‘LAND MOVES AND BEHAVES’: INDIGENOUS DISCOURSE ON SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN PICHATARO,
‘LAND MOVES AND BEHAVES’: INDIGENOUS
DISCOURSE ON SUSTAINABLE LAND
MANAGEMENT IN PICHATARO,
PATZCUARO BASIN, MEXICO
BY
NARCISO BARRERA-BASSOLS 1, 2 AND ALFRED ZINCK 2
1 Instituto de Ecología, A.C., Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico
2 International Institute for Geo-Information Science and Earth Observation (ITC),
Enschede, The Netherlands
Barrera-Bassols, N. and Zinck, A., 2003: ‘Land moves and be-
haves’: indigenous discourse on sustainable land management in
Pichátaro, Pátzcuaro basin, Mexico. Geogr. Ann. 85 A (3–4):
229–245.
ABSTRACT. An ethnoecological study was carried out in the
Purhépecha community of San Francisco Pichátaro, west central
Mexico, with the purpose of investigating how land degradation,
in terms of soil erosion and fertility depletion, was (and still is)
handled by indigenous farmers so that traditional agriculture
could remain sustainable over centuries. After briefly reviewing
opposite views on the land degradation issue in the regional con-
text of the Pátzcuaro lake basin, the paper focuses on land man-
agement at local level. The indigenous concept of land is dis-
cussed as an integrated whole, including water cycle, climate, re-
lief and soils. Indigenous people venerate land as the mother of
all living beings, including humans. Therefore, people’s health
and survival require good land care and management. Local
knowledge on land management is organized around four basic
principles: land position, land behaviour, land resilience and
land quality. Farmers recognize land as a dynamic subject, a con-
cept reflected in the expression ‘land moves and behaves’. Soil
erosion and fertility depletion are perceived as ‘normal’ proc-
esses the farmers control by means of integrated management
practices. Farmers recognize several land classes, primarily con-
trolled by landscape position, which require different land care.
The example of San Francisco Pichátaro demonstrates that tra-
ditional agriculture does not necessarily lead to land degrada-
tion. But the collective knowledge, or social theory, on land
management is increasingly exposed to be fragmented as the
community undergoes structural changes and loses its social co-
hesion under the pressure of externalities such as off-farm ac-
tivities, out-migrations and governmental intervention, among
others.
Key words: ethnopedology, indigenous people, local attitudes to-
wards soil health, local land use systems, mountain landscapes,
Mexico
Introduction
Land degradation in Latin-American highlands is
often perceived as resulting from inadequate land
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
management practices implemented by local
farmers living in fragile landscapes and exploiting
marginal soils under strong climatic variability. In
contrast, recent ethnoecological studies show that
indigenous land management systems have been
sustainable over long periods of time, thanks to
(1) their adaptability to political, economic and
environmental uncertainties; (2) their flexibility
to change, allowing for partial adoption of inno-
vations; and (3) the development of strategies that
maximize land use in space and time via diversi-
fication of crops and practices, while minimizing
the use of external inputs (Denniston 1995;
Berkes 1999; Denevan 2001). However, indige-
nous production systems are increasingly vulner-
able to the effects of globalization and are there-
fore at the crossroads of sustainability, because
the introduction of new farming practices often
causes land degradation to increase (Zimmerer
1996; Posey 1999; Assies, et al. 2000; Zoomers
2001).
We have carried out an ethnoecological study in
the Purhépecha community of San Francisco
Pichátaro, Pátzcuaro lake basin, Michoacán state,
in west central Mexico (Fig. 1), with the purpose
of investigating how land degradation, in terms of
soil erosion and fertility depletion, was (and still
is) handled by indigenous farmers so that tradition-
al agriculture could remain sustainable over cen-
turies thanks to co-evolution of eco- and socio-sys-
tems. This paper is derived from a case study in-
cluding a semi-detailed geopedological inventory,
an analysis of farmers’ soil–land knowledge using
an ethnographic approach and participatory work-
shops, and data integration in a GIS (Barrera-
Bassols 2003).
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 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
Fig. 1. The study area.
The land degradation issue
In the regional context: the Pátzcuaro lake basin
For about 4000 years, farmers of the Pátzcuaro ba-
sin (952 km2) have used the traditional multi-crop-
ping milpa system, based on the association of
maize, beans and squash, and have adapted it to
cope with micro-environmental variations in high-
lands (West 1947; Watts and Bradbury 1982; Nav-
arrete 1990). The Pátzcuaro basin was the centre of
the Purhépecha State from AD 1200 to the Spanish
conquest in 1523 and, as such, it was densely pop-
ulated already by that time (Gorenstein and Pollard
1983). Population at the beginning of the 16th cen-
tury is estimated at 100000 inhabitants.
It has been argued that the introduction of agri-
culture has caused accelerated soil erosion in the
highlands surrounding the Pátzcuaro lake, espe-
cially during the period preceding the Spanish con-
quest. Lake sediment records show an increase of
sediment influx during three periods, which have
been correlated with pulsations of anthropogenic
soil erosion in the basin (O’Hara 1991; O’Hara et
al. 1993, 1994).
230
1. A first period of soil erosion is recorded between
3600 and 3000 yr BP (1600–1000 BC), coinciding
with the appearance of maize in the pollen
record and revealing sedentary agriculture in the
Pátzcuaro basin by that time (Bradbury 2000).
An amount of 2.3 million tons (Mt) of sediments
was deposited in the lake during these 600 years.
Climate was moist and warm, favouring agricul-
tural activities but also triggering soil erosion.
Presumably, humans settled in small isolated
villages on the lakeshores and islands, although
archaeological evidence is scarce (Pollard
1996).
