cause responsible for
the partial collapse of these buildings. In one known example,
however, the owners demolished their building following the
earthquake.

The remaining ground floor of this partially

collapsed structure still retains several valuable
architectural features such as the stone corbels.

TOTAL RUIN

Buildings in a totally ruined condition are collapsed beyond

use. Seven or approximately 6% percent of the buildings
in the study area lie in this category. Like the partially
ruined buildings, most of these buildings collapsed during
the 1992 earthquake.

Several of the ruins in the study area, such as this

one located on Haret Beni Ayoub, were the result
of the 1992 earthquake.

56
 Building Conditions
Good (26)
Deteriorating (46)
Poor (35)
Partial ruin (13)
Total ruin (7)

57
 S U M MARY O F PHYS I CAL S U RVEY

AN ASSESSMENT OF THE TRANSFORMATIONS

WITHIN THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

T he survey revealed that much of the area, like the

rest of al-Darb al-Ahmar, obtains its distinct
character from the large number of early twentieth-
century buildings as well as from the fact that street
patterns have remained virtually unchanged since the
turn of the century. Because of this, it was felt that the
key to preserving the area’s physical identity was to
focus on maintaining such buildings and streetscapes,
while acknowledging that later buildings and new
constructions were not necessarily disruptive.
It was therefore necessary to include an
assessment of the modifications to each structure over
time, especially in the case of traditional buildings.
The most common types of alterations and additions
were recorded and evaluated in terms of compatibility—
that is, whether or not these changes were compatible
with the existing building. This type of assessment
was important to evaluate the historical, typological,
and architectural integrity of any given structure, as
well as to decide the degree of protection to be extended
and other specific measures to be undertaken during
intervention.
Several traditional buildings in the study area
have been altered or renovated in ways that are
incompatible with their original design: the addition
of a floor, the demolition of a floor, the removal of

The Integrity of Buildings in the Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood

14%
Building with
Full Historic Integrity

21%
Reversibly Altered Building

11%
Irreversibly Altered Building

34%
New
Construction

4%
Semi-permanent Housing

10%
Partial Ruin

6%
Total Ruin

58
 Common Types of Transformation
to Buildings in the Aslam Mosque Neighbourhood
ADDED STOREYS AND EXTENSIONS
Storeys and extensions are frequently added to
traditional buildings in order to provide them with
extra living space. (Oftentimes, only a makeshift
room has been added on the roof). These additions—
built out of wood or exposed brick—are, for the most
part, incompatible with the pre-existing structure.
The added rooms, which are poorly constructed with
makeshift materials, also undermine the integrity
of traditional buildings.
EXTERIOR MODIFICATIONS
Common exterior modifications include: addition
or removal of a balcony, loss of mouldings and
plasterwork, introduction of new windows or doors,
as well as changes to existing windows and doors.
Several buildings have had only minor exterior
changes, while others have been modified to such
an extent as to compromise their historic integrity.
Although not as frequent an occurrence, exterior
modifications such as the addition of a new balcony
can also be found on modern buildings.
59
REMOVAL OF STOREYS
Less commonly found is the removal of a storey from
a traditional building. In several cases, these storeys
were removed after the 1992 earthquake as safety
precautions.
INAPPROPRIATE MATERIALS
The application of inappropriate surface finishes is
by far one of the most common types of change that
occurs to traditional buildings. Several of these
buildings, which often have a ground floor meant
to be of exposed cut stone, have either been plastered
or covered with a new layer of gunite cement. The
cement finish, in particular, is often applied in order
to cover deteriorating stonework and to prevent and
protect it from further damage. Unfortunately, this
hard, dense cement finish causes greater damage
to the masonry beneath.
This building with full historic integrity has retained
valuable architectural features such as the elaborate stone
portal, the traditional fenestration with iron window grilles,
and the mashrabeyya-type window.
balconies, and the use of inappropriate materials
are some of the commonly found changes that
undermine a building’s historic integrity. There are
cases, however, where traditional buildings were
noted to have maintained much of their integrity
despite some changes.
After a general evaluation of all alterations and
additions, seven categories were used to describe the
state of integrity of buildings in the Aslam Mosque
neighbourhood: a building with full historic integrity,
a reversibly altered building, an irreversibly altered
building, new construction, a makeshift structure, a
partial ruin, and a total ruin.
BUILDING WITH FULL HISTORIC INTEGRITY
Buildings with full historic integrity are traditional
buildings built before 1945 that have had only minimal
60
This reversibly altered building has had a few alterations
such as an inappropriate gunite cement finish to the entire
façade, which can be reversed through rehabilitation work.
alterations. The condition of these buildings was not
taken into account unless they had deteriorated in
such a way as to drastically alter their exterior
appearance. Seventeen or approximately 14% of
the structures in the study area are considered to
be buildings with full historic integrity. These
buildings have retained their overall form and
valuable architectural features such as stone
portals, iron window grilles, lattice screens, wooden
balconies, oriels, moulded enframements, and other
decorative elements.
REVERSIBLY ALTERED BUILDING
Reversibly altered buildings are traditional buildings
that have undergone several alterations over the years
and have thus lost some of their integrity. However,
these alterations can be reversed through rehabilitation
This irreversibly altered building has been modified to such
an extent as to make it difficult to ascertain its original
appearance.
or restoration or some other form of intervention. Twenty-
six or approximately 21% of the structures in the study
area are reversibly altered buildings that can regain their
historic integrity. An inappropriate plaster finish, new
external fittings, missing architectural elements, loss of
exterior plaster, and even added rooms on the roof are all
considered reversible changes.
IRREVERSIBLY ALTERED BUILDING
Like the reversibly altered buildings, irreversibly altered
buildings are traditional buildings that have
undergone alterations. But unlike the reversibly
altered buildings, these structures have been modified
to such an extent as to make it difficult to ascertain
their original appearance. Fourteen or approximately
11% of the buildings in the study area are irreversibly
altered buildings that no longer retain their integrity.
61
This new construction, with its wrought iron door and
projecting upper floors, incorporates the scale and
architectural features of traditional buildings.
NEW CONSTRUCTION
Unlike the prior categories, new constructions are
buildings built after World War II—in other words,
they are modern buildings that have no historic
value. Forty-one or approximately 34% of the
buildings in the study area are in this category; they
include commercial and residential structures, as
well as the larger, multiple-storey apartment
buildings. Although a few of these structures were
built as early as 1950, almost all of them have had
only minor alterations or additions.
SEMI-PERMANENT HOUSING
Constructed out of rubble and other makeshift
materials, these are poorly built structures that are
well below basic housing standards. Five or
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
A reversibly altered building
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Although this building has been modified, most of its alterations

can be reversed and the original appearance reconstituted

Examinaton of
the finish will
provide evidence
of the original
underlying Although the
appearance. traditional windows
were replaced
with smaller and
less expensive
modern versions,
the old frame
dimensions can be
made out
underneath
the plaster.

Physical clues of the

The original original entrance
ground-floor door are few, but
stonework can be considering existing
partially seen evidence of the
beneath a recently building’s exterior
applied layer of appearance and
gunite cement other nearby
finish. surviving examples,
a suitable
replacement can be
reconstructed.

62
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
An irreversibly altered building
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The changes undertaken on this building are too severe

to be reversed and make it impossible to ascertain
the structure’s original appearance

The entire first

floor has been
modified, erasing
evidence of its The roofline has
former been altered,
appearance. making it difficult to
Furthermore, know whether or not
it is difficult to a floor is missing.
ascertain the
original size and
location of the old Although the
window openings. remaining
stone corbels date
this building to
the late Ottoman
period, little else
can be
determined
about its
original exterior
appearance.
The ground-floor
shop façades have
been replaced,
leaving no clues
as to their
original
appearance.

There is no
surviving physical
evidence as to the
original entrance
design.

63
 approximately 4% of the structures in the study area
are considered to be in this category.

PARTIAL RUIN

Generally consisting of only a ground floor, partial

ruins are usually the remains of damaged traditional
buildings. Twelve or approximately 10% of
structures in the study area are partial ruins. Built
as residences, these structures are now commonly
used as workshops or as storage spaces, although
on occasion they have been used as dwelling
spaces. Partial ruins have little, if any, historic
integrity, given the fact that their form and function
have been completely altered.

TOTAL RUIN

Total ruins are buildings that have completely

collapsed. Like the partial ruins, they have been altered
to such an extreme as to lose all historic integrity. Seven
or approximately 6% of the buildings in the study lie
in this category.

(Top) This makeshift structure, constructed of wood and

metal siding and located on top of the Ayyubid city wall, is
a unique case of squatters in the study area. (Middle) A
view of a partial ruin, which is currently used by a
carpentry workshop. (Bottom) The interior of this total ruin
is used as an informal garbage dump.

64
 State of Integrity
Building with full historic integrity (17)
Reversibly altered building (27)
Irreversibly altered building (14)
New construction (42)
Semi-permanent housing (7)
Partial ruin (13)
Total ruin (7)

65
 S U M MARY O F
STREET MORPHOLOGY AND
W hereas a large portion of the physical survey
involved an assessment of the buildings in
the neighbourhood, a part of the survey also examined
the public spaces between the buildings. In short, the
findings shown on the Street Morphology Map portray
the public physical boundaries and the tangible street
elements that are found in the area. At the same time,
prominent vistas and spaces that give the neighbourhood
individual character were identified on the separate
Prominent Streetscape Vistas and Spaces Map.
Although the Street Morphology Map does
give some hint into the complicated nature of the
physical qualities of the public and semi-public
spaces within the study area, it cannot be viewed
as evidence of the Darb al-Ahmar society in totality.
It is important to understand the street elements
and activities as reflective of the social dynamics of
the inhabitants. Any future planning proposal must
Darb Shoughlan is typical of the major thoroughfares in
al-Darb al-Ahmar, where domestic and commercial
activities intermingle in close proximity.
PHYS I CAL S U RVEY
OPEN SPACES
address them as an integral component of the
neighbourhood and not as mere street furnishings.
By doing so, proposals can be identified that are
compatible with the lives of neighbourhood
residents and workers.
Often, the built environment around them
creates the sense of place valued by local residents.
With that in mind, the streetscape of the study area
was studied for its unique character—in other words,
the visual language that makes it identifiable and
distinctive. The findings were incorporated into the
Prominent Streetscape Vistas and Spaces Map, with
the intent that future construction in the area be
respectful, and, where possible, encourage the further
definition of these places as visually notable elements.
STREET MORPHOLOGY
In the study area, the street or alley is a place where
people work, where children play, and, in the cul-de-
sacs, where domestic chores are performed. Whereas
residents living on lightly trafficked routes are more
likely to use the street for their personal use, those
along larger streets, such as Darb Shoughlan, tend to
have less activity on their doorstep.
Outside activities are difficult to classify
because many of the functions that take place on the
streets are of a temporary and inconsistently performed
nature. These may include traditional events or
activities such as marriage ceremonies and death rituals
that do not occur on a regular basis but do utilise
large sections of the alleyways. However, the symbols
used on the Street Morphology Map mark the locations
of activities that occur routinely, most often daily, and
present a tangible presence of street elements. This
includes the local coffeeshops that place their tables
in the street during the evening, as well as the
workshops that use outdoor benches during the
66
Since the interior of shops are often small, many owners Narrow Atfet Hozayen represents the unique semi-private
display their goods out on the street during the day and domain of the cul-de-sacs, where residents perform domestic
then pull them back inside when closed. chores and other daily activities.

Many buildings in the neighbourhood have multiple A cul-de-sac such as Atfet al-Fourn can be a complicated
entrances. As seen above, the left entrance leads to space of mixed uses: a bakery, two shoemakers, and
a residential unit while the right leads to a workshop. a residence all share the same space for their entrances.

67
As the community’s main street, Darb Shoughlan serves During the day, the streets of the Aslam Mosque
as a daily route for street-cart vendors, who pass through neighbourhood usually have an assortment of furniture
selling vegetables and other produce. components lining the sides.

Ruins such as the one seen above are often meant to be This public passage functions as a common entrance
temporary residences, but due to the current construction for a number of makeshift structures built on a vacant lot
restrictions they tend to be used more permanently. adjacent to the Ayyubid city wall.

68
daytime. Another common activity found throughout
the neighbourhood is the quartering of animals in pens
or on leashes.
Cul-de-sacs such as Atfet Hozayen and Zuqaq
Ezzeldin are considered to be important features in the
Aslam Mosque neighbourhood; residents view them
as semi-private domains, and their use is usually limited
to those who live on both sides. Moreover, residents
see cul-de-sacs not only as passages to their
dwellings, but also as spaces for social interaction.
This is particularly true where densities are low and
sharing can be managed, where local residents are
related, or where one group of residents have the power
to claim the right to use such space. Many of these
passages are used as a play area for children or as a
workspace for craftsmen. However, in the latter case,
domestic activities decline as residents’ privacy is
invaded. Other daily activities include animal tending
and, when a residence has no running water, clothes
washing. (For the most part, the washing of clothes is
a private activity that occurs inside the residence.)
These aspects of life in the study area are magnified
in the informal infill housing areas, where the population
density is higher and where most neighbours are distant
relatives who have migrated from rural areas.
Among the local commercial activities, the
neighbourhood has numerous small-scale groceries,
bakeries, coffeeshops, video stores, and a dairy (Top) The large metal doors are modern replacements
outlet. In this context, shop accesses refer to to the traditional wooden folding doors used by most
neighbourhood workshops. (Bottom) Throughout the study
commercial businesses where items or services are area, residents tend animals on the streets. Many raise
bought or sold. (This does not include accesses to livestock, such as sheep and goats, on table scraps, while
businesses involved in the manufacturing of products.) others, who use animals for their work, perform routine
upkeep that can include an occasional hair trimming.
Shopkeepers often arrange their merchandise in front
of their shop, extending out on the street.
Like most of the shop accesses, workshop Street vendors are also common in the area.
entrances tend to be wide portals with slated metal They include a government bread kiosk, a grilled meat
doors that roll up and down, which allow easy access stand, a fuul cart, and a blacksmith who fixes portable
and mobility during work. Beyond the limitations of propane burners. The Aslam Mosque neighbourhood
their workshops, employees use the street as a shared tends to have fewer stationary street vendors than
workspace, since it is often the only place where they other sections of al-Darb al-Ahmar; however, a steady
have enough space to fully function. For example, the stream of street-cart vendors passes through on a
intersection of Darb Shoughlan and Atfet Hozayen daily basis: sweet-potato vendors, popcorn sellers,
features a number of furniture upholsterers who use vegetable carts, and stale bread recyclers are a few.
the street as their common workspace. Several other There are numerous areas within public street
businesses, such as scooter repair shops, shoemakers, boundaries where residents and businesses store
and a coffeeshop, also operate in this manner. items. These are often places where furniture

69
This fenced-in area in front of the Mosque of
Aslam al-Silahdar is the only place in the neighbourhood
set aside as a green space.
components are stored temporarily, usually during the
day but sometimes through the night. In the
neighbourhood, local shoemakers and carpenters
utilise most of these.
Makeshift housing, which in this case refers to
residential units constructed in a haphazard manner on
the sites of demolished or collapsed structures, is not
uncommon in the area. While such structures are meant
to be temporary living arrangements and often present a
minimal investment of labour in their construction, several
have existed for twenty years or more.
Ruins are often used as dumping sites for
neighbourhood rubbish and workshop waste, as are
certain areas in the street, especially those in front of
ruined or abandoned structures. While piles of rubbish
that accumulate in certain designated areas in the street
are picked up periodically by the governmental rubbish
truck, it collects indefinitely on the site of partially or
totally collapsed buildings.
Although most of the neighbourhood residents
do not own a car, there is a fair amount of vehicular
traffic. Motorised access thus refers to an entrance
70
This section of Darb Shoughlan in front of a group of
unused ruined buildings features a large rubbish pile that
regularly blocks a significant portion of the street.
used by an automobile, such as an access to a garage.
The dimensions of the small trucks used by local
businesses allow vehicular access through all but a
few common street areas in the neighbourhood.
Neighbourhood parking areas, whether for
automobiles, scooters, or animal-drawn carts, are
always informal; at present, there are no areas formally
designated for parking.
Green open spaces are very rare in the
neighbourhood, and, at present, there is only one: the
small grassy area in front of Aslam Mosque. This
small green space replaced structures that at one time
abutted the mosque but were demolished. Very few
trees exist in the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood, in
part due to the narrowness of the street.
A limited number of public facilities exist in the
area. Public lighting, for example, is usually found in
places of high traffic and public use in the evening
hours. Although categorised as “public lighting,”
much of the area’s street lighting is maintained by local
residents and is either in poor condition or no longer
working. Other community facilities include the
 ○

The Streetscape Morphology of the

○
○

Aslam Mosque neighbourhood

○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○
○

A
○
ASLAM MOSQUE NEIGHBOURHOOD STREETSCAPE MORPHOLOGY MAP
○
○

A
○
○
○

A
○
○

E
○
○
○

E
○
○
○
○

E
○

A
○

G
○

E
○

E
○

A
○

T
○
○

E
○
○
○

E
A
○

A
A
A
○
○

T
E
○

G
○
○
○
○

ilding boundary lines

○

Building boundary lines

○
○

Building units subdivisions

○
○

Two or more building units sharing one façade.

○

A
One building unit with two façade treatments.

E
○
○
○

eetscape access and elements

Streetscape access and elements
○

E
○

A
○

Access and passages: Open spaces in the streets and squares around the block:

A
○

Residential access Motorized access S Stones T Tiles A Asphalt

E
○

Shop access Covered passage E Earth P Old paving

○
○

A
Workshop access Cul-de-sac

A
○

Storage space access Staircase Garbage dump J Vendors

○

Public building access Parking Difference of level

○

A
○

Storage area Outside activities ( al-fina )

A
○

Private open spaces inside the block:

○
○

G Green open space Vacant Other notable streetscape elements:

○

Ruin Storage area Shrine or Mosque Public lighting

○

Garbage dump Informal housing Drinking zier Trees

○
○

Parking Sabil-kuttab
○
○
○

71

communal water containers that are used for drinking;
known as “ziers,” these can be found throughout the
area. At times, they are more complex and include a
water trough for animals or a collection of traditional
water pots, called “ollas,” on a metal service tree. In
general, most such facilities are initiated and
maintained by local residents.
Another feature found in the area that is of
importance to the public is the shrine. They can be as
modest as a grave marker over the tomb of someone of
religious importance or as large as a mausoleum or mosque
complex. Although shrines can be located within a
building that is privately owned, they are always under
the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Awqaf.
PROMINENT STREETSCAPE
VISTAS AND SPACES
Aslam Square is an early twentieth-century creation
that came about as a result of the 1970s demolition of
the old residential structure built opposite the Mosque
of Aslam al-Silahdar. Although the open space around
the mosque has changed form, its role has not: it
remains a major gathering place for religious
73
As seen from Haret Aslam, with the Mosque of Aslam
al-Silahdar on the right, Aslam Square shows the typical
congestion of parked vehicles within the space.
festivals—such as the Moulid of Fatma al-Nabaweya—
and is a vital link between areas of commercial activity.
Two major streets, Darb Shoughlan and Fatma al-
Nabaweya, converge from the south at the square, while
the street to the left of the mosque, Abdallah al-Geuweiny,
continues north as the only outlet in that direction. A
secondary route to the right of the mosque, Haret Aslam,
eventually reaches a dead end near the Ayyubid city
wall, and a final route leading west from the square, Haret
Sa’ad Allah, continues onto Bab Zuwayla, linking the
community with greater al-Darb al-Ahmar.
Although it has been extensively renovated in
recent years, the dye-house located on the east side of
the square is most likely an Ottoman structure, possibly
dating to the mid-eighteenth century. It retains a few
historic elements such as the stone corbels that support
the upper storey. Another historic building is located on
the west side of the square, and, like the dye-house, it
has been modified almost beyond recognition: shop
entrances, signage, modern windows, and a gunite cement
finish have completely altered its late nineteenth-century
façade. The shops on the south side of the square were
constructed in 1980, and, though they have no
architectural value, they contribute much to the
activities that take place in the square.
Streetscape vistas and prominent viewpoints
create a memorable sense of place. The monumentality
of Aslam Mosque tends to make it a focal point of
many vistas in the study area. The point of visual
contact from the south along Fatma al-Nabaweya (vista
A) and Darb Shoughlan (vista B) are the most
important. This is especially true during the morning
hours, when the narrow and vertical confines of the
74
routes are left in shadow while the southern façade of
the mosque is fully lit by the morning sun.
The pedestrian viewpoint from Darb Shoughlan
lacks the progressive intensity and drama of the Fatma
al-Nabaweya vista because of the lack of structures
(most of these having been demolished on the east
side of the street); however, the ribbed dome of Aslam
Mosque is imposing from a long way off the square.
This vista is an important streetscape feature worthy
of exploiting through planning initiatives that could
include reconstruction of the building line on the
east side of the street, as well as the restoration of
the mosque.
The other viewpoint is on Darb Shoughlan
looking north from the Atfet Hozayen intersection
(vista C). From here one can see the prominent remains
of building 212, which lie a few hundred metres away.
It is a rare opportunity to view the streetscape in such
a narrow and long perspective.
(Left) Hidden beneath later renovations, the mid
nineteenth-century dye-house on the east side of Aslam
Square is a prominent building. (Below) Besides the daily
activities of street vendors, the square provides space for a
wide array of social activities important to the community.
 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Streetscape vistas and prominent viewpoints
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

iny
we
eu
-G
Aslam

Al

lam
h
Mosque

s
lla

tA
da

re
Ha
Ab
Minaret
Ha Z.
ret Dome el
Sa’ -H
ad or
All ey
ah a

Midan
Aslam

FUTURE
AL-AZHAR
b
A ou
Ay PARK
ret
Ha

H.
B Ay
ou
b
lan
gh
ou
Sh
rb
Da

Building
212

Two images during the

morning hours from
l
al

Fatma al-Nabaweya Street

(Vista A) and Darb
W

Shoughlan Street (Vista B)

d

towards Aslam Mosque.

bi
yu
Ay
e
BOTTOM LEFT AND RIGHT: HUSSEIN AGA KHAN

Th

C
Looking northeast from the
intersection of Atfet Hozayen (Vista
C) towards building 212 in the far
distance on Darb Shoughlan.