2. During the second period, between 2500 and
1200 yr BP (500 BC – AD 800), soil erosion was
more severe than during the first one. A total of
13.4 Mt of sediments accumulated in the lake, at
an average rate of 10300 t yr–1. Small agrarian
communities consolidated in the lacustrine
plains. Moist climate and population increase
may have stimulated agricultural activities in the
watershed highlands.
3. A third soil erosion period took place between
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
850 yr BP and the present (AD 1150–2000). Dur-
ing the last 850 years, a total of 24.6 Mt of sed-
iments accumulated in the lake, at an average of
29000 t yr–1. This reveals increasing land deg-
radation, associated with the flourishing of the
Purhépecha State, when the Pátzcuaro basin
became the political, administrative and cere-
monial centre of a vast empire extending over
some 75000 km2 (Arnauld et al. 1994). There
are no data allowing assessment of changes in
soil erosion intensity after the Spanish con-
quest until the second half of the 20th century,
when soil erosion clearly increased (Gómez-
Tagle 1994).
In contrast, other studies suggest that the land-
scapes in the Pátzcuaro basin remained relatively
stable during the thousand years preceding the
Spanish conquest, while severe soil erosion took
place during the first years of the colonial period,
because of sudden population decimation and sub-
sequent abandonment of the farming activities. Ar-
chaeological landscape research in the southern
portion of the Pátzcuaro basin has identified five
anthropogenic soil erosion periods (Fisher et al.
1999; Fisher 2000).
1. A first period of soil erosion is recorded between
AD 300 and 775, that follows a long period of
landscape stability and high lake stage charac-
terized by marshy sediments. Prior to this, no ev-
idence of accelerated soil erosion was found,
contrary to what is suggested by O’Hara et al.
(1993, 1994). Settlements remained small and
restricted to islands or lakeshores. Evidence of
intensive wetland agriculture was found, includ-
ing canal features. Population was scarce. Initial
settlement and landscape manipulation caused
the most severe disturbance seen in the pre-His-
panic record, but degradation was limited in ex-
tent, mainly around the settlements.
2. A second period of reduced soil erosion is re-
corded between AD 775 and 900. The sediment
record indicates lake regression and continued
but reduced soil erosion, suggesting rather sta-
ble landscape conditions. This is a period of set-
tlement expansion on the lakeshores, but popu-
lation remained relatively low.
3. A third period of limited soil erosion is recorded
between AD 900 and 1325. Settlements greatly
expanded along the lakeshores. The sediment
record remains similar to that of the previous pe-
riod, with a low lake stage. Soil erosion was site-
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
specific rather than landscape-wide, indicating
landscape stability.
4. A fourth period of reduced soil erosion is record-
ed between AD 1325 and 1520. During these 200
years, settlements were further expanded, form-
ing the most intensive pre-Hispanic occupation
of the basin and coinciding with the Purhépecha
State consolidation. Nevertheless, colluviation
remained low and soil erosion was site-specific
rather than landscape-wide, thus suggesting sta-
ble landscape conditions.
5. A fifth soil erosion period occurred by the end of
the early Hispanic phase (AD 1520–1580). The
first 60 years after the Spanish conquest show
abrupt changes in landscape conditions. The
sediment record reveals landscape-wide collu-
viation, the highest in the whole period of anal-
ysis, suggesting widespread soil erosion in the
Pátzcuaro basin. Accelerated soil erosion coin-
cided with a massive population decline, result-
ing in agricultural landscape abandonment and
triggering land degradation in the whole basin
because soil conservation structures were no
longer maintained and soil care was neglected.
There is consensus that soil erosion accelerated
from the end of the 18th century until today
(Gómez-Tagle 1994; O’Hara et al. 1994; Enfield
1997, 1998; Enfield and O’Hara 1997, 1999b). Re-
cently, land degradation dramatically increased be-
cause of (1) large deforestation of the middle and
upper parts of the watershed, (2) opening of new
agricultural fields on unsuitable soils, (3) inappro-
priate use of agro-chemicals, and (4) excessive in-
tensification of farming under social and economic
pressure (Barrera-Bassols 1987, 1992; Toledo et al.
1992). The current volume of terrestrial sediments
entering the lake is estimated at 60–140 Mm3 per
year (Chacón 1993). Nowadays, about 10000 small
farmers continue producing maize in the traditional
way on 45% of the regional agricultural area, with
an average yield of 1.5 t ha–1 (Tizcareño-López et
al. 1999).
In the local context: the Pichátaro community
territory
San Francisco Pichátaro is located in the southwest
of the Pátzcuaro lake basin, in the middle of a com-
munity territory which extends between 2000 and
3200 m a.s.l, along a bio-climatic gradient shifting
from temperate subhumid to cold humid as eleva-
tion increases (T=16–12°C; P=1000–1500 mm).
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 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
The configuration of the relief is controlled by a set
of Plio-Quaternary basalt cones covered by pyro-
clasts and separated by small fluvio-volcanic val-
leys. Soils include (1) Pachic Melanudands on the
summits of the highest volcanoes, (2) Typic Hap-
lustands on young volcano slopes, (3) Typic Hap-
lustalfs on older volcano slopes, (4) Humic Haplu-
stands in the higher valleys, and (5) Typic Haplus-
tults in the lower valleys. Haplustands formed from
volcanic ash and cinders are supposedly more sus-
ceptible to erosion than the other soils, but do not
show significant land degradation features, al-
though systematic land occupation in this area
started as early as 2000 years ago (Schöndube
1987). According to archaeological evidence, an
important population development took place dur-
ing the Classical Period (AD 300–900) and reached
a peak during the Post-Classical Period (AD 1200–
1523), with 2000–3000 people living in the sur-
roundings, mainly farmers (Gorenstein and Pollard
1983). The presence of fertile volcanic soils and
permanent springs at the foot of the volcanoes and
lava flows contributed to making Pichátaro an early
centre of maize production.
Pichátaro has certainly been affected by envi-
ronmental changes after early human occupation
took place, since some of the volcanoes have been
active until recently according to radiocarbon dat-
ing of buried ash layers in valley soils (Barrera-
Bassols 2003). Saporito (1975) found 15 tephra
layers in lake sediment cores. Radiocarbon dating
shows that 10 of these tephra layers were deposited
within the last 10000 years, thus throughout the
Holocene, and seven of them dated between 3500
and 2500 BP, showing that volcanic activity affect-
ed erosion and sedimentation rates in the Pátzcuaro
Lake, when the basin was already inhabited. But
there are no conspicuous soil erosion features vis-
ible on the landscape or recorded in historical doc-
uments. A short reference dated 1775 mentions that
Pichátaro had fertile soils and large forest areas
(Enfield and O’Hara 1999a). Another source from
the 18th century refers to wood extraction and the
production of irrigated maize, oranges and wheat in
large family plots, together with the traditional
milpa system (Toledo and Barrera-Bassols 1984).
This strategy of multiple land use continued during
the 19th and 20th centuries (West 1947; Toledo
1992).
Nowadays, Pichátaro is a community of 4500 in-
habitants that maintains indigenous structures and
traditions, including local socio-political institu-
tions, vivid Meso-American cultural elements in
232
daily life, syncretic religious practices, communal
land ownership, and multiple land use strategy.
About 55% of the land is used for farming, together
with some cow and lamb livestock; the rest is cov-
ered by pine and oak forest.
The indigenous concept of land
For indigenous people, land has a symbolic mean-
ing based on Mesoamerican beliefs blended with
practices from popular Catholicism. In this context,
land is perceived as a resource, which behaves as a
living being, and as a life support system for hu-
mans. Land, plants and humans are bound by re-
ciprocal relations, which allow perpetuation of life
on earth. Land is venerated as the mother of all liv-
ing beings. Cropping and crop harvesting are seen
as basic activities securing people’s health and sur-
vival, and thus require good land care and manage-
ment. These ethical values support all local produc-
tion activities. However, people consider and ac-
cept that this belief system is exposed to and can be
altered by economic and environmental uncertain-
ties, which means that land’s behaviour cannot be
totally controlled by people living on it or working
it. Thus, humans are bound to land and have to con-
jure its benevolence through respect, compromise
and tolerance. This is reflected in the relationships
between climatic cycle, production cycle and ritual
calendar (Fig. 2). The relationships might tran-
scend the strict community sphere and take into ac-
count externalities, which affect the internal rela-
tionships between generations and between indi-
viduals, such as temporary out-migrations and off-
farm incomes. Therefore, land care, sustainable
productivity and conservation are inherent parts of
the symbolic land concept. This is then reflected in
the way land is managed to meet human needs,
without damaging the resource potential and thus
the life support system provided by land. In a fash-
ion very similar to the modern land concept (FAO
1976; Zonneveld 1995), land is viewed as an inte-
gral whole, including water cycle, climate, relief
and soils.
Water cycle
Pichátaro’s farmers have acquired from experience
good knowledge of the water cycle, because agri-
culture is fully rain-dependent, weather is highly
variable in space and time, and crops are exposed
to unpredictable occurrence of frost and hail (Fig.
3). The behaviour of clouds, the direction and in-
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
Fig. 2. Climatic, agricultural and religious calendars.
tensity of winds, the moon cycle and the position of
Venus are used as meteorological indicators with
influence on plants, animals and humans, as in oth-
er mountain communities of the region (Motte-
Florac 1997). Particular importance is given to the
moon cycle, which controls the rhythm of farming
activities, forest exploitation, and gathering of
fruits and mushrooms (Fig. 4). It is commonly be-
lieved that the moon controls the amount, quality
and flow of water in the land, plants and animals. It
also regulates rainfall and diseases associated with
frost and land (Barrera-Bassols 2003). Full moon
(Nana kutsi huiniri uiripiti) is considered an appro-
priate time to harvest maize and extract wood,
which are dry by then. In contrast, planting fruit
trees and castrating animals take place during new
moon (Sapichu kutsi huiniri), because the body of
living organisms is well provided with water at that
time. Sowing is discouraged during increasing
moon (Andarani shatia) because of excessive
moisture, which favours pests and diseases.
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
Climate
Farmers distinguish four temperature periods,
coupled with three rainfall periods during the year.
Special attention is given to periods and meteoro-
logical events critical to cropping, such as timing
and intensity of the first rains, summer drought,
hailstorms, frost and snowfalls, in a fashion simi-
lar to the one used by African small-farmers (Ovu-
ka and Lindqvist 2000). They also recognize, and
take into account for land use planning and farm-
ing, three bio-climatic elevation zones, including
(1) very cold and very humid, (2) cold and humid,
and (3) temperate sub-humid. Local combinations
of elevation, aspect and vegetation are used to
identify micro-climatic niches and areas prone to
environmental risks, including flooding, hail,
frost, snow and whirlwind. This practical knowl-
edge is embodied in farmers’ mental maps repre-
senting the micro-climatic fragmentation of the
landscape.
The periodic occurrence and level of severity of
233
 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK

Fig. 3. Purhépecha meteorological nomenclature.

Fig. 4. The moon cycle.

234 Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4

 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
Fig. 5. Local climatic diagram and
Purhépecha climatic nomencla-
ture.
climatic risks are predicted from inter- and intra-
annual climatic variability. Because the territory of
the Pichátaro community lies mainly above 2400 m
elevation, the most feared climatic risk is late frost.
White frost (Iauaka urapiti) on the surface of the
soil is less damaging than black frost (Iauaka tu-
ripiti), which penetrates the soil and affects crop
roots.
Farmers use a counting system, common among
Mesoamerican people, to forecast climatic condi-
tions over a full year from the weather conditions
in the first 24 days of the month of January in the
ongoing year (Katz 1997). The weather observed
during the first 12 days of January is used to predict
the basic climatic regime of the 12 months of the
year, amended in opposite sequence on the basis of
the observed weather during the following 12
days. Further improvements are introduced from
the direct observation of meteorological phenom-
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
ena, as well as from the behaviour of plants and an-
imals. Climatic conditions assessed by farmers co-
incide fairly well with the meteorological data re-
corded by the station closest to Pichátaro (Fig. 5).
Farmers are used to reacting to small rainfall var-
iations during critical periods of the plant devel-
opment cycle, using local variations in elevation,
topography and aspect, together with soil type and
crop variety.
Relief
Farmers usually segment the relief in ‘up’ (high),
‘intermediate’ (middle) and ‘down’ (low) accord-
ing to topographic position. This allows them to
recognize the spatial distribution of erosion and
sedimentation by water during the rainy season and
by wind during the dry season. Criteria such as
slope, aspect, position, surficial lithology, and ad-
235
 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
Fig. 6. Purhépecha relief nomenclature.
Fig. 7. Relief map according to Purhépecha nomenclature.
jacency or connection to other relief types, together
with anthropomorphic terms such as head, breast
and foot, are used to describe the configuration of
the relief (Fig. 6). Additional attributes are imple-
mented to describe the shape of the topography
(flat, concave, narrow, etc.) and the degree of dis-
section. The relief is described like a toposequence
or catena, in its structural and dynamic content, for
236
practical purposes of slope management (Bocco
and Pulido 2001). Each relief unit or slope segment
is given a local name, which summarizes the envi-
ronmental conditions and the farming practices re-
quired (Fig. 7). Farmers clearly appreciate the im-
provement of soil fertility resulting from influx of
volcanic ash during the Paricutin eruption between
1943 and 1952 (West 1947).
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 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
Fig. 8. Soil morphological components according to Purhépecha perception.
Soils
The word ‘echeri’, used by Purhépecha people to
designate the soil cover, is in fact polysemic and re-
fers at the same time to soil, land, landscape, terrain
and bio-climatic zone. Thus local people perceive
soil–land as a multidimensional component of the
landscape sensu lato. When referring to soil types
and properties, the farmer conceives soil as a tri-di-
mensional body, similar to the technical concept of
soil (Fig. 8). When concerned with farming prac-
tices, the farmer uses ‘echeri’ to designate a bi-di-
mensional land surface, with variable management
requirements according to local bio-climatic con-
ditions. Beyond this practical relationship between
farmer and soil–land as a resource, there is a sym-
bolic relationship by means of which farmer’s land
care is rewarded by the land providing him with
goods and services, including food, materials for
construction and ceramics, as well as medical, rit-
ual and magic uses.
Local farmers recognize five major soil types:
(1) dusty soils (echeri tupuri), (2) clayey soils
(echeri charanda), (3) sandy soils (echeri kutzari),
(4) gravelly soils (echeri tzacapendini), and (5)
hard soapy soils (echeri querekua). Soils are fur-
ther subdivided in 15 subtypes and eight varieties
on the basis of textural and colour differences in the
upper 45 cm (Fig. 9). Additionally, farmers distin-
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
guish composite soils at plot level as textural or col-
our intergrades, e.g. dusty-clayey soils (echeri tu-
puri-charandani) or dusty black-yellow soils
(echeri tupuri turipiti-spambiti). Intergrades are re-
lated to their position on the landscape, the adja-
cency to neighbouring landscape units, the intensi-
ty of sediment transit and the volume of debris ac-
cumulation.
Land management
Management principles
Four principles organize the local knowledge on
land management: land location, land behaviour,
land resilience, and land quality.
Land location. Land characteristics and suitability
vary according to the position on the landscape.
Five main landscape types are recognized, includ-
ing summit and shoulder areas, mid-slope posi-
tions, footslope positions, valleys, and lava-flow
plateaus (Fig. 10 and Table 1).
1. Land in summit areas (teronstakua) and on steep
slopes (sanish unanagaristi) is called ‘rotting’
land because of the decomposed litter covering
the soil. Soils are shallow, dark, silty or powdery,
loose, always moist and resistant to erosion un-
der forest cover. The weathering products move
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 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK

Fig. 9. Purhépecha soil taxonomy.

Fig. 10. Purhépecha perception of soil-land distribution patterns.

238 Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4

 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO

Table 1. Purhépecha soil terms.

Purhépecha term English term Spanish term

Echeri sahuapiti Shallow soil Suelo delgado

Echeri jauamiti Deep soil Suelo profundo
Echeri kurhunda Multi-layered soil Suelo con capas
Echeri uekandirini Moist soil Suelo húmedo
Echeri karishiri Dry soil Suelo seco
Echeri tupuri Silty or powdery soils Suelo polvillo
Echeri charanda Clayey soil Suelo arcilloso
Echeri kutzari Sandy soil Suelo arenoso
Echeri charakirhu Gravelly soil Suelo gravoso
Echeri poksinda Soil with clods Suelo con…
Echeri zacapendini Stony soil Suelo pedregoso
Echeri cuatapiti Loose soil Suelo suelto
Echeri choperi Hard soil Suelo duro
Echeri querekua Sticky soil Suelo pegajoso o chicloso
Echeri turipiti Dark soil Suelo negro
Echeri spambiti Yellowish soil Suelo amarillo
Echeri charapiti Reddish soils Suelo colorado
Echeri urapiti Whitish soil Suelo blanco
Echeri jorhépiti Warm soil Suelo caliente
Echeri tshirápiti Cold soil Suelo frío
Echeri tsuruani Washed soil Suelo de arroyada o compuesto
Alluvial soil Suelo de derramadero
Echeri ambakiti Fertile soil Suelo bueno
Echeri terendani Rotting soil Suelo de pudrición
Echeri ietakata Mixed soil Suelo mixto
Echeri tsuruani Simple soil Suelo sencillo
Tupuri Silt Polvillo
Charanda Clay Arcilla
Kutzari Sand Arena
Kutzari sahuapiti Fine sand Arena fina
Kutzari tepari Coarse sand Arena gruesa
Charaki Gravel Grava
Tzacapu Stone Piedra
Tzacapu xanamu Porous basalt stone Piedra pómez
Tzacapu uiramu Hard white stone Piedra laja
Tzacapu tareri Weathered stone Piedra podrida
Siranga Roots Raíz
Siranga sahuapiti Fine roots Raíz fina
Siranga tepari Coarse roots Raíz gruesa

downslope and enrich the soils located on foot-
slopes. These soils are called echeri tupuri ter-
endani (Pachic Melanudands). The land is good
for forest use but not for agriculture. It is neither
‘cold’ nor ‘warm’.
2. Land in mid-slope positions is referred to as hill-
breast land (terongarikua). Farmers recognize
that soils in backslope areas are exposed to run-
off and vary at short distance from shallow and
single-layered to deep and multi-layered. The
first ones are considered ‘cold’ and the second
ones ‘warm’. Together, they are called echeri tu-
puri spambiti ka echeri tupuri turipiti-spambiti
(Typic and Humic Haplustands). In farmers’
opinion, this type of land has low ‘strength’,
dries up very fast, requires special care and long
fallow periods, but is nevertheless suitable for
agriculture.
3. Land in footslope positions (juatarhu janikutini
nirani) is recognized as being heterogeneous be-
cause of the strong intermingling of eroded soils
and depositional soils. Eroded and washed soils
are shallow, yellowish or reddish, dust-clayey,
gravelly, hard when dry, sticky when wet, with
pumice stones, and drying up fast. Depositional
soils are deep, dark, dusty, moist, with good

Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4 239

 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
‘strength’ and thus suitable for agricultural uses.
The association of eroded and depositional soils
is called echeri tupuri spambiti-charapiti ka
echeri charanda charapiti (Typic Haplustands
and Typic Haplustalfs). Locally, there are dark
red soils, very hard when dry, very sticky when
wet, and nutrient-depleted; they are called
echeri charanda charapiti-turipiti (Typic Hap-
lustults). In general, footslope land is considered
‘cold’.
4. The valley landscape (tpakua) includes several
land types. Soils have formed from alluvial de-
posits, are deep and multi-layered, and benefit
from permanent influx of nutrients coming from
the neighbouring mountain slopes (echeri it-
sírhuky or ‘juice’). In general, valley soils are
fertile. In the upper valley stretches, soils are
dark or yellowish dark, and dusty. These soils
are called echeri tupuri turipiti terendani (Hum-
ic Haplustands). In valley bottoms at lower ele-
vation, soils are deep, reddish, clayey and sticky
when wet. They are named echeri charanda
charapiti (Typic Haplustalfs). In the margin of
the valleys, soils are shallow and gravelly. They
dry up very fast and, after drying, they become
hard and form clods. They are named echeri
querekua (Typic Haplustepts). In general, valley
soils are considered ‘warm’.
5. Soils on lava-flow plateaus (tzacapurhu or jat-
sikurini) are shallow, dusty (echeri tupuri) or
sandy, with a lot of gravel. A surficial horizon of
decomposed oak leaves forms under forest cov-
er. Although soils tend to dry up easily, porous
pumice stones retain heat and moisture. These
soils are called echeri tupuri zacapendini ter-
endani (Lithic Humic Haplustands). They are
considered ‘cold’. Soils on lava cliffs (keren-
darhu) are stony, shallow, black or yellowish
black (echeri spambiti-turipiti), with a surficial
horizon of decomposed oak leaves. They are
named echeri zacapendini juskua karihiran
(Lithic Humic Haplustands).
Land movement and behaviour. Farmers recognize,
accept and work with the fact that land is not an im-
mutable but a dynamic ‘subject’. This concept is re-
flected in the expression: ‘land moves and behaves’
(Fig. 10). Land behaviour changes throughout the
year according to seasonal rhythm, climatic varia-
bility, rainfall occurrence, and management prac-
tices. Similarly, land movement is according to its
position on the landscape. The local discourse on
land behaviour and movement is similar to that on
240
other biological organisms. Although not explicitly
stated, the farmer considers soil as a living organ-
ism. Like other living beings, soil–land can be
tired, thirsty, hungry, sick or getting old. However,
because soil can grow up again, be rejuvenated, re-
covered or rehabilitated, it is also considered fun-
damentally different from other living organisms,
which are ineluctably condemned to perish.
The lixiviation of substances through the soil,
leading to fertility depletion, and the remotion,
transfer and deposition of debris at the terrain sur-
face, are perceived as ‘normal’ processes affecting
the land as a living being. The strategy adopted by
the farmer to deal with these processes is to benefit
from them rather than strictly control them or heav-
ily counteract. The word ‘erosion’ does not exist in
Purhépecha language, although farmers clearly
identify the process of remotion and assess its se-
verity. Soil erosion is recognized as a natural phe-
nomenon, the severity of which might overrun the
farmer’s control capability, but is not perceived as
a negative phenomenon leading to land degrada-
tion. It is considered as a periodical process, which
depends on land management but is also an integral
part of it. Soil debris eroded upslope benefits agri-
cultural fields downslope through enrichment in
mineral nutrients and organic matter. In this sense,
farmers establish a difference between temporary
and definitive improvement. Fields on backslopes
and footslopes can only be temporarily improved,
because overland-flow materials (tsuruani) are in
transit and land requires a fallow period to fully re-
cover from use. Instead, the constant accumulation
of debris (iorhejpiti) on toeslopes and valley bot-
toms promotes permanent improvement, which al-
lows continuous and intensive land use.
Land resilience and restoration. Farmers apply
practices on a regular basis to improve land quality,
but they may also implement exceptional measures
to rehabilitate or restore more depleted soils. The
way of compromising with nature, by accepting
upslope erosion and taking advantage of downs-
lope deposition, is coupled with active sloping land
management by means of measures such as sedi-
ment trapping, bunds, living fences, deviation of
intermittent waterways, terrain levelling and inten-
sive manuring. A common practice consists in leav-
ing the maize stalks standing on the field after har-
vest, as a multiple-effect measure which slows
down the remotion of topsoil material, adds organic
residues to the soil, and provides fodder to brows-
ing livestock, which in return manures the fields.
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
These management practices, carried out through a
variety of small local measures, often impercepti-
ble at landscape level, are commonly implemented
on sloping fields of temporary use to diminish fal-
low length.
Land quality. Land quality reflects a combination
of the former three principles, referring to the land
potential and constraints that result from the posi-
tion on the landscape, the intensity and periodicity
of erosion and deposition of materials, and the
management practices applied. Land quality is as-
sessed on the basis of a set of criteria, including
landscape position, micro-climatic conditions, se-
lected soil properties, and soil fertility (soil
‘strength’). The concept of ‘cold–warm’ is fre-
quently used to refer to variable combinations of
these criteria. For instance, cold soils (echeri
tshirápiti) are on slopes, while warm soils (echeri
jorhépiti) are on valley bottoms. But the same at-
tributes of cold and warm may be used in a com-
pletely different manner when referring to texture:
silty and sandy soils are considered cold, while