75
 C O M M U N I T Y P R O F I L E
SOCIAL SURVEY
OF THE INHABITANTS
T he population of the study area amounts to
approximately 1,200 inhabitants. Demographic
features of the population were assessed from a survey
of a representative sample of 159 residents distributed
among thirty-one households. Properties such as
household size, family type, occupancy rate, previous
residence, and length of residence in the study area are
all portrayed, as are the population distribution of age
groups, educational levels, and marital status. In addition,
the survey explores the population’s economic activity,
occupational patterns, and income levels. Where needed,
pie charts accompany the applicable information.
HOUSEHOLD SIZE
The average household size in the area was found to
be 5.1 persons per household. This is higher than the
national average of 4.6 persons and the City of Cairo
average of four persons, both of which were recorded
in 1996. The large household size is contradictory to
the expectations regarding historic districts, which are
losing their population due to the deterioration of the
aging housing stock. This can be partially explained,
however, by the high percentage of extended families
(since married children are generally allowed to live
with their parents in the same dwelling) and,
consequently, by the extended-family building type in
the area (see Members in Each Household pie chart).
FAMILY TYPE
The nuclear family type, consisting of the head of the
family and his wife and children, accounts for 77.4% of
the number of families in the area. The remaining 22.6%
involve the extended family type, which consists of the
head of the family, his wife and children, as well as his
parents and grandchildren.
76
POPULATION ORIGIN
Knowledge about the origin of the current population
through previous residence and place of birth may
serve as indicators of lifestyle, place attachment, and
the attractant and repellent role of the area in internal
migration patterns. The percentage of the population
born in al-Darb al-Ahmar amounts to 83.6% of the total
population in the area. Moreover, 46% of the migrant
population born outside al-Darb al-Ahmar was born
in the historic core of Cairo, particularly in
neighbouring districts such as al-Khaleefa, Bab al-
Shereyya, and al-Gamaleyya. Most of these cases
consist of the wives of men born in al-Darb al-Ahmar
(see Population Origins According to Birthplace pie
chart).
The percentage of the population that has
always lived in al-Darb al-Ahmar amounts to 79.3% of
the total population in the area, with 20.7% migrants
to the area from other locations. The slight difference
in percentages between residency and place of birth
is explained by the fact that some of the residents
originally born in al-Darb al-Ahmar have moved to
government housing—in Sadat City, al-Nahda, and al-
Mokattam—and have then moved back.
LENGTH OF RESIDENCE
Findings indicate that the population in the area has
been living there for a long time, some for more than
two generations. Accordingly, the percentage of
residents who have resided in the area for less than
twenty years does not exceed 3.2%, whereas those
who have resided in the area for more than fifty years
amounts to 35.5%. In the case of al-Darb al-Ahmar,
length of residence, in association with other factors
such as proximity to relatives, friends, and the work
 Chart information from the demographic survey of
the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood study area

Members in Each Household Population Origins

According to Birthplace
1 to 4 9 to 10 7 to 8 5 to 6 8% 9% 83%
39% 3% 26% 32% Historic Cairo Elsewhere al-Darb al-Ahmar

Years of Residence in the Area Level of Education

16% 11 %
More than 60 yrs Diploma
3% 16% 6% 7% 45%
19%
Less than 20 yrs 20 to 30 yrs Secondary University Illiterate
50 to 60 yrs
school degree

23% 23% 24% 7%

40 to 50 30 to 40 Basic education Without formal education

The Economically Inactive

Marital Status
6% 20%
9% Retired Unemployed
Engaged 55% 1%
Married 48% Handicapped
Housewives

28% 5% 25%
Unmarried Widower Student
3%
Divorced

87 7
 Occupations Employment Status Structure

11 % 41% 2%
Arzoky Craftsmen Family-
22% 44% employed 5 4 %
Government employee Self-employed Employed

4% 9%
Education Commerce
2% 11 %
Waiter Driver/guard/custodian

Trip to Work
2%
Work Location Taxi
2% 55%
39% 9% 22% 30% Private car On foot
Outside Distant In the Inside
35% 4%
the area locations vicinity the area
Bus Minibus

Household Income Level in Egyptian Pounds per Month

7% 13%
More than L.E. 800 Less than L.E. 200
16%
L.E. 600 to 800

23% 41%
L.E. 400 to 600 L.E. 200 to 400

January 1999: U.S.D. 1 = L.E. 3.4

78
place, as well as the benefits of rent control, together
explain the extent to which the inhabitants are attached
to the area despite its deteriorating physical conditions
(see Years of Residence in the Area pie chart).
POPULATION DISTRIBUTION
ACCORDING TO AGE COMPOSITION
This distribution serves to measure the dependency
burden that is borne by members of the labour force
and by the government for providing the necessary
services required for children and the elderly. The
distribution in the area of the three main age groups is
as follows: 0-15, 15-60, and over 60.
Children aged 0-15 represent 26.4% of the total
population in the area, which is lower than the 1996
national average of 34.9%. This is not an indication of
economic and social progress, but rather a
confirmation that historic districts in Cairo are losing
their population of young married couples to newer
areas. However, al-Darb al-Ahmar has a higher
percentage of children than other historic districts, a
fact that is partially explained by the high percentage
of extended families and the economic and social
advantages of living in the area.
Those aged 15-60 represent 66.8% of the total
population in the area, and the elderly, aged over 60,
represent 6.8%. Both these figures are higher than the
national average for 1996: the former is higher than the
average of 59.9% and the latter is higher than the average
of 5.2%. This increase is not due to higher health
standards in the area, but rather a result of the decrease
in percentage of other age groups, namely children.
Gender distribution within the population of the study
area was found to be equally proportionate across the
three recorded age groups.
LEVEL OF EDUCATION
The level of education serves as an indicator to the
ability of community members to make use of available
resources and the potential to improve their own living
conditions. Its distribution is calculated with reference
to the portion of the population aged six and older
and is shown on a pie chart (see Levels of Education
pie chart).
79
Illiteracy amounts to 45.2% of the total
population, which is high compared to the national
average of 38.6% and the urban average of 26%, both
of which were recorded in 1996. The percentage of the
population that is literate but has not attained formal
educational certificates amounts to 6.9%. This finding
should be viewed in light of the community’s
occupation, which is mostly light industry involving
manual labour (namely carpentry, metal work,
upholstery, wood finishing, and shoemaking). A formal
education is not regarded as necessary for
occupational training, especially among older
generations. However, if considered by age groups,
the level of education is higher among children and
young adults than in the population as a whole.
The percentage of the population that is enrolled
in or has attained primary level education amounts to
11.1%, and the percentage with preparatory level
education amounts to 12.5%. Thus, 23.6% of the total
population in the area either is enrolled in or has attained
the basic level of education. The percentage with
secondary level education (both general and
occupational) amounts to 6.3%, diploma level education
amounts to 11.1%, and university level education
amounts to 6.9%.
MARITAL STATUS
Marital status serves to indicate social phenomena
such as marriage and its potential for productivity,
divorce and its potential for social problems, as well
as the need to form new families. The distribution of
marital status is calculated with reference to the portion
of the population aged sixteen and older (see Marital
Status pie chart).
The percentage of married people amounts to
54.7% of the population in the area, slightly less than the
national average of 61.1% and the urban area average of
57.2%, both of which were recorded in 1996. The
percentage of unmarried people amounts to 28.2%,
slightly higher than the 1996 national average of 27.8%
and the 1996 urban area average of 30.6%. As for the
percentage of those who are engaged, this amounts to
9.4%. These indicators reflect the situation of the
neighbourhood youth who keep postponing their
marriage for lack of affordable housing in the area. They
are reluctant to move out (to the closest informal areas
such as Mansheyat Nasser or Basateen) because of
their strong ties to extended family and work in the area.
As for those who are widowed, this amounts
to 5.1%, which is lower than the national average of
6.3% recorded in 1996. The fact that this group
consists strictly of women may be due to their longevity
compared to men, as well as the tendency among
widowers to remarry. This indicator may also be related
to the fact that women-headed households form 13%
of the total number of the households in the area.
Lastly, the percentage of separated people amounts
to 1.7%.
ECONOMIC ACTIVITY
This section outlines the economic structure of the
population in the study area, revealing indicators
such as unemployment, occupational patterns,
status structure, employment sectors, work location,
and work permanency. The labour force is
calculated with reference to the portion of the
population aged fifteen and older.
The percentage of those who are
economically active amounts to 39.3%; of these,
91.3% are males and 8.7% are females. This disparity
is related to the level of education as well as cultural
norms of the community, where women do not
usually work outside the home. The economically
inactive constituted the remaining 60.7%.
The total economically inactive population in
the area is subdivided into students (representing
25.4%), retirees (representing 5.6%), housewives
(representing 47.9%), handicapped (representing
1.4%), and unemployed (representing 19.7%) (see
The Economically Inactive pie chart). It is worth
noting that 85.7% of those unemployed are females,
mostly young women who have accomplished some
level of education but are not married and still live
with their parents. This means that only 2.8% of
the economically inactive population are actually
unemployed males aged fifteen and older, which is
not a high percentage.
As for the occupational patterns within the
economically active population, craftsmen (including
shoe manufacturing, carpentry, wood polishing,
80
upholstery making, and metal work) represent 41.4%,
while government employees represent 21.8%.
Those doing odd jobs (known as “arzoky”) represent
10.8%, and other occupations are represented in
smaller percentages (see Occupational Patterns pie
chart).
Regarding status structure, the self-
employed represent 43.5% of the total economically
active population; this group is constituted strictly of
males. Employees represent 54.3% and those
employed by family members represent 2.2% (see the
Employment Status Structure chart).
Employment sector distribution is divided into
those who work in the public sector (representing
21.7%) and those who work in the private sector
(representing 78.3%). As for job permanency, those
who have a permanent job represent 73.9%, whereas
those who have a temporary job represent 26.1%.
Work location was investigated to reveal that
30.4% of the total economically active population work
within the boundaries of the study area and 21.7%
work in neighbouring areas such as Bab al-Wazir,
Megharbeleen, al-Khalifa, and al-Ataba. The
remaining 39.2% work in diverse city locations, and
only 8.7% work in locations as far as Helwan,
Obour City, and Heliopolis (see Work Location
chart).
As for the mode of transportation used for the
trip to work, those who go to work on foot represent
54.3% of the total economically active population,
which corresponds to the work location distribution
mentioned previously. The second most used mode
of transportation is the city bus, which is used by
34.8% of the residents in the area. Other modes of
transportation include private cars (4.3%), taxis (2.2%),
minibuses (2.2%), and microbuses (2.2%) (see Trip to
Work chart).
INCOME LEVEL
Given the sensitivity of the issue and its relation to
the values and ideologies of the interviewee, the
reliability of data concerning income level is usually
low, particularly in Egypt. Nevertheless, it remains an
important indicator of living standards and the social
and economic composition of the population.
 The survey revealed that the average monthly
household income in the study area is L.E. 415 per
month. This amounts to L.E. 4,980 or US$ 1,510
annually, which is less than the average of US$ 2,570
for the City of Cairo and the national average of US$
2,010, both of which were recorded in 1993.
According to income level, the population in
the area can be divided into five groups (see
Household Income Level pie chart). The percentage of
households whose average monthly income falls below
L.E. 200 per month amounts to 12.9% of the total number
of households in the area. This group includes 11.3% of
the population with an average household monthly
income of L.E. 126 per month and an average monthly
income per capita of L.E. 28, based on an average
household size of 4.5 persons per household.
The percentage of households whose average
monthly income ranges between L.E. 200 and L.E. 400
amounts to 41.9% of the total number of households
in the area. This group includes 43.4% of the total
population with an average monthly income of L.E.
262 and an average monthly income per capita of L.E.
49, based on an average household size of 5.3 persons
per household.
The percentage of households whose average
monthly income ranges between L.E. 400 and L.E. 600
amounts to 22.6% of the total number of households
in the area. This group includes 23.9% of the total
population with an average monthly income of L.E.
466 and an average monthly income per capita of L.E.
81
86, based on an average household size of 5.4 persons
per household.
The percentage of households whose average
monthly income ranges between L.E. 600 and L.E. 800
amounts to 16.1% of the total number of households
in the area. This group includes 14.5% of the total
population with an average monthly income of L.E.
658 and an average monthly income per capita of L.E.
143, based on an average household size of 4.6 persons
per household.
The percentage of households whose average
monthly income exceeds L.E. 800 amounts to 6.5% of
the total number of households in the area. This group
includes 6.9% of the total population with an average
monthly income of L.E. 1,200 and an average monthly
income per capita of L.E. 218, based on an average
household size of 5.5 persons per household.
Evidently, an individual’s share of the monthly income
increases with the decrease of household size.
The percentage of households where the
head of the family is the sole contributor to the
average household income amounts to 48.4% of
the total number of households in the area, where
two individuals contribute 25.8%, where three
individuals contribute 16.2%, and where four
individuals contribute 3.2%. Also, the percentage of
households where the head of the family’s
secondary job contributes to the average household
income amounts to 6.4% of the total number of
households in the area.
Any proposal for
Darb Shoughlan
has to address the
complicated nature of
the social arrangements
of its inhabitants.
Residents such as this
couple, who run a small
grocery store, spend
most of their lives living
and working along
the street.

82
 C O M M U N I T Y P R O F I L E

LIFESTYLES AND
THE SUPPORTIVE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT

A lifestyle assessment inquiry was carried out to

understand the interaction between the study
area and its current inhabitants. This inquiry explored
women and children), social interactions, and activities
such as children playing, women shopping, and the
supply, production, and market network of the workshops
what the residents like and dislike about the area, as found in the area.
well as their ability and willingness to invest in
improving their home environment. The aim was to EXISTING HOUSING CONDITIONS
gain an understanding of the area’s vitality in order to
work on maximising its positive aspects while Basic housing facilities: Preliminary results indicate
minimising the negative ones. that 94% of the residential units are legally connected
A questionnaire was used to assess basic to the city electricity and sewage networks. Regarding
housing facilities in the area (including water, sewage, potable water, 81% of the households are supplied by
and electricity), dwelling sizes, and occupancy rates. the city network in the form of in-house taps, and 13%
Additionally, a guided interview was employed to
explore the following: use patterns in the dwelling and
in the area; territorial domains; aspects of the area
that people value; priorities and preferences; and
affordability and willingness to invest in the home.
This assessment serves to guide
neighbourhood improvement schemes and
implementation strategies. Accordingly, the alternative
housing patterns illustrated in the case studies reflect
the outcome of this study. Further analysis would
lead to the development of special district regulations
targeted in the following stage of the project.
A purposeful sample of fourteen households was
chosen to reflect a maximum variety of different building
types, and in-depth interviews were conducted with the Children help adults with daily chores such as feeding animals,
household members using an interview guide. These running errands, and taking care of younger siblings.

interviews were then qualitatively analysed in integration

with annotated plans of the residence showing furniture,
prevalent use patterns, and territorial domains. The
inquiry covered not only the use of the private space
within the dwelling unit, but also the different levels of
shared space beyond, such as the roof, the landings, the
stairwells, the building entrance, and the cul-de-sac. Area-
level questions were also asked in order to assess
perceived levels of safety (especially for unaccompanied
depend on public taps. As for sewage, the inhabited
residential units are connected to the city water-borne
sewage system.
Existing residential units range from one- to
five-room dwellings. This measure is an
approximation because of the difficulty in defining the
dwelling unit in cases such as extended-family houses
and shared courtyard ground levels.

83
 Number of Rooms per Dwelling
within the Study Area
24% 2% 31%
4 rooms 5 rooms 1 room
14% 28%
3 rooms 2 rooms
As shown in the pie chart above, one-room
dwellings represent approximately one third of the total
number of dwelling units in the study area, while two-
room dwellings represent another third. The
percentage of three- and four-room dwellings is 14%
and 24%, respectively. There is only a slight
percentage of five-room dwellings in the study area.
While one-room units are acceptable for a single or
double occupancy, usually by the elderly, it is a
hardship when inhabited by a family.
Occupancy Rates: Occupancy was calculated with an
overall average of 1.9 inhabitants per room, slightly
higher than the average for the City of Cairo of 1.3 for
1996. This increase is due to the existence of one-
room dwellings in the area. The detailed occupancy
rate for each dwelling size calculated from a sample of
eighty-four dwelling units housing 381 inhabitants
shows an expected high of 4.5 inhabitants per room in
those one-room dwellings. However, the occupancy
rate in the case of two-, three-, four-, and five-room
dwellings is 1.6, 1.4, 1.5, and 1.4 inhabitants per room,
respectively (see the above bar chart).
USE PATTERNS IN THE DWELLING
Sleeping: The lifestyle assessment inquiry reveals
that, whenever possible, the parents’ sleeping area is
visually separated from the children’s and
grandparents’ sleeping areas. In cases of insufficient
84
Number of Inhabitants per Room
According to Dwelling Size
4.5
4
Number of inhabitants
3
2 1.6
1.4 1.5 1.4
0
1-room 2-room 3-room 4-room 5-room
dwelling dwelling dwelling dwelling dwelling
space, existing rooms are subdivided using wooden
partitions, or an additional room large enough to hold
the parents’ bed is rented. Moreover, children often
share beds with aunts or grandmothers. Gender
separation in sleeping areas is applied as much as
possible.
Cooking: Cooking takes place in central spaces
such as hallways and private courtyards, though in
the case of extended-family houses it sometimes
takes place in circulation spaces such as staircase
landings. Given the shortage of space, allocating
an entire room for cooking is not a priority; the rare
examples of apartments with enclosed kitchens are
those that can also afford a formal guestroom, the
“salon,” and have at least three other rooms. The
prevalent kitchenette arrangement has the
advantage of allowing women the opportunity to
stay in touch with everyone else while cooking.
However, such kitchenettes often lack a water outlet,
in which case they are located as close as possible
to the bathroom, where water is available.
Food preparation or cooking does not occur
outside the households’ private domain because it is
not considered proper, though cooking on thresholds
and in front of houses can be seen in other parts of
Cairo, where the community consists more of recent
rural migrants. Therefore, even in cases where the
toilet and courtyard are shared, cooking does not occur
in the courtyard, but rather in the privacy of a room.
Bathroom: In the majority of the traditional buildings,
the bathroom consists of a toilet of the “baladi” type
and a tap to bathe. Bathtubs and shower stands are
not popular even among the affluent five-room
apartment dwellers; one family installed the former and
then had it removed because it leaked. The sink is
either inside or just outside the bathroom space. Given
that most dwellings do not have running hot water, in
the winter months people bathe with cold water or
with hot water heated on the stove. Because bathroom
windows rarely have window panes, young children
are sometimes given their bath in a laundry basin in a
regular room rather than the bathroom, so as to prevent
them from catching colds.

Living room activities: Activities such as studying,

watching television, eating, and socialising occur in
the same rooms where the beds are located; the
concept of a living room does not exist in the
neighbourhood, since all rooms are used for living
activities. It is common to find more than one television
set in the same dwelling. Given that guests are usually
neighbours or relatives, formal reception rooms are
not considered important, but when other spatial
priorities are met and more space is available, a small
room is formally furnished and reserved for special
occasions. Typically, it contains a china cabinet, a
sofa set, a fan, and a fancy light fixture.
Dishwashing and washing clothes: Most local
residents have electric washing machines, and so the
washing of clothes and dishes takes place near the
water supply and drainage system. If this is in a
courtyard at the entrance of a building, as is the case
for most ground-floor tenants, then building entrance
doorways are closed for privacy, especially when
washing clothes. Most residents hang their laundry
on rooftops in order for them to dry, though small
items are sometimes hung on clothes lines placed on
window sills. Although streets are narrow and densely
built, the relatively low building heights allow sunlight
to reach many façades and courtyards.
Working at home: Residences are sometimes used
for storing equipment temporarily or for storing
products such as finished pieces of furniture or
The washing of clothes is usually a private activity for
neighbourhood residents. Here, the ramparts of the historic
wall are used as a place to hang laundry out to dry.
upholstered sofa sets. And, if feasible, the work itself
takes place in the home: sewing soles on shoes or
doing some extra upholstery work for neighbours.
Given the limited economic means of the area in general,
one would expect more of the home-based work pattern
than is currently present, but it is not the norm for
women to work, especially the older generation.
Among the young, educated women, many work but
do so mostly outside the area.
USE PATTERNS IN THE AREA
Socialising: Since a large portion of the community
has been residing in the area for generations, it comes
as no surprise to find that many of them are related. In
many cases, husband and wife were next-door
neighbours before their marriage. This pattern still
persists among the young generation today. The result
is that many families in the area are related by marriage,
which accounts for a large portion of the socialising
that goes on across windows and rooftops.

85

(Top) Tablita Market is one of several vegetable markets in
the area used by residents. (Bottom) Residents list the
convenience of nearby schools in the vicinity, where
children can easily walk in a safe environment, over those
in less dense outlying new settlements.
Visiting: Many residents have extended family
in nearby areas such as Megharbeleen or Bab al-
Khalk. They occasionally visit each other on
holidays and feasts, and the trip is always on
foot. Although not considered as being
“visitors” by community standards, other visitors
include neighbours.
86
Neighbours: Neighbours tend to drop by each other’s
homes with varying frequency. The visit often includes
helping in household chores such as sweeping the
floors or bringing over a dish of cooked food.
Sometimes, it involves borrowing ingredients or
delivering shopping items. At other times, it is to use
the wealthier neighbour’s telephone. And yet other
times it is just a visit to chat.
Shopping: The area provides easy pedestrian access
to daily shopping needs as well as specialty and
seasonal requirements, and includes several bakeries
and grocery stores. Vegetables and fruits are bought
every other day from the market in Megharbeleen,
where meat and fish are also sold.
For the less active members, local street
vendors offer a convenient alternative; tomatoes,
garlic, and onions piled upon donkey-drawn carts can
be bought any day of the week. (Some produce vendors
pass twice a day.) Other passing vendors sell
household utensils imported from the free zone of Port
Said. And every afternoon, the “leisure” food vendors
pass through, selling baked sweet potatoes, popcorn,
pumpkin seeds, roasted peanuts, and licorice drinks.
Women lower their baskets from the windows and
passing neighbours do all the purchasing. Shopping
in this way is an activity around which social ties are
born and nurtured, since it is common practice for
someone going shopping to also bring their
neighbours what they need.
For more seasonal needs such as shoes and
clothes, al-Ghureyya is the most popular shopping
area. Some residents, however, go as far as al-
Mousky or even Fouad Street downtown. The
daughters of one family who had relatives living in
the middle-class neighbourhoods of Cairo insisted
on shopping in Heliopolis, which for many residents
represents the highest possible standard of living.
This particular family, however, does not have roots
in the neighbourhood.
Recreation for members of the community
ranges from cooking a special meal (usually including
animal protein, since the rest of the week consists of
macaroni) to visiting relatives. For elderly members,
recreation sometimes involves prayers and a short stay
in a favourite mosque on the way to a visit or to the
market. Going to a park or eating out is alien to members
of the community.
The contrast is vivid when compared to the
lifestyle of dwellers of the modern apartment
building on Aslam Square. Belonging more to the
middle classes than to the workshop community in
the area, teenage and young males living in this
building spend their leisure time playing football in
the Darb al-Ahmar youth club, eating out at
McDonald’s, and, in the evenings, hanging out in
the area surrounding Hussein Mosque. In general,
girls tend to spend their leisure time at home. More
common in the community is for the entire family to
spend their one day off (usually Fridays) at home,
maybe doing some household chores. Occasionally,
they visit relatives outside the area.
Raising animals: Raising poultry and larger animals
such as sheep or goats may take place on the roof or
in the cul-de-sac, but not in any of the domestic
spaces. In one case, the new tenants in a ground-
floor room and bathroom kept their goats and sheep in
87
Each day many vendors pass down Darb Shoughlan,
selling goods that would otherwise be difficult for the less
active residents to purchase.
a small room off the building’s main staircase.
Because the animals dirtied the building entrance,
the upper-storey neighbours were furious and
blamed it on the fact that the new tenant’s young
bride came from the countryside. Before she moved
in, the two other tenants from upstairs would take
turns every Friday sweeping the building entrance.
In the case of residential cul-de-sacs, chicken coops
are set up in the cul-de-sac itself and the birds are
usually free to wander.
Sitting in coffeeshops: There are several coffeeshops
in the study area, each with a different image, and yet
the more conservative members of the community
regard all of these as being improper for decent young
men. The association of coffeeshops with drug
consumption in the past, and to a lesser extent in the
present, is the reason behind this view. However, there
is one coffeeshop in the study area that seems highly
frequented by residents, to the extent that chairs are
designated to certain elderly members of the community.
It is not an indoor coffeeshop, but rather a counter that
serves drinks to customers dispersed in front of their
workshops. This coffeeshop is located at a community
node and is close to two grocers and a bakery.
TERRITORIAL DOMAINS
The use patterns in the area can be categorised into
four levels of territorial domains: the enclosed
residential unit, the shared domestic space, the home
territory, and the area or “el-mante’a.”
Level one: enclosed residential unit: This provides
group privacy from outsiders, which is lacking in the
case of ground-floor tenants, who share toilet facilities
and often lack a door to separate their shared space
from the circulation areas of the building. The enclosed
unit, however, can rarely afford individual privacy,
since very few cases exist where each family member
The coffeeshop at the intersection of Darb Shoughlan and
Atfet al-Fourn is an active hub of the neighbourhood.
Seating is outdoors and patrons move according to their
needs, especially to keep out of the sun.
88
has his own personal room. Gender privacy among
children in their sleeping areas is observed only if
affordable. The activities that take place inside the
dwelling include sleeping, eating, cooking, watching
television, studying, and socialising.
Level two: shared domestic space: This level includes
building entrances and courtyards used for domestic
activities. It was observed that the management and
upkeep of these semi-private spaces is best when
shared by no more than two families. Activities that
occur in such territories include washing clothes and
dishes, storing items, and socialising.
Level three: home territory: This category of territory
is more public than the previous one, yet some degree
of control is practiced by those who claim it. It could
be a whole cul-de-sac or just part of one, depending
on the different uses of the buildings and the number
of people living in them. Dead-end streets leading
towards the Ayyubid wall qualify as long as commercial
activity has not infiltrated them. In cases where cul-
de-sacs contain commercial activity, the level of
territoriality only exists beyond the point frequented
by workers. Activities that characterise the home
territory are raising chickens, ducks, sheep, or goats;
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Levels of territorial domain for residents of 3 Zuqaq Ezz el-Din
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Level One:
Enclosed residential unit

Atf
et K
arn
3 Zuqaq
al- Ezz el-Din
Sar
if

lan
ugh
3 Zuqaq

Sho
Zuq
aq
Ezz el-Din

rb
Ezz

Da
el-D
in
Zuq
aq
Ezz
el-D Level Three:
in
Home territory

Level Two:
Shared domestic space

○ ○ ○ ○
○ ○
○ ○ ○

Mosque
○ ○

To al-Tahrir of al-Azhar
Square
○ ○ ○ ○
○ ○

Bab Zuwayla
○ ○ ○ ○

l
al
○ ○

THE
W

Level Four:
FUTURE
d

The area
○

To the Mosque of AL-AZHAR

bi

Sayyeda Zaynab PARK

yu
A y
T h e

Bab al-Wazir
Mosque of
ar-Rifa’i
N
Mosque of
Sultan Hassan
To the Mosque
THE CITADEL
of Ibn Tulun 0 100 200 300 400 500
Meters

89
sitting outdoors in the afternoons or evenings; playing it is safe to walk; and where everyone knows who they
with family members and neighbours; and wearing are. Many members of the community rarely venture
“house” clothes in the case of women. outside this area.

Level four: the area or “el-mante’a.” When asked to
delineate the extent of their neighbourhood, people
mentioned several local landmarks and streets that do
not go beyond the trapezium between Bab al-Khalk to
the west, al-Azhar Street to the north, Bab al-Wazir and
Mohammed Ali streets to the south, and the prospective
park to the east. Children from the community go to
schools and attend private lessons within this area.
Residents define it as being where their parents and
grandparents were born; where they can go anywhere
on foot; where no major transportation routes pass; where
WHAT PEOPLE VALUE IN THE AREA
Proximity to work, suppliers, markets, relatives and
friends, and services (schools, medical care, mosques,
and shopping) are highly valued by the community
members of the neighbourhood. Noteworthy is the
fact that almost everyone living in the area has first-
hand experience of other areas that fall within their
economic means. They have either lived there
themselves for a few years or have immediate family
living there (brothers, sisters, or married children who

Sofa Separate
Television Cabinet apartment with
an additional
Stove Television
room across
Storage items Stove
the hall
Bed
Bed
Closet cabinet

Co
mm
Common courtyard, on
hal
shared by two lwa
y fo
households and used r2 Lightwell
un
for chores its

Shared toilet
and shower
The ground floor
residence of
Om Ahmad at Latrine below
a lightwell
3 Zuqaq Ezz al-Din Separate
apartment with
L

an entrance
AL

to the front Staircase to

Zu
qa the upper floors
y

qE
lwa

zz
el-D
hal

in
D
ce

BI
tran

Lightwell
En

YU
AY

Cul-de-sac, used solely by

the residents from the
E

neighbouring building for

TH

tending animals and

socialising

90
had to move out). The implications of the
neighbourhood’s location is multi-dimensional for the
residents for the following reasons:
Economic support: For workshop owners and
employees, the benefit of working in the area is more
than saving the time and money of a daily trip to and
from home. There is economic benefit from having
complimentary industries close-by: craftsmen lend and
borrow money, tools, and supplies from each other;
they benefit from the inexpensive transfer of goods
from suppliers to markets and are encouraged to work
later hours.
Convenience: Convenience is a function of time,
money, and the quality of the services provided.
Proximity to the workplace allows many employees
who work within walking distance to take a break and
eat a hot meal at home. Other forms of convenience
include access to good schools and private lessons,
to diverse shopping areas including central, city-scale
ones, and to transportation systems as well as
administrative and medical services.
91
Schools in the vicinity of the study area are far
better and more conveniently located than schools in
other affordable locations. Quality shopping is also
within walking distance or can be reached by bus in
two stops. Downtown Cairo, with all its municipal and
administrative services, is close by, and public
transportation, whether on the northern or the
southern edges of the area, is not perceived as far,
since it is no longer than ten minutes on foot.
Social support: Location compounded by the length
of residence has resulted in a highly interactive
community with ties that last for generations. Some
examples of how the residents benefit from such a
situation include free assistance in child care; help
with shopping and housekeeping; support in cases
of emergencies; solidarity in times of happiness,
sadness, and religious feasts; and social interaction
on a daily basis.
Most families living in the area maintain close ties and
depend on each other for things such as assistance with
child care.
 In general, men tend to would recognise that a person
family matters during working is from the area. This is consistent
hours and women run errands with the territorial domain
while leaving their children at outlined by many parents as
home without having to worry. their daughters’ safe domain.
Neighbours look out for each Psychiatrists have shown
other and provide assistance that for many Egyptians, social
in times of crisis. For example, isolation causes extreme
a woman was informed that her stress even under affluent
eight-year-old son was hurt economic conditions, as is the
when playing outdoors, and by case with those who work in
the time she ran out from the the oil-producing countries.
cul-de-sac where she lives, she Some stress must be caused
saw her son coming back from by the limited economic
the hospital, where neighbours means of the residents, but
had already taken him to get oftentimes greater stress is
stitches and proper care. caused by cases such as
The elderly among the when a young father took his
community benefit a great deal son to the hospital with no
because younger and more family or friend to support him.
mobile residents run their This man is originally from the
errands for them. Women study area and had to move into
buying from street vendors also Many elderly residents welcome the noise and public housing outside of Cairo
vitality of living along Darb Shoughlan, which
help neighbours, who lower gives them a sense of companionship. after the earthquake.
baskets from their windows to
receive the produce. Sometimes, a woman will call to a PRIORITIES AND PREFERENCES
passing child whom she may not know, asking him to
purchase some merchandise from the grocer at the Choice of housing: Marrying someone from the area
corner. Most often, she knows only that this child is is preferred to marrying someone from outside because
from the area. they understand each other’s lifestyle and so do not
need to feel embarassed. For most people living in the
These social factors also have psychological area, the source of embarrassment is the deteriorated
implications: condition of their homes and the large number of
vacant lots, which are known as “kharabat.” Despite
Psychological factors: Sources of psychological dreams of living in nicer places, unmarried girls
comfort mentioned by the residents include a sense of expressed their preference to settle in the area after
security, especially for young girls, and of companionship marriage rather than in the other choices available to
and familiarity. Moreover, due to a perceived similarity them that fall within their economic means (informal
in living conditions, there is neither a sense of settlements such as Basateen, Mansheyyet Nasser,
loneliness nor embarrassing reminders of a lower or public housing in Mokattam or al-Nahda).
economic and social status.
Many people know each other by name in the Physical appearance: What people seem to resent
area; consequently, it is a place where young girls can most in their homes is the physical deterioration of
walk to and from school and evening lessons the walls, which is caused mainly by dampness.
unaccompanied until as late as 11:00 PM. People as Their primary concern is for structural safety, but
far as al-Azhar Street, Bab al-Khalk, or Bab al-Wazir then they are keen on painting the interior of their

92

units as often as they can afford to, thus covering
up the visible damage caused by water. Beyond
that, no positive or negative feelings towards the
appearance of the buildings can be detected with
respect to their form, architectural detail, and
materials. However, although they are aware that in
its present state the neighbourhood is not in good
condition, they have more important priorities.
Alterations inside the buildings: One way of revealing
people’s priorities is by the type of alterations they make
to their homes. Subdividing spaces to create more
enclosed rooms is the most common alteration in the
area; usually, it is done to add a sleeping area. Since the
1992 earthquake, residents are scared of adding structures
on top of existing buildings for fear that they will collapse.
At the other end of the economic spectrum, affluent
tenants in the area rented two adjacent apartments in a
reinforced concrete building erected in the 1970s, opening
both units to form a large five-room apartment. One
alteration desired by ground-floor dwellers who are
unrelated but share a courtyard and toilet facility is to
have a private dwelling unit with a bathroom.
Maintenance: Building entranceways and other
shared space are usually kept clean according to local
standards. Floors are wiped daily with water, especially
since the start of work on the future al-Azhar Park,
93
The government relocates many area residents to new
communities such as al-Nahda. Although these settlements
offer improved physical amenities, they lack the social and
economic attributes that neighbourhood families say are
important.
which has caused an additional amount of dust. The
most common form of maintenance is painting the
interior of homes; owners as well as tenants do it as
often as they can afford to, even those under the threat
of removal by the antiquities department. Fixing the
plumbing and resorting to “patching it up” is another
form of maintenance done strictly out of fear for
building safety.
High densities: On many occasions, people assert their
preference for densely-populated areas, which
translates to companionship and safety in numbers.
The elderly prefer to live on Darb Shoughlan, given
that it is a busy thoroughfare with a fair amount of
noise and workshops, rather than live inside the quieter
dead-ends. Because it is “nawas,” explains a resident,
meaning that there is companionship. But the dead-
ends are also appreciated: adults use them for sitting
outdoors on summer nights and young children use
them to play. Children, in particular, benefit more from
living in the protection of the cul-de-sac.
Many residents described other housing
alternatives in a negative sense: as being too quiet, lonely,
and unsafe. One woman who has moved back into
the area after spending six years in Mansheyyet
Nasser, the informal settlement closest to al-Darb
al-Ahmar, said that when she moved there it was
dangerous and hard, but when it became more
crowded, it was much better. Most residents in the
area take pride and enjoy the atmosphere and the
familiarity afforded by the neighbourhood. The few
exceptions are those who would like to move out
and do not share the same values and lifestyle.
AFFORDABILITY AND WILLINGNESS TO INVEST
Affordability: Understandably, the financial means
available to local residents differ from one individual
to another; generally, most local residents can afford
to pay L.E. 5,000 or L.E. 6,000 as a down-payment
and a rent of L.E. 50 a month for a three-room
apartment. This is higher for commercial activities:
some craftsmen are willing to pay as much as L.E.
150 a month for a workshop with a down payment
as high as L.E. 10,000. The more affluent members
of the community claim to be willing to pay as much
as L.E. 10,000 or L.E.12,000 down-payment for a sixty-
to seventy-metre apartment, although these are
relatively few in number. Others are capable of
paying the L.E. 50 monthly rent but cannot afford
to pay a down-payment. There are a few at the
lower end of the economic scale, however, who
cannot afford to pay more than L.E. 10 rent with
absolutely no advance money.
Willingness to invest: As it stands today, a freeze
on building in the area immediately adjacent to the
Ayyubid wall has meant that land value is low;
however, if building permits are issued once again,
an increase in land prices is to be expected. If the
development process were left unrestricted, then
the lifting of the building freeze would have a
detrimental effect on the area, since it would
encourage the construction of high-rise buildings,
in violation to building laws and similar to what is
occurring in surrounding areas. Furthermore, to
maximise profit, these new buildings would be
geared towards the middle class from outside the
area (the local residents would probably be unable
94
to afford such apartments due to the increase in the
price of land and, subsequently, apartment prices).
This would have a chain effect: it would encourage
land prices to rise further, making it more lucrative
for developers to invest illegally in the area, thereby
driving the local residents out and destroying much
of the historic urban fabric. Such an example can be
seen in Aslam Mosque Square, where an apartment
building was constructed in the 1970s targeting a
socio-economic group whose lifestyle is alien to the
area. The result is that the building as well as its
residents do not fit in with the rest of the
neighbourhood and resent much of the local
amenities. On the other hand, property owners in
the area feel insecure; they suspect they can lose
their properties at any moment and be driven out of
the area by the antiquities department. Those who
own vacant lots are also aware that their land cannot
be built to comply with current building regulations
because of the small size of plots and the narrowness
of the streets they overlook. Property owners also
know that if they get a building permit, it will cost
them a lot of under-the-table money. This situation
can be used as a bargaining chip with owners to
assure their compliance with the special regulations
required to preserve the area. Property owners as
well as tenants show their willingness to invest in
the improvement of the buildings in which they live
and work in exchange for security of tenure,
structural soundness, and the reconstruction of the
ruins caused by the earthquake.
The existence of al-Azhar Park could put some
entrepreneurial pressure on the area, since the conversion
of the Darassa Hills from a garbage dump into a garden
would be a great amelioration and a marketable asset. On
the other hand, if construction were strictly regulated
and building heights controlled, there would be less
incentive for speculation, since large scale construction
would, by definition, be considerably less profitable. Such
restrictions would play a positive role in the preservation
of the urban fabric and its character.
(Opposite page) The intersection of Atfet al-Fourn and
Darb Shoughlan is a community node of multiple uses.
Typically, as the late afternoon shadows fill Darb
Shoughlan, men work beside children, who use the
street for football and other games.
95
 F O R M S O F I N T E R V E N T I O N
TYPES OF INTERVENTION ACTIONS
TO BE APPLIED IN THE ASLAM MOSQUE
CRITERIA FOR INTERVENTION
Following a thorough physical and social
investigation of the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood,
enough information was gathered to determine how
best to intervene in the case of each individual building
or plot of land. Accordingly, the various types and
levels of intervention applicable to buildings in the
Aslam Mosque neighbourhood include actions that
preserve or re-establish the architectural and urban
integrity of individual buildings and the historic
fabric of the neighbourhood, as well as those that
transform the neighbourhood either by demolition
or new construction of individual buildings, groups
of structures, or urban spaces.
A view of the study area from the site of the future al-Azhar
Park, with the minaret of the Shrine of Fatma al-Nabaweya
visible in the background.
96
NEIGHBOURHOOD
Both types of action, though different,
ultimately aim to preserve the integrity of the
neighbourhood. They differ only in the scope of
intervention, ranging from the conservative to the
radical—that is, from minimal interference in the
urban fabric to the construction of completely new
structures. In general, the proposed form of
intervention applied to each building was based on
its overall condition, use, integrity, and architectural
value.
ACTIONS TO PRESERVE
Evidently, all structures and places that were identified
during the survey as being historically or
architecturally significant need to be preserved in some
form. Moreover, it has been necessary to address
buildings with little or no historic value, but which
HUSSEIN AGA KHAN
nonetheless are part of the urban fabric and cannot
realistically be demolished. With this in mind, the
following types of intervention were found to be the
most relevant to the study area, namely: preventive
maintenance and repair of elements, restoration,
rehabilitation, adaptive re-use, and reconstruction.
The first and least intrusive of the five
actions to preserve, preventive maintenance, has
been recommended for most of the modern
structures in the study area, given that the majority
97
Redevelopment has been recommended for this plot of
land, which consists of numerous makeshift structures built
out of brick, wood, and rubble.
are in relatively good condition and need only minor
repairs. But it can eventually apply to all structures
in the neighbourhood. Indeed, there are numerous
tu r n - o f - t h e - c e n t u r y b u i l d i n g s t h a t a r e
architecturally valuable but dilapidated, not having
been adequately maintained for several decades.
Although these buildings have historic value, they
are not monuments and therefore greater flexibility
is permissible when recommending repair work. In
most cases, however, the traditional buildings in
the study area will require a more radical form of
intervention; nevertheless, they will subsequently
benefit from preventive maintenance.
Unlike the modern structures and turn-of-the-
century buildings of lesser significance, buildings of
exceptional historical and architectural value should
be preserved in a form as close as possible to their
original appearance. Therefore, when working on
neighbourhood monuments, any replaced components
should be identified and marked in order to distinguish
them from the original fabric. Furthermore, the selective
removal of added elements and the replacement of
Aslam Mosque is a structure of architectural and historical
will require restoration.
missing components are often required in order to return
a monument to a physical condition in which it appeared
at a certain moment in time.
As such, restoration can be applied to all
neighbourhood structures of special architectural or
historical significance that have been altered in ways
that are considered inappropriate or harmful. In the
study area, only one such building is recommended
for restoration: the Aslam Mosque.
The majority of the neighbourhood buildings,
however, will require some form of rehabilitation, given
that in certain cases it is necessary to re-establish
their original functionality not only through repair,
but also through alteration. By introducing modern
utilities, rehabilitation will make possible the
contemporary use of these historic
buildings without substantially
altering their architectural features or
compromising their historical and
cultural significance. Meeting
sanitation or safety requirements and
introducing utilitarian improvements
are the reasons why contemporary
alterations are necessary. Not
surprisingly, rehabilitation is a form
of intervention that can be used
extensively in the Aslam Mosque
neighbourhood, since there is a need
to improve the quality of the old
building fabric for contemporary
use.
There are a few cases in the
study area where modern buildings will
require rehabilitation work, but, for
the most part, this type of intervention
applies to traditional buildings. The
results of the survey have
distinguished three degrees of
rehabilitation: strict rehabilitation,
remedial rehabilitation, and
remodelling.
The first defines actions
applicable to traditional buildings that
have retained most of their historic
importance that integrity, of which a fair number still
remain in the neighbourhood. These
98
 actions are carried out with the aim of repairing
the structure and introducing the changes
necessary for contemporary use while preserving
the structural elements and traditional features
of the buildings in question.
Survey results also indicate that a great number
of traditional buildings in the neighbourhood have
been reversibly altered with the introduction of
incongruous additions and alterations. In such cases,
remedial rehabilitation is necessary; its long-term
objective is to remove incongruous elements, carry
out necessary repairs, and introduce modern facilities,
thus re-establishing the full historic integrity and
functionality of the structures.
For those traditional buildings that have been
irreversibly altered, remodelling is required to preserve
any surviving historic elements and carry out the
transformation necessary to ensure the continued use
and economic life of the building as an alternative to
its reconstruction or even its demolition.
At times, however, adaptive re-use is often the
only economic way in which old buildings can be saved.
This applies to local buildings such as the Darb
Shoughlan School, which requires fairly radical
interventions, especially in the internal organisation of
spaces. The final objective of this type of action is that
of transforming buildings through a series of
interventions aimed at the introduction of new facilities
and uses. Generally, the best candidates for adaptive re-
use are large utilitarian buildings with flexible plans and
adaptable interior spaces, but compatible uses can be
found for almost any building worth preserving.
In the case of the vacant and rapidly
deteriorating historic buildings in the neighbourhood,
especially those in public or Awqaf ownership, an
adaptive re-use program is preferable to decay and
eventual collapse. This is particularly true where such
action introduces self-sustaining activities relevant to
the community and does not require a total disruption
of the original fabric. In this respect, the old and the