clayey soils are considered warm, regardless of
their topographic position. Fertile soils, enriched
by the deposition of mineral and organic debris, are
qualified as warm; instead, eroded soils on slopes
are qualified as cold. Practically, the antonyms
‘warm’ and ‘cold’ are used when assessing the re-
quirement for chemical fertilizers, in particular the
need for ammonium sulphate – higher in cold soils
and lower in warm soils.
Integrated land management practices
On the basis of these four management principles,
farmers recognize three main land classes, prima-
rily controlled by landscape position and requiring
different land care: land on steep slopes, land on
valley bottoms, and land in special conditions.
Land on steep slopes:
1. Qualities and limitations:
– shallow, simple soils, with only a few layers.
– erodible soils.
– soils unable to retain moisture, which dry up
quickly.
– stony or gravelly soils.
– weak soils, which get tired quickly.
– soils less productive than the average.
– soils exposed to sediment transit, which al-
lows temporary recuperation during fallow
period.
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
– some of these soils require more fallow than
work.
– north-facing sloping land is prone to frost and
therefore risky to cultivate.
2. Care required.
– Areas with trees on steep topography are pre-
served to counteract erosion and favour litter
accumulation to increase soil organic matter.
– Plooughing is perpendicular to slope to con-
trol and deviate overland flow for crop mois-
tening.
– After harvest, maize stalks are left standing
on the field to counteract wind erosion during
the dry season.
– Livestock pastures on crop residues and ma-
nures fallow land when browsing.
– Bunds are constructed at the foot of the cul-
tivated fields to retain eroded mineral and or-
ganic debris, using stones or planting fruit
trees. The latter are particularly recommend-
ed because they provide food to birds, badg-
ers and squirrels, and prevent them from feed-
ing on maize, while at the same time protect-
ing crops from wind effect.
Land at valley bottoms
1. Qualities and limitations:
– Deep soils with several layers.
– Loose soils, always moist and enriched with
erosion debris coming downhill.
– ‘Strong’ and ‘warm’ soils.
– Soils usually free of stones and gravel.
– Soils that do not get quickly ‘tired’.
– Soils that can produce a lot, depending on
care intensity.
– Soils exposed to flood, wind, hail and frost.
– Soils prone to pests and diseases.
2. Care required.
– Crop rotation is practised to compensate for
soil deficiencies.
– Sowing and planting must be timely to pre-
vent crops from being affected by drought or
rainstorms.
– Fruit trees are planted around the cultivated
fields to control wind, hail and pests.
– Combination of organic and chemical ferti-
lizers is required to compensate for soil fer-
tility depletion.
Land in special positions. Land that is very site-
specific, such as land occurring on rocky ground
241
 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
(lava flows), in piedmont areas, or in homegardens
and backyards, receives special care.
1. Soils on lava flows and in piedmonts.
– Soils are stony, simple or composite, and of
variable depth. Their strength varies accord-
ing to their location and the intensity of sed-
iment influx.
– Litter accumulating under forest cover coun-
teracts soil susceptibility to erosion.
– Soils have variable combinations of proper-
ties because of their transitional situation.
– Soils are too cold and require to be sown using
a digging stick, but the heat and moisture of
the stones provide strength. Crop adaptability
is carefully assessed on individual basis.
– Fields are often surrounded by oak trees pro-
viding litter to decompose into soil organic
matter.
– This special land is considered a security
land, the use of which depends on the house-
hold needs. It is not permanently used be-
cause it requires a lot of attention.
– Soil production is low but sustained.
2. Soils in homegardens and backyards.
– These are the most fertile and deepest soils;
they are free of stones and have several layers.
– Soils are not ploughed and crops are planted
using a hoe.
– Soil fertility is maintained only with organic
amendments (oak-leaf litter, ash and ma-
nure).
– Soil care is crop-specific and is done by wom-
en.
– The cropping system includes perennial, bi-
annual and annual species.
Discussion
The example of San Francisco Pichátaro demon-
strates that traditional agriculture does not neces-
sarily lead to land degradation. Farmers clearly un-
derstand that land under intensive use is exposed to
erosion, structural deterioration and fertility deple-
tion, and they are well prepared to identify the
causes, assess the severity and apply remedies.
Soil erosion is not an issue the farmer deals with
when it has become severe enough to make him
worried about it. Soil erosion, as well as fertility
depletion, is controlled and monitored year-around
and year after year to take timely the appropriate
corrective measures. Assessment, control and
242
monitoring of land degradation are integral parts of
land management to secure sustainable land use.
Understanding land degradation and the practical
experience to handle it are embodied in the knowl-
edge corpus of local farmers. This indigenous
knowledge is:
– shared by all members of the community, with
minor variations according to age, gender and
level of experience;
– transferred from generation to generation via
practical demonstrations, informal conversa-
tions and participatory meetings;
– explained symbolically and/or logically by rec-
ognizing cause–effect relationships;
– conceptualized by formalizing practical experi-
ence into knowledge rules.
Farmers’ knowledge body (Corpus) on land degra-
dation and sustainable land management is derived
from the symbolic meaning attached to land (Kos-
mos) and a longstanding farming experience (Prax-
is) (Barrera-Bassols and Zinck 2003). Altogether, it
represents the social theory of land management
the community has developed via centuries of co-
evolution.
This centuries-old collective knowledge on land
management is increasingly exposed to fragmenta-
tion as the community undergoes structural chang-