(Top) Strict rehabilitation has been recommended for this

TOP: MAHA MAAMOUN

traditional three-story building constructed circa 1910.

(Bottom) This 1930 building has been reversibly altered
with changes to the fittings and finishes. Remedial
rehabilitation will restore the full integrity and
functionality of this structure.

99

(Top) Given its close proximity to al-Azhar Park and the
historic wall, the former Darb Shoughlan School is
significant in its potential to be adaptively re-used as a
facility for residents and visitors. (Bottom) Shop entrances,
signage, modern windows, and a gunite cement finish have
completely altered this building’s late nineteenth-century
façade. It has been irreversibly altered and needs
remodelling.
100
proposed new functions must be compatible, and
attention should be given to the definition of a re-use
program that is in line with the structural and formal
character of the building in question.
The last of the actions to preserve,
reconstruction, is the most radical. It is especially
suited to the relatively large number of buildings that
collapsed during the 1992 earthquake, since it involves
the reproduction in part or in full of the form and detail
of a structure that is no longer standing intact.
Evidently, the historic accuracy of a reconstruction
depends on the nature and strength of existing
documentary and physical evidence. In practical terms,
this is possible only in the case of well-known and
fully documented buildings.
However, in the majority of the cases found in
the Aslam Mosque study area, the former
configuration of structures can only be conjectured
from the ruins of a remaining ground floor, from similar
surviving examples, or from other very limited
documentary evidence, particularly in the case of minor
residential buildings. In yet other cases, the traditional
structures are completely gone, having collapsed long
ago, and no evidence remains today. In order to
respond to these different cases, three forms of

reconstruction are identified as possible courses of
action in the study area: strict, typological, and
volumetric.
Strict reconstruction applies to situations
where there is sufficient documentation to allow for
the exact reproduction of the ruined structure in part
or in full. This type of reconstruction is especially
appropriate for monumental or religious buildings,
where no adaptive re-use is envisaged and “freezing”
their appearance is acceptable.
Typological reconstruction is possible when
documentation on individual buildings is lacking, but
there is a sufficient idea of the particular type through
analysis and historical documentation of similar
buildings to allow for partial or total reconstruction.
This form of reconstruction must be in line with the
character of a specific typological family such as the
reintegration of missing buildings among
homogeneous portions of the city fabric.
Volumetric reconstruction may be more properly
defined as the re-establishment of the massing and
scale of vanished parts of the city fabric. This applies
to cases in which no physical evidence remains, but
where the re-establishment of the scale and building
density of parts of a historic neighbourhood is
101
(Left) Through the examination of intact similar structures,
typological reconstruction can enable the re-establishment
of the missing floors of this building so that they are
sympathetic to the overall integrity of the study area.
(Right) Currently used as an informal workshop, this plot
of land will require volumetric reconstruction in order to
re-establish the massing and scale of the vanished building.
advisable. Unlike a new development, this type of
action attempts to retain and preserve the essence
and historic memory of past structures as they might
have existed.
ACTIONS TO TRANSFORM
The removal, transformation, or development of
individual buildings, groups of structures, vacant land,
and public open spaces is also a necessary step in the
revitalisation of the Aslam Mosque neighbourhood.
In particular, these types of actions may be undertaken
for the purpose of eliminating structures or portions
of structures that damage the environmental quality
and integrity of the existing urban fabric, building
entire new structures, or remodelling public open
spaces in order to improve the provision and quality
of housing, community services, and spaces in the
historic area. With this in mind, there are four types of
 actions to transform within the study area: partial
demolition, demolition without reconstruction,
redevelopment, and new development.
Given that it includes the removal of
incongruous accretions or transformations, partial
demolition is especially suited for those buildings
located in the vicinity of the historic Ayyubid wall. In
such cases, this form of intervention is recommended
for that portion of the building that is built into or on
top of the wall. It is also recommended for buildings
with an added storey; in such cases, the removal of
these storeys will not only restore building integrity,
but it will also relieve the extra stress that causes
structural damage to the lower storeys.
Structures that are harmful, obsolete,
inappropriate, and of no historical or architectural
value, on the other hand, will often require total
demolition. This can include demolition without
reconstruction, applicable to buildings that are built
on top of the wall, or demolition with redevelopment,

Demolition without reconstruction is recommended for

accretive structures built entirely on top of the wall (top), while
partial demolition is recommened for the portion of a building
that is built onto the historic Ayyubid wall (left) is sufficient.

102

applicable to the large plots of land currently occupied
by substandard non-historical housing units. In the
latter case, the demolition of these structures—usually
built of semi-permanent materials—should normally
be part of a full redevelopment program for which
detailed plans have been formulated and where the
subsequent use of the area made available is clearly
specified.
In areas such as al-Darb al-Ahmar, new
development requires the building of contemporary
structures or remodelling of public open spaces in ways
that are physically and visually compatible with the
surrounding historic context. Generally speaking, the
proposed new developments should be justifiable
based on visual, social and performance criteria.
Moreover, no substantial historic remains should be
destroyed in the process.
In cases where the objective of new
development is to re-establish the architectural and
urban integrity of vanished parts of the historic fabric,
typological or volumetric reconstruction is
appropriate. However, when the objective is the
transformation of the existing fabric, involving the
partial or total modification of the size of plots,
103
This candidate for new development has been subdivided by
more than a dozen informal housing constructions built
within the footprint of a demolished structure. A new
economically designed building on this site could improve
the standard of living for the current inhabitants.
organisation of blocks, street patterns, and the re-
design of public open spaces, urban remodelling or
substitution are more suitable forms of intervention.
In these cases, reconstruction is not a practical option
for preservation both because the traditional context
has already been completely altered and because there
is a need to introduce new functions and activities for
which traditional town planning solutions are
inadequate or insufficient (for example, where vehicular
movement is expected).
This type of radical town planning
interventions need to be planned in a coordinated
manner and require the preparation of complex urban
design and implementation programs, often involving
the public administration as the main actor. As such,
programs of urban remodelling and substitution need
to be included in the general plan as special areas
subject to detailed planning, for which a specific
technical brief needs to be formulated and approved
by the Cairo Planning Commission.
 Proposed Actions for Intervention
Preventive maintenance (30)
Restoration (1)
Rehabilitation (42)
Reconstruction (19)
Adaptive re-use (4)
Partial demolition (7)
Demolition without reconstruction (3)
Redevelopment (17)
New development (4)

104
 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O
REASONS FOR SELECTION
F ollowing a general recommendation of several
types of urban intervention for the study area,
five case studies, which are discussed in the following
pages, were chosen from among the buildings in the
neighbourhood for being representative of the various
conditions that prevail in the area. Two of them, such
as the plots selected for reconstruction (building 212)
and for new urban development (building 408), are
especially promising, since they are privately owned
and provide incentives for their respective owners to
invest in their redevelopment. Another, such as the
building needing simple remodelling (building 116),
requires much less work and a much smaller
investment, but at the same time is less enticing for
the owners to invest in its rehabilitation.
The building occupied solely by tenants
(building 444) is slightly more complicated, since it is
unlikely that the owner will be willing to spend on its
upgrading. However, it is an example of a tenure
105
T H E C A S E S T U D I E S
situation prevalent in the area, and is therefore
important to address. The house constructed adjacent
to the Ayyubid city wall (building 419) is somewhat
more controversial but crucial, since its remodelling
requires the clarification of the legal status of buildings
located in close proximity to monuments, a typical case
in the study area.
The examples selected here show various
degrees of intervention as well as different legal,
financial, and social requirements. The guidelines
for intervention attempt to match the financial
requirements for each scheme with the capabilities
and social requirements of the residents. These are
merely suggestions, not finalised architectural
solutions, and therefore subject to change and
development. In one example, two options were
presented for the same building, thereby
acknowledging numerous possibilities for urban
intervention even within the scope of one case study.
TARGET NEIGHBOURHOOD STUDY MAP
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Case Study Selections
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

y
ein
uw
l-Ge
ha
lla
da

lam
Ab

As
ret
Aslam

Ha
Ha Mosque
ret
Sa’
ad
Alla 116
h
Midan
6 Haret Aslam Aslam

a
ey
aw
ab
l-N
aa
tm
Fa

an
ghl
hou
bS
Dar

91 Darb Shoughlan 212

444
l
al

99 Darb Shoughlan
W
d
bi

63 Darb Shoughlan
yu
Ay
e
Th

408

419
17 Atfet Hozayen

106
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

CASE STUDY: STRICT REHABILITATION

OF BUILDING 116, 6 HARET ASLAM

Fact Sheets

LOCATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The building is located on the east side of Aslam

Mosque, at the beginning of Haret Aslam Alley.

Overall condition / State of Integrity

Deteriorating / Reversibly altered building

Ownership and tenure

Private and vacant

lam
t As
Aslam H are
Square

Ground floor plan with surrounding structures. The south façade of building 116, located next to
Aslam Mosque.

REASONS FOR SELECTION

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

It is important to consider the building in relation reflect poorly on the entire square and, more
to its surroundings in order to understand some of specifically, on the mosque. But this building is an
the primary reasons for its selection as a case study. exception: since it has maintained most of its
It is adjacent to Aslam Mosque on Aslam Square, historic integrity, its rehabilitation would greatly
the neighbourhood focal point. In general, most enhance the area.
other traditional buildings surrounding the square Other important factors have led to the
have been altered in ways that make it difficult to selection of this building, namely the fact that it is
ascertain their original appearance; they tend to owned and inhabited by members of one extended

107
Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

family, except for a room on the ground floor that is of numerous heirs. This arrangement dictates—
let out to a tenant. Furthermore, the residents are and in this case constrains—intervention policies,
cooperative and have an interest in maintaining their since the building must provide a division of space
property, evidenced by the replacement of the that clearly demarcates the territory of each heir. It
shutters on the upper-floor windows and the is important to deal with this type of arrangement,
periodic repainting of the interior. since it is a common one in the area.
One crucial aspect that is represented here Finally, the building represents a case of
is the subdivision of a residential structure to gradual deterioration of finishes and structural
accommodate different branches of a single elements, thus providing the opportunity to examine
family, resulting from the building changing hands the most efficient and economically viable means
through inheritance and thus becoming property of rehabilitation.

EXTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

While most of the building is of rubble finished that originally served as a water table; however,
with plaster, the lower portion of the ground floor it has been covered by several layers of plaster,
is finished with large blocks of exposed cut stone most of which have fallen away. The building
lacks a sharp corner at the junction of its east
and south façades; instead, the use of an
engaged stone column facilitates the movement
of carts and other traffic into the narrow alley
and thus prevents abrasion of the corner stonework.
On the lower storey, the necessity of
respecting the plot shape resulted in an irregular
ground plan. Upstairs, however, there was greater
flexibility in the design: the southeast corner of the
building projects over the street in order to create
more regular interior spaces. Two large support
timbers, parallel to the south façade and used to
cantilever the southeast section of the first floor,
are exposed at their ends.
Decorative exterior elements are minimal
and reduced to simple stucco bands running
above the ground-floor entrance and the second-
storey windows; the cornice is similarly
proportioned. On the ground floor, only one
window retains the original decorative iron
grillework; the others have all been modified and
are of irregular dimensions with simple wooden
frames and iron bars. On the first floor, wood-
The finishes on the lower portion of the ground floor are
panelled window shutters have replaced the
in poor condition, in part due to the rising water table. traditional lattice screens.

108
 Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

ELEVATIONS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

South elevation

East elevation

109
Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

All that remains of a projecting oriel on the first floor are these wooden beams, which were used for structural support.

A simple, concrete band decorates the entranceway. The projecting southeast corner, on timber supports.

110
 Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Newly installed windows on the first floor. An engaged stone column on the southeast corner.

Replacement windows on the ground floor. An original window with iron grilles on the ground floor.

111
Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

FLOOR PLANS INTERIOR APPEARANCE

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The interior has been altered over the years in

order to accommodate changes in family structure
and living requirements. On the ground floor,
part of the hallway has been annexed to one of
the interior rooms to form a kitchen area, and, on
the upper storey, the living area has been divided
with wooden partitions to form an extra bedroom
and a second kitchen. Furthermore, the house
has been extended to the west, above the adjacent
bakery. This has permitted the construction of a
room between the ground and first floors and
another one above it, accessible from the first-
Ground floor
floor apartment by means of a few steps.

CURRENT CONDITION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Rising damp has damaged much of the stonework

on the ground floor, and the plaster finish—applied
at a later date—is delaminating in several areas. In
addition, several of the first-floor windows are in
disrepair: the woodwork has been poorly maintained
and is beginning to rot. (Although in good
condition, newly installed windows on the first floor
are not traditional and lack proper exterior framing.)
In the interior, the condition of the building depends
Intermediate floor
on which section each owner is maintaining: the
ground floor is in poor condition while the first floor
is in good shape.

First floor

112
 Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

OCCUPANCY
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Except for a rented room on the ground floor, the kitchenette in the hallway, and her brother’s family,
building is occupied by the owners, an extended including four children, occupies three rooms. The
family consisting of two brothers, one sister, and the fifth room is locked and occasionally used by the
children of a deceased sister. heirs of the deceased sister.
On the ground floor, the tenants Om Hamid
and her son occupy the northeast room and a
bathroom, while one of the owners and his wife
occupy the inner room and an annexed bathroom Number of households: 4
and kitchen space. Another family member, who is Number of residents:
an owner but lives elsewhere, uses the corner room Ground floor 4
for storage. First floor 7
The upper level is shared among two Uninhabited rooms: 2
households: Aida occupies the corner room and a Commercial activity: 0

USE PATTERNS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Om Hamid and her son pay L.E. 2.5 monthly rent

for their ground-floor room, which has no
electrical supply. The other ground-floor
occupant, one of the sons of the deceased sister,
has annexed part of the central space to create a
private bathroom and kitchen facility for himself
and his wife (they have no children). The third
room is uninhabited and used as a space for
storage. This combination of tenants and an
absentee owner has resulted in a floor that, unlike
the one above, is poorly maintained.
Om Hamid boarded up one of the windows
on the street because it was too large and thus
violated her privacy. But given that she has
trouble walking and does not leave the house,
she benefits from being on the ground floor, as it
makes it convenient for neighbours to bring her
what she needs from nearby street vendors.
The upper storey shared by Aida and her
brother’s family houses two separate households,
each with its own budget. Consequently, cooking
and eating are done separately: Aida cooks at a Aida has a good view of Aslam Square from her large,
counter with a short, wooden partition for child first-floor window.

113
Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

safety, while her brother’s wife, Om Mish Mish, has
set up a kitchen where her bedroom used to be.
Aida has all her belongings in a room
where she entertains her visitors and eats her
meals; it happens to be the nicest room in the
building, with ample sunlight pouring in and a
view of Aslam Square. Like many rooms with a
window, the couch is placed below the window
to allow for a good view.
Om Mish Mish’s room is furnished with a sofa
set, a small television, and a coffee table. She and her
children eat their main meals there, but dinner is
always in her sons’ room in front of the big
television set (the two sons are in their early
twenties). In the evening, the youngest daughter
uses this room as a quiet study area, and, at night,
the sofa set transforms into a bed. The small television
set is conveniently placed on the wide windowsill,
and the awning outside the window provides privacy
from the neighbours across the alley.
Aida does her laundry once a week, using
an electric washing machine that she brings from

The internal organisation of the first floor, shared between two families

Om Mish Mish’s
sons’ room, used as the
family room at dinner time.
The room is slightly elevated Sofa beds
from the rest of the floor around the
because it lies above room
Stairwell and
the next-door bakery. lightwell
Aida’s
kitchen Om Mish Mish’s
kitchen was
Television previously used as
cabinet a bedroom

Bathroom

Wood partition used

to divide the space

Separate
quarters
owned by
the heirs

Sofa bed
Table
Kitchen cabinets
Television
Om Mish Mish’s
Closet cabinet placed in the
room is
windowsill
used as a study
Refrigerator area for her
Chair daughter in the
Bed evening
Sofa bed

114
 Fact sheet: Building 116, 6 Haret Aslam

Because of structural safety problems, the owners stopped raising animals on the roof, but they still use the space for
hanging their laundry.

the storage room off the stairwell and places
outside her room, in the central hallway. Om
Mish Mish washes twice a week, using three
electric washing machines that she places in a
room created by partitioning the central space.
All furniture is moved out to make room for the
machines.
The room owned by the heirs of the
deceased sister is kept locked most of the time.
However, this house, being their grandfather’s
house, is to them what is known as “beit el ‘ela,”
meaning the family house. As is the custom, and
though they live elsewhere, the heirs use this
room as a refuge during marital problems, or
during pregnancy and the few months following
the delivery. They also use it as a place to spend
an occasional weekend, especially during
religious feasts.

115
 TAR G ETE D
INTERVENTION STRATEGY FOR
BUILDING 116, 6 HARET ASLAM
USERS’ NEEDS
One of Om Mish Mish’s daughters is engaged to a
neighbour in the house opposite, but their marriage has
been postponed because the couple cannot find
affordable housing in the area. The owners considered
adding a storey to the house but were advised against it:
consulting a local contractor after the 1992 earthquake,
they were told that for structural safety reasons they
should not keep sheep and chickens on the roof.
Although they stopped raising animals altogether, they
still use the space for hanging their laundry.
Like many people in the area, the residents
maintain the inside of their house but neglect the
outside, recently painting the entire upper floor after
renovating the water pipes and plumbing in the
bathroom. In addition, Aida replaced the old
Aida and Om Mish Mish have lived in 6 Haret Aslam for over thirty years.
I NTE RVE NTI O N S
windows because, according to her, they had
expanded with moisture and were a nuisance to use,
since only the lower half was functional. She placed
new wooden windows without the lattice and
painted them bright green, a favourite colour for
interior walls and the same colour as the rest of the
interior doors. The new windows are divided into
upper and lower parts that can be operated
separately, thus giving her more control and
flexibility.
Although the ground-floor tenants would like
to have an electricity outlet, they cannot afford one.
The owners offered them a free connection, but Om
Hamid insisted on having an outlet or nothing at all.
The occupants in the southwest room could do with
more space and ventilation; the current window on
the street is consistently shut because it exposes them
116
 This building needs rehabilitation, including:
re-instatement of lattice
screens for first floor replastering of facade
windows to restore shade to protect the building
and privacy

removal of plaster
on the watertable repair of windows
masonry and, and decorative
where needed, ironwork
replacement of the
facing stone

removal of plaster
from the engaged column maintenance and
and surrounding replacement upgrading of services
of floor at and sanitary
stonework, repointing or
replacement of facing ground level installations
stone

to Aslam Square traffic. The owners of the southeast
room have not considered the potential of using it
other than as a space for storage.
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY
Construction and materials
The main concern in the rehabilitation of this structure is
the roof, which is in need of structural intervention. In
the proposed scheme, the wooden beams would be
substituted and reinforced, with a new roofing membrane
installed. The roof would thus be accessible to the
residents, providing them with a good view of the park
and the square. Tenting, made out of a decorative textile,
could be added in order to create shade.
The rest of the interior is in good condition
and needs little intervention. There is no evidence of
any other serious structural problems, nor is there any
indication of leakage in the ground- and first-floor
bathrooms.
As for the exterior, the engaged stone column
and surrounding decorative cut stone would be treated
and left exposed. The cut stone water table would be
reinstated and, like the engaged column, left exposed
(this would include removing the current layer of plaster
on this portion of the building). The remaining building
would receive a new layer of plaster.
Furthermore, the ground-floor windows would
be replaced with the traditional decorative iron grilles,
following the same pattern as the one remaining
window with iron grilles. As for the upper-floor
windows, traditional lattice screens would replace the
wooden shutters now in place. However, these new
screens would not slide up and down, as was
previously the case; instead, they would follow the
form of the shutters, with glass to keep out the cold
and dust. Not only is this type of lattice screen design
more practical, but it is also historically accurate.
Simple decorative details, such as the horizontal stucco
bands above the windows and entranceway, would
be repaired or replaced where necessary.

117
Financing options rehabilitation of this building is for them to be permitted
to build additional rooms on the roof of the house, but
The only plausible means of rehabilitating this building this is contingent upon the structural reinforcement
is by setting up a matching grants system by which of the building. It is otherwise unlikely that the owners
the project agency and the owners would contribute would be willing to contribute to the improvement of
jointly to the maintenance of the building. The greatest the building, since it is in reasonably good condition
incentive for the owners to contribute to the and most of the proposed intervention is cosmetic.

AXONOMETRIC DRAWING
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Proposed interventions
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Detail of the new

lattice screen design

Axonometric drawing showing how the building would look after implementation of the recommended interventions.

118
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

CASE STUDY: TYPOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTION

OF BUILDING 212, 99 DARB SHOUGHLAN

Fact Sheets

LOCATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building has a strategic location at the

intersection of Darb Shoughlan and Furn al-Sarrif.

Overall condition / State of Integrity

Partially ruined / Partial ruin with valuable
architectural features

Ownership and tenure

Private and vacant
lan
gh
ou
Sh
rb
Da

Fu
rn
al-
Sa
rrif

Ground floor plan with surrounding structures. The south façade of building 212, with a partial view of
Aslam Mosque in the background.

REASONS FOR SELECTION

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This structure is a good example of a partially ruined building’s prominent location on Darb Shoughlan,
building that maintains several valuable the large plot size (170 square metres), and the fact
architectural features, making it suitable for that its owners seem keen to rebuild it make it a
typological reconstruction. Although such cases suitable pilot initiative for reconstruction. Also,
are common in the study area, this one is notable the existence of many of the original stone walls
because it retains much of its ground floor. provides the opportunity to examine how much of
Moreover, some of its remaining elements, such as the structure can be preserved and whether or not
the doorway, are architecturally valuable. The the original building materials can be salvaged.

119
Fact sheet: Building 212, 99 Darb Shoughlan

EXTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Demolished by its occupants after the 1992 pilasters placed beneath Ottoman-style stone corbels.
earthquake, this structure is now in partial ruins. Wrought-iron window grilles on the ground floor have
Only the ground floor and a part of the first floor detailing that is both decorative and practical, with
remain of what was originally a traditional three- copper rosettes concealing the iron joinery. The
story building dating to the mid-nineteenth century. entrance portal projects slightly and presents a
However, the structure still retains several valuable composition of complicated arabesque panels
architectural features, among them: dressed surmounted by an elaborately carved decorative
stonework, stone corbels, windows with iron grilles, cornice. Flanking the portal are pilasters notable for
and a decorative stone portal with elaborately their Corinthian capitals.
carved detailing. As was common of nineteenth-century
Facing Darb Shoughlan, the primary façade is buildings, the upper storeys would have projected
completely of cut stone over a rubble core; the at an angle to the street. The windows of the two
secondary Furn al-Sarrif façade is a combination of upper storeys are said to have been of the latticed
the same stone facing and stucco over rubble. Both variety, typical of buildings of this type. The
façades, however, have a similar decorative treatment: structure presently houses two shoe shops, a metal
the two sides are divided into registers, separated by shop, and an electrical appliance repair shop.

The two upper floors

were demolished after
the 1992 earthquake.

West elevation

120
 Fact sheet: Building 212, 99 Darb Shoughlan

VALUABLE ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Interior archway leading into an inner courtyard. Windows with iron grilles and wood-panelled shutters.

Decorative stucco window sprandrels and lintel hoods on the first-floor windows show a strong neo-classical influence.

121
Fact sheet: Building 212, 99 Darb Shoughlan

EXISTING FLOOR PLANS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

West
elevation as
seen on page 114

Ground floor
Ground Floor Small
Planstreet stall
accretion

Darkened areas
of the walls indicate
remaining fabric.

First floor

Fi t Fl Pl
INTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The ground floor consists of a series of rooms surrounding the window frames is neo-classical in
surrounding a courtyard, which was used to style. Reports of a skylight on the uppermost storey,
entertain guests. Remains of architectural elements surmounted by a wooden dome—a feature popular
suggest a strong Ottoman influence, indicating that in Cairo since the Ottoman period—reinforces the
the building was not entirely in the European idea that this building was a transition between
tradition. This can best be seen by the treatment of Ottoman and European architecture. The house
the courtyard, where the stone facing, the flat wide had five bathrooms: one was located on the ground
arches, and the decorative mouldings are very much floor, two were on the first floor, and the remaining
in the tradition of eighteenth-century domestic two were on the second floor. Each of the upper
architecture. However, the upper storey reflects a storeys had a central living room, where daily
more European influence: the stuccowork activities would have taken place.

122
 Fact sheet: Building 212, 99 Darb Shoughlan

OCCUPANCY
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The existing partial ruins of the ground floor are Number of households: 0
temporarily occupied by two workshops (the metal Number of residents: 0
and electrical repair shops) that pay rent but have not Uninhabited rooms: 0
signed a contract with the owners. Previously, these Commercial activity: 4
workshops were located in the vicinity, in other
buildings that totally collapsed. The workshop
owners as well as the employees live in the study area
or nearby.

USE PATTERNS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The previous occupants of the building, including basis. His family has several properties plots
one of the owners, have been given apartments by away: his sister and her children live in the
the government in al-Nahda, near al-Salam City, or in house at the end of the adjacent cul-de-sac,
al-Mokkattam. The aforementioned owner is a his brother lives nearby, and his nephew owns
carpenter who rents a workshop across the street, and runs the coffeeshop across the street.
and, although his workshop is not active, he is seen Judging from their clothes and the women’s
sitting outside the corner grocery store on a daily jewellery, they seem quite an affluent family.

123
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

INTERVENTION STRATEGY FOR

BUILDING 212, 99 DARB SHOUGHLAN

USERS’ NEEDS construction costs. Renting out workshop space in

the ground level would help as well.
When the owners were asked what they would prefer Following the interior subdivision of the building,
to do with their plot, the carpenter expressed his wish, the plot allows for 150 square metres of apartment space
as well as that of other family members, to reconstruct on a typical floor. This could be divided into three fifty-
the former building and use it as a residence. Building square-metre apartments or two larger apartments. In
cost and apartment size were discussed, and it seemed particular, the owners are interested in living in an
that the most appropriate would be for the owners to apartment size of around seventy square metres; the
occupy half the building, renting out the other half carpenter currently pays L.E. 50 monthly rent for a fifty-
and charging advance money to cover part of the seven-square-metre apartment.
One prospective tenant
for this building rents the
workshop across the
alleyway from the plot. This
young carpenter, whose
family owns and resides in
two buildings in the study
area, currently lives in
informal housing at
Basateen. When he married,
there was no room for him in
his family’s properties,
which are fully occupied by
the owners and tenants. His
wife’s family, who used to be
his parents’ next-door
neighbours, lost their home
during the earthquake and
were offered replacement
housing in al-Salam City. He
pays L.E. 80 monthly rent for
his current apartment of
sixty-five square metres. It

The partial ruins of building 212

as seen from above, with a
portion of the Ayyubid city wall
visible in the background.

124
 Typological reconstruction of building 212 should include:

Reconstruction of Removal of trash

the upper floors and rubble from the site

Conservation treatment
to iron grilles

Structural documentation and

analysis of the existing
ground-floor fabric to see Application of a new layer of
if it can be reconstituted into plaster to protect masonry
the new building

Replacement of structural
Stabilisation and elements and
conservation treatments repair of stonework
of the existing building fabric Reinstatement of sewage
and water facilities

cost him L.E. 6,500 advance money and another L.E.
6,000 for floor finishing, bathroom fixtures, windows
and doors, and to obtain water and electricity. He
would like to come back to the area for many reasons:
particularly, to live on this plot because it is close
to his work. He is willing, even eager, to pay as
much as L.E. 20,000 advance money and L.E. 150
monthly rent for seventy square metres. A couple
of years ago, two of his brothers paid similar amounts
in modern buildings in nearby Megharbeleen. He will
get more than half of this advance money from leaving
his current apartment in Basateen. He thinks his
brother who took the apartment next door to him would
desire the same.
RECOMMENDED INTERVENTIONS
Typological reconstruction is recommended for this
building, given the fact that it is in partial ruins and little
evidence remains of its original appearance. Occupying
a large site with high visibility, it can serve as a model
reconstruction, designed to fit within the historic context
and character of the study area. Essential for this type of
reconstruction is the analysis of existing buildings with

125
similar typologies in surrounding areas of al-Darb al-
Ahmar, and, if available, oral history and documentary
evidence. Features such as building height, scale, volume,
and decorative fittings are to be considered when
planning the replacement structure so that it is
sympathetic to the context in which it will be
reconstructed. Additionally, the proposed reconstruction
scheme must attempt to retain remaining architectural
elements, whenever their condition permits.
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY
Construction and materials
In order to reconstruct building 212 typologically,
construction technology and materials should
remain traditional. Not only would this maintain
the historic integrity of the area, but it would also
be a good way of creating work for local craftsmen
and encourage them to continue with traditional
craftsmanship. Furthermore, this building can be
(Right) Whole sections of deteriorating plaster have fallen
off around the entranceway, revealing the intricate stone
carving. (Below) Vacant sections within the building have
been filled with rubble and trash from a metal workshop.
126
built with low-cost materials to make it affordable
for the owner. Materials such as brick, wood, metal,
and stone can come from nearby, and, whenever
possible, materials can be re-used, either from the
building itself or from around the area.
A large portion of the stonework on the ground
floor is in very poor condition and most likely will
have to be replaced. If stone were to be used for
reconstruction, Nubian sandstone would be a good
alternative: the rise in the water table is a major concern
and this particular type of sandstone resists moisture
better than limestone. (Concrete footings can be used
for the foundations, since these resist moisture and
keep water away from the walls.) Brick can be used for
the upper floors; it is a low-cost and recyclable
material, and, moreover, it can be made on site, given
that the soil for making the bricks can come from the
nearby Darassa Hills. (Ideally, these bricks would be
made with soil, sand, and 4% cement.) Also, these bricks
need not be burnt, thus minimising labour. The upper
floors would be finished with a simple layer of plaster.
 Although the roofing and flooring could be
made out of wood, this would be impractical because
wood does not resist moisture. Another option is
concrete, but it is an expensive material and not eco-
friendly. Steel beams, placed in intervals of
approximately one metre with brick vaulting in
between, is a cheaper construction method. (This
method has been used in some parts of the former
Darb Shoughlan School.)
The traditional lattice screens can be used for
the first- and second-floor windows. As regards
materials, palm wood is a good alternative for the lattice
screens: not only is it two thirds the price of ordinary
wood, but it is also easy to work. Simple horizontal
bands would be placed above each of the windows.
The decorative stone portal, one of the most
interesting architectural features of the house, as well
as the iron window grilles, would be repaired and re-
used. The existing walls, however, are in poor condition
and most likely will have to be rebuilt.
As for the interior, the layout would follow the
same internal organisation of the existing walls. The
ground floor would have two workshops facing Darb
Shoughlan, which would have as entrances the large,
slated metal doors typical of the area. Two apartments
would occupy this floor: a smaller one including a
bedroom, a living area, a kitchen, and a bathroom, and
a larger one including two bedrooms, a living area, a
kitchen, and a bathroom. All rooms would be lit and
ventilated by courtyards or smaller lightwells located
throughout the building. The proposed scheme for
the two upper floors are similar in plan, each with two
apartments. The larger apartment would occupy the
127
front portion of the building, with four bedrooms (all
facing Darb Shoughlan), two living areas, two
kitchens, and two bathrooms. Located at the rear of
the building, the smaller apartment would have two
bedrooms, a living area, and a kitchen.
Financing options
The fact that the current owners claim to be willing to
invest in the property, which was demolished after the
1992 earthquake, is an indicator that a realistic
reconstruction scheme can be undertaken here. The
large size of the plot makes it potentially lucrative for
redevelopment, since there is much greater likelihood
of the project being financially profitable.
Perhaps the simplest method of financing the
rebuilding of the property is by means of the
advance payment method in which prospective
tenants would pay the owner advance money with
which he could finance the building. Given that the
number of apartments that can be constructed is
potentially large, and that several workshops can
be built on the ground floor, the money collected
from prospective tenants should be sufficient to
allow him to redevelop the site.
However, there needs to be strict control over
the building design to ensure that the final result is
architecturally acceptable and preserves as much
of the remaining stonework as possible. The
reconstruction of this building could also be
undertaken with the project agency administrating
the transactions between the owners and the
possible tenants.
AXONOMETRIC AND PLANS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Proposed intervention for Case Study 212
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

ound Floor Plan pical Floor Plan

Ground floor Typical floor

(Above) The two uppermost floors were

demolished and only the ground floor
remains. (Left) The proposed intervention
scheme includes the reconstruction of two
floors, with several lightwells to provide
light and ventilation for the entire
building.

128
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

CASE STUDY: NEW DEVELOPMENT

OF BUILDING 408, 63 DARB SHOUGHLAN

Fact Sheets

LOCATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is located on the study area’s

major thoroughfare, Darb Shoughlan, near
Atfet Hozayen.

Overall condition / State of Integrity

Total ruin / Total ruin

Ownership and tenure

Private and owner-occupied

Atfe
tH
o zay
en
an
ghl
hou
bS
Dar

Ground floor plan with surrounding structures. The total ruins of building 408 as seen from Darb
Shoughlan.

REASONS FOR SELECTION

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

New constructions have the most profound impact historic cities. (In this case, part of the outer shell
on historic areas, and, if left unchecked, often result of the original building still stands; however, what
in structures of negligible architectural value that is left is minimal and in poor condition, and therefore
destroy the character of a neighbourhood. For this not worth preserving.)
reason, it was crucial to select a vacant plot of land The plot selected here is located on Darb
as a case study, thereby in effect acknowledging Shoughlan, the area’s main thoroughfare, and, like
new construction as an inevitable but not most plots in the area, it is small in size, irregular in
necessarily negative aspect of development in shape, and surrounded by buildings on three sides.

129
Fact sheet: Building 408, 63 Darb Shoughlan

Thus, while its redesign may present an architectural to examine the means of constructing modern
challenge, it is an accurate reflection of the urban buildings that are in line with contemporary building
conditions and constraints that prevail in much of standards and at the same time compatible with their
the study area. Hence, it provides the opportunity historic setting.

EXTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This structure collapsed during the 1992 earthquake,

and all that remains of what was originally a three-
storey building is the ground-floor portion of the
front façade, which consists of a rubble core
finished with a cut stone veneer—dressed blocks
that are approximately thirty centimetres in height
and of random length. The original entrance portal,
presently blocked with a cement infill, projects
slightly and is framed by simple pilasters of cut
stone. A wooden beam, probably the old support
between the door and transom, separates the infill.
Traces of gunite cement can be found on the lower
half of the façade, especially in the area surrounding
the entrance portal.
The ground floor also contains a large
commercial entrance. Physical evidence suggests
that this entrance originally had vertical folding
doors divided into two sections, each section
hinged into two halves—a design that can still be
found in a few other traditional buildings in the
area. Although a remaining wooden lintel—
previously used as part of the frame—can still be
found inserted into the stonework, a plain, two-leaf In the proposed scheme, the original shop entrance will
metal door has replaced the original folding doors. be reinstated, replacing the one viewed above.

130
 Fact sheet: Building 408, 63 Darb Shoughlan

INTERIOR APPEARANCE EXISTING FLOOR PLAN

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Little remains of the interior beyond portions of the

rubble walls, which are currently covered with a Workspace and storage
Original for furniture frames
layer of plaster. Since this structure is not enclosed,
entrance portal,
a roof-like covering of canvas provides shade and now blocked
protection.
At present, a wood staining workshop
operates inside this ruined building. A large
portion of the interior is used as storage space
for furniture frames and materials, and, located
to the right of the entranceway, a small enclosure
constructed out of brick and rubble is used for
additional storage and tending animals.

CURRENT CONDITION A small brick and

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rubble shed used
for storage and
Overall, although the structure still retains a portion tending animals
of its ground floor, it is in poor condition and there
is little that is actually worth preserving.

OCCUPANCY
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This plot was bought a few years back by a Number of households: 0

motorcycle mechanic who lives in his parents’ Number of residents: 0
house two alleyways away. The mechanic rents Uninhabited rooms: 0
the front section facing Darb Shoughlan to his Commercial activity: 4
younger brother, who uses the space to stain the
woodframes of furniture made in the area.

USE PATTERNS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Part of the plot is filled with rubble, and, like other time because it is more convenient. His business
ruins in the area, it is used to discard workshop seems to be doing well: several employees are
trash. The younger brother who runs the wood seen working continuously, and unfinished
staining workshop has lived in government furniture frames fill the structure’s interior and
housing in Moqattam since the earthquake, but spill out into the street. Previously, he used to
he frequently stays at his mother-in-law’s work in the alleyway in front of his parents’
house—located in the area—for long periods of house.