es and loses its social cohesion under the impact of
internal and external factors.
– Between 1976 and 1996, the number of farmers
decreased by 62%, as the official maize price
dropped, fertilizer and manpower costs in-
creased, and governmental subsidy, credit and
other assistance programmes were cancelled, af-
fecting especially small farmers. This has result-
ed in the abandonment of agricultural land,
mainly in the less productive and more fragile
areas, leading to land degradation.
– As a consequence of the former, a significant
number of farmers have converted to wood
handicraft and furniture production, which has
caused a 14% decrease in the forest cover in a
short period of time (1986–1992).
– Starting in the early 1980s, agriculture was in-
tensified in the framework of a green-revolution
programme, with massive application of pesti-
cides, use of high-yielding maize varieties, and
fencing of the agricultural plots to protect them
from browsing livestock. This has caused the
loss of local maize landraces, although they
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
 SUSTAINABLE LAND MANAGEMENT IN MEXICO
were well adapted to the topographic and bio-
climatic heterogeneity of the community terri-
tory, and contributed to the depletion of soil fer-
tility following the segregation of agriculture
and livestock.
– Agricultural diversity continued decreasing in
the 1990s with the NAFTA agreement, promot-
ing maize imports from the USA and causing the
contamination of local varieties with transgenic
maize. As a consequence, local farmers had to
give up their decision-making autonomy and
proven strategies for seed selection, agro-eco-
logical management, erosion control and fertil-
ity maintenance, among others.
– The drastic transformations affecting agricultur-
al production have motivated younger people to
migrate to regional cities or even to the USA.
Nowadays, about 40% of the population lives
temporarily outside the community for off-farm
incomes. Out-migrations have induced social,
economic and cultural changes.
– The gradual replacement of the Purhépecha lan-
guage by the Spanish tongue, actively promoted
by the government for the sake of cultural inte-
gration, has undermined the role of the linguistic
vector in the preservation of the local knowledge
on land management and its transfer to the
younger generation.
– All the former has led to weakening the commu-
nity institutions, with increasing conflicts be-
tween the different sectors of the population and
opinion divergences about how to manage the
natural resources and control their use. Individ-
ual interests start prevailing over collective re-
sponsibility and perception. This strongly chal-
lenges the sustainability of the traditional ap-
proach to land management.
Conclusion
Starting from the standpoint that local soil–land
perception, knowledge and management are essen-
tial to successful agricultural improvement or de-
velopment, we have conducted ethnoecological re-
search in the indigenous community of San Fran-
cisco Pichátaro, located in the highlands southwest
of lake Pátzcuaro. An integrated research approach
was applied, combining a semi-detailed geopedo-
logical survey and an ethnographic study with the
active participation of local people, including par-
ticipatory mapping, transect reading, free listing of
soil terms, sorting of soil groupings, problem rank-
ing, structuring seasonal calendars, reconstitution
Geografiska Annaler · 85 A (2003) · 3–4
of village history, discussion with groups and key-
informants, household survey and individual open
interviews, according to a method proposed by
Barrera-Bassols (2003). Fieldwork activities were
carried out during 18 consecutive months (1996–
1998). The research reached the following conclu-
sions: (1) human-induced erosion is not an alarm-
ing issue at local level; (2) the community as a
whole handles a complex soil–land knowledge, in-
cluding symbolic, ecological and practical values
and attributes; (3) farmers assess land suitability
for multiple uses according to the specific climatic,
topographic and soil conditions of a variety of local
agro-habitats; (4) land fertility decline is perceived
and identified through yield decrease and the
spread of pests and crop diseases; (5) farmers have
adopted and adapted exogenous crops and farming
practices via agronomic and cultural hybridization;
(6) the symbolic perception of land and the rituals
related to the land fertility cycle are fundamental
elements of local peoples’ cosmovision; (7) farm-
ers share a common wisdom about planning the ag-
ricultural use of the community territory, which
constitutes a social theory on the suitability and
management of the soil–land resources; (8) local
people have the feeling that official institutions and
non-governmental organizations do not address
their real problems and needs; (9) the fate and sus-
tainability of the community are challenged by the
loss of internal cohesion and the impact of exter-
nalities; (10) the research framework of this study
can be implemented elsewhere to facilitate the di-
alogue between the various actors involved in rural
development.
Acknowledgements
We thank the Pichátaro community for its hospital-
ity and support during fieldwork, and the Friedrich
Ebert Stiftung (Mexican section) for providing
economic and logistic support to the conduction of
two workshops with the participation of fifty farm-
ers, experts and local authority staff members. We
are grateful to CONACYT and the Instituto de
Ecología, A.C. (Mexico) for sponsoring the PhD
programme of the first author, and to the Soil Sci-
ence Division of ITC (The Netherlands) for sup-
porting this research work. We thank two anony-
mous reviewers for their valuable comments on the
manuscript of the paper.
N. Barrera-Bassols, Departamento de Ecología
Vegetal, Instituto de Ecología, A.C., Km. 2.5 anti-
243
 N. BARRERA-BASSOLS AND A. ZINCK
gua carretera a Coatepec, Xalapa 91000, Vera-
cruz, México. E-mail: barreran@ecologia.edu.mx
Alfred Zinck, Department of Earth Systems Analy-
sis, International Institute for Geo-Information
Science and Earth Observation (ITC), P.O Box 6,
7500 AA Enschede, The Netherlands.
E-mail: zincka@itc.nl
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