131
 TAR G ETE D
INTERVENTION STRATEGY FOR
BUILDING 408, 63 DARB SHOUGHLAN
USERS’ NEEDS
The landowner and his two brothers are interested in
building and living on this plot of land and claim they
can afford the building expenses without having to
rent out any units, although the landowner has
promised a nearby vendor a lodging on this plot if it is
ever built. With perhaps one tenant renting the smaller
ground-floor apartment, the existing workshop will
remain in the front portion of the building, occupying
two rooms overlooking Darb Shoughlan. Each brother
is interested in having an entire floor of approximately
seventy square metres. The two older brothers have
three daughters each, and the youngest, who currently
Exterior view of the remaining ground floor. The original
entrance, now blocked, is to the right of the shop entrance.
I NTE RVE NTI O N S
rents the workshop, has a three-month-old baby girl.
(Because they are girls one needs more space, the
elder explained.)
RECOMMENDED INTERVENTIONS
Intervention for this building includes
reconstruction through the establishment of the
massing of the vanished structure. The plot area is
about eighty square metres and has only one
elevation, which faces Darb Shoughlan; therefore,
the creation of a backyard will provide lighting and
ventilation for the entire house.
In the proposed scheme, the building will
consist of three floors, each containing one
apartment of about seventy square metres. By
making it accessible to the residents, the roof can
132

be used for their daily activities such as hanging
laundry.
As is typical of the area, the proposed scheme
would retain the commercial use on the ground floor,
with the two front rooms, which overlook the major
thoroughfare, Darb Shoughlan, reserved for workshop
space. Towards the rear of the building, a small
apartment of about forty square metres would access
the backyard, which is to be maintained by the owners.
Smaller than the upper-storey apartments, this
apartment would have a living room, two bedrooms, a
bathroom, and a kitchenette. Both the bathroom and
kitchenette would be located next to the two lightwells,
thus receiving adequate lighting and ventilation. Each
of the upper floors would have one large apartment
containing a living room, a semi-open kitchenette, an
enclosed bathroom, and three rooms, one overlooking
Darb Shoughlan and the other two the backyard.
Although the proposed elevation follows
traditional conventions, it is simpler and has fewer
details. The windows will be large in size and their
proportions similar to those of turn-of-the-century
buildings found in the neighbourhood. The portal
and workshop entrances are to be plainer versions of
what would have been there originally: stonework will
not be used and the detailing of the ironwork on the
133
This total ruin is presently occupied by a carpentry shop.
Shop workers (above left) store their products on Darb
Shoughlan during the day to provide more workspace
in the shop’s interior (above right). At night, materials
are placed back inside the building.
ground floor will be contemporary. Half of the façade
would project over Darb Shoughlan in order to provide
more living space for the upper-storey apartments.
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY
Financing options
Each of the three brothers will pay for the construction
of his apartment, and the one who owns the land will
either collect rent from his two brothers or convince one
or both of them to buy part of the land from him.
The owner of this plot of land is willing to build
the plot at his own expense. Ideally, he would like to
construct a four-storey building with a workshop and
perhaps a small apartment on the ground floor and a
large apartment on each of the three upper floors. In
addition, he would like the apartment building to be limited
solely to his immediate family—that is, to his brothers. It
is understood that the two brothers who do not own the
land would either each buy a share in the property or
make a more substantial investment into its construction.
NEW PLANS AND ELEVATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Proposed interventions for case study 408
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Ground floor Typical upper floor

Axonometric view from the southwest Street view

134
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

CASE STUDY: PARTIAL DEMOLITION

OF BUILDING 419, 17 ATFET HOZAYEN

Fact Sheets

LOCATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is located next to the Ayyubid city

wall, at the end of a long and narrow alley named
Atfet Hozayen.

Overall condition / State of Integrity

Deteriorating / Reversibly altered building with an
incompatible vertical addition.

Ownership and tenure

Private and owner-occupied
Atfe
t Ho
z ayen

The
Ayyubid
wall

Ground floor plan with surrounding structures. Building 419 is built against and, on the first and
second floors, merges into the historic city wall.

REASONS FOR SELECTION

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building was selected largely because it is an this one, a symbiotic relationship between the
example of the numerous structures constructed wall and neighbouring houses can be established.
alongside and extended into or onto the Ayyubid This would ensure that the wall is not subjected
wall. In order to preserve the historic wall from to unnecessary damage, while at the same time
further deterioration, it is important to remove any minimising social disruption to the inhabitants
accretions and relocate all water sources as far away of the area.
from the wall as possible. By preventing the water This building is especially important because
leakage currently emanating from houses such as its inhabitants have built a bathroom on top of the

135
Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

wall, and therefore the damage to the wall is the large-scale demolition of the structures
two-fold. Furthermore, the building size is adjacent to it.
extremely small, making it much more The building is currently owner-occupied,
challenging to find an alternative location for and, given that its residents are fully aware of the
the bathroom located on the ramparts. Finding violations that they have committed vis-a-vis the
a suitable design solution for a building as Ayyubid wall, the owners are willing to accept
unaccommodating as this one is an indicator alterations to their home as a compromise to prevent
that the Ayyubid wall can be preserved without the demolition of the entire structure.

EXTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Three storeys in height and of masonry the ground floor has a cut stone finish, now covered
construction, the building is flanked by the Ayyubid by successive layers of paint, which also suggests
wall to the east and by a neighbouring structure to an earlier construction date. The existing door,
the west. Its sole façade provides evidence that it however, which is of corrugated iron, is probably a
was constructed in several stages: a simple stone very recent addition.
moulding separating the ground and first floors The first floor appears to be constructed
indicates that the lower portion of the building most later than the ground floor. The projecting oriel is
likely dates to the turn of the century. In addition, typical of the area, and, although this example is

Second-storey
bathroom

Addition

The historic wall

The future
al-Azhar Park

Atfet Hozayen

Northeast elevation and section through the adjoining Ayyubid wall.

136
 Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

not particularly significant, it is in keeping with the EXISTING FLOOR PLANS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

architectural conventions of the neighbourhood.

As for the uppermost storey, this was constructed
recently, and is built of exposed brick. Since this
floor is higher than the level of the adjacent Ayyubid
wall, the residents have easy access to the wall and
use its ramparts as a place to hang their washing.

all
They have built a small, makeshift bathroom atop

W
bid
the wall, which, like the rest of the second storey, is

yu
made of brick. The window overlooking the

Ay
e
alleyway is made of plywood on the uppermost floor,

Th
unlike those of the lower floors, which have wooden
shutters.

Ground floor
INTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The ground floor consists of two rooms separated

by a staircase, under which the bathroom is located.
The southern room has no windows and is therefore
poorly lit and not ventilated. Each of the upper
floors has two rooms, and, unlike that of the ground
floor, the southern room of both these floors has a
small window in the rear of the building. The first-
floor bathroom is located between the two rooms, Small bathroom
built partially
in front of the staircase and built partially into the in the wall
historic wall. The second-floor bathroom is located
outside the structure, on top of the wall. Overall,
First floor
given that this building has small windows and no
lightwells, it is badly lit and poorly ventilated.

CURRENT CONDITION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The first two floors have been finished with gunite

cement, and the brickwork on the upper floor has
been left unfinished. In particular, the plasterwork
on the ground floor, especially along the lower half,
is in poor condition, in large part due to the rising Small bathroom
built on top of
damp. The woodwork of the oriel and windows is the wall
in fair condition, and the brickwork on the upper
storey is in need of repointing and repair.
Second floor

137
Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The first-floor oriel projecting from the front façade rests on roughly-cut, wooden beams.

Building 419 relies on the adjacent Ayyubid city wall for Local residents use the end of the cul-de-sac for various
structural support. household activities such as hanging their laundry.

138
 Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The ramparts of the Ayyubid wall have been considered as an extension to the cramped residential units that are
located in the vicinity.

The second-storey brick addition can be seen above a The ground floor contains a vertically proportioned
small wooden window on the first floor. window centered directly below the first-floor oriel.

139
Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

OCCUPANCY
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is occupied by its owners, originally son and his family occupy the second floor, which
a nuclear family consisting of a couple and their six was added at a later stage and consists of two rooms
boys. Currently, only the elderly mother and three and a bathroom built out of wood and located
of her sons—who are all married—live there, with outside the house, on top of the Ayyubid wall.
each son and his family on a separate floor. The
mother shares the ground floor with her youngest Number of households: 4
son and his family: she occupies the front room Number of residents:
while the son lives with his wife and their two Ground floor 5
children in the inner room (all five share the toilet First floor 6
on this floor). Another son, together with his wife Second floor 3
and their four young children, occupy the first floor, Non inhabited rooms: 0
which consists of two rooms and a toilet. The third Commercial activity: 0

USE PATTERNS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The plot size is one of the smallest in the area, in the area. On the upper levels, the inner rooms
around twenty square metres. In this family house, lack natural lighting and are ventilated through a
each household has its own private toilet, which is small window overlooking the stairwell. That may
a luxury compared to other extended-family houses explain why both families spend most of their time
in the front rooms, which, in addition to having
better lighting, are where the television sets are
placed.
Cooking takes place on the landing in the
two upper levels and in the entrance hallway on
the ground level. Since the house does not have
water connections inside, water is carried in
(using containers or a garden hose) from a tap in
the exterior wall of the house to use for cooking,
bathing, cleaning, and flushing the toilet. The
washing of clothes takes place outside, in the
small space in front of the house, which is a
visually protected area at the end of the alleyway.
The family members hang their laundry on top of
the historic Ayyubid wall, which can be accessed
from the second storey. But, unlike other houses
in the area, they do not have access to their own
roof.

As evidenced by the hose in the foreground, residents get

water for washing clothes and other chores from the street.

140
 Fact sheet: Building 419, 17 Atfet Hozayen

The internal organisation of the ground and second floors,

shared between the extended family of Om Yousef

Entrance
Television
Table
Cabinet
Om Yousef’s
quarters Beds

Staircase without
a handrail, and with a Cooking
bathroom located area
underneath

The
Beds historic wall

Youngest son,
his wife
Ground floor andtwo
children

Sofa

Television
cabinet
Another son,
his wife and Cabinet
Beds
two children
occupy the Bathroom
second floor accessed
from the
wall rampart
Cooking
area

Exterior stairs
leading to the
Beds wall rampart

The
historic wall
Second floor
Chairs

141
 TAR G ETE D
INTERVENTION STRATEGY FOR
BUILDING 419, 17 ATFET HOZAYEN
USERS’ NEEDS
This house is attached to the historic Ayyubid wall with
one bathroom built on its ramparts. Both this bathroom
as well as the one on the first floor have to be removed
because they are too close to the wall.
(Below left) Building 419 lies at the end of Atfet Hozayen,
a narrow alley that has a number of structures with projecting
floors, oriels, and balconies. These physical features of the site
give the alley a sense of intimacy and privacy that few other
areas in the study area still maintain. (Below right) This
semi-private domain of the alley allows the residents of
building 419 to use their street frontage for a variety
of domestic chores as well as a social gathering place.
I NTE RVE NTI O N S
In order to be allowed to stay in their current
home, the owners are willing to do the necessary
modifications to relocate all of the toilets in the
house and create a ventilation shaft at the expense
of room space, despite the fact that two of those
toilets have been renovated with modern ceramic
tiles and new plumbing has recently been installed.
Furthermore, the owners have put in new tile floors
along the ground-floor hallway and in the cul-de-
sac in front of the whole building. However, they
cannot afford the L.E. 2,500 required to get city water
into the house and request its payment in
installments of L.E. 500 a month.
142
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY
Construction and materials
Rehabilitation of building 419 requires the relocation of
two of the three bathrooms. On the first floor, the
bathroom is nearly inside the wall, and on the second
floor, it has been built on top of the wall. The latter is
only accessible by going out of the house and walking
on the wall itself. (The bathroom on the ground floor
does not pose a problem, as it is located under the
staircase, far from the historic wall.)
The main concern is therefore to provide the
two uppermost floors with bathrooms located away
from the historic wall. In the proposed scheme, the
northern first-floor room would be provided with a
bathroom, lit and ventilated by an added lightwell
passing through all the floors of the building and
accessible from the staircase on the ground floor
(which can be used for checking plumbing and other
maintenance). The existing bathroom will be
removed in order to repair this section of the wall,
and, to make up for lost space, a cantilever would
be used to add to the area of the room to be nearly
its current size. Since this new addition will be
adjacent to the wall, a space of fifteen centimetres
is to be left between the addition and the wall in
order to protect the wall’s facing stone. The same
technique will be used on the second floor: a
bathroom will be added and ventilated by the
lightwell in the same room. The cantilever will
continue from the first floor, adding more space to
the second floor.
The removal of all structures from the wall is
recommended, especially the second-floor
bathroom on top of the wall, and the access from
the house to the wall (where they currently hang
their laundry to dry) will be limited by closing up
the existing door. This door, which currently leads
to the wall, will be replaced with windows in the
lobby and in the two rooms that overlook the future
al-Azhar Park, thus providing a good view. Since
the residents will no longer be able to hang their
laundry on the wall, access will be provided onto
the roof of their house, where they can hang their
laundry without damaging the historic wall.
143
Two lightwells are to be provided: the smaller
one, located towards the front of the building, provides
ventilation for the bathrooms and, on the ground floor,
an outlet for checking the plumbing system. Located
towards the rear of the building, the larger lightwell
will provide the southern rooms with light and
ventilation.
On the exterior, the oriel is to be removed to allow
the two upper floors to cantilever, therefore providing
more space. The entire façade is to be plastered, except
for the water table, which is to be left exposed (it is
currently plastered). The facing stone is in relatively
good condition, needing only repair work. The simple
horizontal band underneath the first-floor window is to
be repaired and plastered.
All windows will be replaced with simple, four-
light sash windows with wooden moulding; one on
the ground floor and two on each of the upper floors.
Financing Options
Given that this building is privately owned and requires
remodelling in order to remove the threat that it
currently poses to the Ayyubid wall, the best means
of financing its rehabilitation is by a matching grant or
low interest loan system. The owners’ precarious
situation vis-a-vis the antiquities department should
make them willing to invest as much as they can in
order to preserve their house; however, their financial
means are limited, and for this reason financial
assistance is necessary.
FLOOR PLANS AND AXONOMETRIC DRAWING
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Proposed interventions
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

ll

ll

ll
Wa

Wa

Wa
bid

bid

bid
yu

yu

yu
Ay

Ay

Ay
e

e
Th

Th

Th
Ground floor First floor Second floor

The Ayyubid wall

The current condition and appearance

of building 419.

At
fet
Ho
za
ye
n

Axonometric drawing showing the building’s appearance after

implementation of the recommended interventions.

144
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

CASE STUDY: STRICT RECONSTRUCTION

OF BUILDING 444, 91 DARB SHOUGHLAN

Fact Sheets

LOCATION
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is located midway along a block

on Darb Shoughlan, between Furn al-Sarrif
and Zuqaq Aybak.

Overall condition / State of Integrity

Deteriorating / Reversibly altered building
with an incompatible loss of a floor

Ownership and tenure

Private and tenant-occupied
lan
gh
ou
Sh
rb
Da

Ground floor plan with surrounding structures. Exterior view of building 444, with the coffeeshop in the
foreground.

REASONS FOR SELECTION

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is notable for its valuable architectural architectural detailing. Furthermore, the total
features, its prominent location on Darb Shoughlan, demolition of the uppermost storey and the partial
and the fact that it houses one of the study area’s demolition of the second storey has meant that the
three coffeeshops, making it a neighbourhood building has been reversibly altered and has lost
meeting place. Unfortunately, the extensive some of its historic integrity.
remodelling of the lower portion of the façade and Although the building is occupied by
the addition of two rooms on the ground floor have tenants, both the coffeeshop owner and the first-
been at the expense of the building’s original floor residents have maintained their share of the

145
Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

property; the residents on the ground floor, however, whose owner (a tenant) has already demonstrated a
are financially unable to do so, hence a startling willingness to invest in the remodelling of the property,
discrepancy exists between the condition of the perhaps allows for the potential of rehabilitating the
residential areas on the upper and lower storeys. As building with his assistance.
such, the building provides the opportunity to An important possibility to examine is the
examine the feasibility of intervening in buildings that reconstruction of the uppermost floors, although
are valuable but not occupied by the owners, and this must first be studied on structural grounds; if
who therefore have very little incentive to maintain possible, this would provide an incentive for the
them. In this case, the existence of the coffeeshop, building owner to invest in the property.

EXTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The ground-floor walls are of a rubble core covered the entrance consists of an arched doorway flanked
by a layer of finished stone. Unfortunately, a large by pilasters. Both the door and the transom are
portion of the Darb Shoughlan façade has recently missing, but it is likely that they resembled those of
been covered with an inappropriate stone facing, other buildings in the neighbourhood. A wooden
which has been applied indiscriminately and blocks canopy has been added above the coffeeshop, which
part of the main entrance. As is typical of the area, occupies the street-front portion of the ground floor.

West elevation facing Darb Shoughlan

146
 Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

The building’s upper storeys are built of

brick with a plaster finish. Although it was originally
four storeys high, the two uppermost storeys were
demolished after the 1992 earthquake. The lower Recent decorative
portion of the second-storey walls, however, are Original stone veneer
bearing wall
still intact, and the remaining plaster details indicate behind the
that the ornamentation was simpler here than that venneer
of the first floor.
A strong neo-classical influence is found
on the façade, which is divided into registers by
means of stucco pilasters, with a cornice
separating the floors. Overall, the building
reflects a greater level of architectural detail and
expense than most of the surrounding residences.
This can be seen by the plasterwork, which,
though simple, is quite fine.
The windows are of the traditional vertical
type, framed by plaster mouldings flanked by small Brick structure support
pilasters. These include classical floral capitals that wall for the veneer
extends into the
support projecting lintels. The windows themselves
residential entrance
are divided into a trifold configuration of folding
frames: one section collapses singularly while the
The owner of the coffeeshop has remodelled his business
other side folds back as two sections upon by adding a decorative stone veneer over the original
themselves. masonry, typical of other coffeeshops located nearby.

INTERIOR APPEARANCE
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The main entrance leads to a vestibule that is

partially blocked by a small storage space serving
the coffeeshop, and the vestibule leads to a small
courtyard by means of an archway containing a
stained glass transom in a radial design.
The ground floor consists of two large
rooms and a bathroom; an additional room has been
constructed in the courtyard, and the space under
the staircase has been converted into a sleeping
area for one of the tenants. A large lightwell
provides light and ventilation. On the first floor,
two large rooms are placed at the front of the
building, while two smaller rooms are located
towards the rear. A small bathroom and kitchenette
are to the right of the staircase. A transom partially hidden by an added storage room.

147
Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

CURRENT CONDITION EXISTING FLOOR PLANS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The building has suffered damage from the 1992

earthquake and from contemporary alterations that
have compromised its overall appearance.
Although it was initially a four-storey building, the
two uppermost storeys had to be demolished after
the earthquake in order to prevent the entire
structure from collapsing.
Two rooms have been added on the ground
floor: one, serving as a storage area for the
coffeeshop, has been built in the vestibule, blocking
part of the entranceway, while the second, a brick
Ground Floor Plan
room, has been built in the courtyard. Except for
the coffeeshop, the condition of the entire ground Ground floor
floor is poor, especially the bathroom and the area
around it. The room beside the staircase is in
especially poor condition, with leaking pipes from
the upper floor causing water to trickle through the
ceiling. The staircase itself is dilapidated and, like
other examples in the area, the stone treaders are
considerably worn.
The upper floor is much better maintained:
most of the rooms have recently been painted and
the tilework in the utility areas is in relatively good
condition. However, the water leakage mentioned
previously indicates that the building has First Floor Plan
infrastructure problems.
First floor

Roof Plan

Second floor

148
 Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

The original entrance features a decorative arched stone An open courtyard beyond the entrance allows light and
portal partially hidden by a later stone facing. air into the interior commercial and residential units.

The owner of the coffeeshop added the decorative stone The coffeeshop uses the space directly in front of its
veneer seen above in order to attract more business. entrance for additional seating.

149
Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

EXTERIOR ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Given that the second floor was damaged during the 1992 earthquake and left unstable, the roof was removed and
the walls truncated.

The classicaly-inspired pilasters divide the façade into As is typical of the area, the windows are large in size
a series of registers. and placed at regular intervals along the façade.

150
 Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan

OCCUPANCY
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

This building is occupied solely by tenants, which woman’s elderly mother. They also rent the small
explains the lack of maintenance in some of the space under the staircase. A young man inhabits
residential quarters. The street front on the the third room (he shared this room with his mother,
ground floor is rented out as a coffeeshop, whose who recently passed away). Both households
owner has spent a substantial amount of money share the use of the toilet.
on embellishing its appearance. He has also The first floor, a large apartment consisting
annexed part of the building entrance hallway and of four rooms, is inhabited by one extended family.
uses it for storage.
The remaining ground floor consists of three Number of households: 5
rooms, a toilet, a courtyard, and a small space under Number of residents:
the staircase. A tailor rents the front room and Ground floor 8
uses it for his business, and beside that is a room First floor 11
inhabited by a family of seven: a couple, their four Non inhabited rooms: 0
children (three boys and a baby girl), and the Commercial activity: 2

USE PATTERNS
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

On the ground floor, the young man who lives alone reason is two-fold: first, the rent contract was in
in the central room does not work and, presumably, the woman’s father’s name, and her brothers wanted
does not pay any rent. The other ground-floor a share after their father’s death. By renting this
residents—who live in the back room—perform all space in her name, the woman could also have an
their activities inside that room, except for washing electric metre in her name, which would guarantee
their clothes, which takes place closer to the tap by her staying despite her brother’s attempts to vacate
the toilet. her and her family. The second reason was for the
This latter room is located in the southeast privacy of the married couple. For years, they slept
corner of the building, and it is occupied by an under the staircase on a mattress on the floor, but
invalid with serious health problems, who does not when her father died, and the staircase mortar
leave the room very often. His wife is an employee crumbled too often, they moved back into the main
in a medical centre downtown, and their son of room and used this space to protect their refrigerator,
sixteen works in a carpentry workshop nearby. The as well as to store a bicycle and some other
father tried to contribute to the family income by belongings.
working at home (by gluing soles onto slippers), Since the ceiling has a bad leak, every time
but there was no floor space in the room to spread the upstairs neighbours wash their floor, they have
the slippers out long enough to dry, so he stopped. to inform the ground-floor residents to allow them
The three females sleep on one double bed, the to remove their television from its threatened spot.
father and the sixteen-year-old son on another, and The woman claims that water dripping from the
the two younger boys sleep under the beds. ceiling cost her a refrigerator once before. Cooking
Although they pay only L.E. 2.5 monthly takes place on a counter top close to the door, and
rent for this room, they pay more (L.E. 10 monthly the family eats sitting on the plastic mat covering
rent) for a smaller space under the staircase. The the centre of the room. The portable eating table,

151
Fact sheet: Building 444, 91 Darb Shoughlan
the “tableyya,” is a feature in almost every house in
the area. Given the nature of both the tailor’s and
coffeeshop’s businesses, the courtyard lacks the
privacy level necessary for it to be appropriated by
the residents. There is absolutely no sign of territorial
behavior, as is common in other shared courtyards.
The first floor consists of one large
apartment with four rooms, rented three years ago
to a family whose house collapsed not far from the
study area. The father works selling clothes in a
nearby store. He and his wife have four daughters
and three sons; two of the daughters have married
152
but continue to live with them, with each couple
occupying a single room. Another room is occupied
by the parents, while the fourth room is occupied
by the rest of the children. Because the newly-
weds are entitled to a private space, the
unconventional arrangement of having the two
unmarried girls and their three younger brothers all
sleep in one room is a forced one. It also seems that
the parents’ privacy is more important than a
separation between the boys and the girls. Each of
the newly formed households cook in their own
room, reflecting the separation in budgets.
 TAR G ETE D I NTE RVE NTI O N S

INTERVENTION STRATEGY FOR

BUILDING 444, 91 DARB SHOUGHLAN

USERS’ NEEDS the upper storey, would be created in the present entrance
of the main bedroom, and the existing bathroom would
Although they are also concerned about the safety of be converted into a new entrance. Therefore, a new
the structure, the residents’ main complaint is lack of bathroom would need to be constructed in the courtyard,
privacy. For example, the building owner sold the front where ventilation is better; this would slightly reduce
door to the building, and, as a result, access to the the size of the current lightwell.
courtyard is not controlled, allowing the coffeeshop The makeshift room currently occupying part
clients to use the toilet regularly. Although the of the courtyard would be demolished and replaced
residents on the ground floor have lower economic with a small storage area for the coffeeshop. In doing
means than the family upstairs, they are willing to pay so, it would be possible to demolish the existing
up to L.E. 30 monthly rent to have a private toilet and storeroom that currently blocks the building entrance.
live in two rooms instead of one, which would provide
the handicapped father some space to work at home.
The tailor who rents the room facing the
entrance uses it as a workshop, sewing clothes and
receiving his clients there. He says business is not
doing so well, but insists on keeping his work in the
area despite the fact that he and his immediate family
moved out twelve years ago to another
neighbourhood, Imbaba, which is located far from the
area. He currently pays L.E. 15 monthly rent and would
consider paying more for a room in the area with a
better location.
The two newly-wed couples on the first floor
are interested in finding affordable housing in the area,
instead of their current arrangements of living with
their parents. If this occurs, then the rest of the family
would have a comfortable apartment, since it is one of
the larger ones in the area.

RECOMMENDED INTERVENTIONS

On the ground floor, the primary aim is to provide the

seven-member family with more space and higher
standards of hygiene. Thus, in the proposed scheme,
the tailor’s workshop would have to be converted into a
second residential space. A small lightwell, also serving
The coffeeshop owner complains that business is slack,
despite the fact that his coffeeshop remains a community
meeting place.

153
 On the upper floor, the newly created lightwell
would provide ventilation for the bathroom. The
kitchen, removed from its current location, would be
constructed over the new ground-floor bathroom,
where ventilation would be adequate.
In addition, the stone cladding on the
coffeeshop, which presently obstructs a portion of
the main entrance, would be removed from the Darb
Shoughlan façade and the original cut stone facing
would be reinstated. The uppermost floors would be
plastered. The wooden canopy would also be removed
and replaced with a canvas awning.
A second alternative would be to construct
an additional floor following the same arrangement
as that of the first floor. Not only would this be
more aesthetically pleasing, but it would also
provide the owners with more room. However, the
addition of a second storey is dependent on
structural and financial constraints. Therefore, the
alternative with just one upper storey is provided
as the safest and least expensive option. For this
alternative, the roof would be cleared of the existing
second-floor walls, thus providing the residents with
an open roof.
154
Financing options
Although the building owner is wealthy, there is little
incentive for him to invest in the property, unless at
least one of the building’s upper storeys can be rebuilt.
However, this may be unfeasible on structural grounds.
As tenants with a short-term lease, the first-floor
residents are unlikely to make substantial investments
into the property. As it is, the first-floor apartment is
in reasonably good condition; most of the required
maintenance is on the ground floor. Unfortunately,
the ground-floor residents are too poor to be able to
invest in the rehabilitation of the property, and it is
therefore likely that the funding for the rehabilitation
of this building may have to come from external
sources.
If the reconstruction of at least one storey is
structurally feasible, then the owner could use the
downpayment for the apartment to help finance the
rebuilding as well as the maintenance of the lower portion
of the building. Even in this case, it is unlikely that the
money from prospective tenants would be sufficient.
The coffeeshop owner, despite having spent a
considerable sum on the décor of the coffeeshop, is
unlikely to be willing to invest more, since his business
is not doing very well. In fact, he redecorated the
exterior of the coffeeshop in an attempt to attract more
customers.
SCHEME
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Proposed interventions for Case Study 444
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Ground Floor Plan Typical Floor Plan

Ground floor Typical floor

Alternative 1 is the most feasible option, since the Alternative 2 is preferable, although it is dependent on
building is occupied solely by tenants who are unlikely structural and financial constraints.
to invest in the rehabilitation of the property.

155
 I M P L E M E N T A T I O N S T R A T E G I E S
BUILDING COSTS AND FINANCIAL MECHANISMS
MARKET FOR NEW HOUSING UNITS
The study area currently includes twenty vacant plots
that can be redeveloped to provide additional housing
in the area. On average, each plot of land can provide
at least four residential units, each of which should be
able to accommodate five individuals (the average
household size in the study area), thereby creating
housing for approximately 500 individuals.
It is very likely that some of the new apartments
will be occupied by people currently residing in the
area, either those who live in smaller apartments and
can afford more space, or couples who are engaged
and at present cannot find a vacant apartment in order
to get married. Another group that housing schemes
would provide for are those who have had to move
out of the area after the 1992 earthquake, but feel cut
off in the new housing developments where they have
had moved to. Almost every family currently living in
the study area has kinfolk who have been transferred
to government-built developments outside Cairo.
Many such residents prefer to live in informal
settlements (shanty towns) that are closer to al-Darb
al-Ahmar in order to be closer to their work and to the
members of their families who still live in the area.
BUILDING COSTS
A local contractor cites L.E. 300 as being the price
per metre of a semi-finished building; however, local
contractors such as this one tend to cut corners in
order to maximise their profit, at times at the expense
of the structural soundness of the building. A more
reliably constructed building, built without local
contractors of this type and reviewed by a structural
engineer and therefore guaranteed to be sound,
would cost L.E. 100 per square metre of reinforced
concrete (including its share in foundations), and
156
an additional L.E. 60 per metre for cement block
walls. This price does not include finishing
materials, which are generally readily available in
the area and therefore reasonably priced.
The traditional method of building using
bearing walls, which may save up to 20% of the
cost of a reinforced concrete structure, is no longer
popular. This is because the thick walls take up
valuable space and the bearing walls system is not
conducive to changes in layout, which residents
often make to suit their changing requirements.
Also, bearing walls suffer more seriously from
accidental water leakage that can pose a structural
threat to the building. Furthermore, the labour
needed for this type of construction is no longer
readily available and often not of good quality.
POSSIBLE FINANCIAL MECHANISMS
The mechanisms outlined here attempt to propose
means to finance building projects as well as to
rehabilitate existing structures. The range of
alternatives varies from schemes that minimise external
intervention to those that are dependent on the
establishment of a project agency to administer and,
in some cases, undertake construction. However, all
options have been proposed bearing in mind the social
and financial mechanisms that currently exist in areas
such as al-Darb al-Ahmar, and each of them attempts
to make use of community resources intensively,
thereby trying to minimise the reliance on external
sources of funding.
Landowners’ Union
One procedure used to finance building projects in
other areas of Cairo is that a group of individuals
purchase a plot of land and then each contribute to
the construction costs of the building. In many
cases, extra residential units are constructed to be
sold off and the profit is distributed amongst the
land owners to help recoup part of the costs.
Generally, the ground floor is reserved for
commercial purposes; shops are rented out and the
income is used for maintaining the building. Such
an arrangement could be adapted to suit al-Darb al-
Ahmar; however, it would only be economically
feasible where plot size is relatively large and where
the number of residential units is maximised. Also,
building costs would have to be minimised to ensure
that such a project would work.
Although there is a demand for housing units
in the area, most of the demand is by people who have
limited economic resources and would not be able to
afford apartments for more than L.E. 15,000 for a fifty-
square-metre apartment. The idea of having shops on
the ground floor is of particular relevance to the area,
especially on important thoroughfares such as Darb
Shoughlan. Perhaps the idea of using shop revenues
to maintain the building and pay for utilities would be
useful, but this would only work if the shops were
owned by the building owners as a group, and not
sold off to private individuals.
One limiting factor in such an arrangement is
the height of the buildings; in order for the historic
character of the neighbourhood to be preserved, it is
important for new constructions to be a maximum of
four storeys high, although three storeys would be
preferable. This greatly limits the profitability of
forming a landowners’ union, since it limits the number
of apartments that can be constructed. For this reason,
these unions are likely to be more successful if the
number of partners is limited and if the plots of land
are large.
Such an arrangement would work for individuals
wishing to invest in the area, either by constructing
apartments for themselves or by building apartments
to be sold off. This arrangement would also benefit
individuals wishing to reside in the area and who are
financially able to pay L.E. 10,000 or 15,000 for a small
apartment (fifty square metres). However, such
apartments would be out of reach of individuals who
have limited economic resources and can only afford
to pay rent.
157
Advance payment on rented apartments
A similar arrangement as the former is for a single owner
wishing to construct property as an investment to
allow tenants to reserve apartments in lieu of a down
payment that is later deducted from the apartment’s
rent over a long period of time. To the investor, this
system provides him with sufficient capital to
undertake the project, and it provides prospective
tenants with guaranteed accommodation. The
disadvantages of this arrangement is that it is only
available to those who have enough cash to pay the
down payment, which is at least L.E. 5,000.
Once again, such an arrangement works best
when the number of apartments to be constructed is
maximised in order to provide the investor with a
sufficient sum to balance construction costs. At
present, most individuals would be willing to pay a
down payment of LE. 5,000 to 6,000, which is to be
deducted from the monthly rent. Fifty pounds a month
(before the incremental deduction of the down
payment) for a three-room apartment of that size is
considered reasonable at today’s prices, except what
is available in neighbouring areas is usually larger and
therefore more expensive. Some workshop owners
claim to be willing to pay as much as L.E. 150 a month
for a large workshop located on the ground floor on
Darb Shoughlan.
“Gama’eyya” or “pooled savings”
The gama’eyya is a form of privately initiated means
of obtaining capital in which a group of individuals
agree to each contribute a fixed sum of money every
month for as many months as there are individuals
participating. Each month, one of the individuals takes
the whole sum of money collected from the
participants. The cycle is completed when each
participant has received the whole sum of money once.
Such an arrangement is already very common in the
area and other popular districts. Although the capital
remains fixed and contributors receive as much money
as they have put in to the cooperative, this
arrangement gives people the opportunity to obtain
large sums of money that would be otherwise
unavailable to them.
 The gama’eyya works best when the
participants need the lump sum at different times
during the year, and usually it is agreed beforehand as
to who will take the money each month. Such an
arrangement can be considered as a loan with no
interest, obviously of greater benefit to those who
receive the money at the beginning of the cycle. This
type of cooperative can be used to obtain money for
building, though at present it functions as a strictly
informal agreement between individuals with common
interests. It has the potential of being used by people
who cannot otherwise afford a down payment on an
apartment, and can therefore be used in conjunction
with some of the other mechanisms suggested here.
Project agency as project administrator
Community members have put forth the suggestion
that the project agency act as a mediator between the
tenants and the landowner and be fully responsible
for the construction of new development. In this case,
an agreement would be reached with the landowner as
to the number of units to be constructed, the initial
down payment, and the rent. The project agency would
be responsible for the building construction, using
the funds obtained from the prospective tenants as
well as from the landowner.
The benefits of such a mechanism are that the
project agency would have better control over the
construction process, thus ensuring compliance with
the required building specifications and minimizing the
risk of their violation. Also, assuming that the
redevelopment of several empty plots would take place
simultaneously, the project agency would be able to
build at competitive prices, thereby making the project
more affordable and therefore more feasible.
Loans
At present, there is no existing system of loans by
which individuals can take out a building loan without
sufficient collateral. A system by which landowners
could mortgage their land and take out a low-interest
loan to carry out its construction could be a viable
possibility, although it needs to be kept in mind that
the restriction in building heights—a necessary
158
component of maintaining the architectural character
of the area—will make the construction industry less
lucrative.
Matching grants or loans
Most of the options discussed previously have
targeted the construction of new housing units;
however, it is also important to provide financial
alternatives to those who are already living in houses
in the area and need a means of maintaining or repairing
their homes. Perhaps a realistic method of providing
financial assistance is to set up a system of matching
grants or low-interest loans, whereby the project
agency agrees to put up an amount of money equal to
that which local residents are willing to invest in the
upkeep of their property. This option must be made
available to all local residents, so as not to create
animosity between them; however, the provision of
funds from the project agency must be contingent on
the residents abiding by the building guidelines
specified for the area.
HOUSING FINANCE POLICIES
Although housing banks exist in Egypt, their policies
are designed to ensure that borrowers can guarantee
to pay loans back, which puts residents of traditional
neighbourhoods such as al-Darb al-Ahmar at a
disadvantage, since their financial credibility is difficult
to guarantee from a banking perspective. Typically,
housing banks require borrowers to pay back loans in
monthly installments deducted from their salary. The
Bank of Housing and Development, for example, makes
an agreement with the borrower’s employer to ensure
that loan installments are transferred directly from the
employer to the bank.
Given that most al-Darb al-Ahmar residents work
either privately or as employees in small neighbourhood
workshops, their monthly revenue fluctuates, and it is
therefore difficult for them to provide the necessary
guarantees to housing banks. Similarly, the fact that
most local businesses operate on a very small scale and
are informally organised makes it impossible for them to
make financial arrangements with housing banks vis-a-
vis housing loans for employees.
 Apart from the guarantees required from
housing banks, their financial policies are otherwise
reasonable: loans cover as much as 50% of the market
value of the housing unit—the rest must be acquired
by other means. Further, the payback period ranges
from four to nine years, with an interest rate ranging
between 14 - 15.5% per annum.
Therefore, the current financial policies
regarding housing loans, although not meant to be
prohibitive, apply mainly to individuals employed in
large, well-established public or private sector
BANK OF HOUSING AND DEVELOPMENT
Loan Type:
For the purchase of residential units with no
limitations with respect to their size.
Restrictions:
Loan not to exceed 50% of the market value of the
residential unit. Monthly increments not to
exceed 50% of the borrower’s salary.
Interest Rate:
14% per annum.
EGYPTIAN PROPERTY BANK
Loan Type:
For financing the purchase of residential units
with a market value of not more than L.E. 100,000.
Restrictions:
Value of the loan not to exceed 50% of the market
value of the residential unit, with an upper limit of
L.E. 50,000.
Interest Rate:
14.5-15.5% per annum.
159
enterprises. And even though the average monthly
income of local carpenters, especially those who are
self-employed, is comparable or higher than that of
such employees, they cannot fulfill the requirements
necessary to take out these loans. This outlines the
fact that the problem with current housing finance
policies is not the financial terms they offer, but the
fact that they exclude some of the people who need
loans the most. Also, there is little provision for
individuals who already own buildings and need to
take out loans to repair or maintain them.
Payback Period:
A maximum of four years, with payments to be
made on a monthly basis.
Eligibility:
Individuals who are employed in a private or
public sector company that is willing to guarantee
that the borrower is able to pay back the loan.
The borrower’s employer deducts the monthly
payment from the employee’s salary and transfers
it directly to the housing bank.
Payback Period:
Nine years, to be paid in monthly installments.
Eligibility:
Individuals who are employed in a private
or public sector company that is willing to
guarantee that the borrower is able to pay
back the loan. The borrower’s employer
deducts the monthly payment from the
employee’s salary and transfers it directly
to the housing bank.
 I M P L E M E N T A T I O N S T R A T E G I E S
L EGAL C ONSIDERATIONS
T wo laws are especially relevant to the urban
development of the study area: Law No. 106/1976
organising building works, and Decree No. 180/1998
and Law No. 117 of 1983 on the preservation of antiquities.
The law on building works sets several
restrictions upon future building prospects in the area.
Firstly, the minimum requirements for the size of
lightwells is very large with respect to the average
plot size in al-Darb al-Ahmar, which poses a problem
for new constructions designed to fit in with the
existing fabric. In some cases, this problem can be
solved through another provision in the law, allowing
adjacent properties to share courtyards and lightwells,
but this would need careful planning on a
neighbourhood level, and would only be successful
in cases were several adjacent properties were being
remodelled or redeveloped simultaneously.
Another stipulation in the law that is of some
concern is an article stating that if a building is to be
constructed on a street less than six metres wide, then
the building must be set back at a distance of half the
difference between the street width and the six-metre
requirement. This is in parallel with a second article of
the law, prohibiting building heights to exceed one
and a half times the width of the street. Both these
articles pose restrictions on the study area, where
streets are often less than six metres wide and where
new buildings would have to be set back, thereby
reducing plot size, which is already small.
Islamic Cairo is subject to additional building
guidelines, namely that buildings are not to exceed
three storeys excluding the ground floor, but only two
storeys excluding the ground floor in alleyways and
cul-de-sacs. In cases where there is a discrepancy
between the maximum height stipulated in the building
law and these guidelines, the lower of the two height
allowances is to be followed. Buildings built adjacent to
monuments are not to exceed the height of the monument,
160
and all buildings are required to have façades in the
“Arab/Islamic style,” which in practice means including
arches. With regards to commercial activities, the law
is geared towards large-scale enterprises in newer parts
of the city. Hence some stipulations, for example, the
requirement that commercial facilities are to have at
least one toilet for men and another for women are
redundant in al-Darb al-Ahmar, where almost all
workshop employees are men.
One stipulation of relevance is that the
governor can approve proposals to designate an area as
being subject to specific building regulations; this can
be used to implement a set of building regulations for
the area, taking its urban condition into consideration.
The second law of importance to the area is that
regulating the preservation and protection of antiquities,
which places very severe restrictions on areas
surrounding monuments and archaeological sites. The
antiquities law has prevented building in most of the
study area because it is adjacent to the Ayyubid wall
and therefore falls within the precinct designated by
the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA). The precinct
for each monument is to be specified by a special
antiquities committee, which usually stipulates a zone
ranging between 2.5 and thirty metres (large monuments
are generally given bigger precincts). The antiquities
law states that any schemes to redesign or redevelop
areas in which monuments, archaeological sites, or
historically important buildings exist, cannot do so
without the written approval of the SCA. However, the
relevant authority (usually the governorate) can issue
building licenses in the areas surrounding monuments
or archaeological sites. This authority must set building
codes that are suitable and do not distort the image of a
monument. They must also guarantee a suitable precinct
around the monument, taking its historic context into
consideration and ensuring that it is not harmed. The SCA
retains the right to approve or reject building requests.
 CONCLUSION
RECOMMENDATIONS
FOR IMMEDIATE ACTIONS
T he results of the five case studies indicate that
any future action in the Aslam Mosque
neighbourhood should both improve the existing
housing stock through preservation-based
rehabilitation and re-establish residential use in
abandoned houses and vacant land. Adequate
housing and a secure tenure are the two essential pre-
conditions for maintaining a stable population and
ensuring the neighbourhood’s economic sustainability.
In order for these—or for any—intervention actions
to work, however, the community needs to be a more
active component of the decision-making process, for
proposals are often put forth without taking into
account the needs of the residents. With this in mind,
the following set of general recommendations are
presented as the most promising lines of action for
the overall improvement of the neighbourhood and
the quality of life of its residents.
BASIC PHYSICAL UPGRADING
This type of upgrading requires minimal
intervention; nevertheless, it is essential for the
improvement of the area. Basic public amenities are
either lacking or in poor condition. The removal of
161
rubbish and rubble, which often accumulate in or
around vacant plots, would make a noticeable
difference to the area. At present, residents living
in close proximity to the Ayyubid city wall simply
dump their rubbish over or around the wall. With
the imminent completion of al-Azhar Park, a reliable
system of collection must be planned and implemented.
Essentially, rubbish collection is a problem
that needs a well-structured management scheme
to ensure that it functions on a long-term basis.
Although a governmental rubbish system exists, it
is irregular and therefore unreliable. Residents
simply pile their rubbish in the street, where it
accumulates until it is removed by the General
Authority for the Beautification and Cleanliness of
Cairo. One of the main problems facing this area is
that used materials are so efficiently recycled that
what is actually thrown away is of little interest to
rubbish collectors, who themselves rely on
recycling. This means that non-governmental
rubbish collectors have little interest in the area and
usually avoid it.
View from the Darassa Hills of the Aslam Mosque
neighbourhood, with the former Darb Shoughlan School
noticeable midway along the Ayyubid city wall.
 The absence of functioning street lighting is
another aspect that requires attention. Although
public street lamps do exist in several areas, almost all
of them no longer function, and, as a result, the study
area is extremely dark after sunset. To maintain the
existing street lamps and add others where necessary
would be a relatively simple task—one that would
considerably improve the area. Furthermore, many of
the roads need to be resurfaced and graded, especially
in the smaller streets and alleyways. At present, they
are poorly finished, allowing large puddles to form
whenever the street is sprayed with water.
POLICY INTERVENTIONS
FOR STRUCTURES IN THE VICINITY
OF THE AYYUBID CITY WALL
In addition to small-scale interventions that can be carried
out to improve public facilities, it is also necessary to
introduce or amend polices related to the area. Among
the most important issues is the question of building in
close proximity to the Ayyubid city wall. The idea of
clearing all buildings along the wall, favoured by the
Supreme Council of Antiquities, is unrealistic from a
practical and economic point of view: not only would it
be too costly to relocate the families located by the wall,
but it would also be disruptive of the socio-economic
activities in the area. It is therefore essential to develop
a policy that is more feasible.
The policy’s success relies on its ability to
preserve the Ayyubid city wall with minimal disruption
of residents’ lives, and on the knowledge that the wall,
though architecturally important, is meaningless if
alienated from the historic urban context in which it exists.
The present freeze on construction in the vicinity of the
wall and the restriction of repairing the existing
neighbouring houses has caused more harm than good:
while aiming to force people away from the area, it has
simply resulted in local residents remaining in substandard
conditions, with poorly maintained drainage facilities that
have caused great damage to the wall’s masonry.
Furthermore, the threat of relocation has made many local
residents cautious about investing money in the upkeep
of their houses—many are willing to repair at their own
expense, but only if reassured that their homes will not
be demolished.
162
It is necessary to address this problem in two
ways: firstly, to provide a suitable building code for
any new construction in the vicinity of the wall;
secondly, to examine existing structures on a case
by case basis and decide how best to intervene vis-
a-vis the wall. Generally, so long as inhabited
buildings are in relatively good condition and do
not encroach upon the wall, then they should be
maintained, perhaps with some alterations to ensure
that their drainage system is placed as far from the
wall as possible. In cases where buildings have
extensions upon or into the wall, it may be necessary
to have these removed, especially if they are poorly
built and unsightly.
A more sensitive issue is the case of
architecturally valuable buildings constructed into or
onto the wall. These are important in their own right
and in some cases have become part of the wall itself.
Furthermore, one must question what the preservation
objectives for the city are: Is it realistic and appropriate
to attempt to restore the wall as it would have looked
700 years ago, ignoring the physical evolution of the
wall and its adjoining civic fabric over time?
URBAN REHABILITATION
AND DEVELOPMENT
This includes a wide range of interventions from basic
preservation techniques to full-scale reconstruction
of ruined structures. Where buildings are relatively
well preserved, all that is required is basic maintenance
and repair of elements to ensure that they not be
allowed to deteriorate further. However, several of
these buildings suffer from poor plumbing systems,
which can cause severe structural damage if left
unchecked. It is therefore necessary to upgrade the
drainage systems of many of the houses in the area to
ensure that the structural elements of the buildings
remain sound. In cases where structural damage has
already occurred, stabilisation is required to prevent
buildings from collapse or from any further
deterioration.
In some instances, buildings have been
destroyed or have deteriorated to the point where
they are partial or even total ruins. Several partial
ruins still retain valuable architectural elements,
 A partial view of the
Aslam Mosque taken
from Darb Shoughlan.

163
which can be salvaged and re-used if the building
is to be reconstructed. Where there is no remaining
fabric worth recycling, especially in the cases of
total ruins, greater architectural freedom can be
observed and new construction can occur,
respecting traditional conventions of plan, volume,
and proportion.
Some buildings, although not listed
monuments, have high architectural or historic value.
In such cases, intervention should be limited to
restoration and repair, avoiding radical changes that
could alter a building irreversibly.
Although the general aim is to preserve as
much of the existing and traditional historic fabric
as possible, there are certain instances where
demolition is the most practical option; as is often
the case, buildings that are in very poor structural
condition already have demolition orders. Given
that some of these structures do not provide
sufficient space for their inhabitants, it is not
unreasonable to propose total replacement,
redesigning the interior spaces and retaining
valuable architectural features, if any.
On an urban level, the reorganisation of
important public spaces is often required to provide
a more efficient use of space and to improve the
quality of the built environment. Noteworthy open
spaces within the study area include Aslam Square,
which is a nucleus for commercial and social activity,
but is obstructed by parked vehicles at most times
of the day. To redesign the space—attempting to
link it with al-Azhar Park by opening Bab al-Mahruq
while at the same time maintaining its social
importance—would greatly enhance the
neighbourhood by providing a place better suited
for social and economic interaction between local
inhabitants and outside visitors.
Currently, most of the buildings surrounding
the square are of low architectural value, largely due
to indiscriminate alterations to these nineteenth- and
eighteenth-century buildings. A recently constructed
commercial structure opposite the mosque is poorly
built but commercially important to the square;
therefore, although demolition has been recommended
for this structure, it is essential that the replacement
structure maintain commercial activity.
164
RESTORATION OF HISTORIC MONUMENTS
Restoration is recommended for monuments that are
in deteriorating to poor condition. The Aslam Mosque
has deteriorated structurally, and a small Ottoman
shrine in the southern section of the study area is in
need of intervention to support its roof. Both require
a high level of technical skill to preserve the art and
craft of these buildings. As regards the former, it is
important that restoration does not result in the closure
of the mosque after the completion of work, as is so
often the case with restored buildings in Cairo. At
present, the mosque is a vital component of the
neighbourhood; it is essential that it continue to be
accessible to the community in the future.
PROVISION OF ADDITIONAL HOUSING
THROUGH NEW DEVELOPMENT,
RECONSTRUCTION, AND REHABILITATION
In order for this neighbourhood intervention scheme
to be effective, solutions must be developed that
provide housing and commercial spaces for local
residents, especially in cases where the relocation of
inhabitants from their current homes is required—for
example, for those who live on plots designated for
redevelopment.
The social structure and economic means of
the residents must be taken into consideration; it is
apparent that the concept of extended families living
in close proximity is not rare in al-Darb al-Ahmar.
Therefore, new development schemes should be
approached in a way that does not disrupt
community relations and family ties. Many local
residents have lived in the neighbourhood for
several generations, and despite the fact that their
living conditions are poor, their livelihood and social
ties are closely linked to the area; they prefer to
remain instead of moving elsewhere. The provision
of new housing with basic amenities would
encourage the younger generation as well as the
more affluent individuals to stay in the area rather
than seek alternate housing elsewhere.
Also important is the nature of the commercial
activities taking place in the area. Since a large
percentage of the inhabitants are involved in carpentry,
proposed building schemes must provide ample space
for workshops on the ground floor, especially in
buildings located on major streets. In planning future
housing schemes, the traditional mixed-use
combination—commercial activities on the ground
floor with housing above—should be maintained.
LINKS TO THE AL-AZHAR PARK
Given the importance of al-Azhar Park for the Darb al-
Ahmar community, adequate connections to and from
the park are essential so as not to isolate the park from
the urban area immediately to its west. The Bab al-
Mahruq Gate seems a logical connection, for it leads
directly to Aslam Square, a major centre of social and
commercial activity in the area. At present, a much-
altered eighteenth-century building (now a dye-house)
and a neighbouring ruined structure can be found
adjacent to the former gate. It would be opportune to
take advantage of the condition of the latter building
and create a connection, either through the dye-house
or through a narrow passage that currently exists
slightly to the north of the square.
This would allow an opportunity to recall the
historical and physical connection between the former
gate, the Aslam Mosque, Haret Sa’ad Allah, and the
neighbourhood. The creation of the new park presents
the possibility of using the historical connection to
165
create a contact node for park visitors into the Darb
al-Ahmar community, and allow and control interaction
through retail commercial activity developed on or near
the square. In this way, local craftsmen could have a
direct outlet for sales of traditional goods, which would
reinforce the viability of popular traditional craft for
which the neighbourhood is known. The square could
also serve visitors by better orienting them to the
current sites of visitation, including the Aslam and
Blue mosques.
CONCLUSION
The work carried out for this pilot project indicates
that the components needed for action do exist in the
area. But in order to realise this potential, there must
be strong support in the form of institutional policies
and active management of the residents’ capacity for
direct intervention. In the long-term, gradual and
deliberate improvement of the existing housing
represents a more realistic course of action than a policy
of hasty and indiscriminate change, which is neither
socially nor economically justified in an area that still
preserves a viable physical fabric and active social
context. The preliminary work and targeted proposals
put forth in this plan—if pursued on a wider scale—
can create new opportunities and prospects in the
effort to revitalise historic Cairo.
 INDEX

A E Mosque
Adaptive re-use, 6, 91, 93, 95 Earthquake, 9, 36, 44, 50, 87, 94, 150 of Aslam al-Silahdar, 4, 6, 9, 11,
Aga Khan Trust for Culture, 6 Education, 73 16, 18, 31, 35, 38, 44, 64, 67,
Alleyway, 8, 27, 34, 60 Electricity, 6, 28, 77 68, 92, 159, 160
Apartment Building Employment, 11 Aytmish, 15
Modern, 26, 32, 33, 48, 81 Blue, 4, 15
Small, 32 G Moulding, 28, 42, 45
Aslam Mosque (see Mosque of Gama’eyya, 151
Aslam al-Silahdar) Garbage, 9, 23, 64, 156 N
Aslam al-Silahdar, 15, 35 collection, 23, 156 New construction, 55
Aslam Square, 6, 18, 35, 41, 67, 81, General Authority for the New development, 13, 96, 97, 99,
88, 159, 160 Beautification and Cleanliness of 123, 159
Ayyubid city wall, 4, 6, 11, 13, 22, 36, Cairo, 23, 156
45, 67, 88, 96, 99, 156, 157 Governorate of Cairo, 4 O
al-Azhar Park, 6, 11, 87, 88, 156, Green space, 18, 64 Obour City, 74
159, 160 Grillework, 28, 45, 46 Occupancy rates, 78
Open space, 6, 18, 64, 67, 159
B H Oriel, 46
Bab Heliopolis, 74, 80 Ownership, 24
al-Mahruq, 4, 14, 15, 41, 45, 159, Helwan, 74
160 P
el-Khalk, 80 I Palace
Zuwayla, 4, 11, 14, 15, 41, 67 Illiteracy, 73 of Alin Aq, 15
Baha al-Din Aslam, 33, 41 Income, 74 Parking, 9, 64
Balconies, 46 Informal housing, 64 Population, 70
Building Infrastructure, 21, 32 Port Said, 80
with full historic integrity, 54 Preventive maintenance, 91, 157
reversibly altered, 54 K
irreversibly altered, 55 Khayameya, 35, 41 Q
Bus service, 21 Khayrbek, 15 Qaytbay complex, 6

C L R
Cairo Planning Commission, 97 Land use, 18 Rab’, 26, 31
Caliph al-Hakim, 14 Lattice screen, 28, 32, 33 Redevelopment, 96, 97, 159
Citadel, 14, 15, 21, 45 Lighting, 64, 157 Regional Cairo Sewage Network, 22
Collective housing (see Rab’) Lightwell, 27 Reconstruction, 91, 94, 99, 113, 159
Coffeeshop, 18, 60, 81 Rehabilitation, 4, 16, 13, 91, 92, 99,
Corbel, 27, 44, 67 M 101, 139, 156
Cornice, 28, 45 Materials Restoration, 13, 91, 92, 159
Cul-de-sac, 63, 81, 82, 88 Brick, 28, 33, 34, 36 Roads, 21, 157
Courtyard, 16, 27, 30, 42, 78 Concrete, 32, 33, 34, 150 Ruin, 9, 11, 18, 23, 36, 58, 64, 157
Gunite Cement, 33, 34, 67 Partial, 9, 36, 58, 157
D Marble, 41
Darassa Hills, 4, 14 Plaster, 22, 28, 34 S
Darb Shoughlan School, 6, 18, 38, 45, Stone, 28, 33, 34 Sabil
93 Mashrabeyya, 28, 44 of al-Nasir Muhammad, 41
Demolition, 9, 13, 96, 97, 159 Mausoleum Sabil-Kuttab, 41
Partial, 96, 129 of Princess Tughay, 41 Salah al-Din, 14
Doors, 45 Megharbeleen, 80 Semi-permanent structures, 36, 55
Ministry Sewage, 22, 28, 77
of the Awqaf, 24, 67 Shrine, 18, 35, 67
of Public Works, 15, 16

166
 of Sidi Aly Gawish, 41 Supreme Council of Antiquities, 155, U
of Sidi al-Ansari, 41 157 Unemployment
Shutters, 32, 33 Sultan
Storage, 9, 36, 42 Aybak, 14 V
Street Baybars I, 15 Vacant plots, 9, 11, 23, 156
Abdallah al-Geuweiny, 4, 42, 67 al-Nasir Muhammed, 15, 35, 38 Voussoir, 46
Ahmad Maher, 21 Qalawun, 15
Atfet Hozayen, 18, 63, 68 W
al-Azhar, 4, 21, 84 T Water, 6, 21, 28, 77, 78, 79
Bab al-Wazir, 15, 21, 84 Temporary structures, 36, 55 Tap, 28, 77
Darb al-Ahmar, 21 Tenure, 24 Water Network Authority for Greater
Darb Shoughlan, 4, 6, 11, 18, 27, Tilework, 35, 43 Cairo, 21
35, 41, 44, 60, 63, 67, 68, 87 Townhouse Water table, 22
Fatma al-Nabaweya, 4, 44, 67, 68 Modern, 34 Windows, 46
Haret Aslam, 67 Traditional, 26, 27, 36, 43, 44 Workshop, 6, 11, 26, 33, 34, 36, 42,
Harat Sa’ad Allah, 67, 160 Traffic, 4, 21, 64 50, 60, 63, 87, 160
Street vendor, 63, 80 Traditional mansion, 29, 42
Substandard housing, 36, 96 Transom, 28, 45 Z
Typology, 26 Zier, 64

167
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdou, Ahmed, et al. Citizens’ Participation in
the Renovation of the Old Town. Cairo: Goethe
Institut, 1997.
Aga Khan Trust for Culture, Community Design
Collaborative, and The Near East Foundation.
Al-Darb al-Ahmar: An Agenda for
Revitalisation. Final Report. Cairo: n.p., 1997.
Antoniou, Jim, et al. The Conservation of the Old
City of Cairo. Restricted Technical Report RP/
PP/1979-1980/4/7.6/05. 5 November 1980.
London: UNESCO, 1980.
________. “Historic Cairo: Rehabilitation of Cairo’s
Historic Monuments.” Architectural Review
203, no. 1213 (March 1998): 70-77.
Arab Republic of Egypt. Decree No. 600/1982
Promulgating the Executive Regulation of
Rehabilitation Planning for Law No. 3/82.
Cairo: The Middle East Library for Economic
Services, n.d.
________. The Executive Regulations of Law No.
106/1976 on Organizing Building Works.
Cairo: The Middle East Library for Economic
Services, n.d.
________. Law No. 106 for the Year 1976 Relating
to Orientation and Organization of Building
Works. May 1996. Cairo: The Middle East
Library for Economic Services, n.d.
________. Law No. 117 of the Year 1983
Promulgating the Law on Protection of
Antiquities. Cairo: The Middle East Library
for Economic Services, n.d.
168
________. Set of Law on the Rental and Sale of
Buildings & Places and Landlord – Tenant
Relation. Law No. 49/1977 – Law No. 136/1981.
Law No. 4/1996 – Law No. 6/1997. P. D. No. 237/
1997. Cairo: The Middle East Library for
Economic Services, n.d.
Creswell, K. A. C. The Muslim Architecture of
Egypt. Volumes I and II. New York: Hacker Art
Books, 1978.
Historic Cities Support Programme, Aga Khan
Cultural Services - Egypt. Three Pilot Projects
for Conservation and Urban Revitalisation in
Cairo’s Darb al-Ahmar District. Geneva: AKTC,
1999.
Ibn al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Ahmad. Al-Mawa’izz
wa’l I‘ttibar bi Dhikr al-Khitat wa’l Athar.
Bulaq, Egypt: n.p., 1948.
al-Khuri, Riad. “The Role of Housing Banks in the
Provision of Financing for Low-Cost Housing in
the ESCWA Region.” Pp. 64-90. Proceedings
of the Symposium on Low-Cost Housing in the
Arab Region. Sana’a, 24-28 October 1992.
Volume I. Amman: United Nations, Economic
and Social Commission for Western Asia, 1993.
MacKenzie, Neil D. Ayyubid Cairo: A Topological
Study. Cairo: The American University in Cairo,
1992.
Mariette, Edouard. Traité pratique et raisonné
de la construction en Egypte. Alexandrie: n.p.,
1875.
Meinecke, Michael, ed. Islamic Cairo:
Architectural Conservation and Urban
Development of the Historic Centre.
Proceedings of a Seminar Organized by the
Geothe-Institute, Cairo (October 1-5, 1978).
London: Art and Archaeology Research Papers,
1980.
Mubarak, Ali. Al-Khitat al-Tawfiqiyya al-Jadida.
Cairo: Egyptian General Book Organisation, 1991.
Parker, Richard B. and Robin Sabin. Islamic
Monuments in Cairo: A Practical Guide.
3rd edition. Revised by Caroline Williams.
Cairo: The American University in Cairo, 1985.
169
Ransom, W. H. Building Failures, Diagnosis and
Avoidance. 2nd edition. New York: E & F. N.
Spon, 1987.
Shalaby, Helmy A. Chapters in the History of
Egypt’s Modernisation, 1820 –1914.
Cairo: n.p., n.d.
United Nations Development Programme and
The Supreme Council of Antiquities.
Rehabilitation of Historic Cairo. Final Report.
Cairo: n.p., December 1997.
THE AGA KHAN TRUST FOR CULTURE
1-3 Avenue de la Paix, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland