PUBLICATIONS DE L'INSTITUT ORIENTALISTE DE LOWAIN

42

organise par
I'Institut orientahste de I'Université Catholique de Louvain
(LouvainJa-Neuve)
et
la Section d'Histoire et de Philologie Orientales de I'Universitê d'État à
Liège
PREMIER COLLOQUE
sous le patronage de ÉrrpNrNE LAMoTTE
I'Académie Royale des Sciences, des lættres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique
(Bruxelles et Liège 24-27 septembre 1989)
avec le concours financier de
la Fondation Francqui
et du
Fonds National Belge de la Recherche Scientifique

COMITÉ ORGANISATEUR

Académie Royale de Belgique P' Maurice Leroy(t), Secrétaire perÉtuel

Université Catholi4ue de Louvain F Jacques Grand'Henry,
P'Julien Ries
F Jacques Ryckmans
F Simone Van Riet

Universitë de t'Êtat à Liège F Henri Limet

F Jean Kellens
Dr Jean Dantinne

Secrétariat Dr J.-M. Verpoorten, secrétaire

Dr Philippe Caes, W. Berger et N. Buckinx.

LrNIvERsrrÉ cATHoLIeUE DE Lor.rvArN

INSTITUT ORIENTALISTE
LOWAIN.LA-NEUVE
1993
VIII

Le comité organisateur du Premier Colloque Étienne Lamotte exprime

sa vive reconnaissance aux institutions qui lui ont accordé leur patronage
ou une subvention, ainsi qu'à ses collaborateurs du secrétariat. LE TRAITÉ ON LA GRANDE VERTU DE SAGESSE
La collection des <Publications de l'Institut Orientaliste de Louvain> a ET
accueilli les Actes du Colloque. M. Ph. Caes s'est chargé de collecter les L'HISTOIRE DU BOUDDHISME INDIEN
manuscrits et d'en faire une première toilette. Mme Duhoux-Tihon, Direc-
D'ÉTIENNE LAMOTTE
trice de la collection, a bien voulu assurer la revision des épreuves, avec la
collaboration scientifique de M. D. Forthomme. Qu'ils en soient vivement
Hubert Dunr*
remerciés.

Jacques Ryckmans
Les deux æuvres majeures d'8. Lamotte se sont nourries I'une I'autre.
Lorsqu'on consulte l'Histoire du Bouddhisme indient, parue en 1958, les
références sont fréquentes au Ta tche tou louen (T. 1509),
I'ouvrage attribué à Nãgãrjuna et traduit en chinois ^trËãft
par Kumãrajrva
(350-409). En 1958, E. Lamotte n'avait encore publié qu'une partie de
la traduction française commentée de cet ouvrage, puisque seuls avaient
paru les volumes I et II du Trqité de la grande vertu de sagesse (<<Prajña-
pãramitd-Sãstra>>)2, respectivement en 1944 et en 1949.
Un des fruits de cette première immersion, de dix ans (1940-1949),
dans le Trairé fut la publication des deux fameux articles, <<critique
d'authenticitê>3 (1947) et <critique d'interprétation>a (1949) dans le
bouddhisme. Ces deux articles, portant sur I'herméneutique boud-
dhique traditionnelle, s'appuient sur le Traités. Ils sont aussi le porche
ouvrant sur l'étUde critique de I'histoire du bouddhisme indien.
Ce <<Trqité>>, terme que nous n'utiliserons qu'en référence à la partie

* (École Française d'Extrême Orient, Kyoto) Institut du Hobõgirin, Rinkôin, Shõko-

kuji, Kamikyõku, Kyõto 602, Japon
1 Bibliothèque du Muséon, vol. 48, Louvain, 1958. Réimpression dans les Publications
de l'Institut Orientaliste de Louvain (infra aú.: P.I.O.L.), vol. 14, Louvain-La-Neuve,
1976, Traduction anglaise par Sara Boin-Webb, History of Indian Buddhism, P.I.O.L.
vol. 36, Louvain-La-Neuve, 1988.
'z Bibliothèque du Museon, vol, 18: I, l9M; ll, 1949. Réimpr.: P.I.O.L. vol. 25 eI 26,
Louvain-La-Neuve, 1981. Les trois volumes suivants ont paru dans les P.l.O.L.: Traité
III, P.l.O.L.2 (Louvain, 1970); Traité IV,PJ.O.L. 12 (Louvain, t976); Traité V, p.t.O.L.
24 (Louvain-La-Neuve, 1980).
3 <La critique d'authenticitê dans le bouddhisme>, India Antiqua
[Mélanges J. Ph.
Vogell, Leiden, 1941, p. 213-222. Trad. angl. par S. Boin-Webb, Buddhßt Studies Review,
I, l, 1983-1984, p.4-15.
a <La critique d'interprétation dans le bouddhisme>>, Annuaire de l'Institut de Philo-
logie et d'Histoire Oríentales de I'Université de Bruxelles [Mélanges H. Grégoirel,9, 1949,
p.341-361. Trad. angl. par S. Boin-Webb, ^8. S. R.,I, l-2, 1985, p.4-24.
s Sur ces deux articles, H. Durt, <Etienne Lamotte 1903-1983)), Bulletin de I'Ecole
Française d'Extrême-Orierrr, LXXIV, 1985, p. 10.
2 Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisrne Indien>
traduite et commentée par E. Lamotte, nous I'appellerons ici Upadeia'
(plutôt qve iãstra ou PrøjñãpdramilA-S1sfta, adoptés d'abord par E. La-
motte) lorsqu'il en est question dans un contexte indien, Ta tche îou
louen lorsque le contexte est chinois, Dqichidoron lorsque le contexte est
japonais. Dans ce contexte, il sera appelé parfois <<Grand Traité>> par
fidélité au dernier utilisateur du Daichidoron àla façon traditionnelle, le
penseur japonais Tominaga Nakamoto Ë,&{+æ (1715-1746) dont il
sera souvent question 7.
Quand on compulse les cinq volumes du Trctité parus jusqu'à présent,
on ne peut qu'être frappé par la rigueur historique du grand bouddhi-
sant belge. Cette rigueur I'a emmené à modifier, au cours de son travail,
son opinion au sujet de I'auteur de \'Upadeía. Acceptant au début
sans réserves I'attribution à Nãgãrjuna, il évoluera vers
-
I'attribution à un religieux indien sarvãstivãdin passé au Grand Véhi-
.ó
P. Demiéville, [Compte-rendu] <Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Nãgãr-
juna>>, Journal Asiatique, 1950,p.375, n. l. Reproduction dans Choix d'études bouddhi-
ques, Leiden, 1973; Lamotte, Traité, 11| p. v-viii, et Leure reproduite dans J. May,
[Compte-rendu] <K. Venkata Ramanan, Nãgãrjuna's Philosophy, as presented in the
Mahã-Prajñãpãramitã-éãstra>, T'oung Pao, LlV,4-5, 1968, p. 334, n. l.
7 Tominaga présente I'intêrêt d'être un familier dt Daichidoron <à l'état brut>. S'il a
déjà un souci de critique historique qui I'oppose aux bouddhistes de son temps et à leur
usage conventionnel des Écritures, il ne dispose encore que d'une inlormation entièrement
traditionnelle, car antérieure d'un siècle à I'introduction au Japon d'une nouvelle histoire
du bouddhisme ancien, basée sur I'indianisme occidental.
_^ Tominaga est l'auteur de trois essais de caractère polémique. Le premier, Setsuhei
dttfrk . critiquant le confucianisme, n'est connu que par les réfêrences qui y sont laites
dans les deux autres essais: OÀina no fumi fiÐL, <Écrit d'un vieillard>, dont la préface
est datée de 1738, eÍ Shutsuiõ kAgo fift'áffi,-<Propos au sortir de la concentration
(samadhi)>, dont la prélace est datée de 1744. L'Ecrir (rédigé en langue japonaise) vise les
trois <religions> prises dans un sens inspiré de la terminologie des <Trois Pays>: le
bouddhisme de l'Inde, le confucianisme de la Chine et le shintõ du Japon. Les Propos
(rédigês en chinois classique) concernent les trois religions dans leur sens traditionnel:
bouddhisme, confucianisme, taoisme. En fait ils visent surtout le bouddhisme.
Les Propos ont fait I'objet de plusieurs êditions avec traduction enjaponais moderne et
commentaire: on recommandera celle de Kyõdo Jikõ HF#iJÉ, Collection <Gendai
Bukkyo meicho zenshu nftlfr&ñEâF [Grands auteurs bouddhiques contempo-
rainsl, vol. I, éd. Ryùbunkan EAÊå , Tõkyo, 1971. Une autre a paru dans la collection
Iwanami Nihon shiso taikei frfi E 4,B.fq;(ñ [Compendium de la pensée japonaise],
vol.43.
L'Ecrit, æuvre plus brève et plus sommaire queles Propos, en est très proche dans
certains passages. L'Écrit a été édité dans la collection Iwanami Nihon koten bungaku
taikei f;iS E äÉ4Íæf
fr [Compendium de la littérature classique japonaise], vol.
97.11 a êlê traduit en anglais par Kato Shuichi ln#E-. , <Tominaga Nakamoro, A
Tokugawa lconoclast>, Monumenta Nipponica, XXII, l-2, 1967,35p. Les Propos et
l'Écrit sonl traduits par Michael Pye, Enterging from Mediration, Duckworth, London,
I 990.
Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme lndien> 3
cule8. Plutôt que d'individualiser cet auteur, E. Lamotte a mis en
êvidence ses qualités: précision, rationalisme, sens historique, absence
de sectarisme.
Malgré son remarquable souci de précision, \e Ta tche tou louen a
néanmoins de quoi décourager une approche prioritairement historique
ou chronologique. S'il fut intensément consulté par les bouddhistes de
culture chinoise depuis sa parution, au v" siècle, jusqu'à nos jours, ce ne
fut qu'exceptionnellement à des fins de type historique. On n'y trouve,
par exemple, presque aucune datation.
Sans doute ne saura-t-on jamais exactement l'ampleur des additions
de Kumârajrva, éditeur et traducteur, à l'(Jpade,ía originel. Malgré
I'ambiance <ofhcielle> chinoise dans laquelle il travaillait, Kumarajrva
ne semble pas s'être particulièrement soucié des aspects historiques de
I'ouvrage qu'il traduisait. Paradoxalement, il faut attendre Ki-tsang
Èffi, (549-623), qui fut un continuateur de l'æuvre de Kumãrajrva dans
un sens beaucoup plus scolastique, pour disposer, sur la chronologie
utilisée par Kumãrajrva, de précisions qui ne figurent ailleurs que dans
des citations de troisième maine.
Ajoutons que Ki-tsang, patriarche de l'<École des Trois Traités>
(San louen tsong ==;ñ# ), fut par excellence celui qui exalta le Ta tche
îou louen comme un (quatrième> traité nagarjunienr0. Les trois pre-
miers traités sont des æuvres plus synthétiques, également traduites par
Kumarajrvalr. Cependant, par le fait même de son appartenance à une
école, c'est-à-dire à une secte, Ki-tsang semble avoir adopté une attitude
moins universelle que celle de l'auteur del'Upadeia.
Prenons par exemple un cliché de la littérature de prajñcl-parantita,
8 Lamotte, Traité III: <L'auteur et ses sources)>, p. viii-xliv; <Der Verlasser des
Upadeéa und seine Quellen>, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften Ìn Göttingen,
L Philologisch-Historische K/asse, Nr.2, 1913, p.3-22; trad. jap. par T.Tamai, Bukkyo
Seminar, Õtani University, 24, 1976, p.2l-36.
q Une datation de la vie du Buddha en 116-637 av. J.C. est
attribuée à Kumãrajiva
dans un ouvrage de Tao-ngan ËË ¡es Tcheou postérieurs lbffi, daté de 568. Avant de
figurer dans le Kouang Hong ming /rl ÆdÅBE#, daté de 644 (T.3103 vüi l42al8-20,c|.
Traité III, p. li), la date de naissance du Buddha selon Kumãrajrva était mentionnée dans
le Li t'ai san pao ki, dat"ê de 597 (T. 2034 i 23a). Ce sont les données de cet ouvrage que
reprend Tominaga, dans le chapitre XXIII des Propos. C'est aussi de 597 qu'est daté le
San louen hiuan yi de Ki-tsang qui situe Harivarman en 890 après le Nirvãla (T. 1852
3cl2) selon le comput attribué à Kumãrajiva (cf. Traité III, p.lü).
ro T. 1852 l0c2-13 et passin.
r1 Ces trois traités sont (l)les Mula-ntadhyamaka-kãrukrl de Nãgãrjuna avec le
commentairedeTsing-mou ËH G. 1564),(2)l'ouvrageautitrereconslituêen<Dvädu-
Ía-niktiya-iaslra> attribué à Nãgãrjuna (T. 1568) et celui au titre reconstitué en <<Soruku-
iastra>>, attribué à Ãryadeva avec commentaire de Vasu (T. 1569). Voir J. May, K. Mi-
maki, Hõbogirin V, p.488-489, s.v. Chùgan.
4 Durt: Le (Traité))
et l'(Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien>
utilisé par l'upadeÍa comme par Ki-tsang, et qui attirera I'attention de
Tominagal2' Il est dit que la perfection de sagesse
Qtrajña-pãramita) est
la mère des Buddha. Nous sommes ici dans une symbolique à la limite
de la mythologie' Q¡, les pères sont souvent absents des mythes ... Dans
l'Upadeía, nous voyons néanmoins apparaître, à côté de la mère, un
père, avec d'ailleurs un rôle reconnu comme inférieur. La reconnais-
sance du rôle inférieur du père est une constante indienne, qui provo-
quera des remous dans le monde de culture chinoise. on en trouve un
écho chez Tomin¿g¿ qui accuse les occidentaux de <Féminisme>
(ËËfT) ou de <<Maternalisme) (ËË). En un puissant raccourci,
Tominaga englobs comme <féministes> les Indiens du temps du
Buddha, les Partþss du l* siècle avant Jésus-christ et ses propres
contemporains <<ba¡þ¿¡.s à cheveux roux)), i.e. les Hollandais tolérés à
Nagasaki au xvlIre siècle.
ce père' consort de la prajña. serait la pratique <amidiste> ou de
<Terre pure ))' appelée p, oiyutponna-sammukhã-v
as thit a-samadhi. E. La-
motte considérait ss¡¡. inseition du père dans un cliché maternel
comme une concession aux tendances fidéistes de plus en plus affirmées
dans le bouddhisr¡s. Deux siècles plus tard, en chine, où le fidéisme
était tout aussi puissant, Ki-tsang, dans son San louen hiuan yi =
ãE^g# (T' 1852), utilise le cliché de la mère des Buddha ou des
Bodhisattva dans q¡ sens plus scolastique: cette mère est la connais-
sance appliquée à 1¿ double vérité, et il y a suppression presque totale
de la mention du père. Dans ce passage, Ki-tsang se réfère explicitement
à I'apocryphe Pou-sq ying_to pri_y, i¡ns
#ffiWää#ffi (T.1485) dont
le chapitre v est in¡¡1u1é <Mère du Buddha>13.
comme' ailleurs, Ki-tsang a recours massivement au Ts tche tou
louen dont il possède une connaissance très profonde, on peut soupçon-
ner chez lui un refus implicite, non seulement du dédain du père, mais
surtout de la vogue de la <Terre pure), dans ce choix d'interprétation
du cliché de la mère des Buddha. Il y aurait lieu de revenir, notamment
t1
, l'!ryt, chapitr-e XvIII: <vacuitê et existence)) 4Ê' , où Tominaga cite un passage
du Daichídoron (T' 1509 iv 93a8, Traité I, p. 298) où il JLst question que de la mère des
Buddha, i'e'.la prajñã. Dans le >iit: nr-e clan du máqdat", , il raille
chapitre ÉPËßÉ
la récupération.de cctte métaphore par
le tantrisme: les formulài @aãiofy a"r'iennent la
mère des Buddha' Ses rêflexions sont au chapitre XV des Propos. Yoir
sur le féminisme
note 14.
.,1. hi¿qn y, (T.
12 /-c7)'lmpo,rtant
|t:.b.uen 1852 tta28-c2t) cite le Pou-sa yíng-lo pen-yeking g. 1485
1rl0lðbt apocryphe sur lequel on lira I'article de M. Rhi Ki-yong. sur la
:9mp1Jltson-qlu-s-oeveloppée du'Ta tche tou louen (T. 1509 xxxiv 3l4a2l-23), vo|r Traité
v' p' lx' p' 2366-2369; [bemiévilleì, Hobogirin III, p. 209,s.v. Butsumo.
Durt: Le <Traitê> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien> 5
à propos de Tominagal4, sur le <non-dit>> en matière de fidéisme
amidiste.
Inversément, on peut supposer qu'au succès universel du Ta tche tou
louena contribué l'absence, dans cet ouvrage' de tout ce qui aurait pu
être plus tard interprété dans un sens sectaire, mis à part évidemment la
critique du Petit Véhicule. Cette critique ne vise pas la <triple corbeille>
(Tripitaka), dontl'Upadeíø essaie de démontrer la concordance avec le
Grand Véhicule, mais l'Abhidharma sarvastivãdin de Kãtyãyana. Cette
critique est la démarche, polémique en un certain sens, sous-jacente à
tout I'ouvrage.
I
Il y a toujours eu plusieurs lectures du Ta lche tou louen: comme un
commentaire, comme un ouvrage doctrinal el critique, et même comme
un ouvrage narratif, au point que, comme I'a indiqué P. Demiéville, ce
traitê (louen ãâ ) aurait parfois été appelé Écriture canonique (king
m )tt.F,n outre, il réalise, comme par hasard, un idéal encyclopédique,
mieux que d'autres ouvrages ayant une ambition encyclopédique plus
affirmée. Parmi ces ouvrages, on peut ranger l'Abhidharma-koÍa
(T. 1558) de Vasubandhu, une somme hinayanique probablement
contemporaine de l'(Jpadeia, plus systématique, mais d'extension plus
limitée, et le Ta Tch'eng yi tchang t*#ã (T.l85l), un ouvrage
postérieur, de moindre envergure malgré sa prétention encyclopédique
avouée, dû à Houei-yuan ,äË (523-592) des Souei ffi, et qui fait
d'ailleurs un très large usage du Tq tche tou louen.
Il n'est pas inutile de rappeler un peu plus en détail les caractéristi-
ques essentielles du Ta lche tou louen avant d'essayer de cÇrner son rôle
dans I'historiographie du bouddhisme.
Avant Tott, l'(Jpade,íø est un commentqire de la Pañcavírpiati-sãhas'
ra Alors qurele DaichídoronciTele Sukhdvatîvyùha amidiste parmi les Mahayãna-sûtra,
on remarque que Tominaga garde un silence presque total sur cette forme populaire de
bouddhisme dont I'influence était écrasante dans le Japon de son époque. On relève
seulement une citation du Sútra de la contemplation d'Amitãyus à propos du (materna-
lisme> indien dans la chapitre XV des Propos. <<Prendre femme> Ë*,.t une raillerie
sur la luminosité amidiste dans le XXV" et dernier chapitre: Miscellanea ffi.
rs Demiéville (CR cité, p,275, n.l) mentionne Mo-lo'en kins WírÎffiffi ßMa-
hãyãna-sütra>), à côté du plus normal Mo-lo-en che-louen Bãtjffffiñô (Mahãyãno-
padeéa), comme une des dénominations possibles du Ta tche lou louen parmi les
manuscrits de Touen-houang. Il semble assuré que ce titre de Mahayãna-sütra, très vague
et fréquemment attesté (Showa Hobo sõmokuroku ffiffiËËffi E ffi I, P. 1060c-1065b),
peut s'appliquer à d'autres textes que le Ta tche tou louen.
 6 Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien>
rikã-prajñãparamitL, c'est-à-dire d'une des versions developpées d'un
sùtro appaftenant à un des courants les plus anciens de la littérature du
Grand Véhicule: les Prajñãparamita-sùtra. Il est donc normal que la
pensée et la symbolique liées à la connaissance transcendante qu'est la
prajña y jouent un rôle prédominant. Cela donne à I'Upadeia une
incontestable autorité puisque tous les courants du Grand véhicule se
réclament de la Prajña-pãramita.
L'exégèse de l'Upadeia se situe dans la tradition technique du petit
Véhicule, c'est-à-dire des écoles d'Abhidharm¿. Si la forme du commen-
taire est proche du Hinayãna, son esprit est intensément mahayanique.
Cependant, comme E. Lamotte aimait à le faire remarquer, au sein du
Grand véhicule alors en pleine croissance, I'auteur deIupadeiø se situe
plutôt parmi les rationalistes que parmi les mystiquesló. C'est du bout
des lèvres qu'il introduit certaines doctrines appartenant au courant de
la contemplation d'Amitãbha et de la renaissance en Terres pures,
comme celle du <<samãdhi>> père des Buddha auquel il vient d'être fait
allusion.
En second lieu, l'Upade.ia est un ouvrage doctrinal. S'il a été classé, en
Chine, parmi les æuvres de Nãgarjuna, c'est qu,il est représentatif du
trIadhyamakø. Nous devons au Prof. Venkata Ramanan (1966) l'étude
du Ta tche tou louen en tant qu'ouvrage doctrinal 17. E. Lamotte s'est
surtout rallié à ce point de vue dans les trois derniers volumes de sa
traduction commentée, parus entre 1970 et 1980. Je ne ferai qu'allusion
ici à sa thèse centrale, appelée notamment la pointe du réel (bhutakoti):
le caractère unique des choses est leur absence de caractère1s. Nous
venons de voir que pour l'école du Madhyamaka en Chine, appelée
<<Ecole des Trois Traités>, le Ta tche tou louen était haussé au rang ae
quatrième traité.
En troisième lieu, I'Upadeia est un ouvrage encyclopédique et a
surtout été considéré comme tel au cours de la longue histoire du
bouddhisme en Extrême-Orient. C'est sans doute la raison pour
laquelle, malgré sa grande diffusion, ce commentaire a été peu sous-
commenté1e. Il fut d'une certaine manière continué par Ki-tsang (549_
623), patriarche de la secte des Trois Traités, qui fait I'objet, à présenr,
d'un regain d'intérêt. Son æuvre considérable aurait en effet servi de
vivier où auraient puisé largement les compilateurs de I'enseignement de
t6 Traité III, p. xlüi; V, p. vlü.
1?
K. venkata Ramanan, Nãgarjuna's Philosophy As presentetl in the Mahtl-prujtìitptl-
ramiñ-Sasta,I. éd. Rutland - Tokyo, 1966; repr. Motilal Banarsidass, 1975. 197g.
t8 Traitë III,p. xlü.
1e Venkata Ramanan,
op. cit., p. 333-334.
Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien> 7
son illustre contemporain, Tche-yi äËF (538-598), patriarche de
20. Tche-yi fait, lui aussi, un très large usage, du
l'école Tien-t'ai Xâ
Ta tche tou louen.
Comme ouvrage encyclopédique, l'UpadeS¿ donne des définitions, des
récits illustratifs, de rares points de repère historiques.
l. Les défnitions del'Upadeia sont, avec celles de l'AbhidharmqkoSa
de Vasubandhu, parmi les plus parfaites de la littérature bouddhique.
Elles font encore autorité dans les dictionnaires d'aujourd'hui. Rappe-
lons que nous devons la traduction commentée de l'Abhidharma-koia à
Louis de La Vallée Poussin2r, le maître d'Étienne Lamotte. Les affini-
tés entre les deux ouvrages et aussi entre les deux traducteurs, les deux
phares de la branche belge de l'école franco-belgo-suisse d'études
bouddhiques, ont certainement contribué à la très haute qualité du
travail d'E. Lamotte dans son Traité.
2. Les récits illustratifs ont fait I'une des fortunes de l'Upadeia. Par
contraste avec la sécheresse d'ouvrages plus strictement doctrinaux,
I'auteur del'Upadeia excelle dans le recours à de petites histoires à la
fois illustratives et divertissantes. Je rappellerai que les contes indiens
du Daichidoron oît êté très souvent reproduits jusque dans la litterature
<profane>> japonaise, notarnment dans le fameux recueil Koniaku
Monogatari Shú +ErynffiF du début du xtt" siècle22. La parution des
deux premiers volumes de la traduction d'E. Lamotte semble avoir
suscité une très particulière reviviscence de ces contes au Japon. Un
expert (parfois malencontreusement critique) de l'æuvre d'E. Lamotte.
M. Saigusa Mitsuyoshi =&ñH, n'a pas craint de témoigner de sa
dépendance vis-à-vis du Traité dans un recueil de contes extraits du
Daichidoronz3. Il n'a, en effet, pas étendu son recueil au delà de la
partie du Daichidoron traduite dans les deux premiers volumes du
Traité d'F- Lamotte. Les contes, associés souvent â la prédication orale
et au théâtre24, ont moins la valeur de <fantastiqueD que leur donne la
mentalité moderne, que celle d'<histoire> non-érudite ou d'<histoire
20 Hirai Shun'ei zF#&l#, nokk, mongu no seirilsu ni kansuru A¿nÀr'¿i Ë#
*.ãløffifr.1cÊãf âffin' Tokvo, Shunjüsha, 1985. voir Paul L. swanson' <T'ien-t'ai
Studies in Japan>, Cahiers d'Extême-Asie,2. 1986, p.228'
2t L'Abhidharmakoia de Vasubandhu, Traduction et onnotatio,ts,6 tomes. Nouvelle
édition anastatique, Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, XVI. 1971.
22 Voir la traduction partielle par Bernard Frank, Histoires qui sont ntaintenant du
pcssá, Paris, 1969, p.230.
23 Daichidoron ,o f.Eff,ffiØfl1# , Z vols., Tokyo. I. 1973: ll. 197'1
.
Maìr, T'ang Trans.formotions T¿.t¡s. A Studv of' the Buddhist
2a Voir Victor H.^orogotar¡
Contribution to the Ríse of Vernacular Fiction and Drama in China, Harvard Yenching
Institute Monograph Series, 28, Harvard University Press, 1989.
8 Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien>
populaire). Ils jouent donc un rôle dans notre enquête sur l'histoire du
bouddhisme indien.
Le texte chinois des contes dans le Ta tche tou louen mérite, je crois,
un examen línguistique qu'E. Lamotte n'a pas entrepris. La traduction
chinoise, sans doute pour mieux situer ces récits dans un monde
d'autrefois, utilise dss termes archaiques que I'on ne trouve pas ailleurs
dans I'ouvrage. C'est le cas, p. €x., pour la transcription du terme
stúpa2s.Il faut constater que la terminologie chinoise du Ta tche tou
louen n'est pas toujours uniforme. Un exemple frappant est celui de la
traduction du nom du Bodhisattva Mahãsthãmaprãpta qui a une
traduction <archaïque>: Tö ta che l$t4 et une traduction plus
<moderne>: Ta che tche t4ã 2ó. Kumãrajlva adopte dans toutes ses
traductions, y-compris celle du Ta tche tou louen, le terme archaique,
mais, dans un passage, apparaît le terme <moderne>. Je me refuse à
considérer que le 7ø rche tuu louen ait eu plusieurs âuteurs: l'æuvre est
trop homogène. Faut-il accuser les éditeurs? On remarque, dans le cas
d'un autre Bodhisattva, Samantabhadra, que les éditeurs ont signalé, en
glose marginale au nom de pien ki iñË usité par Kumãrajîvaz1, le
nom de Pou hien *H par lequel ce Bodhisattva est mieux connu.
Un dernier mot pour terminer ce trop long développement à propos
des contes del'Upadeía. l;ne nouvelle possibilité de les étudier nous est
offerte par la comparaison avec ceux que nous pouvons â présent
connaître grâce à l'édition du texte sanskrit du Vinaya des Múlasarvãsti-
vãdin, dêcouvert à Gilgit, et spécialement de sa section intitulée
^Sam-
ghabhedavastu. C'était la dernière recherche dont s'occupait E. Lamotte
avant de décéder.
3. Il faut reconnaître, enfin, que les points de repère historiques sont
rares dans le Traité malgré la méticulosité exégétique de son auteur. La
biographie du Buddha Sãkyamuni y est donnée par bribes, groupant
parfois assez systér¡atiquement un certain nombre d'épisodes. On sent
un souci qui n'est pas seulement celui de sa valeur exemplative pour le
Bodhisattva du Grand Véhicule. Aéoka est traité comme une figure
aussi mythologique que Sãkyamuni. Les quelques allusions aux souve-
rains Kusãla ont été soigneusement recueillies par E. Lamotte2s: elles
sont très limitées.
2s H.Durt,(SomeRemarksaboulÍarlras,stûpasandplacesofworshipintheTachih
tu lun>>, à paraître dans les Actes du XXXII International congress lor Asian and North
African Studies, Hamburg, 19g6.
26 Hobõgirin VII, s.v.
Daiseishi, à paraître,
21 T.1509,tx, 127a6(Traíté1,p.555-556),passagecitédanslechapitrel(Autourdes
débuts de la doctrine> &EÈt'á. des propos (shutsujo kogo) de Tominaga Nakamoto.
28 Traíté III, p. xi; V, p. 2280.
Durt: Le <Traitê> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien> 9
C'est finalement dans les nombreux efforts que fait I'auteur de
l,Upade!;a pour (légitimer> le Mahayana que nous avons le témoignage
historique le plus précieux, en tout cas en ce qui concerne I'histoire des
mentalités2e. On sent, par exemple, dans le 90'et dernier chapitre du
Ta tche tou louen3o, qui n'a pas été traduit par E. Lamotte, I'auteur,
hinayaniste de tradition, mahayaniste de conviction, partagé entre son
sens critique, qui lui fait donner une présentation tout à fait
plausible
du canon du bouddhisme ancien, et son appartenance au Grand
Véhicule, qui I'oblige à défendre des æuvres dont I'historicité est
beaucoup moins convaincante.
Reconnaissons au préalable qu'il n'y a dans le Ta tche tou louen que
peu de recours aux fabrications pseudo-historiques dont certains
auteurs indiens (et surtout chinois) ont fait usage. Le sens qu'a ici
<fabrication> est celui d'épisode, éventuellement daté, qui fut ajouté
postérieurement à la tradition du Tripitaka. On peut observer à ce sujet
que les Chinois avaient plus que les Indiens besoin de certitudes
historiques datées, vu leur tradition annalistique. D'autre part' on ne
peut rejeter ces fabrications comme sans valeur. Elles doivent être
analysées non seulement parce qu'elles contiennent des éléments qui
peuvent être parfois d'origine indienne ancienne, mais surtout parce
qu'elles ont modelé la conscience historique des bouddhistes d'Extrême-
Orient jusqu'à l'irruption de la science occidentale'
L,exemple de fabrication pseudo-historique que nous choisissons de
donner ici nous fait revenir au dernier chapitre del'(lpadeía. Il touche à
la question clé du Traité: la supériorité du Grand véhicule. Pour
légitimer le Mahayãna, le Ta tche tou louen mentionne une récitation
des Écritures mahayaniques qui aurait <doublé> la récitation dt Tripï
taka à Rãjagrha après le Nirvãna du Buddha Sakyamuni3l' La récita-
tion du Tripitaka comme celle des Mahâyãna-sùtra atraient eu lieu au
même Mont des Vautours (Grdhrakùta) qui est aussi le site privilégié
de la prédication de la praiña-parqmitã. La simplicitê de l'upadeia
s'oppose ici à d'autres traditions qui veilleront à différencier les sites de
ces deux <conciles>. C'est un sujet qui capta I'attention jusqu'à
l'époque de Tominaga32.
,o cf.E.Lamotte, Histoire, p. X: <C'est cette mentalité [des disciples du Buddha] qui
constitue I'objet propre de notre enquête et non une fuyante et insaisissable certitude
historique>.
30 H. Durt, <The Difference between Hinayãna and Mahâyãna in the Last chapter,
Parlndand, of the Ta chih tu lun>>, t.S.R., 5, 2 (1988)' p. 123-138.
31 T. 1509 ii 68al et c 756b15, voir Traitë I p.93, n. l.
32 Tominaga, comme beaucoup d'auteurs anciens, emprunte parfois ses citations à des
compilations, sans contrôler dans le texte original et sans mentionner la compilation qu'il
 I

l0 Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien> l1

Durt: Le <Traitê> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien>

cette fabrication d'origine indienne est somme toute modeste d,au- II

tant plus qu'il n'est pas question d,ans l'upade,í¿ d'un second concile
mahayanique, doublant cette fois, plusieurs siècles après le Nirvãna,
On étudiera certainement un jour la place dt Ta tche tou louen dans
ceux qui sont attribués dans certaines traditions à A3oka et même à
I'ensemble de l'érudition bouddhique de la Chine, de la Corée et du
Kaniska33. Nous devons à E. Lamotte la traduction de l,intéressant
Japon. A propos de la Chine, nous en avons dit un mot en évoquant
apocryphe Mañjuirt-parinirvãna-sûtra (T.463) qui semble avoir accré-
quelques-uns des grands maîtres de l'époque Souei au vI" siècle: Tche-
dité la légende d'une récitation des sûtra de douze espèces (anga) par le
yi, Ki-tsang et Houei-yuan. En Corée, Wón-hyo jÛH, au vn" siècle, se
Bodhisattva Mañjuérî 450 ans après le Nirvä.ra du Buddha3a. cette
réfère fréquemment à cet ouvrage. Enfin, au Japon, un exemple tardif,
légende exercera une certaine influence sur |historiographie extrême- jouait
auquel je me suis plusieurs fois référé, montre que le Daichidoron
orientale du bouddhisme. de référence
an"or. au xVIIIe siècle un rôle considérable comme ouvrage
Malgré tous ses défauts, cette historiographie extrême-orientale doit
sur le bouddhisme indien et même sur l'Inde. Il est cité plus de quatre-
être analysée pour I'histoire du bouddhisme indien. A cet égard, je
vingt fois dans les <Propos au sortir du Samadhi> (Shutsujo kõgo
voudrais signaler combien il me semble significatif à la fois doðtrinale-
ment et historiquement qu'une collection de texte du Grand véhicule
üË:&# 1744). de Tominaga. Ce bref essai polémique à tendance
,
rationaliste peut être considéré à la fois comme un des derniers repré-
(45 volumes, 15 pour I'Inde, 15 pour la Chine, 15 pour le Japon,
selon sentants de l'érudition bouddhique traditionnelle et comme le premier
une vieille tradition des <Trois pays> héritée du Moyen-âge japonais
ouvrage, au Japon, où s'affirme une critique doctrinale et historique,
qui ignorait le Tibet et négligeait la corée) choisisse comme-premier
d'esprit moderne, même s'il est parfois primaire.
volume de la série chinoise des extraits (traduits par Kajiyama_ yùichi
Si les Propor, ouvrage de l'AufklÌirung du Japon du xvnl" siècle36,
ædjffi- et Akamatsu Akihiko f,ffüÞ, l9g9) du Ta tche tou reflètent I'influence prépondérante d'un <Grand Traité> remontant au
louen3s. cet ouvrage a en effet été le pilier de la connaissance du
v" siècle, ils citent aussi d'autres sources sur le Bouddhisme indien et
Mahäyãna en Chine. Fort heureusement, quoique l,École, déjà men_
son histoire. Ces Propos et d'autres ceuvres dans son sillage permettent
tionnée, des <Trois Traités> s'en soit réclamée, il a transcendé les
une vision assez équilibrée des principaux groupes de sources qui ont
barrières, souvent fatales à la dissémination des textes, que continuent,
façonné la conscience historique des bouddhistes extrême-orientaux au
encore aujourd'hui, à imposer les sectes bouddhiques au Japon. Nous
sujet de I'Inde, que la préface des Propos appelle, peut-être par ironie,
vérifions ici le prestige de la prajñã-pãramitd qui donne son autorité au
d'un nom qu'on pourrait croire réservé au Japon: la <terre des dieux>
Ta tche tou louen. L'autorité que lui donne son appartenance au
Madhyamaka nagarjunien ne vient qu'en second lieu. Çinchi fr{fu) où est descendu Sãkyamuni37.

36 La lermentation rationaliste et historiciste de la Chine, puis du Japon est en lait

utilise. Il reproduit
donc des erreurs anciennes. c'est le cas dans le chapitre r des propos:
quelque peu antérieure aux <lumières> en Occident et, si influence il y eut, ce fut plutôt
<<Autour des débuts de la doctrine> *Eill'á.,où il attribue, d'après le Fa yuan tthou lin
une influence de la Chine sur I'Occident. D'un point de vue purement comparatif, on lira
avec intérêt le rapprochement entre Tominaga et Lessing (1729-1781) effectué par Michael
cercle de montagnes de fer qui clôturent notre univers (cakravdda) à deu* textes
dont seul Pye, <Aufklärung and Religion in Europe and Japan>, Religious Studies,9' 1973, p.201'
Ie second est exact: Daichidoron et Kin kang sien louen g. Isiz'i g0lal0-12). ounr
ron 217.
chapitre III: <Ainsi ai-je entendur fr1fr&lä, reprenant jusqu'au titre du 2.'chafitre
du 3? Dans l'émouvante prêface des Propos, Tominaga se déclare promis à une mort
Traíté, Tominaga ironise sur Ãnanda récitant le canon du petit véhicule pour
Mahâkã_ prochaine et adresse son livre (dont le Japon est presque totalement absent) aux lecteurs
éyapa et celui du Grand véhicule pour Mañjuórï. Sur ce sujet, voir la synthèse
JjE. I_u- de Corée, de Chine et du monde occidental représentê par I'Inde. Il s'inspire visiblement
motte: (Les Mahdyãnasùta, Explications d'ordre historique> dans <Les Sources scriptu_
rairesdel'upadeÍaetleursvaleursrespectives>, de I'expression <Japon, terre des dieux> qui a été rendue cêlèbre par Kitabatake
c.8,A.,2, l9g6,p. l0-ll.Trad.jap.par (tZS¡-t¡S¿) qui la proclame au début du Jínnõ shatok¡ frfiä
S. Katô. Bukkyogaku,5, 1978, p. t-25.
Chikafusa ilbåffi.B
EffiË¡, , <Chronique de la lignée directe des dieux et des souverains>>, (Iwanami Nihon
._jj _Dglr le chapitre lr des propos: <Divergences dans la prédication des sutra>> koten bungaku taikei, vol.87). De cet ouvrage <shintõ> riche d'une documentation
ffi;ÊRFJ , Tominaga s'inspire, non du Grand iraitë, mais de la Mahavibhas;; ;opo. bouddhique considérable, il existe une traduction annotée allemande: H. Bohner, Eucl¡
du Concile attribué au <Roi du Gandhãra> (i.e. Kaniska).
3a <Mañjuérî>. T'oung Pao, von der Wahren Gott-Kaiser-Henschaftsliníe, Japanisch-Deutsches Kultur-Institut, Tõkyö,
XLVIII, l-3 (1960), p. 37.
I:
3s Collection Daijo Butten 1935, II:1939; et anglaise: H. Paul Yarley, A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns,
, Tokyo, Chuõ Kõron, t989. Columbia U.P. New York, 1980.
^*f#ft
 l2 Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme
Indien>
Durt: Le <Traité> et l,<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien> l3
III indiens à caractère historique, récits de pèlerins chinois, ouvrages
historiques ou bibliographiques chinois.
Pour non seulement situer le rôle du Ta tche tou rouen dans Aux documents à la fois de première main et à visée historique
la
constitution d'une histoire du bouddhisme,
mais aussi pour évoquer re appartiennent quelques opuscules historiques d'origine indienne, parmi
travail qui a été fait et donner un aperçu fut spécialement influent re <<Traité des sectes>> de vasumitra
de celui qui reste i rui.e, lesquels
voudrais énumérer ici ces principuu* g.oup"s ¡.
de sources de l,histoire du (T.2031, 2032, 2033), rraduit par Kumãrajrva (350_403), par para_
mãrtha (500-569) et par Hiuan-tsang g,x (602-664). Rappelons qu'il
bouddhisme indien. Je commenc.rui pu.
les sources au"quelles ont
puisé les bouddhistes extrême-orientauxlusqu'à
l,irruption, .n E",rê..- s'agit d'un ouvrage proche des intérêts de La vallée poussin et
orient, de la science occidentale. Il faut ãistìnguer Lamotte: il fut d'abord étudié par J. Masuda3e, ensuite par paul
les ouviages t.aauts
et les ouvrages rédigés en chinois. Au premier
g.oup.
uppurtî"nn"nt d., Demiéville dans le premier numéro des Mélanges chinois et Bouddhù
textes doctrinaux et des opuscules
historiques. Au second groupe quesao de Bruxelles (1932).
appartiennent les récits de pèlerins chinois C'est encore comme documents de première main qu,on peut consi_
en Inde et les compilations
historiques dues à des moines bouddhiques. dérer les notes de voyage des pèrerins chinois en Inde. Les principaux,
Pour les études bouddhique., on p.rrt dater Fa-hien Hiuan-tsang, yi-tsing *l$ et quelques autràs, voyagè_
Ëffi,
le renouvellement dû à
I'influence occidentale des années lgg0, rent entre le v. et le vn" siècle.
celles du retour uu lupon ¿.,
premiers moines bouddhiques japonais
qui étudièrent en Europe les Les reconstitutions historiques extrême-orientales sont des ouvrages
sources en sanskrit, en pãli et en tibétain, moins sûrs. Il y eut de nombreux auteurs
seron res méthodes occiden- en général religieux
tales' Si, en Europe, l'indianisme universitaire
remontait au début du chinois, coréens, japonais, qui tentèrent des-essais d'histoire ecclésias_
-
xx" siècle, l'étude
du bouddhisme indien y était encore ,oui.l.un. tique, des généalogies sectaires, etc. englobant l'Inde et l'Extrême-
1880, puisque son fondateur, Eugène .n
Burnouf, était mort en 1g52. orient. L'un des plus anciens et des plus illustres exemples est la
L'occident fit connaître à l'Asie orientale les <Chronique des trois trésors> (Li tai san pao kt Ëft=Ëñd,
proche-orientales et méditerranéennes
sources rittéraires indiennes, i. ZO:+¡ Ae
et, plus généralement, l,épigraprrie Fei Tch'ang-fang H,F.E présentée à la cour des Souei en
597. L,aspect
et I'archéologie comme sciences auxiliaires bibliographique de cet ouvrage ne doit pas faire oublier qu'il
de l,histoire. fut fort
En Extrême-orient, avant cette introduction utilisé comme synthèse historique.
de documents inconnus
et de nouvelles méthod A vrai dire, les sources traditionnelles extrême-orientales qui viennent
I'histoire du bouddhisme indien est formé d'être citées constituent aussi une bonne part de la documentation
par les textes doctrinaux. à la
Parmi ceux-ci, il y a bien_entendu le Ta base de I'Histoire du bouddhisme indien d'E. Lamotte
fthe tou louen à côté de la et en font l,origina-
Mahãvibhasø (T' r545), de,Abhidharma-koia, lité par rapport à des ouvrages plus anciens, plus exclusivement
etc. sans oublier re sad- centrés
dharma'smy t i-upas t hdna- sùtra (T.72 l sur les documents en langues indiennes ou méditerranéennes,
Lin Li-kouang u .onru.re
) auquel comme
un ouvrage malheureusement inachevé (paris, l'Introduction à I'histoire du bouddhisme indien (1g44)
1g4g), mail d'une très d'E. Burnouf et la
grande richesse d'information3s. Ir
s'agit d'ouvrages volumineux, dont Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme ín Indië (lgg2-lgg4)
de H. Kern. Assu-
I'ampleur même a permis le stockage occasionel rément, les sources littéraires en langues indiennes
d,informations con_ et éventuellement
crètes: essais de datation, listes de patriarches, occidentales constituent le groupe le plus important
mythes et éventuellement de sources pour
contes populaires d,origine indienne. l'histoire du bouddhisme indien. Elles ìurent inaccessibles
Pour les érudits anciens, ce n'est qu,en position à l,érudition
subalterne que extrême-orientale, sauf au hasard de certaines
traductions en chinois,
venaient ensuite les sources que nous comme celle (T. 1462), exêcutée à Canton en
appellerions <documents de 4g9, de la Samantapa_
première main> et les ouvrages à visée
principale historique: opur"ul., 3e J
., Masuda' <origins and Doctrines of Early Indian
Buddist Schools>. Asia Major
[Leipzig] II, 1925, p. t-t8.
a0 P'
38 L'Aide-mémoire Demiéville. <L'orisine des sectes bouddhiques
de la vraie loi _ Recherches sur un Sùtra Dêveloppé du petit d'après paramã rtha>>, M.c.B., r,
véhicute, paris, Librairie d'Amérique
1930-1932, p. t-64.
* ¿'oiiå"i Ãäî.i-Mui.onn.uu e. r949.
 14 Durt: Le <Traité> et l.<Histoire du
Bouddhisme Indien>
Durt: Le <Traité> et l'<Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien>
sãdikã4l l5
,
source unique d'information sur
les débuts du bouddhisme
dans I'île de Lankã. rompues, ce sont en épigraphie, la nouvelle lecture des inscriptions
c'est en appendice a cette traduction indiennes, en particulier par Gregory Schopena4 et, en archéologie,
que fut conservée la mention des
d'un <Mémoriar pointé_> (tchong
cheng tieil.i *g*Ëã;åuì pî.-.r,rui, découvertes de sites et d'objets chinoisas datant des premiers
siècles de
de dater ra vie du Buddha selon l'ère chrétienne, qui ouvrent de nouveaux horizons à I'histoire
ra ouîirion indienne méridionare. pour du
des raisons différentes, Tominaga bouddhisme indien.
et E. Lamotte se sont ralliés à cette
tradition' le premier en suivant, par Après une période de moisson archéologique durant laquelle
ki, un comput erroné plaçant lu nuirrun.. erreur au ri ì a ,o, poo
suite d'une re
du Buddha en 464 avant régime de Mao Tse-tung (1949-1976) n'encouragea guère
les investiga-
J'C'; Lamotte en suivant un comput tions du côté religieux, la chine redevient la terre promise
rectifié plaçant le nirvãna en 4g5 de l,archéo-
avant J.C.a2 logie bouddhique. on a découvert des traces de bouddhisme
dans des
Louis de Layar'êe poussin, qui, peintures (tombes ruprestres du Sseu tchouan
dans le domaine
de .histoire aussi, [g/ll), dans des groupes
fut un précurseur d'E. Lamott., áuuli ae;a sculptés (le <Parinirvaîa> du K'ung-wang ctran 7L*rr),
fait un grand usage des dans ãertains
sources grecques, tibétaines et même chinoises dans types de céramique et dans des inscriptionsou. Il
ses trois vorumes ne fait pas de doute
d'histoire de l'Indea3. Il appartient que la très haute antiquité de l'introduction
à E. Lamotte de faire un du bouddhisme en chine,
usage extensif des groupes ""p.naun,
de sources qui pourrait, comme p. Demiévillea? le supposait,
extrême-orientares mentionnées remonter jusqu,avant
plus haut' Il a en outre bénéficié le I"' siècle de notre ère, ne peut pas ne pas
d'un très important groupe de sources influer sur notre vision du
qui est resté complètement ignoré bouddhisme indien et sérindien.
des érudits extrême-orientaux
ce sont les documents épigraphiques anciens:
et archéologiques dont l,inventaire Dans la même orientation de recherche,
et pour tempérer une vision
s'étaìt déja fort amplifié. aepuis tro.p européo-centrique du renouvellement
L temp, a" Burnouf, de Kern et de La des études bouddhiques
Vallée Poussin et dont l'enrichissem.ni indiennes à partir du xrx" siècle, observons
r" pourruit. c,est d,ailleurs qu,en Extrême_Orient, un
des domaines où r'Histoire d'E. nouveau groupe de sources a commencé
Lamotte a ie plus besoin de mise jour. 'un à être exploité à partir de la I,"
Après la période d'exploration à
d", ouri, de l'Asie centrale chinoise moitié du xx" siècle: des documents rédigés
en chinois mais non-boud-
durant les premières années du
xx" ri¿.1., 1., prus fécondes découvertes
bouddhiques des décennies suivantes
on, Lu pour théâtre Ie territoire
de
kusana, i.e. t,Indedu Nord_Ouest,
fll::" :rnnire
ntstan et sa zone limitrophe faisant
le pakistan, l,Afgha_ aa <Mahãyãna
in Indian Inscriptions>, Indo-lranian Journal,21,
lg7g,p. l_19; (avec
partie de I,U.R.S.S. A l,heure Richard salomon.¡ <The Indravarm*
ta"u""i cãrteitnscription Reconsidered: Further
actuelle' où les fouilles en Afghanistan Evidence lor canonicar o1::uu:r
sont malheureusement inter- in ln.".,ption.r, The Journar of the Inter-
national Association of Buddhß,;s,"¿irr,l,t
(llsÐ^,-i'.'iol_tzlrBurial .ad sanctos,
'ìuddhií
Physical Presence oritr" nud¿ha and the
a r in Earty lì¿i""'il'r¿å¡,irm. A study in theArchaeology
L',introduction historique (Bahira-nidãna-vannanã)de of Religions>, Rerision. 17,
le principal témoignage su¡ ia tradition ce commentaire du vinaya fut lg8"r, p. rgl-izs;..ihãin...iptions on rhe Kusãn
.ä.iäråiäi.'ä..l,histoire du bouddhisme the character ol rhe Eartv Image and
qui fut accessible en chinois. or, ancien Mahãyãna in India>>, i.i.i.a.s., 10,2 (lgLi),p. 99_137; <on
-conception
c'esr là ìì"ãr,iãiî¿idionul., grâce the Buddha and his Bonás.
des ouvrages hisrorioues nroduits surtout ã ìa qualité The or u n.li. in the Inscriptions of Nâgãrjuni-
I'historiographie occiàentåre. ii
¿ans ï^iiä.
ã. qri exerça re prus d,influence sur foçCuu, Journal of the American Orieniat Sociery,lOS,+ (ISAS), p.527_537;<On
'lre Nuns and 'Vulgar' Practices: Monks,
samantapãsãdikd: shan chien.p'i p'o"¡*'T".'i.*""tiii"r'se de la version chinoise de ra
sha. ¿ cin-itr'ïîrrion by sanghabhadra
The Introduction oi trr. i-ug. curt ¡IrLU
--¡¡4éç Lu¡r into rlruran
Indian ,'uocl
Buddhism>,
,r')r"j'!', td P V. Bapat, ati.u iriruLu*u, of samawa_
er1!us,,A.si1e, xllx, r-2, lggg-g9, p. I53-r6g.
ilñufu;, oriental series, 10, pä*" lqzo,
a2 voir H
.'rï¡ijj.,ri"'öl1i,fË"îli:,åT:"ïlï,,i;,T:å? ;:"îÍ,ïî.'.:".#::!:î,",,,,
Durt, (The two Different Dates for the
the 'Dotted Record' (as it is quoted in Life of the Buddha according to ç4s se rep'se en traduction chinoise d'une antique inscription hinayanique
the Li-ta¡ sa)-poo ,hi r. *LIX etudré dans H. est
,o¿1", ,0, Dating of the Histàricat
nr¿iir, i
2034 23a and xi Durt, Krishnã
votils du v'siècle découverts !.1tou{, Lai fung_tung,<<A propos de..stüpa miniatures>
i,'ä." iltsechert, Göuingen 1991, pp. 486_ à Tourran et au dansoí>, Arts Asiatiques, XL, 19g5, p.92-
a3 a7 <<Le
U) Indo-européens et Indo'iraniens. jusque bouddhisme chinois>.dan^s-r'¿s
.L'Inde
L'Inde au rcmps des Maurv.a e.t des Barbarer, ^vers.
éi-rii,'S"y,nrr,
300 avant Jésus-Christ,
piri:nrr-"i'îi-,in,, [2] -
rncyclopédie de la pléiade paris. toire des rerigions,éd. par Henri-charles puech,
Dynasties et hisroire de t'rnde^depuß pl
r;r;;;;;r;;:;;; invasions musutmanes,Tomes rII sur le bouddhisme I970, p. r250. ce que la chine nous enseigne
-'pîu,
indien, on relira la contribution de p. Demiéville: <Les
!''ÉiÌ'[l;i ã' i"åiË"iäï"r-'Hi',"i." ã,''îîå;,',-;ä. cnrnorsesD d'ans
L'lnde cra:ssique éd. par Louis Renou et Jean
sources
li'i1iå,Jt¡"1ris:s) ou. Filliozat, paris - Hanoi
li,i!:å"f"';,uol,';2 a été reprise aan, Þ ó.-i¿-
åî'):;rii::;,ll,t::';P"i'ät'¿'.
 16 Durt: Le <Traité> et l,<Histoire
du Bouddhisme Indien>

dhiques' c'est-à-dire
surtout les annales et archives officielles et la
polémique taoiste.
cependant, sur la séparation
des deux véhicules et sur la question
c¡ucife de la légitimité historique THE MEANING OF "DHARMA''
du Grand véhicule, ce sont les texres
doctrinaux' comme r'(Ipade,a,qui THE BUDDHIST THEORY OF EXISTENCE
apportent les informations les moins
indigente.s. On peut
donc supposer que plus encore que dans le J".
volume de son Histoire, Akira Hrnerew¡.*
E. Lamotte uuruiiruit usage du Traité dans
second volurne de I Histoire re
du bouddhisme indien. ce volume aurait été
centré sur I'essor du
Grand Véhicule. Une telte <histoire>, amorcée par
dans quelques publication, 1. Dharma as Power
l^.^l*"1r"
reste un des grands
o""arionnellesas seulement,
desiderata des études bouddhiques.
In the Prasannapadãl Candrakirti distinguishes three meanings of
"dharma". First, the "meaning [of dharma] as that which supports its
own mark" (svalaksanadhãranãrtha); second, the "meaning [of dharma]
as that which impedes the going into an evil destiny" (kugatigamana-
vidhãranãrtha); and third, the "meaning [of dharma] as that which
impedes going into the five [evil] destinies ol transmigration" Qtañca-
g at ik as aty s ãr ag aman av i dhãr anãr th a).
Candrakirti explains the first meaning of dharma, "that which sup-
ports its own mark", as referring to "all defiled (sasrava) and undefiled
(anãsrava) dharmas"2. Since all dharmas are included within the two
categories of defiled dharmas (sdsravadharma) and undefiled dharmas,
we can say that "supporting its own mark" is a general characteristic of
all dharmas. The Abhidharmakósa also explains that "a dharma [is a
dharma] because it supports its own mark (svalaksanadhãrandd dhar-
maþ)"'. The Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa, from the Theravãda
tradition, defines dharma in almost the same way: attano lakkhanam
dhãrentîti dhammda. We can conclude that in general the Buddhist
tradition accepts "supporting its own mark" as the definition for
dharma.
The second meaning of dharma given by Candrakïrti, as "that which
impedes the going into an evil destiny", is explained as referring to the
"dharmas of the ten good [actions] and so forth" (daiakuialãdayo
dharmah).If one performs good deeds, one can avoid falling into the
three evil destinies of hell the hungry ghosts, and animals. Thus the
performance of good deeds, such as those deeds outlined in Buddhist
* (Honorary Prolessor, Tokyo Universify), 43, Hanazono-cho, Chiba-Shi, Chiba-Ken,
JAPAN.

I See L. de La Vallée Poussin, Prasannapadã, pp. 304, 3-6.

tr,çr*N:rrrxAn.sl¡,r.i:¡:,¡:t;:!#r,x 2 See note L
3 See P. Pradhan,
Abhidharmakoiabhasya,Patna,196'1, p. 2, l.
a See VisuddhimaggaXY,
10.
HOS. 41, p.408.
 l8
Hirakawa: The Meaning of Dharma
teaching as the "ten good actions" (daia-kuiala-karmapathdh) and so
forth, has the power to keep sentient beings from falling into evil
destinies. This power is dharma. In this case, these are dharmas with a
nature of goodness.
In light of this, it is possible to interpret the first type of dharma,
"that which supports its own mark", as also ',an existence as power',,
since these also are dharmas. For example, passions such as llst (rãga)
and anger (dvesa) arise in the human mind and have the power to move
the mind. Therefore the dharma of lust and the dharma of anger are
powers, or forces, which support the mark of, respectively, lust and
anger. These "powers" are the dharmas of lust and anger.
The third meaning of dharma, "that which impedes going into the
five destinies of transmigration", is explained by candrakirti as referring
to "nirvãla". He adds that this nirvãla is dharma as in the case of
taking refuge in the dharma. Nirvãna has the power to keep sentient
beings away from becoming tied to a transmigratory existence. This
power is called the dharma of nirvãla.
Candrakrrti classifies dharma into these three meanings. However,
tbe Abhidharmakoía contains only the first definition-dharma as ,,that
which supports its own mark", adding thaf abhidharma means that
which is directed toward dharma Qtratyabhimukha). In this sense
abhidharma means the wisdom which investigates dharm a. The Abhi-
dharmakoía distinguishes between two types of objects which this
abhidharma (wisdom) investigates: "nirvãna, which is the absolute
dharma" Qtaramãrthadharmam nirvanam) and "dharma as the mark of
dharma" (dharmalaksanam dharman)s. Here, the "own mark" of
dharma is explained in terms of "dharma as the mark of dharma".
2. The "Own Marks" (svalaksana) and,,Own Naturer, (svøbhãva) ol
Dharma
Dharmas are defined as "supporting their own mark", which brings
up the question as to what it means to support one's own mark. The
Sarvãstivãda school defined this as existing with its own nature (svø-
bhava). For example, the four basic elements of earth, water, fire, and
wind have their own defining nature. Earth has hardness (khara), water
has wetness (sneha), fire has heat (usna), and wind has movement
(lrarya)6.
s P. Pradhan, AbhidharmakoÍa, p.2, ll-12.
ó P. Pradhan, Abhidharmakoia, pp.8, 19-20: svabhavas tu yathãkramam
kharasne-
hosnateranõh.
Hirakawa: The Meaning of Dharma 19
of these four elements, the nature of fire is heat. The eye perceives
of
color when it looks at a flame, but that is not the essential nature
fire. Heat is the "own-nature" of the dharma of fire. In the same
way,
movement is the defining "own-nature" of wind. One cannot See the
wind with one's eyes, but one can see the movement caused by wind
of
and know that there is wind. In this way the deflning "own-nature"
a dharma is that dharma itself.
If we extend this idea to the dharma of "redness" we can say that the
dharma of redness is a collection of atoms Qtaramãnu) of "redness".
These atoms of "redness" are the "own nature" of the dharma of red.
The red color that these atoms possess is the mark of redness. In the
above definition of dharma as "that which supports its own mark", the
atoms of redness refer to the dharma aS "own nature"' and the red
color refers to its "own mark".
Material things are all made up of atomic matter, so in this case one
can point to these atoms as the own nature of material dharmas. The
menial sphere is not made up of material atoms, which makes it
difficult to make the distinction between mark and nature. Let us take
the case of the dharma of anger, for example. When anger arises in the
mind, we realize that anger has arisen. At that point, however, all we
,.mark" of the anger. By coming to know the mark of the
know is the
anger, one comes to know of the existence of the nature of anger'
,,own-nature" of anger exists sometimes even when one is
However, the
not aware of it. The nature of the dharma exists, but the mark is known
through the relationship between the mark and one's consciousness. In
the case of fire, for example, heat as a mark of fire is felt through the
perception of heat, and heat as the nature of fire is "that which arouses
ihe pãrception of heat" within human beings. Therefore it is a kind of
power. The Sarvãstivãda school claimed that even in the case of anger
within the mind, it is possible to distinguish between the nature of
anger and its mark.
Dharmas are also classified into conditioned dharmas (samskrÍa-
dharma) and unconditioned dharm as (asamskrta-dharma). "Unconditioned
dharmas" refer to nirvãla and space (akaÍa), and so on' that is, to
dharmas which do not change. "Conditioned dharmas" refer to the
dharmas which comprise in this world of constant change. The classifi-
cation of dharma into conditioned and unconditioned dharmas was
made during the period of early Buddhism. I will not talk about
unconditioned dharmas. As for conditioned dharmas, the reason I
made the claim above that "dharma is power" is that conditioned
dharmas are always changing and cannot be grasped as fixed existences'
 20 Hirakawa: The Meaning ol Dharma
Hirakawa: The Meaning of Dharma 2t
our world is one in which everything is in flux (sabbe samkhãra
aniccd). collection of sounds which last for many ksaqta, this is a samvrti-sat,
All existing things are ceaselessly changing. To use u phrur. from
Sarvãstivãda school, dharmas are changing ,,in each
the because it does not exist for one ksqna. Psychological dharmas such as
màment,, (k¡arya). and lust can be divided into single ksana and, still have existence
Everything which arises is extinguished in a moment (ksanabhanga). anger
as anger and lust; therefore these are dharmas.
Therefore dharmas do not have self identity through tìme. Things
From this point of view, and individual is made up of a combination
which are constantly changing cannot have astable "existence,,because
they pass away in the moment in which they arise. of body and mind, and both body and mind are up of a collection of
Therefore dharma many dharmas. Therefore an individual is a samvrti-sat.In the case of
must be understood rather as a physical or psychological
energy, an the mind, one can say that there are many psychological operations
"existence as power".
Dharmas are always in a condition of change, so whitin the mind, and that these psychological operations are dharmas.
dharmas have no The mind itself then, as a collection of these psychological operations,
essential substance. This idea is expressed in the phrase ..all
are without a selfl' (sabbe dhammã anattã). In this case ,.no
dharmas is a samvrti-sat. In the case of one's self-consciousness, it is the
selfl "consciousness" of one's self which exists. The fact that one is con-
(andtman) means to be without essential substance,
or without self scious of oneself does not serve to prove the existence of a "self
identity through time. The sarvästivãda school defined a
ksana as (ãtman). Thus Buddhism does not recognize the "self' as a dharma.
measuring one seventy-fifth of a second long. They
craimed thai for the The consciousness (mano-vijñana) is the "operation of cognition", and
duration of a ksana, a dharma had serf identity through time.
However, is one type of dharma.
it is impossible to grasp something for the short duraiion of r/75th
of a
second. Neither can one prove the existence of a dharma
during such a
short time, so one cannot say that dharmas exist for
one ksana. one 3. The Formation of Dharmas; Own-Nature and No-Own-Nature.
must understand dharmas as "existing" in flux, and
we must recognize
this mark as being the nature of dharmas.
The Abhidharmakoia takes the position of the sarvãstivãda
As I have outlined above, the Sarvãstivãda school taught that
school, dharmas are that which have their own nature. In response to this
and classifies all existence into two categories?. Dharmas
are taken to position, the Mahãyãna Mãdhyamika school declared that dharmas are
be "real existence" Qtaramãrtha-søl, "supreme existence,,),
and the without any such own-nature (nihsvabhava). Nagarjuna, in his Madhya-
"existence" we perceive, which is really the collective gatheriig
of many makasutra, emphasizes that existence is without such own-nature8.
dharmas, is called "perceived existence" (samvrti-sat,..worldly
existence,,). How could such a different interpretation of dharma appear among
For example, let us say that we have an earthenware
¡ar, which has Buddhist? I believe that this disparity is due to a difference in inter-
color and shape. If the jar is smashed into pieces, its form
is lost and preting the Buddhist idea of conditioned co-arising Qtratîtyasamutpada).
the jar ceases to exist (as a jar). Things which cease
to exist when their The idea that dharmas "arise through conditioned co-arising" Qtatic-
from is lost are called samvrti-sat. rn contrast, since the pieces
of the jar casamuppanna-dhamma) can be found and there even in the Ãgama-
still exist' those pieces still have color. In the case of a blue jar,
the sùtras.In terms of the scheme of "twelvefold conditioned co-arising", it
jar remains even if the pieces are smashed into powder
blueness of the
is said that "due to conditions of ignorance, there is karmic action"
or atoms. This blueness at the level of atoms is .,an existence
which (avijjãpaccayd-sankharã)e. In this case avijjã is the condition Qtaccaya),
does not depend on anything else", that is, it has its
own nature (its and sqnkhãrø is "the dharma which arises due to certain conditions"
own existence-svabhdva). These are dharmas.
These atoms refer to the spatial division of matter Qta¡iccasamuppanna-dhqmmc). However, in the case when "due to
at level where it conditions of karmic action, there is consciousness", the sankhãra in
can no longer be divided. Momentary existence in terms
of a ksana is turn is the condition, and consciousness is the dharma which arises due
division of matter according to time. A sound (iabda)
e^ists fàr'áne to certain conditions. Thus from the perspective of avijjã, sankhãra is a
k;ar1a, therefore it is a dharma. when there is a ':meaningful
word,,, a
7 P. Pradhan, Abhidharmakoia, 8 L. de La Vallée 16;Xll,2l; XXII,
p.334, l_2. Poussin, Madhyamakasútral, 16.
e ,S1{ vol. II, p. 23, etc.
22 Hirakawa: The Meaning of Dharma 23
Hirakawa: The Meaning of Dharma

dharma, but from the perspective of consciousness, sankhara is a eitathakhyaty-aldtacakravat)to,

and dharmas are understood in the
"condition". One existence can be both a condition and a dharma. same way.
However, Sankhãra is not something which arises due to the single The Sarvãstivãda school, on the other hand, emphasizes dharmas
condition of avijja. Sankhara arises on the basis of a collection of more than conditioned co-arising. Since conditioned co-arising is
formed
numerous conditions along with that of avijja. In this sense the aggre- by the coming together of dharmas, they accept the real existence of
gate of all conditions, including avijja, and the resulting dharma of dharmas as the basis of conditioned co-arising. Dharmas are defined as
sarikhãra cannot be said to be the same, nor can they be said to be ,,that which exists without depending on anything else (that is, having
different. Children born from their two parents, for example, are very its own nature)". The Sarvãstivâda school placed great importance on
similar in many ways to their parents, but are not exactly the same. the study of dharmas, and were interested in the idea of what a dharma
Many conditions have come together and fused into a single result. The is, and eventually came to understand dharmas without considering
result resembles the many conditions, but it constitutes a dharma which their relation to conditioned co-arising. The defined dharmas first, and
is a separate result. In this case a dharma is "the resulting amalgama- then considered conditioned co-arising. As a result they viewed dharmas
tion" of various conditions. This dharma is a single thing which as having real existence, and defined dharmas as that having its own-
identifiably exists, and is recognized as supporting its own mark, or nature. However, in order to understand existence, dharmas and condi-
characteristic. If the conditions which gave birth to this dharma continued tioned co-arising must both be considered equally.
to exist in the same situation, the dharma which arises from these
conditions should continue to exist with a similar form over time.
Therefore it appears that the same dharma continues to exist for a long
period of time, but actually it is continuously changing. In any case, the
conditions are numerous, and it is impossible to discern the state in
which these conditions come together. However, in the case of a
dharma, it is established, as one thing, and it can be recognized as a
dharma. But what is recognized is the mark (svalaksana) of the dharma.
In any case, a dharma is formed through the amalgamation of
numerous conditions. This dharma then combines with other condi-
tions and acts as a condition to form other dharmas. By acting as a
condition, it is fused into the new dharma and disappears.
In this way dharmas arise through conditioned co-arising, but then
these dharmas combine with other dharmas and lead to further condi-
tioned co-arising. The relationship between dharmas and conditioned
co-arising is like the proverbial chicken and the egg: we cannot
determine which comes first. Those who emphasize the primacy of
conditioned co-arising say that "dharmas are formed through condi-
tioned co-arising". However, those who emphasize the primacy of
dharmas say that "conditioned co-arising is the combination of dhar-
mas". The Madhyamika school takes the first position, that dharmas
are formed through conditioned co-arising, and thus says that dharmas
are samvrti-sat, and that they are fundamentally empty (iunya) and
without any own-nature (niþsvabhãva). Dharmas are said to be "illu-
sionary dharmas" (mosadharma), like a ring of fire produced by swinging
a torch in a circle (aldta-cakra). The ring appears as an illusion ro Prasannapadd, p. 238, 2-4.
r-

A NOTE ON ANÃTMAN
IN THE WORK OF E. LAMOTTE

Kamaleswar BH¡.ttncglnY¡. *

ln his Histoire du Bouddhisme indien, E. Lamotte honestly examined

the question of anãtman in early Buddhism. He took it up again in the
foUrth volume of his Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse.In the latter
work, Lamotte does not agree with Oldenberg, Frauwallner, and myself
(p. 2005). But his criticism is a model of elegant scholarshipl'
So far as I can see, Lamotte's argumentation is vitiated by the fact
that he does not make a clear distinction - along with the majority of
Buddhist scholars of our time between the Upanisadic ãtman and the
- Nyaya-Vaiéesika, Mrmãmsã, Sámkhya,
ãtmans of other systems such as
and Jainism. The specificity of the Upanisadic alman was, however,
already pointed out by Sankara in BrahmasútrabhãsyaI,l,4.
The following passage frorn the Traité (p.1995) is really confusing:
"... la notion d'Ãtman que les bouddhistes combattent est celle d'une
entité permanenle (nitya), stable (dhruva), éternelle (íãÍvata), immuable
(aviparinãmadharman) que les ignorants attribuent au grand Brahman
(D.l,p.l8-19), à certaines divinités (D. I, p. 19-20), à eux-mêmes ou à
d'autres (M.I, p.8, 135, 137; S. III, p.98-99, 183): cette notion est
étroitement apparentée à celle du Brahman-Ãtman des Upanisad et du
Vedanta.
"Le Buddha l'écarte résolument et déclare: Natthi nicco dhuvo sqssato
aviparinãmadhammo (5. III, p. 144)".
I do not believe that the texts cited have anything to do with the
Upanisadic doctrine of ãtman'brahman. The last quote, from the
Samyutta-Nikãya, is significant: the text condemns, not the belief in a
timeless Absolute, which is "permanent", "stable", "eternal", "irnmu-
table", but the conception of a psychophysical individuality possessing
all these qualities: n' atthi kho, bhikkhu, kiñci ruparp yam rùpam niccam

r Paris. 32 route de Brie, F91800 Brunoy, FRANCE.

I Lamotte's observations have given rise to a controversy between Professors Frits

Staal and J.W. de Jong: see Cahþrs d'Extrême-Asie'. Revue de t'École française d'Extrême-
Or¡ez¡, Section de Kyoto, I (1985) and 3 (1987).
 26 Bhattacharya: A note on Anãtman

dhuvary s as sat am av ip ør indmadhammar.n sassatisamam tat h, eva

hassati. t
(Similarly with the other khandas, vedànã,
etc.).
The problem exists in Buddhism, and it cannot
be easily dispensed
with, when we take into account the tension ON THE ÃTU¡.N THEORY IN THE
between ãtman and
qnãtmqn in Mahãyãna texts. (There
were two interesting papers on tnis MAHÃPARINIRVÃNASÛTRA
subject in this conference itself). It is, therefore,
good that discussions
on the subject, sometimes from new points of Kyoko Fu¡lr*
view, ur" going onr.
There is one point upon which professor
Lamotte did not touch: the
association between ãtman and brahman
in the pali canon. It is not
enough to say
- as it isdifferent
often done that the term brahma¿ in these Mahãparinirvãnasútra of Mahãyãna (MPS) is one of the sütras which
texts means something from- what it means in the Upranisads expound f.he tøthãgatagarbha-vãda, as well as Tathãgatagarbhasutra,
e'g', in Sãmkhya, it is used to designate the pradhãna). Srimõlãsútra and so on, in the Indian Mahãyãna Buddhism. This sttra
!as' The cãntexts
in which the rerm is used are imporranl, and expounds the ätman clearly and admires it highly, although Buddhism
asìudy of ti" ¿itioiotna,
and the Tikãs has led me to believe that the has been asserting the anãtman-vdda. The sùtra is characteÅzed by its
authors of these commen-
taries were annoyed by the occurrence of this ãtman theory. Then, how and why can the âtman be explained in the
term in the Buddhist
texts' In their eagerness to isolate Buddhism sütra? And what is the ãtman the sùtra asserts? This paper is intended
from the Brahmanical
tradition, they sought to obscure the original to approach these problems according to the explanation of the sùtra.
meaning of this imfortant
term; but through their various attemps can be At first, as to the text of the sütra, there are four chinese translation
- ro it ,"..,
discerned
to me this original meaning, which is the same as in and two Tibetan ones. The sanskrit text does not remain except in
-
In a letter dated october 27, 1979, professor Lamotte
the upanisads3.
fragments. concerning the four chinese texts, the first text consists of
spoke to me, in
a different connection, of "les progrès considérables 40 volumes and was translated by Tan-wu-chen [Taisho. No. 374]. The
accomplis par ra
science". The little that is said in this note second is a revised edition of the first one, and consists of 36 volumes
is said in that spirit.
[Taisho. No. 375]. The third consists of 6 volumes, and was translated
by Fa-xian for the first time in China at the beginning of the fifth
century [Taisho. No. 376]. The fourth one consists of only 2 volumes,
and it contains the last part of the sutra. This text was translated by
Jñãnabhadra during the Tang Dynasty [Taisho No. 377]. As to the two
Tibetan texts, one is the retranslation from the first and the fourth
chinese texts [Peking ed. No. 787]. So this is not so important as a
material for study. The other corresponds to the third chinese text
which has 6 volumes [Peking ed. No. 788].
2 See J. Pérez-Remón, Regarding the Sanskrit text, as mentioned above, it is unknown, and
Setf and Non_Self in Early Buddhism, The Hague,
Publishers (Religion and Reason ZZ), lgg0; S. Mouton
Coltínr, Sefless persons. Imagery and at the present only eight folios of manuscripts are known to exist. Their
Thought in Theravãda Buddlism, Cambridge
Uniu.rrìiy press, l9g2; C. Oetke, ,,Ich,, und contents are all included in the third chinese text and also in the part of
das lch, Sttttgart' Franz Steiner Verlag wiãruu¿.n
co''u H (Alt- uncl Neu-Ind¡sche lud¡en,
herausgegeben vom seminar für Kriltur un¿
c"."tì"nte Indiens an der universität volume 1-10 of the first Chinese textl. According to this faci, con-
Hamburg), 1988.
- Despire anapiroach
difference between Pérez-Remón's
apparently i¿entrcal srandpoinr,;;;-i,î
Ëuft or
versely, on the formation of the sùtra, it is supposed that the
contents
un¿ -in.
has olten been missed by schorars..i'he_spanish - a diffeience whi"n, unt-t,ïnut.ty, of the sùtra included in the third Chinese text and in the part of
,.hoj"., moreover, does not
been aware of L'Ãtman-Brahman dans t"^n*a¿n¡t^r'o^ncien,pubr.EFEo, seem to have volumes l-10 of the first Chinese, was exactly composed in Indian
while writing his book. 90, paris, r973,
3 "some Thoughts
on ãrm_an-brohman in Earry Buddhism,,, Dr. B.M. * 5-22-22-205 Sanarudai Hamamatsu-shi Shizuoka-ken 432 - JAPAN.
^
Cenlenary Commemoralion Volume, 1989 (Calcutta: Bauddha
Barua Birth
-SuUfru¡,
pp. 63-83. Oha.manLu. r-Kazunobu
Matsuda: sanskrit Fragments of the Mahayana Mahaparinirvãnasurro
pp. l2-15. (Studia Tibetica
no. l4 Toyo Bunko, Tokyo 1988).
28 Fujii: On the Ätman Theory in the Mahãparinirvãlrasútra
Mahãyana Buddhism, but as to the remaining part, namely, volumes
ll-40 of the ûrst Chinese text, it is doubtful whether it was made in
India or not2.
However, at the present, the most complete text is the second
Chinese revised edition which has 36 volumes. So I use it now.
The sùtra can be divided into two parts judging from the its contents
of the ãtman theory. Namely the former part is volumes l-10. The
latter part is volumes ll-36. Now I examine the ãtman theory of the
sutra, dividing it into two parts.
The MPS expounds the buddhadhãtu or tathagatagarbha as an evidence
of the sarvasattva's enlightenment, and declares that all living beings
are possessed of the buddhadhqtu without exception. The remarkable
characteristic of the srltra is that it explains cleary the buddhadhãtu is
nothing but the real ãtman. The andtman-vãda is one of the most basic
doctrine of the Buddhism. Then, how and why can the ãtman be
explained in spite of the anãtman-vãda principle?
In the former part of the sutra, in the Ai-tan chapter 1 Ë*ffi ) the
sutra says as follows:just before the Buddha's parinirvãla, the Buddha
allowed all monks to ask any questions if any. Then the monks said to
the Buddha, "We have been practicing the observation of anãtman well,
and have never misunderstood the atman, pudgala, sattvq, jrva and so
on, as the truth". And the Buddha praized them. Thereupon they said
to the Buddha again, "We have been practicing not only the observa-
tion of anãtman but also the observation of duhkha, anitya, qiuci" . And,
they stated that the monk who did not practice the observation of
duhkha, anitya, andtman, and aÍuci, could not be saint. Just like a
drunkard had an illusion that everything span around him, similarly he
would live and die in samsdra. Hearing that, the Buddha preached
them, "You do not understand the meaning of the drunkard's metaphor
completely". The drunkard has an illusion about the sun or the moon
as if it turned around. Likewise sattva on account of the kleÍa, avidya,
they make a delusion in their mind, and misunderstand the atman as
andtman, nitya as anitya, Íuci as aiuci, sùkhq as duhkhs. But in reality,
the atman signifies the Buddha, nitya is dharmakaya, sukhø is nirvãna,
Íuci is saddharma. "Here, the Buddha changed the past four illusions
into the right views. The past lour illusions are following: (l) The
phenomenal world is permanent. (2) The world is a source of pleasure.
(3) The phenomenal world is pure. (4) There exists the ãtman.
But these four opinions were denied and eliminated as illusions by
2 lbid. Mafsuda, p. 15.
Fujii: On the Ãtman Theory in the Mahãparinirvär¡asütra 29
the way of cqfidri-smrty-upasthãnani. However again
in the Mahãpari-
as the present
nitvãnasútra, the past right views is denied and eliminated
four illusions, and the past four illusions are amrmed again and
changed into the right views'
The Buddha preaches that the ãtman is the buddha, nitya is dharma-
kãya, sukha is nirvãrya, and Suci is saddharm¿. Like above
the double
denial of the four illusions, the sütra succeeded in asserting the âtman
within a set of four merits. The four merits, dtman, nitya, sukha, 'iuci
which were obtained by the double denial of the four illusions are
mentioned as four merits of nirvarya in the latter part of the sùtra.
The very reason why, at the beginning of ai-tan chapter, the sutra
called the practice of anãtman into question, is to assert the ãtman by
means of double denial of the four illusions. So for the sütra, this
double denial is a condition of premise to assert the ãtman, and has an
important significance.
Thus the ãtman can be explained within a set of four merits. But
Buddhism has been asserting anãtman-vada from its foundation. So
when the sütra asserts the ãtman, there necessarily the right reason is
needed. About this reason the sùtra says the past anãtmanvdda was only
an upaya to eliminate the wrong thought about the ãtman which is
common in the ordinary world, but in the fact the ãtman exists
originally.
Then what is difference between the ãtman the sütra asserts and the
one non-buddhist philosophers assert? The sütra says that the ãtman
the Buddha preaches is not like the ordinary thought, for example, the
ãtman is like a poppy seed or largeness of one's thumb and so on.
In the sütra the âtman is true permanent existence. In the Su-dao
chapter t[Së]ÉÊl the sutra explains that the ãtman is nothing but the
buddhadhãtu. And in the buddhadhatu chaptet tt[XËffi] the átman is
massly explained, and there the ãtman is explained as the tathagata-
garbha. The sütra emphasizes that the ãtman is nothing but the
tathãgatøgarbha, but no special explanation, for example, the problem
of the subject of sarpsãra is not given. The sütra only explains that the
real laksqna of the ãtman is buddhadhatu ot tathãgatagarbha's one.
Thus the sùtra asserts the ãtman positively, but at the same time takes
cautions against the view leaning to one extreme, namely, ãtman'vdda
or anatmanvãda. So the sütra explains an identity between ãtman and
anätman. The sùtra says the ãtman is nothing but the anãtman and the
anã.tman is also nothing but the ãtman, and by transcending the two
extremes one can realize the middle path. And when the middle path is
 30 Fujii: On the Ãtman Theory in the Mahãparinirvãnasütra 3l
Fujii: On the Ãtman Theory in the Mahãparinirvãlasùtra

realized, the real ãtman is revealed to him as a true dharma the same
results that the asserting of the ãtman is weakened inversely
with the other three merits, nitya, iuci, and sukhq.
proportional to the emphasizing the four merits.
From above these explanations of the sütra the ãtman theory in the
e) The Buddhadhãtu is combined with íúnya-vãda and the middle
former part is concluded as followings;
path between the ãtman and the anãtman is emphasized. This
(l) The double denial of the four illusions is an important condition makes a roll of amendment of the excessive assertion of the
of premise for asserting the existence of the ãtman.
atman in the former part of the sùtra, avoiding being depraved
(2) The ãtman is tathãgatagarbhq or buddhadhatu. It is unchangeable,
into the substantialism.
permanent existence. In the sutra there are no special comments
Thus the ätman in the MPS, in the former part it is highly asserted
on the problem of one's subject or basis.
as lhe buddhadhLtu, but in the latter part it is treated only as one merit
(3) The ãtman is the true dharma which is obtained by transcending
among the four of nirvãna.
the two extremes about the existence.
This fact suggests an important problem concerning the formation of
In the latter part of the sütra (vorumes lr-36), suddenly the sutra
the MPS. Namely, the formative process of the sütra may be divided
fades the tone of advocating the atman. Ãtman is often expiained
only into two periods at least. And according to the fact that the existing
within a set of the four merits of nirvãna. Especially in the chapter of
Sanskrit fragments correspond to the only former part of the sùtra, and
simhanddq parivarta tffi+mffi I the buddhadhãtu is combined with
the the fragments corresponding to the latter one are unknown, we can say
Sunya-vãda of the prajñapãramitã and the middle path. The sùtra
says that the former part of the sütra was evidently formed in India in the
that the middle path is realized when one observes the phenomena in
first period, but the rest may be formed in the second period in other
the world not only as Íùnya, anitya, duhkha, and anatman but also as
areas except India, for example, in Central Asia.
aSunya, nitya, sukha and ãtman. And also as to the ãtman, when
it is
explained singly, the contents of explanation is as follows: in the
simhandda parivarÍa the sutra introduces one story about a Brahma- Appendix
cãrin. There lived a Brahmacãrin. He listened to the Buddh a,s anãtman-
In the later paper with the same title, I suggested the ãtman in the MMPS
vãda. And he cherished a uccheda-drs¡i in his mind. The Buddha played a major role in forming the buddhadhãtu(tathagatagarbha)-vãda.
understood his mind and preached that all living beings are possessed Kyoko FurtI, "On the Atman Theory in the Mahãyãnamahãparinitvãlasütra",
of the buddhadhatu without exception. To hear that his Brahmacãrin ÃfU,llÑÃU,¿ --- Professor Sengaku MAYEDA on the Occasion of His
took refuge in the Buddha. After introducing this story, the sütra says Sixtieth Birthday, October 1991, Tokyo, pp. 123-137.
that the buddhadhãtu is not the ãtman in fact. For the Buddha explains
it as the ãtman only to save the sattva. or conversely the buddha¿iam¡s
ãtman in fact, for the Buddha explains it as the anãtman to save the
sattva by means of upãya. The way of explaining of the ãtman is as
above. Here we can see the clear change of explanation to the ãtman
comparing the former part of the sütra. The srltra emphasizes the
middle path transcending the two extremes.
concluding the latter part of the sùtra we can see the following two
points.
(l) The ãtman is often explained only within a set of the four merits
of nirvãra and is seldom explained separately. This means that
the sùtra emphasizes the four merits instead of the atman. And it

3 The double denial of the

four illusions is also explained in Srtmãlasimhanãda.rutra
with more complete style.
 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERM "PÃTIMOKKHA''
IN EARLY BUDDHISM

Noritoshi An¡,lr¡.rr*

Great scholars of the preceding generation in our discipline, including

E. Frauwallner, E. Waldschmidt and É. Lamotte as their last, all share
the modern anthropocentric view of Gotama the Buddha that during
His forty-five years of wandering ministry He has taught all the
essential parts of Buddhist sùtras and vinayas, if not abhidharmas,
transmitted to our day. I challenge this modern anthropocentric view of
Gotama the Buddha through applying my text-stratum-analytical
method onto these transmitted texts and searching for their historical
realities implied in the development of those strata of texts: I do
recognize Gotama the Buddha as a historical reality, but He is not only
present in His person as an unique historical reality, but is omnipresent
especially in His stûpas as innumerable historical realities. Accordingly
it is not only during His life time but whenever and wherever He is
present there in }Jis stûpas that He teaches His Buddhist sutras and
vinayas to the generations of His disciples. We must not hesitate to
analyze the Buddhist sutras and vinayas, verse and prose, into the strata
of the textual development and to search for the historical realities
implied in them.
Now my current studies are being undertaken on the basis of my
working-hypothesis on the textual strata of verse and prose sùtras as
follows:
I) The Atthakavagga of Suttanipãta (Sn)
II) The Pãrayanavagga of Sn
III) The Devatasamyutta and the Devaputtasamyutta of the Sagãtha-
vagga (Sg) of Samyuttanikäya (SN) and the proto-Dharmapada
(Dhp)
IV) The remaining vaggas of Sn, the remaining samyuttas of Sg of
SN and Udãna (Ud)
V) The strata of prose sutras and vinayas
Here in the present paper I will first propose my provisional theory on
the development of the Vedic institution upavasatha ínto the ascetic and
* Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University, 47 Higashioguracho, Kita-
shirakawa, Sakyoku, Kyoto, JAPAN.
 34 Aramaki: pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism 35

the Buddhist ones in accordance

with the above working-hypothesis on
the textual strata as follows: popularized not only among brahmanas, but among other upper castes
$ I'l The yedic upavasatha o1 the grhasthasand so as ever to be a grhya ritual. It is this iraddha ritual which has offered
the ascetic poçaha of
the grhasthas wider and wider opportunities for the grhasthas to practise the upava-
$ l.Z ttre Buddhist uposatha for the grhasthas satha observances toward the ancestral feast and for fhe pravrajitas lo
and pravrajitas to participate in the grhasthas' ancestral feast. Here is a well-known
practice in a congregation
$ t': ttre peculiary nu¿dhist uposatha exclusively for narrative of the outcaste ascetic Mãtanga commonly transmitted in
the pravrajitas tJttarajjhãyã (UtÐ 12 and Jãtaka no.419 which evinces that even an
to recite the prãtimoksasùtra
and then in the second pracå t.ac" the outcaste ascetic like Mãtanga is claiming to be invited to the irãddha
pãtimokkha of the Buddhist pravrajiløs
development of the practice ritual as the true brahmana. To quote one verse therefrom in a very
as follows: Utt 12.10: Jãtaka 419.2:
$Z.t ttre pãümokkhapa¡ipadin ihe earlierr r,.u,u hypothetical chaya,
of verse sùtras *annam tavedam prakrtam yaíasvî tam vitaryate khadyate bhujyate cal
$z.z tlre pãümokkhaso^roro in tne roltowing
strata of verse sûtras jãnlhi me yãcanajtvinam iti ucchistapindam labhatu tapasvlf f**
$2'¡ tne pãtimokkhasamvaraand the patimokkh,uddesain
the strata O lamous one [for your generosity], you have prepared here the [opulent]
of prose súftas and vinavas
If my attempt thus to trace the roughry parallel developments lood [for the brahmanas]. They will eat it, devour it and enjoy it. Know
of the that I subsist on yãcana or asking the daksinas to be oflered. An ascetic
two key vinaya terms, upavasatha and paiimokkha,finaily
tã be combined flike my humble self] should obtain the remnant of the rice-ball [offered to
in the upavasatha of the pravrajitøs as the patimokkh, the ancester].
uddesø,may prove
to be' at least, philologically valid and logìcally
naturar, then t think my Thus 1) the gyhastha sacrificer invites a number of brahmana.s to his
working-hypothesis on the textual strata
of verse and prose srzrrøs will ancestral sacrifice Íraddha and offers them opulent food as the remnant
be the more certain and the more applicabre
to further studies of the of ancestral offering and 2) the traditional sacrificial brahmana as a
development of other Buddhist
yãcanajlvin has already developed into the wandering ascetic living on
"on..ptr.
begging and so he is claiming to participate in the ancestral feast as the
$ t ttre Development of the Vedic Institution Ilpavasøthø true brahmana.
One of the earliest evidences of the ascetic upavasatha precedent to
L' Renou
concludes his varuable note on the vedic Gotama the Buddha is transmitted in the narrative of the king Nami's
institution upctvct-
satha with the following remark (L. pravrajyã (Jaina version of that of the king Janaka's pravrajya), IJtt
Renou, Note additionnelle ad Le
jerìne du créancier dans 9.42-44:
I'Inde un"ì"nn., JA lg43-1g45, p. l24f):
on voit clairement comment un terme ancien a été remanié gharãsamam caittãnam annam patthesi aiamamf
nouvelles: rien ne demeure de vareur étymorogique, à des fins iheva posaharao bhavahi manuyahival I
vigile. "i
¿r r.rii-.iì
o. lu
mãse mãse tu jo balo kusaggena tu bhumjael
In spite of almost forty years of studies ever
since, we still seem badry na so samkhayadhammassa kalam agghai solasimll
to lack any "naturel et logique" explanation
of the development, from Leaving the airama of householder, you wish [to enter] another ãSrama; o
what sources and through what stages
Buddhists have ,,remanié,, the king, be content to observe the Posaha (days) here (at home). (Alsdorfls
older vedic institution upavasatha into
their own. I myself cannot as yet translation)
offer an established theory thereupon Even if an ignorant [practises the Posaha fast] eating as little as taken by a
either, but would like to propose
my_ provisional theory its development, in so far as necesrary fo, tip of kuéa grass, he does not deserve the sixteenth part of the [true
.on
understanding the developmenr pravrajita ascetic who] has the perfect comprehension of the truth [of
of thà term'p at¡moiini.- ahimsã principlel.

$ t't ttre Yedic upavasqtha of the grhasthas and the ascetic posaha
Thus not only the Yedic brahmanas but the ksatriyas like the king Nami
the grhasthas
of are practising the already ascetic upavasatha every fortnight (cf. Utt
5.23) at this historical stage when the alternative theory of the four
The vedic ancestral rituar srãdctha must diramas is prevalent. The four observances of the Jaina upavasathø may
have been more and more
36 Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism 37
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Earlv Buddhism

dhammapadani bhasatil
be traced back to this early period:i) ãhãraposaha (the regulation ofthe mã saddam kari piyaúkara bhikkhu
'iiiri inà*^opoa2w viiãniva pa¡ipaiiema hitãva no sivall
food), ii) sarlrasakkãraposaha (the worship for the relics), äi) bambhace-
ca samyamamase sampaiana musã na bhanõmasef
rapoçaha (the sexually pure life) and iv) avvavahãraposaha (the sabbath nãnesu

from daily works). Continuing the Vedic upavasatha, the ascetic upava-
Ï;t;ki;^" ,uri,îiyo* attano api muccema pisãcayoniya till
o fmv bov,ì Piyankara, be quiet! A bhikkhu is now
to recite the Dhamma-
saths is strictly observed by the gyhasthas and has nothing to do with and practise to the
the pravrajitas. ;ü1. \\iJ';ív'ul* undeistand the Dhammapada
tenefit of our own selves "' ? "'
L-.ï u, ..rt.uln from [injuring] the
living existences' Let us not speak a lie
$ t.Z ttre Buddhist uposatha for both grhasthas and pravrajitas to intentionally. Let us ìeårn tã observe itre good concuçts ourselves. Then
alsá be liberated from [the rebirth to] the womb
of the demon.
practise in a congregation îïäv
Being prøvrajitas fhemselves, the earliest Buddhists must not have Theyakkhasplayingtheroleofinterlocutorsintheseupavasathaslttras
period of Buddhist expansion.
been specifically interested in the grhastha institution upavasatha than ;;;';";; ro, ior.ign grhasthas in a of verse sùtras yakkhqs are all
any other ascetics, even if it has been 'remanié' into an ascetic one, but i;r" is no doubt that in this group
of the susTlva and to listen to the
as the Buddhist grhastha disciples increase in number and in devotion ;;;;; ; observe the eight articles which is to be observed
towards the second or the third generation of disciples, they found the Buddhist Dhammapadas in the upavasatha
,rnJ", ttt" leadership of the pravraiita disciples'
It is' I think' to be
Buddhist sarpgha consisting of both grhasthas (upãsakas and upasikas)
consisting of
and pravrajitas (bhikkhus and bhikkhunß). I recognize the fundation of uJ.lu.¿ that ever since its fundation the Buddhist samgha
the intrinsic necessity to
the Buddhist" samgha in a verse sùtra in the Jetavana group of verse ln"' grnorúos and the pravraiitas has had
mtiîu,. the Buddhist upavasatha for both of them to observe the
s[itras in the Devatãsamyutta as follows, SN 1.5.8: SÃ-A no. 593: SÃ-B
precepts' practise the common practices and listen to the
no.187: common
ídam hi t am j e t av onary is is aùg hanis e v it am f common teachings in a congregation'
ãvuttham dhammarajena pltisañjananam mamal I
for the pravraiitas to
kammam vijjã ca dhammo ca sílam jtvitam uttamamf $t.S ttre peculiary Buddhist uposatha exclusively
etena maccõ sujjhanti na gottena dhanena vãll recite the Patimokkhasutta

sariputto va paññãya sîlena upasamena caf
yo pi pãragato bhikkhu etãva paramo siya till
Here and now is founded the Jetavana lsamgharama] where the samgha of
rsri is practising [Buddhist practices] and the king of the dharma is there in
his presence
- this brings me rejoice.
Supreme are their behaviour, knowledge, truth, morality and life [here].
[We] mortals are purified only by these and neither by lineage nor by
wealth.
Sãriputta, the bhikkhu who has also overcome [the samsãric existence],
may be at present the supreme in his wisdom, morality and quietude.
Thus the Buddhist samgha has been founded under the leadership of
Sãriputta. It is, I think, around this time that the Buddhist samgha
institutes their own upavasatha (uposatha) for both grhasthas and
pravrajitas to practice the Buddhist practices and to listen to the
Buddha's teaching in a congregation. Accordingly they now prescribe
the grhasthas to observe the atthangikoposathas which practically coin-
cide with the precepts of the pravrajitas. I recognize this primary
Buddhist institution upavasatha in a group of verse sútras in the
Yakkhavagga of SN, from which I quote one of them as follows, SN
10.6: SÃ-A no. l32l: SÃ-S no. 310:
The famous schism edict of the king Aioka especially
with its
the funda-
'covering letters' inscribed on the Sãrnath version' reflects
mental crisis of the Buddhist sar.ngha in which the Mahâsamghikas
accedetotheking,senactmenttoexpandthetraditionalupavasathaas
anofficeforbothgyhasthasandpravrajiløstoobservetheBuddhist
precepts and to listen to the Buddhisr dharmas, while the Sthaviravä-
the
ãin, -ou, in an exodus to outside the king's territory and innovate
upovasatha to be observed by the pravrajiløs in exclusion of the
pravraiita
frhasthas.I may distinguish the two stages of this
exclusively
upavasatha, i) the upaiasatha in which the pravrajitas observe
the 10
sikkhapadas or the l0 karmapathas ever since their pravraiya- ceremony
and piactise the five upanßãs for the purpose of the bhãvand of the
sambodhapakkhikadhammøs and ä) the uposatha in which lhe patimok'
khasuttq óonsisting of the some 250 sikkhãpadas is recited in order to
assure the sdmaggiya of the samgha' I may recognize the first stage of
the pravraiita upavasatha in the praises of the succession of the eminent
sthaviras down to the very day of the congregation being held as
38 Aramaki: pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism 39

follows, SN 8.7; Theragãthã (Thag) t234-t237;

SÃ-A no.
no.228: Pravãralasùtra (Hörnle ms. no. 149) etc.:
t2l2: SÃ_B 4) It is dubious that prior to this time llis samgha used to recite the so-
,âil"d pa,i*okkáa verses of the past seven Buddhas, but those
verses are
ajja pannarase visuddhiyã bhikkhupañcasatã samagatãl somehow associated with the pãtimokkhasutta'
samy oj an ab andhanac c hida an tg h a k hlnap t t n oiiåi t t undertaken on the
"no I do admit that my present investigation can only be
other scholars' achievements, but I must criticize
sabbe bhagavato putta palapo etÍha na vijjatil lasis of Mizuno's and
paid attention to a small number of
tanhasallassa hantaram vande adiccabandhunaml
I ãrstly that Mizuno has not due
quite
Today on the fifteenth day 500 bhikkhus have
assembled tosether fbr
o.rurrrn"", of the term patimokkha in verse sùtras, independent
to study
complete purity, seers, cutters of bonds and
fetters, unaffiicted, with of those in prose sútras and accordingly he has never thought
renewed existence annihilated. the textual relationships of the occurrences in verse and prose srTlras
he is also biased by the modern anthropocentric view
Åh u.. sons of the blessed one; there is no chaffhere, una ,.ronAty that
I pay homase to the of Gotama the Buddha to attribute the Pãtimokkhasutta to His 20th
destroyer of the dartI vr
ol vrdv¡'Èi'
craving; the
L'c Ár'slrÌan
kinsma of'the
year of ministry. Here in the present section I will attempt to
sun (K' R' Norman's delineate
translation)
ihe origin and the development of the vinaya tetm pãtimokkha on
the
Here in the verses the emphasis is characteristically
rhat Gotama the Buddha is a descendent of tn.
placed on the fact basis of my working-hypothesis of the textual strata proposed above
aii.i"uïi¿ü ,n. and to define its original meaning to be the'prãtimukhya': the'inter-
Buddhist bhikkhus in the congregation are the ,""";;;;ä;"äri.r,,"Ti nalizing practices as a whole'.
of Gotama the Buddha. r think that the Buddhist
pr;;;;;;;r;i"".
found their reasons for observing the originali,v
rhis fact thar they are the descendents
cin"riä";;r;;';;:,;" $z.t ttre pdtimokkhapatipad in the earliest strata of verse sutras
of Cotämu i*" i"åi,r"' ^
accordingly must observe their own ancestral ritual Now Gotama the Buddha Himself and the earliest disciples of Him
Gorama the Buddha. As for the second stage of
i" *.-i"å. ""0,, must have been the wandering ascetics living on begging, as abundantly
tt e prorìiiit'o- i)oro_
sathar refer ro rhe next section ($2.3) in which I evinced in the sariputtasutta (Sn 955-975) and Tuvatakasutta (Sn 915-
*ili trv iä'""ä
"riäåìir,,,n,
development of the pãtimokkhapatipad of the 934). It is here in the latter sutta that the practices termed'pãtimokkha'
through their pãtimokkhasamvqra to
Or"rrri,, are, for the first time, enumerated as the prerequisites for the funda-
tnelr pãümokkh'
Lo their
uddesa in the
pravrajita upavasatha.tftr¿ururnvuru mental practice of Buddhism discovered by Gotama the Buddha. In
counteraction to Jainistic asceticism on the ahimsa-principle, Gotama
nor
$ z tne Deveropment of the Buddhist practice pãtímokkhs
the Buddha has discovered the middle pâth
ascetic
- neither upanisadic
of which the initiatory practices are characterized as'pati-
-,
mokkha' (Skt. prãîimukhya: lhe'internalizing practices as a whole'). Sn
In his quite recent paper (in Bukkyo Kenkli, no.
16, 19g7, pp.3_49) 921:
K. Mizuno, one of the greatest Buddhist schr
akit t ay i v iv at akk hu s akk hidhammam p ar is s ay av inay ary I
:,Ï;i':"'îilî"1äåliîj;
c
taken a very comprehensive and exhaustt". patipadam vadehi bhaddan te patimokkham atha va pi samadhimll
vinaya term patikmokkha. His conclusions may
following four theses:
Uå *u,no,urir.¿ i"ä rn. O one with the eyelids opened, you have taught me the dharma as the
reality here and now [really experienced in your own self] which reinoves
l) The term pãtimokkha is to be derived from
Skt. pra_ati_mukhva atts [all] the circum-fluxes [of the samsãric flood]. I pray you' teach me the
means the 'foremost', the ,introductory'or ttre .initiuiíü and
practices, either internalizing or concentrating, [which lead to the same
2) The term põtimokkha originally designates 1f¡g .utr-"tu^t,tu
reality here and now really to be experienced in my own selfl.
r!
a b hikkhu' s precept and is.oirv lui* .*;;¡;ä ä."ff ,ïtt,iÍ ?#i;""[ There is no doubt that the "sakkhidha¡nmam parissayavinayam" refets
sikkhapadas of a grhastha's precepr and the l0
precept.
,ikkl;;;;;;;;iffiä; to the Gotama the Buddha's fundamental discovery reiterated as the
3) Gotama the Buddha has.taught the some 250 "sqkkhidhammary anltiham" in the concluding verse Sn 934 and accord-
sikkhapadas of a bhik_
khu'sprecept around the 20th year after His enlightenment. ingly the same declared "yaryt pubbe tam visosehi paccha te mdhu
kiñcanaml majjhe ce no gahessasi upasanto carissasif f" on His golden
 40 Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
mouth in Sn 949 (cf. further Sn 1053 etc.) and also that the,,patipadam
... patimokkham atha vd pi samãdhi," are enumerated in the following,
Sn 922-932. But what of the enumerations are the ,,patipadam ...
pãtimokkham" and what of them are the ,,samãdhim,,? In view of the
usage such as Sn 972:
okkhittacakkhu na ca padalolo jhanùnuyuîto bahujagar' assal
upekham arabbha samahitatto ... I I
[You should walk calmly] with your eyes down-cast and with your leet
never toddling and be awake in many [hours], constantly endeavouring in
meditation. Thus your mind is concentrated in samãdhi contemplating the
equanimity...
the verse Sn 925 in the sutta under discussion may exprain the sqmadhi
in the following wordings:
jhayl na padalol' assa...f
Ifso, the preceding three verses sn922-924 which teach the regulations
on the physical body with the five perceptive faculties and other mental
and other non-possessive regulations, may explain the ,,patipadam...
pãtimokkham". How about the following verses Sn 929-932 which may,
in general, be categorized as teaching the verbal regulations not to be
involved in dogmatic debates? I would provisionally interpret that all
these regulations, physical, mental or verbal, are meant to be the
"patipadam... pãtimokkham" in so far as they are initiatory to the
fundamental practice of Buddhism : smr ti-dhyãna ( -pr ajña ) .
It is evident that the "patipadam... pãtimokkham,, does not mean the
prãtimoksasutra, but what is the original meaning of the term pãti-
mokkha? A I have suggested above, I derive the term pãtimokkha from
the skt. pratimukhya meaning the 'internalizing practices as a whole' so
as to be concentrated within one's own self. In support ol my deriva-
tion I quote the concluding verse, Sn 933:
etañ ca dhammam aññãya... bhikkhu sadã sato sikkhel
with his full recognition of this [Buddhist truth], a bhikkhu should learn to
practise [all these] practices, being always aware of his own existence here
and now.
In the course of their development the 'patimokkha, practices thus
introduced will prove to be the initiatory practices for the pravrajita
Buddhists to attain the fundamental practice of Buddhism: smrti(-
dhyana-prøjña), as implied in the present sutta.I will also add another
passage in support of my derivation, Ud 68 (p.77): ...ãyasmã mahd-
kaccãno... nisinno hoti pallankam abhujTtvã ujur kayarTt panidhãya
kãyagatãyø satiyõ ajjhattam parimukham supatitthìtøya..The Reverend
Aramaki: Pâtimokkha in Early Buddhism 4t
K1ty-ayana has been seated, having cross-legged and having his body
straigth, in order to be well-established [in concentration] into the inner
and internal through the awareness concerning the body" (I owe this
important reference to Fumio Enomoto) and MN 27 (i, l8l, l. l5):
parimukham satim upatthapetvã "having concentrated your awareness
toward the internal".
Hereafter the'pãtimokkåa' practices develop as fhe'patimokkhasarp-
vara',becaluse the Ajitamälavapucchã in the Pãrãyanavagga of Sn. the
second stratum according to my working-hypothesis on the textual
strata, declares the smrti as the Buddhist sarTrvara in contradistinction
to the Jainistic pancendiyasamvara. Isibhãsiyãyin (Ibh) 29.I transmits
the original form of the question-verse of the Ajitamãnavapucchã (Sn
1034) as follows:
savanti savvato sotã kim na sotonivãraryamf
putthe muni dikkhe kaham soto pihijjatill
The streams [of the samsãric flood] are flowing from all the directions.
Isn't there any dam against the streams? Oh silent muni, l ask you, teach
me. How can the stream be shut out once for all?
Jaina teacher Vardhamãna, according to the prose introduction, answers
with the panceindiyasamvara as follows, Ibh29,2:
panca jãgarao suttã panca suttassa.iãgarãl
pancahim rayam adiyati pancahim ca rayam thaef f
The five [perceptive faculties] are sleeping, because lhis ãtmanl is awake
and the five [perceptive faculties] are awake, because fhis ãtman] is
sleeping. The karmic matter is cumulated by the five [perceptive faculties
being awakel and the karmic matter is abandoned by the five [perceptive
faculties sleepingl.
Although I cannot afford any further study on the Jaina system of
samvaras for the moment, let me assume that this pancendiyasamvara
may represent the origin and the starting point of the development of
Jaina samvarø. It is noticeable that Ibh 25 evinces the tendency for this
original pancendiyasamyara to develop into the cdujjãma of pãrSva.
Parallelly with such Jaina development, the disciples of Gotama the
Buddha are concerned to develop their own samvarøs. They slightly
revises the Jaina verse, Ibh 29.1, into the Buddhist one, Sn 1034, so as
to introduce the Buddhist samvara in its answer:
savanti sabbadhl sotã sotãnam kirp nivãraryaml
solànaryt satfvaram brúhi kena sotã pithiyyarell
yãni sotãní lokasmim sati tesam nivaranamf
sotãnam samvaram brúmi paññaya ete pithiyyarell
42 Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
The streams [of the samsãric flood] are flowing from all the directions.
What is the dam of those streams? Teach me the restraint (samvara) from
the streams. And what is it which shuts the streams up? The awareness of
one's own existence here and now is the dam of those which are the
streams in this world. I declare that this is the [true] restraint from the
streams. And it is the wisdom [of the Buddhist truth] which shuts them up.
The Buddhist revision here is clearly intended to establish the two
fundamental Buddhist practices, smrti and prajña, respectively as the
preparatory samvara and the liberating wisdom. From the second to the
third generation of Buddhist disciples they begin to found the Buddhist
samgha consisting of both gyhasthas and pravrajitas and are now ready
to coin the Buddhist term pãtimokkhasamvarq through defining the
patimokkhapatipad as the preparatory samvara to attain the Buddhist
practice smr t ï dhy Ana- p r aj ñâ.
$ Z.Z ttre pãtimokkhasamvara in the following strata of verse sütras
Now in the next place I will try to trace, on the basis of rather scanty
occurrences of the term in verse sûtras, how the vaguely defined
practices of the patimokkhapatipad develop finally to be the Buddhist
pãtimokkhasamvara fixed as the l0 karmapathas or the l0 sikkhãpadas,
as the Buddhist samgha is being established. The three occurrences of
the term patimokkhasaryxvara in the following strata of verse sutras may
represent respectively the three stages of its development as follows.
l) The Bhikkhuvagga of Dhp: the pãtimokkhasamvara as the initiatory
practices of Buddhist pravrajitas
John Brough, by far the best knower of the Dhp literature, has left a
very important remark in his commentary to GãdhârîDhp (GDhp) 59,
60 as follows:
All the verses of the Pali group (Dhp 368-376) occur in the present
chapter, although in different order. The fact that the commentator treats
this group as a unity might indicate that the verses, if not in origin a single
poem, at least formed the subject-matter of a standard sermon. Another
version of the same seûnon, with quite different verses but with much of
the same phraseology, appears in Sn 337-342 (Rãhulasutta).
There are many lessons to be deduced from Brough'.s remark here. I
choose the following two: i) Dhp studies must be pursued on the basis
of the groups of verses, neither of Dhp as a whole nor of single verses.
ii) The present group of verses together with Sn 337-342 (Rãhulasutta)
is designed to sermon on a subject-matter, most probably on the
Aramaki: Pâtimokkha in Early Buddhism 43
pãtimokkha in the
oãilmokkha. Then what is the implication of the term
group of verses? Let me quote the two verses therefrom.
context of this
Ohp 372: GDhp 58: Udãnavarga
(Uv) 32-25:
natthi jhãnam apaññassø paññâ natthi ajihãyatol
yamhijhanam ca paññã ca sa ve nibbanasantíkell
Dhp 375 GDhp 59-60ab: Uv 32.26cd-27ab:
tatrãyam ãdi bhavati idha paññassa bhikkhunol
indriyaguttí samîutlhî patimokkhe ca samvaro f
mitte bhaiassu kalyãne suddhãiíve atandítell
There is no meditation for the wisdom-less and there is no wisdom for the
meditation-less. One who has both meditation and wisdom, is verily
approaching to the perfect piece (nirvana).
Now here are the initiatory [practices] for a wise bhikkhu of our
[religion] as follows; l) protecting the [five] perceptive faculties,2) subsisting
with no more [than the minimum necessities], 3) being restraint in accor-
dance with the 'internalizing' þracticesl, 4) being in communion with a
good fellow-åhikkhuliving a pure life and being free from reproach ...
The probably prose introduction "tatrãyam ãdi bhavati idha pañíiassa
bhikkhuno" implies that the following verses are an enumeration of the
initiatory practices (adù in order to be a wise Buddhist bhikkhu. The
first and also the second practices are referring to the Jainistic pancen-
diyasasamvara. The third, pãtimokkhasaryrvara is here in this context
declared perhaps for the first time as the Buddhist samvqra in contra-
distinction to the Jaina one, but what does this 'pãtimokkhe' mean
exactly? On the basis of my working hypothesis of the textual strata I
can only interpret this'pãtimokkhe' as referring to the pãtimokkhapati-
pød discussed above, firstly because the pdtimokkhapatipad above is the
preparatory practices for the fundamental Buddhist practice smrti-
dhyãna-prajñã and so may well be included in the initiatory practices
lor a prãjñabhikkhu and secondly because this pãtimokkhapatipad can
easily be associated with the smrti as the Buddhist samvara declared in
Sn 1034 above. Accordingly the pãtimokkhasamvara in the Bhikkhu-
vagga of Dhp is only vaguely defined as the initiatory precepts.
2) The Rãhulasutta (Sn 337-340); the patimokkhasarpvara as the initia-
lory practices of a Buddhist novice
Brough has already recognized the common elements shared by the
Dhp group of verses above and the present Rãhulasutta, I will try to
propose that the former has developed into the latter. The latter verses
run as follows, Sn 337-340:

44 Aramaki: Pâtimokkha in Early Buddhism
pañca kãmagune hitvã piyarûpe manoramef
saddhaya gharã nikkhamma dukkhass' antakaro bhaval I seven past Buddhas appended to the end of the prãtimokgasütras of
mitte bhajassu kalyãne pantañ ca sayanísanamf
vivittam appanigghosam mattaññu hohi bhojanel I
civare pindapõte ca paccaye sayandsanef
etesu tanham ma kasi ma lokam punar agamil I
santvuto pãtimokkhasmim indríyesu ca pañcasu f
satî kãyagata ty atthu nibbidãbahulo bhavall
Once you have gone forth from household life, expressing faith [in
Gotama the Buddha's teachingl and abandoning the five experiential
objects nice-looking and charming, you should terminate the sufferings
[once lor all].
Be in communion with a good fellow-bhikkhu and practice in a remote
sleeping-and-sitting place lonely and little noisy. Be moderate in eating
food.
l) The monk's robe, 2) the bowl for begging, 3) the medicine and 4) the
sleeping-and-sitting place even to these [minimum necessities] you
-
should never have the subconscious desire and never return to this world.
Being restraint in accordance with the'interanalzing' practices and with
respect to the five perceptive faculties, you should practise so that your
awareness may be concentrated upon your bodily existence here and now
and should learn to profound anxiety...
As Brough has been suggesting, this group of verses here is designed to
be a sermon on a subject-matter, most probably the sermon delivered
by an upãdhyãya teacher to his disciple on the occasion of the pravrajyã
ceremony. It is to be observed that by this time the Buddhist sarTtgha
has instituted the pravrajyd ceremony for their novices and the four
minimum necessities for their monks. Thus in the course of time, say, in
the two or three generations of Gotama the Buddha's disciples, the
Buddhist samgha has been more and more organized with the necessary
institutions especially for the pravrajita monks and accordingly the
pdtimokkhasamvara as the initiatory practices of the pravrajita monks
may have been more and more fixed so as to be the initiatory precepts
for them, but within the frame-work of the initiatory sermon there is
nothing specified as for its articles of precepts. I can only interpret the
'samvuto pãtimokkhasmim' here as a continuation of the Dhp phrase
discussed above and so as referring to the 'pãtimokkhapatipad for its
definition.
3) Ud 4,6-4.'7: the pãtimokkhasamvara as the l0 karmapathas or the l0
sikkhapadas
There is no doubt that the Bhikkhuvagga of Dhp and the Rãhula-
sutta of Sn discussed above have developed into the two verses of Ud
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism 45
4.6-4.7 which further develop into the famous pãtimokkha verses of the
various schools, Here is, however, taken a decisive step toward the
formulation of lhe pflümokkhasamvara as the l0 karmapathas or the l0
sikkhapadas. Ud 4.6-4"7 runs as follows:
anupavãdo anupaghato patimokkhe ca sarywarof
mattaññutã ca bhattasmim pantøñ ca sayanasanarytf
adhicitte ca ãyogo etam buddhana sõsanamlf
adhice taso appamaii at o munino monap at hesu sikkhat o I I
soka na bhavanti lãdino upasantassa sadã satlmatof I
l) Don't revile, 2) be not offended, 3) restrain in accordance with the
.internalizing'
[practices], 4) be moderate in eating, 5) practise in a remote
sleeping-and-sitting place, and 6) be concentrated in meditative practice -
this is the instruction of the Buddhas. The deplorations will disappear for
the silent muni who is truely in quietude, being always aware of his own
existence here and now, because he has been learning to practice the path
of the muni and attentively practising meditation.
The Buddhist sarygha is now oblivious of the original antithesis between
the Jainistic pancendiyasamvara and the Buddhist pãtimokkhasaryrvara
and so has revised the Dhp phrase "indriyaguttî samtutthf' into the
present one "anupavado anupaghãto" which will be transmitted into the
Prätimoksasùtra verses. And further by the same token they do not
understand the term pãtimokkha any more, having lost their reminis-
cence of the original patimokkhapatipad. I cannot decide whether the
Ud phrase "pãtimokkhe cQ slmvaro" refers to the pãtimokkhapatipad as
the Dhp and the Sn verses did or to the "monapathesu sikkhato" in the
next verse at this stage of development. Here Pali Ud has the text
"monapathesu sikkhato" which must be understood as meaning the l0
karmapathas, while Skt. Udánavarga has the text "maunapadesu íik-
sata" which must mean the l0 sikkhapadas' There is no doubt that the
Ud verses here are the starting-point for the identification of the
pãtimokkhasaryrvara with the l0 karmapathas or with the l0 sikkhapadas
in the prose sütras to be discussed in the next section'
$2.¡ fne patimokkhasamvara and the patimokkh'uddesa in the strata
of prose siìtras and vinaYas
In the later years of the king Aéoka's reign there seems to have taken
place a schismatic movement in the Buddhist samgha to establish the
Sthavirasamgha independent of the older 'mahasanryhø'. In my present
opinion we can distingush the two stages of the development of the
Sthavirasamgha: l) the earlier Sthavirasamgha has only instituted the
 46 Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
departure-ceremony Qtravrajya) with the l0 sikkhapadar and enforced
the purest possible observances and 2) the later Sthavirasamgha has
instituted the ordination-ceremony (upasampada) with the some 250
sikkhapadas and innovated the traditional upavasatha to the pãtimokkh'
uddesa, the exclusively pravrajita one. I will try to trace the two stages
of the Sthavirasamgha in the earlier and the later strata of prose sutras.
l) It is, I think, in this earlier stage of the Sthavirasamgha that the
transition from the late verse sútras to the early prose sútras must be
recognized. This Sthavirasamgha must have found the prose exposition
of the dharma-categories (such as the pañcaskandhcs, the catuhsatyas
etc.) more suitable for their pedagogic purposes. I have previously tried
to identify some instances of the transitional development from the
particular verses to the corresponding prose sútras. I will add the
present instance of the vinaya term pãtimokkha to it.
Now in the continuation to fhe patimokkhapatipad and the patimok-
khasamvara traced in the verse sütras so far, the earlier Sthavirasamgha
defines the initiatory pdtimokkhasamvara leading to the Buddhist
practice smrÍi-dhy1na-prajñø by the following formula which occurs in
numerous prose sÍfras, SN 47.46: SÃ-A no.637, AN 3.74: SÃ-A
no. 563, MN 27: MÃ no. 146 efc, The shortest and perhaps the original
suna wilh this formula, says as follows, SN 47.46: SÃ-A no. 637:
idha tvam bhikkhu patimokkhasamvarasamvuto viharahi ãcãragocarasam-
panno anumat te su vajjesu b hayadas savî samãdaya sikkhasu sikk hapade su I
Here [in Buddhism] you bhikkhus should live monastic life, being restraint
with the'internalizing'restraints and be perfect in your actual conducts in
conformity with the right conducts, being cautious not to commit even
very small offences. Ever since [you have departed] with the observance ol
the pravrajyã-precepts, you should learn to practice the
[0] sikkhapadas.
Note that the sikkhãpadqs here refers to the l0 karmapathas (as the
Chinese version explains) or the l0 sikkhapadas of the pravrajita
novices and in no way to the some 250 sikkhapadas of the Prãtimoksa-
sütra. MN 27:lr/.-Ano.l46, Cülahatthipadopamasutta, especially in its
Chinese version, explains the formula of the initiatory precepts by the
enumeration of the sikkhãpadas as follows: l) pãnatipãîam pahaya...,
2) adinnadãnam pahaya ..., 3) abrahmacqryam pahãya ..., 4) musavadam
pahãya... etc. This is, I think, the reference to the l0 sikkhapødas of the
pravrajita novices, although the items enumerated count over 10. In
these two sùtras the formula of the initiatory pravrajya precepts is
leading to the four smrtyupasthãnas oÍ to Lhe smrtïdhyana-prajña.
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism 4'7
,l F.ven among the Sthavirasalngha being restraint with the 'internalizing'
íá*uin,, and practising the Buddhist progressing
practice
.smrti-dhy.ana-praiña,
r"..t to have been anavoidably the degenerative
,frrtr
enlarged the 10 sikkhapadas into the some 250
iria.n"t so that they punishment
lritnApo¿ot and arranged them in the order of the grade of
Prãtimoksasütra! It is only at this
^."t"-* their offences - finally the
ä;o.nJ srage of the Sthavirasamgha that they enact the some 250
,,lrlnapoaoi of the bhiksu's
precept (the Prãtimoksasütra) and institute
for the pravraiita bhiksus
if.,, ,p."m" upavasatha ceremony exclusively
purity
io-r..i,. the some 250 sikkhapadas in order to ascertain their
iro,n uny offences (patimokkh' uddesa). I recognize
the development
ir". tfr. l0 sikkhapadas of the pravraiita novices to the some 250
'r¡lrinapo¿o,
of the upasampanna monks in MN 108: MÃ no. 145,
coputu.oggalänasutta,accordingtowhichthecommunalunityofthe
peculiary Buddhist upava-
Sthãvirasamgha is renewed each time at this
saúa of the upasampanna monks defined as follows:
atthikho...bhagavatãjanatapassatasikkhapødampaññattampãtimok-
kham udditthamf te mayam tapudosathe yãvatika ekam gamakhettam
upa-
yassa tam
nissäya viharama te sabbe ekajjham samnipatãmaf samnipatitvã
ajjhe"sãmal tasmin ce bhaññamãne hoti bhikkhussa apattî
hoti vtkkamo tam
yathãdhammam yathãsattham karema til
^oyorft
Here are, indeed, the [some 250] 'internalizind sikkhapadas or the upasam.
pannamanksenactedandrecitedbytheBhagavat,the[omni-]scientand
once [a month] on
iomni-lpresent one' We all hold an assembly [regulary]
it. ru-. upavasatha day, in so lar as we are living in dependence on the
territory of one and the same village. In this assembly we inquire into the
conducis ol each member. Il during the recitation of these [some 250
yyþs have committed any
sikkhapadasl there should be found any bhiksu
offencès und trunrgrersions, we punish him in accordance with the Bud-
dhist dharmas and the Buddhist regulations.
Here the interlocuter is the Mãgadha minister vassakára who repeatedly
asks Ãnanda the question, "ko hetu sãmaggiya (How do you maintain
the communal unity?" Ãnanda answers with the above explanation on
the procedure of the peculiarly Buddhist upavasatha. Then in the next
place the Magadha minister Vassakära asks the question, "Do you
have any bhiksu whom you revere, respect, honour and worship and
upon whom depending you live your monastic life?" Ananda answers
with the definition of the leader bhiksu as having the ten pasãdanlya-
dhamma which is an enlargement of the five upanisa bhdvanã starting
with that formula of the initiatory pãtikmokkhasamvara above quoted.
In consideration of the earlier development of the pãtikmokkhasamvqra
and the formula with the initiatory pãtimokkhasüpvara so far traced,
 48 Aramaki: pãtimokkha in Early Buddhism
Aramaki: Pãtimokkha in Earlv Buddhism 49
this double structure of this sutrq
shows that the pecuriarly Buddhist
upøvasalha as the pdtimokkh'
uddesa has later developed on
top of the The Buddhist astangikopavasatha the Buddhist patimokkhasamvara
earlier atthangikoposatha under of grhasthas and pravrajitas (ten sikkhapadas) ol prairajitas
the leaieÃhip of the pravrajita
with the ten pasãdiyadhammas. I think monk
Sthavirasamgha is presupposed
ilru, ,t, first stage of the the peculiary Buddhist upavasatha the Buddhist patímokkh'uddesa
in this sùtra, r may conclude from of pravrajitas (some 250 sikkhapadas)
discussions so far attemllld tlat the of pra-
the term'patimokkhqhas developed
mean the some 250 sikkhãpadøs to vrajilas
of the påtrmokkh, uddesa onl, ã, ,f,"
very end of its development from If my working-hypothesis so far proposed may prove to represent some
the paiimokkhasqmvaraso far
The formal declaration to enact the some 250
traced. degrees of the historical reality of Early Buddhist practical life, then I
institute the peculiary Buddhist sikkhapadas and to must conclude that the Mahãsarighika upavasatha for both grhasthas
upavasathi'as the pãtimokkh, uddesa
transmitted in the fundamental is and pravrajitøs to practise the Buddhist practices, smrti-clhyana-prajñí),
sùtra and. vinaya, AN g.20: Ud 5.5:
Cullavagga of the Vinaya e: and to listen to the Buddhist sütras (and later Mahãhãna sùtras) in a
MÃ no. ü, MÃ,;;.^ì;;,ïunl"o,r,., congregation, is primarily and authentically Buddhist and the sthavira-
parallels in the vinayas of
various schools which all have
studies by Shizuka Sasaki in u"en cá.erury vâda upavasatha exclusively for pravrajitas to recite the prãtimoksa
his recent Jupun.r. paper: Uposatha
Pãtimokkh' uddesa, Bukkyo Shigaku and sutra and assure the sãmaggiyø of the sarpgha, is secondarily and
frriiyu,vol. 30_1. 19g7. derivatively Buddhist.

Conclusion

The Vedic institution upavasatha

has long been known to have
developed into the ascetic and the Buddhist
ones, but even Renou
stopped short of filling. the wide
gap between the Vedic grhastha
institution and the peculiary Buddhii
hand' the term pafimokkha has ulro
)ravra¡itaone and, on the other
..ruin"d uncertain with regard to
its etymology and original meaning.
Ho* rruu. these two key terms
developed so as to be c^o1lined
in tñe peculiary Buddhis t upavasatha
the paümokkh' uddesa? I berieve as
tni, is u ir.ndamentar probrem to be
asked for any correct understanding
or th" history of the practical Iife
in Early Buddhism. fn rhe present;"p.;
recourse to my text-stratum-anarytical
i have tried, through taking
method, to propose uïortinr_
hypothesis on the innovating
o.u.top-"ni or,rr. yidic grhastha institu-
tion upavasatha into the ascãtic gyhåstni,
the Buddhist grhastha-pravra-
jita and the peculiary Buddhisi prorr:o1,fà
ones and
again on rhe
specifying development- of the
uugu"ry ¿.ir"a preparatory practices
the pãtikmokkhapa¡ipa.linto of
the *"
t;kkh;;rdas of the pãtimokkhssam-
vara and the some 250 sikkhapadas
of tie patimokkh, uddesa. ,'^ïuio
tabulate the parallel developments
of the t*o t.y terms as follows:
The Vedic upavasatha
of griasthas

The ascetic upavasatha

the Buddhist patimokkhapatipad
of grhasthas
of pravrajifas
 ON THE ORIGINATION AND CHARACTERISTICS
OF BUDDHIST NIKÃYAS, OR SCHOOLS

Heinz Bncgpnr*

Mgr Lamotte has presented an excellent survey of this subject-matter

in the first section of the 6th chapter of his ÍI¿slo ire du bouddhisme
indien, entitled "origine et nature de la secte" (Lamotte, Hisfoire,
pp.571-578x*). In my short additional remarks, I propose to discuss
sáme methodological aspects as well as the typology of the so-called
sectarian divisions of early Buddhism.
We shOuld recall that the Buddha refused to designate his successor,
declaring that his dharma should be the only guide for the Sangha after
his death. Therefore, the early sangha was organised in autonomous
local communities; the hierarchical structures existing today are of
much later origin. Even now individual communities may form a
Sangha in order to carry out the legal proceedings of the monastic
community prescribed by the rules of Vinaya, or Buddhist ecclesiastical
law. They are termed sanghakarma, vinayakarma ot dharmakqrma.
These procedures must be carried out in assemblies in which the
"complete" Sangha (samagrya or somagra sangha), i.e. all monks
resident within the particular residential area (dvasa) must participate.
The ãvãsa is delimitated by a "boundary" (stma). Otherwise the legal
proceedings would not be valid.
In order to understand the history of the early Sangha, we must
carefully analyze the Vinaya literature which represents the legal code
of the Buddhist community. From these sources we know how to
interpret terms like sangha, samagra' sanghabheda, sangharãii, ãvasa,
slmã elc. If correctly understood, these texts provide us with a rather
consistent system of rules and regulations which relates to all major
aspects of the life of Buddhist monks and nuns. Practically all relevant
regulations are interrelated so that we are prone to misunderstand them
if we take them out of their context. This context, however, is not
always found in those passages in which we would search for it. The
* Seminar für Indologie und Buddhismuskunde universität Göttingen, Hainbund-
strasse 21, D 3400 Göttingen, Germany.
** Pages numbers are quoted from the original French text, but quoted passages in
English tianslation are from: History of Indian Buddhism, transl. S. Boin-Webb, under the
supervision of J. Dantinne, Louvainla-Neuve, 1988.
 52 Bechert: On the Origination... of Buddhist Nikãyas
Bechert: On the Origination... of Buddhist Nikãyas 53

causefor this difficulty is easily understood if we recall that the early

the Posadhavastu. Incidentally, a detailed investigation of all stma
- and in a few instances even the contemporary learned
Buddhists
monks knew the text by heart so that they could easily connect the regulations in the Vinayapitaka of the Theravadins and in that of the
-
relevant passages, though they might be found in quite different Múlasarvâstivãdins has been undertaken by Petra Kieffer-Pülz in a
sections of the texts. we might compare this with the structure Göttingen Ph. D. thesis which will be published in the near future (in
of more the series Monographien zur Indischen Archäologie, Kunst und Philo-
modern juridical systems, where definitions found in one passage
must logie, vol.7). The other sections of the Vinaya texts should be studied
be used for the correct interpretation of other passages ànd Jf other
law-books as well. by the same methodology in order to finally arrive at a complete
There are two major problems, however: Firstly, certain words understanding of the system and its structure.
are The regulations concerning the "split" of the Sangha (sanghabheda)
used with different meanings. Thts, dharmq may mean "the
teaching of or "schism" in the Order are clearly related to the slmã regulations,
the Buddha" ot "a phenomenon" etc., but also ,,the law,, of the
because they describe the Sangha as sqmqgrq. i.e. "complete" within a
Buddhist sangha, Karman, "deed" means "formal act,' in the context
particular sîmã a word which has been misunderstood by most
of Vinaya, and there are many similar instances. Secondly, we meet
translators as
-
meaning "living in harmony", a translation which may be
traces of a historical development in these texts, where earlier
defini_ correct in other contexts, but not in these Vinaya passages.
tions, meanings or rules are replaced or supplemented by later ones.
How shall we relate these findings to the divisions of the Sangha
This is not at all surprising, because the existing works represent the
which are usually termed "Buddhist sects"? These groupings within the
result of a rather long textual history. However, we must not forget
Sangha are referred to in Sanskrit and Pali as nikãya oÍ as gana, but the
that these texts are not just collections of historical material, but that
translation "sect" is hardly adequate, as we shall see. I would rather
they are codifications of Buddhist ecclesiastical law to serve for practical
prefer to use the term "denomination".
use in the life of the Buddhist community. Therefore, we must first
In his Histoire, M.gr Lamotte stressed that "Nikayas do not neces-
search for the interpretation of a given rull within the legal system
in sarily originate as the result of a schism" (Lamotte, Histoire, p.572).
question, before looking for a historical explanation of
the particular He compares them "to the religious orders which developed in the
passages.
bosom of Christianity, or even better, to the Reformed Churches which
unfortunately, many modern authors such as sukumar Dutt, Gokul-
live side by side without antagonism: a Calvinist does not quite share
das De, charles s. Prebish, Rabindranath Bijay Barua and severar
the opinions and practices of a Lutheran, but nevertheless participates
others including K.L.Hazra in his most recent monograph (constitu-
in the same movement" (op. cit., pp. 5721.).
tion of the Buddhist sangha, Derhi, lggs) to some extend even
the translator of the vinayapitaka in pali, - I.and
B. Horner
In the canonical Vinaya, a sanghabheda is recorded which was caused

understood the rules of vinaya as a legal system. Therefore,- havetheirnot
comments on the historical development of the vinaya rules are some-
times not very helpful.
In an earlier contribution ("Aéokas schismenedikt und der Begriff
Sanghabedha", wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde süd- und ostasiens
6,
1961, pp. 18-52) I have pointed out some of the basic principles
of this
system in a discussion of the meaning of the terms ãvdsa and stma.
Though the relevant regulations are found in the second section of the
so-called Skandhakas only, they logically represent the starting-point
of
the whole system, because all sanghakarmas must be performed within
a particular slmã. Therefore it is necessary to begin the investigation
of
the legal system of the ancient Buddhist ecclesiastical law with an
investigation or the sTmd regulations in the uposathakkhandaka
and in
by the apostate Devadatta. Such a schism is, as is quite clear from the
wording of the rule, a split of a particular local Sangha into two or
more parties which no longer conduct their legal proceedings together,
although they belong to the same ãvãsa which is delimitated by the
same sîmã (samdnasîma). Such divisions were generally caused by
differences of opinion about the application of the rules of monastic
discipline and law. Generally, the monks carefully avoid sanghabheda,
because it is considered a most serious transgression of the rules. If,
however, there were differences of opinion between separate local
Sanghas, i.e. bhikkhus belonging to different SImãs
maya bhikkh¡7 in the text - termed nãnãsl-
who make different decisions, but in each
instance unanimously within - their own sîmã or "boundary", this is not
considered a "split in the Order" (sanghabheda),but a nikayabheda, i.e.
the formation of separate f 'groups" (nikaya or gana) of monks.
 54 Bechert: On the Origination ... of Buddhist Nikãyas Bechert: On the Origination... of Buddhist Nikãyas 55

As a rule, monks belonging to different Nikãyas do not conduct joint In this context, David Seyfort Ruegg quotes the Tibetan
Sanghakarmas. Though they may not always dissensions.
dispute the validity of historian 'Goz gZon nu dpal with the statement that "the éasana of the
each other's ordination, they do not recognize
it as being beyond orãtimoksa - and not the philosophical teachings of the Buddha -
dispute either. If there were doubts about the validity,
karma would be questionable. If the validity of ordinations
the sangha- iuur.d the formation of the l8 nikãyas of the órãvakas" in his well-
lnto question, the legitimation of the Sangha is endangered.
is called known chronicle Deb ther snon po which was composed in the years
l4:.6-78 A.D. (D. Seyfort-Ruegg, "Über die Nikãyas der Srãvakas und
From the study of the scriptures we learn that the regulations which
,nave mentioned are found in the canonical texts. we observe that these
I den Ursprung der philosophischen Schulen des Buddhismus nach den
tibetischen Quellen", Zur Schulzugehörigkeit..., op.cit., p. ll2). Other
rules are still followed in the Theravãda
countries, so that there is an authors, however, follow the later communis opinio that the l8 nikãyas
amazing degree of continuity in this Buddhist
tradition. of the érâvakas are characterized by their particular philosophical and
In Theravâda, there were even instances where new Nikäyas origi-
nated not as a result of differences of opinion, dogmatic tenets.
that a group of monks found itself so remote from
but simply from the fact Ìn most hand-books of the Nikãyas, in the chronicles, and in many
other members of references in texts the number of the Nikãyas of Srãvakayäna is given
the same Nikãya that mutual supervision of
the correctness of legal as eighteen a conventional number which probably never represented
Þrocedure was no longer guaranteed. In such a case "release'n from the -
the actual number. This was already stated by H. Kern (quoted in
association of a particular Nikãya (ganavimutti
or ganavimokkha) may Lamotte, Histoire, p. 584). The use of such conventional numbers,
have been agreed upon. This procedure was apparently
used for irrespective of the actual number, was continued in later times. Thus,
resolving conflicts within the Sangha.
the number of Nikayas is recorded as "three" in Sri Lanka and in
obviously, there existed similar mechanisms which were used by the
Burma.
early Sangha. This is hinted at by Lamotte's
statement that ..the In some modern publications, the term "sub-nikãya" is used, and
formation of the sects was due mainly to
the geographical extension of attempts have been made to coin a definition. However, usually' two
the community over the entire Indian
territory', (op. cit., p. 573). types of subdivisions are being confounded. I shall exemplify these
There is, of course, a major difference between the situation of
the types by quoting relevant examples from the history of Buddhism in Sri
early sangha and that of later Theravãda,
viz. the non-existence of an Lanka. One type originates from the subdivision of Nikãyas into
established and authoritative corpus
of scriptures during the earliest separâte Nikãyas which, however, were continued to be viewed as
Þeriod. Therefore, the formation of the Nikäyas must also be viewed in
belonging to one and the same main tradition. This type is represented
tts relation to the formation
of a formalized textual tradition. The main by the various Nikãyas which originated from the subdivision of the
Nikãyas of early Buddhism were characterized by having
their own Amarapura-Nikãya of Sri Lanka into a variety of Nikãyas. In terms of
recensions of the scriptures. These
compilations were based on the Buddhist ecclesiastical law, these "groups" are separate Nikãyas, but
common heritage of oral traditions handed
down from generation to historically they have originated from one and the same Nikäya. Thus,
generation, but their
arrangement as a collection of sacred texts was all these Nikãyas are usually described as sub-Nikãyas of this Nikãya.
accomplished only when the process
of the diversification of the The other type is represented by the mohasanghasabhas of the Syãmani-
I\lKayas was already in full swing.
Obviously, it was only at that stage kãya. In Sri Lanka, an earlier division of this second type originated
tnat interpretations of the teachings of
the Buddha in respect to when the mediaeval ubhayavdsa (two vãsas) Gãmavãsin and Ãrañña-
9uestions other than those concerning the vinaya began to be associated vãsin
-
came into existence. This is not a division into separate
with particular Nikãyas. Relevant questions
were discussed at a sympo-
-
Nikãyas, but a subdivision into monastic groups with separate eccle-
stum held in Göttingen in
1982 (see Zur schulzugehörigkeit von werken siastical administration. They consider themselves as belonging to one
der Hinqydna-Literatur,2 vols.,
ed. H. Bechert, Göttingen l9g5-19g7). and the same Nikãya.
ln some of the major Buddhist traditions the fact seems to have been In the earlier history of the Sangha, the rise of the "dogmatic
rernembered until several
centuries later that Nikãyas originated from schools"
controversies concerning Vinaya
and not primarily from dogmatic - which
later period
are also known as vãda
- represents a considerably
than the formation of the so-called "vinaya schools". The
56 Bechert: On the Origination... of Buddhist Nikãyas

rather artificial classifications of philosophical schools (sarvastivãdin,

Sautrãntika, etc.) found in philosophical works are of a still later
origin, and they do not help in the interpretation of the information
KATHÃVATTHU AND VIJÑÃNIXÃYA
about the rise of the early Nikãyas.

Johannes BRoNrsonsr*

The Kathãvatthu and the Vijñanakãya share two topics of discussion:

the existence of the pudgala and the existence of past and future. Both
texts agree in rejecting the existence of the pudgala, using to some
extent the same arguments. They disagree where the existence of past
and future is concerned: they do not exist according Ío the Kathãvatthu,
according to the Vijñãnakaya they do exist. The latter text ascribes the
mistaken idea that past and future do exist to someone called Maudga-
lyãyana.
It first sight plausible to identify this Maudgalyãyana with
seems at
the presumed promulgator of the Kathãvatthu, described as Moggali-
putf Tissa by the Pãli sources. According to these same sources,
Moggaliputta played a leading role in the Council of Pataliputra, where
the Vibhajyavâdins
- read Theravãdins - expelled certain heretics. If
we assume that these heretics included the Sarvãstivãdins, we get the
following picture: The Kathãvatthu, or at least the portion that contains
the two topics of discussion mentioned above, was composed soon after
the Council of Pätaliputra in order to refute the expelled heretics; the
Vijñãnakaya was composed subsequently to answer the arguments of
Moggaliputta, i.e., of the Kathãvatthur.
However, this picture is hard to reconcile with the wording of our
two texts. Consider first the existence of past and future as discussed in
the Vijñanakãya. This text presents a number of arguments which differ
but little from each other. They all centre around one fundamental
assumption, viz., that in one single person (pudgala) two mental events
cannot simultaneously take place. For example, when an object is
observed which is itselfof a mental nature, e.g., desire, the mental event
which is the object of perception and the one that is its subject cannot
simultaneously exist. In this situation one is forced to admit that
something non-present exists, or else that no such vision is possible,
which is against the scriptures.

* Section de langues et civilisations orientales Université de Lausanne. BFSH 2 -

CH. I0l5 Lausan-ne - SUISSE.
-
t This view was held, e.g., by E. Frauwallner (1952: 667).
 58 Bronkhorst: Kathãvatthu and Vijñãnakãya
Bronkhorst: Kathãvatthu and Vijñãnakãya 59

These arguments make sense, and there is no

reason to doubt that is attacked by the Pudgalavädin; this is then followed by
they played a key role among the Sarvãstivãdins the pudgala)
from an early date to this attack. One has in this case the impression that the
onward. Yet the Kathãvatthu ignores them completely. an answer
There i,
reason to think that it did not know them. author ol the Viiñanakãya had before him a text of the Pudgalavadins
In the sections I.6.23 f."u"n
this
text argues that if all conditions for perception i.e., in the case of
in which they claimed that benevolence requires a pudgalø as object,
vision, the eye, visible objects, eye-consciousness, - since it could not possibly be directed toward the five skandhas. The
right and attention
exist in the past, perception of past objects with past - Súnyavãdin replies by describing the mechanism of knowledge and the
a sense_organ
should take place, which is absurd. A similar urg.,-.nt fike, which leaves no place for a being (sattva) as object of benevolence.
applies to the
perception of future objects with a future sense-organ. Also part (v) is of interest. The extensive discussion of the process of
In the course of
this discussion it becomes clear that only perception knowledge and of what is known seems meant to answer the claim that
of present objects pudgala can be Perceived.
with a present sense-organ is acceptable t-o the Kathãvatthu the
and to its
opponent. This is explicitly stated to be true also It seems safe here to conclude that the author of the Vijñanakaya
of the perception of of the existence of a pudgala,
dhammas by the mind (mana): only prese nt made an effort to ans\ryer concrete 'proofs'
dhammas are cognizeA by
the present mind. and responded, in all probability, directly to a text of the Pudgalavã-
But this shows that the author of this part of the Kqthavatthu dins. At the same time it is clear that the two parts (iii) and (v) are
did not primarily 'defensive' and are by themselves far weaker arguments
know the line of reasoning which we find in the vijñanakaya.
The against the existence of a pudgala than the remaining parts (i), (ii) and
traditional account, according to which the author of
the Kathavatthu (iv).
himself confronted the heretics and investigated
their doctrines, seoms The Kathãvatthu contains sections that correspond to parts (i), (ii)
difficult to maintain in the face of so much ignorance.
Let us now consider the discussion regarding the existence and (iv) of the Vijñanakayaa, but none corresponding to (iii) and (v)s.
pudgala in our two texts. The vijñanakaya
of the It is true that it contains much else pertaining to the question of the
rejects the pudgara in its existence of the pudgala, but much of this makes the impression of
second skandhaka; the discussion consists of
the foll,owi"ng clearly being exercices in logic, which indeed they may have beenó. The
distinguishable parts :
(i) one and the same pudgara cannot at one time be one conclusion must be that the Kqthãvqtthu could afford to ignore the
thing, say an arguments of the Pudgalavãdins and concentrate on its own refutation
inhabitant of hell, and at another time something
different, say an of the latters' point of view. This in its turn seems to show that the
animal; this argument is repeated with many variations
(II. I. l_42; confrontation between Kathavqtthu and Pudgalavãdins was less direct.
p. 537a 1.27 - p. 542b t. 5).
(ii) The acceptance of a pudgara entails certain unacceptable Again we are led to believe that the author of the Kqthavatthu had
views (II. never himself confronted the opponents he criticizes.
I. 5-6; p.542b 1. 6 - p. 543c l. l).
The evidence we have considered so far seems to agree with Bechert's
(iii) The object of benevolence (maitri) is not rhe pudgara
(II. II. r-4; convincing analysis (1961) of the Pali passages that describe the Council
p. 543c 1.2 - p. s4ib L t2).
(iv) The pudgala is neither sarhskyta nor øsaitskyta, of Pätaliputra, where Moggaliputta supposedly played a major role.
and, as a result it The Council, we learn from this analysis, was not concerned with
cannot exist (II. II. 5; p.545b l. l3_19).
doctrinal differences among the Buddhists; those who were expelled
(v) No pudgala is observed (II. III. t_4; p.545b l. 20f.)3.
were rather monks who did not live in accordance with the rules of
The most interesting among these parts, for our p..r.nt
purposes, is Vinaya. The Kqthãvatthu or its oldest parts may have been
(iii), which deals with the object of benevolence. - -
In this part, and onry
here, the sùnyavãdin (the name which is here reserved a Vk part (i):
for the denyer of Kv 1.1.155, t58-170, 180-182, Ztg-224.
Vk part (ii): Kv Ll.2l2.
2 I use the divisions Vk part (iv): Kv 1.1.225-227.
inrroduced by La vallée poussin (1925) in his transration, 5 Kv l.l.l99
3 It is not exactly clear answers briefly the view that the Buddha sees the puggala.
where rhe. áiscu ssion or tni p)agah eîd,s. c"rtuinrffiìurt
^ pua
of the second chapter (the pudgalaskandha) belongs
åutty to th" tr,ira onCir. iu ïur¿. I See Watanabe, 1983: 154f., who refers to A. K. Warder,s article..The earliest Indian
,togrc"
Poussin, 1925:376 n. (Proceedings of the 25th International Congress of
l. Orientalists,1963, vol. 4, pp. 56-
68).
 60 Bronkhorst: Kathãvatthu and Vijñãnakãya Bronkhorst : Kathãvatthu and Vijñãnakaya 6l

composed when, after this purification of the sangha of the Asokãrãma

in Pãtaliputra, the remaining community of monks of this monastery "uål';:,iï,jîl;1,åï]'*uÍ)7,!';,;,:il,",T:Ëäï$Häi"i:'1li;1iä11
decided to write down its positions regarding the points of dispute that 376.
v;;nininaya : T. 1539 (tome 26). For a French
translation of the first two
existed between the nikãyas. No direct confrontation with the upholders
chapters see La Vallée Poussin, 1925'
of the alternative doctrines, nor indeed any profound knowledge of WrtunãU., Fumimaro (1983): Philosophy and its
Development in the Nikayas
these doctrines is now to be assumed on the part of the author or and Abhidhamma. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass'
authors of the original Kathdvatthu.
But if lhe Kathavatthu was indeed a local product of the Asokãrãma
in Pãtaliputra, which does not presuppose more than superficial contact
with, or even knowledge of the opposed doctrines, it is less than self-
evident that the Vijñanakaya should react to it. We have seen, on the
contrary, that where the existence of the pudgala is concerned, the
Vijñanakaya appears to react to a text, or to arguments, of the
Pudgalavadins. What is more, one gains the impression that the Katha-
vqtthu borrowed some of the arguments of the Vijñanakaya, leaving out
others.
With regard to the discussion of the existence of past and future the
situation is slightly more complicated. If it is true that the Vijñanakaya
presents the original arguments of the Sarvãstivädins, and I see no
reason to doubt this, it is hard to see why it should react to a sectarian
work like the Kathãvqtthu which had completely missed the point of
these arguments.
Few certain conclusions can be drawn from the above observations.
The exact relationship between Kqthâvatthu and Vijñãnakaya remains
obscure. But one thing seems certain: these portions of the Kathavatthu
were nolwritten in direct exchange of views with the opponents. Rather
than representing a direct confrontation of different views, these por-
tions of the Kathãvatthu attack alternative points of view without
heeding, or even knowing, the arguments that support them.

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Aung, Shwe Zan, and Rhys Davids, C.A.F. (tr.) (1915): points of Controversy
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Bechert, H. (1961): "A6oka's 'Schismenedikt' und der Begriff Sanghabheda".
wzKS 5, l8-52.
Frauwallner, Erich (1952): "Die buddhistischen Konzile". (ZDMG 102,240-
261). Kleine Schriften (Wiesbaden 1982) p.649-670.
Kathavatthu. PTS ed. by Arnold C. Taylor. Vol. I. London. 1894. For a
translation see Aung and Rhys Davids, 1915.
 OF THE KEVADDHA-
ON THE PRECANONICAL SHÁ'PE
SUTTA AS COMPARED WITH THE KIEN'KU'KING

Konrad Melslc*

Inftoduction

the marks of
one of those old Hinayãna-sùtras which openly bear
(Dighanikãya no. XI'
redactional manipulations is the Kevaddha-sutta
i"i.I p. 2ll-223) with its chinese parallel, the Kienl-kua-kingl {l}
Tripitaka, Taishô edition' Vol' I, p' 101 column
@îrghãgama, Chinese
;, tt". 7S-rcZ"Zl¡l. It falls into three clearly separated parts which
.ui¿.ntlv must have been joined together during the
precanonical

process of emergence of the Buddhist sütra-literature'

If we' moreover'
iake into account the interpolations into the DN and into the DÃ
respectively, we are able to discern altogether five strata of this text.
The following five strata are to be differentiated:
stratum no. I, the earliest one. It contains the Buddha's rejection
of
the rddhis ("supernatural abilities" or perhaps better
"conjuring tricks")
and of adeÍano ("mind-reading"). Stratum no' 2, the "Talhagata'
sermon" which, as a matter of fact, recommends lhe rddhis as well
as

mind-reading. Stratum no. 3, the story of a celestial

journey of a monk,
is characterized by completely different tendencies: mainly the tendency
towards glorification of the Buddha in combination with philosophical
speculation. Stratum no. 4 is that textual material which has been
interpolated only in the DN, and stratum no. 5 is that, what has been
interpolated only in the DÃ. Let me begin with the textual criticism, i.e.
with those portions of the text which are contained either only in the DÃ
(stratum no. 5) or only in the DN (stratum no' 4)'

* Feidikstr. 72 - D-4700. Hamm I - GERMANY

I chinese characters are numbered and listed at the end of this paper. There also exists
a Tibetan parallel in two parts, to be found in Samathadeva's Abhidharmakoéa-trko-
pãyikä-nãma, Bstan-'gyur, Peking-edition, Mnon-pa'i bstan-bcos, no 5595, vol' ll8'
p 2601314tr.: vol. thî, fol. l05b¡-107b6,p.l2sl5l6tr. = vol. tu, fol 69a6'72b2,which
has not yet been compared in the present paper. My thanks are due to Dr' J -U Hart-
mann, Göttingen, who informed me about this Tibetan version.
 64 Meisig: On the canonical Shape of the Kevaddha_Sutta 65
Meisig: On the canonical Shape of the Kevaddha-Sutta

Stratum no. 5 interpolations in the DÃ

- god after each class which is men-
DN has interpolated another chief
in DN, the Cãtummaharãjikã devã are
ãoned in the DÃ,
too. Only the
There are interpolations in the DÃ which have no counterpart (DN r 216.4-16), the Tãvatimsã
in the by the cattãro Mahãrãjã
I mention the initial stock phrase statin! that the
DN. First of all ",.ol.r.nt.d bv god Suvama \217 '22-
Buddha was alledgedly accompanied by 1250 monks (10rb16). Jå"a UV god Sakka (216,29-217,9), the Yãmã
on lß,t¡,ihe Tusita by Santusita (218,14-27), the Nimmãnaratl Deva by
p.I0lc4-7 we find a superfluous repetition: here the Buddha Devã by vasavat-
more' for the third time, refuses to instruct his bhiksus to conjure
once sunimmita (219,4-17), and the Paranimmitavasavattl
a ún (219,30-220,7)'
miracle. only in the DÃ Kien 1-kua {2} (this is the chinese eqrriualent
to
Pa' Kevaddha) asks whether there exists a monk who is able
to perform
the three kinds of marvels, and the Buddha answers that there sftatum no. 3 Buddha-puja combined with philosophical speculation
least one such monk (l02a2l-24), This is nothing but a makeshift
is at -
transition to layer no. 3 made up by the redactors of the DÃ
who felt Now I to the literary criticism. That means that, as for the
come
strata no. 3 and no. 4, I will deal with that textual material
that the rather disconnected story of the monk going astray through which is
the
heavens needed justification. Also, there is Kien-ku's .nq.riry DN and in the DÃ but which does not fit into the
contained both in the
aftãr the
name of this monk (r02c20-22). The name is given by the Buddha contents of the original text, which even contradicts stratum
no. I
as
o1-shiha-i3 {3}, middle chinese .â óièt severely at some Places.
i', a phonetic transcription for
skt. Aévajit2' Finally, there is a paragraph (r02c3-5) in which
the god Stratum no. 3 is probably meant to be an illustration of the rddhi
Brahmã informs the monk about the current whereabouts
of the no. 8, viz. the ability of stretching one's body up to Brahmã's heaven,
Buddha, viz. in Anãthapindada's Jetavana in Srãvasti. This is a mean- as it deals with a monk with a thirst for knowledge who undertakes a
ingless embellishment of the text. celestial odyssey through all the heavens. This story is characterized by
definitely different tendencies as are to be found in stratum no.1. Vy'e
find three tendencies which have nothing at all to do with the rejection
Stratum no.4 interpolations in the DN
- of marvels. These three new tendencies are: First, glorification of the
Buddha, portraying him as being omniscient, superior in knowledge
Because of lack of space, I must confine myself to the most obvious
even to the gods. Second, philosophical speculation, as the passage
interpolations in the DN, but I have listed all of them in the summary
deals with the question where the four elements completely and finally
at the end of this paper.
vanish. The question is answered by the Buddha with the statement
The sentence which says that Nãlandã is a prosperous town with
that the elements vanish together with consciousness (pa. viññãna, chin.
many inhabitants who are devout followers of the Exalted one is
shiha {4}). Philosophical speculation, however, has since long been
repeated thrice in the DN (I 211,7-8:211,20-21:212,U_12), bur it
recognized as being a secondary feature of Buddhist doctrine. Third,
occurs only once in the DÃ (l0lc2-3), parallel to the third occurence in
this paragraph has somewhat entertaining features, too, as it clearly
the DN.
ridicules the gods, especially the god Brahmã' That means that it
In the Pãli-text, we find additional chief gods who are not mentioned belongs to the same later stratum known already from other Htnayãna
in the DÃ. These interpolations follow the example that Brahmã is sùtras3, a stratum that was interpolated out of practical reasons,
superior to the Brahmakäyikã gods. Accordingly, and regularly, the reasons of missionary practice. For if a preacher-man wants to attract
and convince crowds he has to include entertaining elements into his
Cf. pa. Assaji. I am grateful to Dr. Hisashi Matsumura, Göttingen,
_ .2 who suggested sermon.
this reconstruction as the underlying Indian name in the discussion
fo"lloíing -yi..tu*
at the "Lamotte Symposium". The Gãndharr form of this name has
to be recoîstructed as
cf. skt. Prasenajit, pa. pasenadi. Assaji was one of the five monks
iAl:l"d!
Buddha first preached the Dharma. The traditiòn that it was Assaji
to whom the
who experienced the 3 Cf. e.g.
odyssey through the heavens as reported in the chinese DÄ
Meisig, K., Das Sútra von der vier Ständen. Das Aggañña'Sutta im Licht
ha; ," .qri'"",l.",-. ,r,. seiner chinesischen Parallelen. Otto Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden 1988 (Freiburger Beiträge
whole of the Pãli tradition, cf. DppN.
zur Indologie. vol. 20), p.48. -
 66 Meisig: On the canonical Shape of the Kevaddha-Sutta
Sîratum no.2 the "Tathagata-sermon))
- is a hint
Stratum no.2 consists of the "Tathagata-sermon',4. The .,Tathãgata_
sermon" is a well-known tract repeated in each of the sutras of the
Srlakkhandha (the first book of the Dlghanikãya with its, mostly
chinese, parallels). This lengthy passage has already been recognized as
belonging to a later stratum of the canon in at least two sùtras, namely
in the Srãmanyaphala-sütra as well as in the sonadanda-sutta with its
chinese version, the chung-têh-king {5}s. so what can be said about its
genuineness in the Kevaddha-Sutta and in the Kienl-kua-kingl
{l},
respectively?
There are a couple of reasons which corrobate the view that the TS
did not belong to the urtex¡ of the Kevaddha-sutta, either. The
in
my opinion most convincing argument is the fact that the -yoga
-
tricks (rddhi) as well as mind-reading, both of which are rejected in the
oldest layer, are recommended by this sermon. The performance of the
yoga tricks is dealt with in DN I 77,30-79,5 + DÃ g6a6_17. Mind_
reading is referred to by the term cetahparyãyajñana (pa. parasattãnam
parapuggalãnqm cetqsa ceto paricca pajanati) in: DN I79,26-gl,g +
DÃ 86a23-b1. If, consequently, the rejection of marvels was the main
subject of the nucleus, then the recommendation of performing miracles
can clearly not have been a part of the same text.
On the other hand, one could eliminate the TS in the handed down
versions of the sütra, and there would still remain a complete and
logical text
- but this would not be possible the other way round, as
the TS is used as an illustration of the third kind of marvel, the marvel
of teaching. Therefore, the part with the rejection of yoga tricks and
mind-reading must once have existed independently; the TS was added
only later.
An additional argument is the fact that the TS is an unnecessary
duplication, because the subject of teaching has been dealt with already
in stratum no. 1, in DN I2l4,l8-22. Also, when we take a glance at the
4 DN 214,23-215,19 * oà tOZatt-Zl. (The lull wording is given
DÃ 83ca-gsct3 +
DN I 62,24-85,5).
s cf. K. Meisig, Das Srãmanyaphala-sutra. synoptische
übersetzung und Glossar der
chinesischen Fassungen verglichen mit dem sanskrit und pali. otto Harrassowitz:
-
Wiesbaden 1987 (Freiburger Beiträge zur Indologie, Bd. l9), pp.35-37; and K. Meisig,
"Sonadar¡da-Sutta and chung Têh King", in: The 9th conference of the Inremational
Association of Buddhist studies. Abstracts of the papers. July 26-29, lggg, Institute lor
Sino-Indian Buddhist Studies, Taipei, Republic of China, pp. 99f.
Meisig: On the canonical Shape olthe Kevaddha-Sutta 67
very beginning of the TS in the Pãli-version, we find that
it starts with
the words puna ca param..., "And moreover...".
This clearly
that even the redactors of the Pãli canon felt that basically the
TS was
superfluous in this place. one last argument: the TS is not
mentioned in
AN I 170-173 where a parallel of stratum no. 1 stands its ground
without the later and unnecessary supplements which fundamentally
distort its original meaning.
Sftatum no.I rejection of the rddhis ("conjuring tricks") and of
-
ãdeianã ("mind-reading" ) .
Let me now give a summary of stratum no. l, the nucleus of the
the Buddha's rejection of conjuring tricks and of mind-
whole
-
reading.
Both of the versions of our text agree that the Buddha was staying in
Nãlandã, in the Pãvãrika-park, when the householder Kevaddha turned
to him with a (somewhat bizarre) request. Kevaddha suggests that the
Buddha might advise one of this bhiksus to perform a miracle. The
Buddha decidedly declines this suggestion.
But Kevaddha insists and again the Buddha refuses. At last,
Kevaddha tells the reason for his suggestion: he is of the opinion that
by means of a miracle the Buddha might win even more followers in the
rich and crowded town of Nälandã.
The Buddha uses this argument as an opportunity to explain that
there are three kinds of marvels, namely pa. iddhi (Chinese: shen2-tsuh2
{6}), "supernatural abilities" or the cojuring tricks of a !og1, b) adesana
(kuan1-ch'ah2 t'o1 sinl {7}), "mind-reading" and c) anusasani (kiaoa-
kiaia {8}), "instruction". Afterwards, the Buddha deals with each of
those three kinds of marvels one by one.
As to the first kind of marvels, rddhi, the Pãli version mentions the
well-known stock phrase of eight conjuring tricks (pa' iddhi) beginning
with the duplication of one's body. In the Chinese, we find this list
enlarged by spewing fire as in Mvy 224: dhùmayaty qpi praivalaty api
tad yathdpi nama mahãn agniskandhah.
But what is more important is the fact that now the Buddha is going
to reject those conjuring tricks. He says that an unbeliever might easily
(and justly) misunderstand such performances as being a sort of black
magic called gandhãravijja in the Pãli and k'ü1 lo2 choua {9} in the
Chinese. k'ü1 lo2 (in Middle Chinese: g'!u lâ) is a phonetic transcrip-
tion of skt. (or Gãndhãri respectively) ghora. choua translates skt'
68 Meisig: On the canonical Shape olthe Kevaddha-Sutta Meisig: On the canonical Shape of the Kevaddha-Sutta 69

vidya. As for ghoravidyø compare Divyãvadãna 636,27: "gandhart ghort yoga tricks are discarded as being sãsava sa-upadhika no ariya, as
vidYã" 6
. "having karma-influxes, having karma-substrata and not being noble".
The Buddha continues by giving examples for mind-reading, and he But this passage perhaps belongs already to a later stratum of the
refuses this practice as well. He warns of its being misunderstood as canons. In that case it would prove that, although the rddhis were
another sort of black magic called p. manikavijjã, Chinese kanr t'o2 lo2 regularly recommended in later Buddhist doctrines, the loathing of
{10}, Middle Chinese kân d'â lâ < Gdh. *gandhara, abbreviated for them by the early Buddhist tradition had not been completely forgotten.
gandhãravidy¿?. This name for a black magic originating, as the name
suggests, in the north-west of India had been used in the Pãli for the
Résumé
iddhis, before.
Finally, the Buddha is going to give examples for good ways of
Looking back, let me summarize what is at least in my opinion
teaching. This short paragraph (DN I 214,18-21) is nowadays missing - -
in the DÃ, but there are good reasons to assume that it belonged to the the most important result of the comparison of the Kevaddha-sutta
with the Kienl-kua-king1 {1}. On grounds of textual and literary
original text, in other words that it was not interpolated into the
- by the rhetoric pattern of this text criticism, we are justified to conclude that marvels such as supernatural
DN. Firstly, it is to be expected
abilities and mind-reading (although they stand their ground in the
where each of the three passages regularly start giving examples of the
comparatively later canonical teaching) were rejected in the urtext of
marvel in question. Secondly, it is articulated in the same style as the
the Kevaddha-sutta.
corresponding paragraph dealing with mind-reading. Please compare:
DN r 213,24-28 DN r 214,18-21
Summary
idha kevaddha bhikkhu... adisati: idha kevaddha bhikkhu evam anusã-
evam pi te mano ittham pi te mano iti sati: evam vitakketha mã evam vi- 5 strata:
pi te citt1n ti. takkayittha, evam manasikarotha mã
evam manasãkattha, idam pajahatha Stratum no.l rejection of the rddhis ("conjuring tricks") and of ãdeianã
idam up as s amp ajj a v ihar at hat i. ("mind-reading"- ) .
Its being missing in the DÃ can easily be explained by the assump- DN I 21t,r-6 + DÃ l0lbl5-18. DN 211,8-10 + DÃ 101b18-20. DN 2ll,t2-16
+ DÃ lolb20'-22. D^ t0tb22-24. DN 21 1,1 7-20 ; 2rr,2l-2r2,1 ; 212,3-7 * D-A'
tion that it was ousted by the "Tathãgata-sermon". Although that TS is
l0lb24-cl. DN 212,8-15 + DÃ lOlcl-4. DN 212.16-18 + DÃ 101c7-9' DN
an interpolation, it nevertheless became a very popular tract in later 2t2,18-29 + DÃ l0lc9-15. DN 212,29-213,23 + DÃ l0lc15-26. DN 213,24-28
times. + D^ DN 213,28-214,16 + DÃ l0lc28-l02all. DN 214'18-22.
l0lc26-28.
The original layer of our sùtra contains a rejection of the conjuring DN 223,18-19 + D^ 102c22-23. (Corroborated by Vin III 91. Vin ll ll2'12.
tricks (rddhi) and of mind-reading, too, Therefore, out of reasons DN III 112,6-113,15. AN r 170-173).
provided by textual and literary criticism, one is justified to claim that
Stratum no. 2 the "Tathagata-sermon"
magic practices including the supernatural such as yoga tricks and - + DÃ l02al l-21. (The full wording is given DA 83c3-85c13
DN 214,23-215,19
mind-reading were discarded by the earliest Buddhist teaching as + DN I 62,24-85,5. Ãsto rddhi and mind-reading cf. esp. DN 177,30-79'5 +
represented in the nucleus of our text. This result is supported by other DÃ 86a6-17 and DN | 79,26-81,8 + DÃ 86a23-bl).
passages in the Buddhist canons. Compare for instance Vin III 9l
Stratum no.3 Buddha-puia combined with philosophical speculation
where the boasting with supernatural faculties is marked as a pãrãjika-
DN -
215,21-223,17 (with the exception ol the paragraphs belonging to stratum
offence, a reason for expulsion from the order. Moreover, in Vin II *
no.4¡ OÃ tOZaZq-ctg.
ll2,l2 it is mentioned as an apatti-sin1. And in DN III 112,6-113,l5 the
s Cf. K. l'leisig, Sheng Tao King. Die chinesische Fassung des Mahãcattãrlsaka-Sutta,
ó Cf. Jã 4.496.10; BHSD, s.v. gåort in: Hinduismus und Buddhismus für Ulrich Schneider, ed' Harry Falk.
Festschrift
1 na bhikkhave gihlnant uttarimanussadhammatn iddhipatihariyam dassetabbam. yo -
Hedwig Falk: Freiburg 1987, p.220-248,esp.pp.226-228, where a passage with a similar
dassey ya, ãpa It i duk kd tdssa. wording (sãsavd anãsavã) is discussed.
70 Meisig: On the canonical Shape of the Kevaddha-Sutta

Stratum no.4
- interpolations
and 211,20-21.
in the DN
(Anticiparion and duplication
?llJ:8 ot 2l2,tt-12 + DÃ ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE ASOKA LEGEND
101c2-3). 2l I , 10- I I and 212,r-2. (Anticipation and duplicatio n of 212,14-15 ¡
DÃ l0lca-4). 212,r6-ri and2r5ì0-2r (stock phrase).'220,32.Inrerpoíations or
additional gods in: 216,4-16.216,29-217,9.217,22_218,t.2t8,t4_i7. Ztg,4_t7. Hisashi M¡,rsulruRn*
219,30-220,7.

Stratum no. 5 Interpolaîions in the DÃ

l0lb16 (stock -phrase). l0lb22-24 (?). l0ka-7 (superfluous reperirion). l02a2t-
24 (transition to layer no. 3). 102c3-5 (meaningless embellishment). 102c20-22
(embellishment).
List of Chinese characters
I EtHffi kienl ku4 kingr.2 EåEl kienr kua.3 FÍäE ol shih4 i3.4 ffishïh4.
ffiFF .-hllg: têhz kingi. 6 f'F,E .r-,."iì."-r,2.'; ffiäfü,ù, '¡,åîr .r,llnî',.or
1
sinl.8 fiffi kiao4kiai4.9.Ëffi'fl k'ül lo2chou4. l0 ffipÈre t""l ,:.2Åi.'"-
The legend of King Aioka transmitted in Sanskrit was introduced to
the scholarly world for the first time by Eugène Burnouf, who translated
a large portion of the Divyãvadâna in his Introduction à I'histoire du
Bouddhisme indienl . Burnouls translation is based on two Nepalese
m4nuscripts, one of which was collated with three other manuscripts by
E.B. Cowell and R.A. Neil for their edition in Roman script (1886)2.
The Divyãvadãna contains four chapters which concern the Aéoka
legend:

* Shinwa Women's College, 7-13,-l Suzurandai-kita-machi, Kita-ku, Kobe, 651-ll,

JAPAN

** English titles added to Japanese works are those given in a back cover of the work
in question.
1 lst ed. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1844;2nd ed. Rigoureusement conforme à l'édition
originale et précédée d'une notice de M. Barthélemy SaintHilaire sur les travaux de
M. Eugène Burnouf (:
Bibliothèque Orientale 3), Paris: Maisonneuve et C' ",
1876.
Yutaka Iwamoto says that Burnouls translation of the A6oka legend is omitted in the
2nd edition, but the 2nd ed. is the same as the lst ed. with exceptions of pagination,
addition of Saint-Hilaire's essay which is a reproduction from Journal des Savants 1852,
and corrections of typographical errors ("Divyãvadãna zatsuroku" (Some Remarks on
lhe Divyavadana), Indogaku shironshú (Miscellanea Indologica Kiotiensia) 617 (1965),
p.36 n. l. Burnouls French translation of the Aéoka legend (lst ed. pp. 358-430 2nd:
ed. pp. 319-383) was translated into English by Winifred Stephens, Legends of Indian
Buddhism (London: John Murray, l9ll;repr. Delhi: Ess Ess, 1976). In 1865 Léon Feer
published an autographical booklet under the title ofthe Aéoka legend, but it is an extract
lrom the'Dzans-blun: Exercice de langue Tibëtaine: Légende du roi Açôka (Paris: Duprat,
r865).
2 One of two manuscripts which Burnouf used is No. 5 of La Sociétê Asiatique (cf.
J. Filliozat, "Catalogue des manuscrits sanskrits et tibétains de la société asiatique",
"/l
233 (1941142), p. l2); the second is his own which is now kept in Bibliothèque Nationale
(No.53-55; cf. A. Cabaton, Catalogue sommaire des manuscríts sanscrits et pãlis, l"'fasc.
(Paris: Leroux, 1907), p. 8; J. Filliozat, Catalogue du fonds sanscrit, lasc. I (Paris: Adrien-
Maisonneuve, l94l), p.28: designated as E by Cowell and Neil), The first one was used
by cowell and Neil (:
D) together with Add. g65 of the university Library at cambridge
(= A:cf. C. Bendall, Catalogue of the Buddhist Sanskrit Manusuipts (Cambridge: Univ.
Pr., 1883), p. l), and two manuscripts in their possession (:
B, C). Besides these, they
report two more manuscripts: a manuscript belonging to the Imperial Library at St.
Pe.tersburg (: P) and No.56-57 ol Bibliothèque Nationale (: F: cf. Cabaton, p.8;
t'llilozat. Þ. 28). For other manuscripts, see Iwamoto, op. cit.
72 Matsumura: On the Structure of the A3oka Legend
(348.5 -348.20)3
| 348.20-350.24
II 350.24-364.10
26 Pãmóupradãnavadãna
(364.1 l-364.18)
|t 364.19-382.3
I 382.5 -383.6
(383.7 -384.27)
27 Kunãlãvadãna
II 384.27-405.15
III 405.16-419.13
28 Vitaéokãvadãna 419.15-429.5
29 Aéokãvadãna 429.7 -434.28
Burnouf translated the greater part of these four chapters and named
them the Aéokãvadãna. However, in the Sanskrit manuscripts this title
refers, in fact, to the twenty-ninth chapter only. This Sanskrit text
which forms four chapters of the Divyãvadãna does not provide a
complete form of the Aéoka legend, but its full form is found in two
Chinese translations:
Ã-yù wángzhuàn. Nanjio No. 1459; T No.2042, vol.50.99a9-l3la24;Qì-
shã ed. "Qín"" l, 1a1-5, 20b9 : Zhong-huâ dà-zàng jing, I jí 244 cè,
6l295al-61372b3 (No. 1040); Korean ed. "Kùm"b I chang - 19 chang :
Koryö daejang kyöng, vol. 30.43IaI-478c23 (No. l0l7); Shukusatsu ed.
"Zö""-10, la1-28b13 : Taiwan repr. vol. 51.431.1-486. l3; Manji ed.27 tõ
2 satsu, l93bb1-220bb5 : Taiwan repr. vol. 51.0386.1-0440.5.
Ã-yù wáng jing. Nanjio No. 1343; T No. 2043, vol. 50.131b1-170a8; Qì-shã
ed. "Xië"d 5,7a14 - l1,l3b3 : Zhong-huâ dà-zàng jrng, I ji 244 cè,
61200a1-61294a8 (No. 1039); Korean ed. "Sa"" I chang - 19 chang :
Koryö daejang kyðng, vol. 30.347b1-402a24 (No. l0l3); Shukusatsu ed.
"Zo"c-10,28b14-64bl l : Taiwan repr. vol. 51.486.14-558.11 (No. 1174);
Manji ed. 26 To 6-7 satsu, 563aal-596aa16 : Taiwan repr. vol. 50.01651-
0231.16.
According to the description of the Lì-dài sãn-bäo jì, which is an old
Chinese catalogue of the Buddhist scriptures, the first one was translated
by Ãn Fá-qin in 306 A.D. and the latter by Seng-qié pó-luóa in 512
3 For the convenience of the following discussion, I have divided 26 and 2'1 into some
portions. Portions which do not have their counterpart in the Chinese versions are pul in
parentheses.
a Against Sanghapãla restored by Bunyiu Nanjio, I Calalogue of the Chinese Transla'
rion of the Buddhist Tripilaka (Oxford: Clarendon Pr., 1883), col. 422, Sylvain Lévi gives
its Indic original name as Sanghavarman or Sañghabhara: "Le catalogue géographique
des Yaksa dãns la Mahãmaylrt", JA ll" sér., t.5 (an.-lév' l9l5), p.26. J.Przyluski's
(n.6) sentence: "il vaux mieux restaurer avec Sylvain Lévi une forme samghabhara ou
Sømghabhata (Le catalogue...)" (p.XI) might give the reader an impression that Lévi
proposed alorm Samghabhata,btt it is Przyluski's own suggestion (cf H. Lüders (n l3),
p.72 n. l). Strangely enough, the English version (?) ol Lévi's article gives "Sarirghabhata
Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend t-t
A.D.t A complete translation of the first text was made by Jean
przyluski in 19236 and this French translation has been frequently used
of by later scholars. Besides these two Chinese texts, some episodes of
the Aéoka legend are found in the Chinese Samyuktãgama translated
by Gunabhadra (ca. 394-468 A.D.)t andJhe bsTan-'gyur section of the
Tibetan Tripitakas. The late Professor Etienne Lamotte made a briel
but pertinent summary of the Aioka legend in his .ÉIi.s¡oire du houd-
dhísme indien, which was not only based on the Divyãvadãna and the
three Chinese texts but also took into consideration some other related
texts
e.
or Sarirghabhara": "The Geographical Catalogue of the Yaksas in the Mahãmãyùri'.
Sino-- Indian Studies vol. 3 parts I & 2 (April & July 1947), pp. l7-18 [Table olcontent ol
this journal gives the author of this article as P.C. Bagchi, and the name olSylvain Lévi is
found nowhere!1. It is not a mere accident because the English version (?) reads again
"sarhghabhata" (p. l8 /.24) for the French original "Saúghavarman" (p 27 1. l5). In his
Le canon bouddhique en Chine 1 (: Sino : Indica l) (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1927),
pp.415-416, Bagchi adopts the form Sarighabhara.
s T 49.65a12,98b9-8. The identification ofitems in the old catalogues with actual texts
in the extant Tripitaka contains sorr.e problems, cl n. 20.
6 La lëgende de I'empereur Açol:a (Açoka-avadãna) dans les textes indiens et chinois
(= Annales du Musée Guimet 3l) (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1923). Part one of this book is
translated into English: The Legend of Emperor AÍoka in Indian and Chinese Texts, tr. by
Dilip Kumar Biswas (Calcutta: Mukhopadhyay. 1967).
? The Aéoka legend in the Samyuktãgama is a later incorporation. Since Masaharu
Anesaki, "The Four Buddhist Ãgama in Chinese", Tronsûctions of the Asiatic Societr of
Japan XXXY-3 (1908), p.70 and Lù Chêng, "Zir ã-hán jrng kãn-dìng jì". Nâi-.r-aé I
(1924), p.109, the structure of the Chinese Samyuktãgama has been discussed repeatedly.
Akira Mukai asserts that Lü Chéng's article was totally neglected in Japan ("'Yugashiji-
ron' shõjibun to 'Zõagonkyõ"' (The Vastusamgrahanì of the Yogãcãrabhunti and the
Samyuktãgama), Hokkaidodaigaku bungakubu klyo XXXIII-2 [56] (1985). p. 3). but it is
mentioned by Shödô Hanayama, "Zõagonkyõ no Aikuõhiyu Aéokãvadãna ni tsuite",
Õkurayamagakuin kiyo I (1954), p. 52 n. 12; Ryùjõ Yamada, Bongobutten no shobunken
(: Daijobukkyõ seiritsuronjosetsu, shiryõhen) (Kyoto: Heirakuji, 1959), p. l86l Egaku
Mayeda, Genshibukkyõseilen no seiristushi kenkyii (A History of the Formation of
Original Buddhist Texts) (Tokyo: Sankibõ, 1964), p. 426 n.75. p. 661 n. 7. An excellent
survey of a history of research on this topic by Japanese and Chinese scholars is provided
by Kogen Mizuno, "'Zõagonkyõ'no kenkyú to shuppan" (Research and Publication of
the Chinese Version ofthe Samyuttanika¡,a), Bukkt'o kenkw 17 (l9SS), pp. l-45. Besides.
T No.2045 Ã-yù wáng xi huài mù yin-yuán jing narrates a story of Kunãla, but it belongs
to a different tradition to the Divyâvadâna. T No. 20,14 Tiãn-zün shuõ Ã-yù wáng pì-yù
jing suggests its Indic titte as *Aéokãvadãna, but it is a collection of twelve short stories.
out ol which in only the first one does the name Aéoka áppear. and in all other stories
there is no connection to the ASoka legend. For the legend in Jaina literature. see Junko
Matsumura, "Jaina shoden no kunãra monogatari" (The Kunãla Legend in Jaina
Literature), Bukkyo kenkvu l4 (1984). pp. ó3-88.
8 Cf. A.
Mette, "Zur tibetischen Überlieferung der Aéokalegende", ZDMG Supple-
ment 6 (1985), pp.299-307.
'g pp.226-232,261-272 : English version pp. 206-212.238-248.
 74 Matsumura: On the Structure ol.the
Aéoka Legend
Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend j5
concerning the sequence of episodes.
of the legend, there are dis_
crepancies between-the two
compiete chinese uersiãns;ñ; various versions of the Aéoka legendr3. First he compared the four
fragment embedded in the Divyãïadan-¿ Sanskrit
In order to sorve this probrem, chapters with Przyluski's translation of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn, and
Sujitkumar Mukhopadhyuyu, *ho pointed out that the legend consists of the ASoka legend proper and the
compiled u .ãl,i"n'o, ,n. ,ou,
,n. ASotu".*
chapters of the Divyãvadãna relating lJpagtpta legend. Further he made a minute observation of three
legendlo, swopped the
position of the 27th Kunãrãvadãn-a episodes of the legend which have their parailels in the Kalpanãmandi-
and the zltr, uås"kãvadãna,
although he noticed that in the úkã14. His discussion is rich in insight and we still get much benefit
chinese translations, the Vitasokãva_
dãna is not placed after the Kunãrãvadina, from it. Therefore it should be regarded as a starting point of further
but between the two parts
of the Kunãlãvadãna (i.e. berween Cñ ¿OS.fS discussion on the relationship between various versions of the Aéoka
405'16 [: Kunãla-Il!)r1. It is t: f""al" III and
not merely on this point that legend.
resulting sequence of episodes in the
In spite of efforts of the above scholars, a more elaborate comparative
Mukhopadhyaya,s edition shows
disagreement with that of th" table was still desideratum. very recently, J. w. de Jong pubiished a
t*o ct in.r. versions, but also on many
other points his edition deviates rro,n scrupulous concordance of the sanskrit fragment embedded in the
situation of correspondence between
ih. chinese *rriãn* it ..ur
"
the sanskrit and cil;r. u".rion, Divyãvadãna and the two chinese versions, which, unfortunatery,
is much more complicated than excludes the Samyuktagama versionrs. De Jong seems to think that the
Mukhopaah yaya hadthought.
In considering the structure of the aso[u extant form, appearing in the Taisho edition of the two complete
iegend, i, ir''iurotu,.ty
necessary to compare all known chinese versions, reflects the original order of the chapters oi the
versions, and for this purpose
comparative tabre of various texts a
was made by Hajime Nakamura legend.
Keishõ Tsukamoto12. In his intro¿uction and
to the sanskrit text of the
Kalpanãmarditikã, Heinrich Lüders 13 H. Lüders, Bruchstücke-
studied in detail tt r.ruiionrhip der Kalpanamanditikd des Kumãralãld (:
of Kleinere Sanskrir
" Texte 2) (Leipzig: DMG, 1926; repr. Monographien zur indischei
er.rreoiågi., runrr
to The Aiokãvadàna und Philologie l, Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1979), pp.7l-132.
sanskrit text compared wi-th chinese ra rhese parallels were pointed
Sahitya Akademi. 1963)^Jvtukhopadhyayä versions (New Derhi: out ror the nì.t ti-.
by Édouard Huber, ..Études de
sociery ot Bengat: i.e. G ee'2e
ã""ri1,.¿ rwo manuscriprs or- rhe littérature bouddhique", 4 (1904), pp.70g-726. The title and the author of this
r¿årie"ãå'Jrri;'¡i^iìl:: is labeited ¡l r".ì...òïiz Asiatic text and Dà zhuãng-yán lùn jrng have båen discussed by many
Hara prasad sastri, r onrriptiä-êzt:iiiirîi¡ ììlrt rit rrManuscripts e,, uv
arguments on rhis topic u."
scholars. various
yamada, op. .it., pp.it_72
cottection under the care of t'he in the Governmenr
¿t,"iti 1""ä"íí ri'iir*.,,vo1. r (calcutta: "Kumã-ralãras Katpanãmanditikãl:yi"y9d by Ryüjõ and M. Hahn,
Mission Pr.. lelT), p.23. ño. zzlã"J The tsaprist D¡g1ãntàpã nkü" , ZAS io 1,aij, pp. 309_3i0.
sanskrit Buddhist Literarure^of u"por
elö ä á,ä*o
yg cf Rájendralála Mitra, rhe 's "Notes on the Text orthe Aéoka Legend", in India and the Aicient Lrtorrrt; prq/.
rcaùitta':'îr',ì ariutr. socilty P.H L. Eggermont Jubilee Volume (:
våiJvàîãoä..r.åi.*l amendments,ofbutn.ngui. lsazl,
pp'304-316)' rn his edition p.L. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Zsj 1l"uu.n,
1987)' pp.103-113. out of ten chapters (przyluski,s
however based on any manuscript thãy are not division, not rrom túe'ãriginal
(: urr'in.i.J"oi' his own knowredge: Diivavadana chinese text. Przyluski's "chapitre"
þ. 245'n. ..division
Buddhist Sanskrir Texrs 20) n.r¡f,""g",
ä. ú indicated by headings
translations (Akira sadakatu
f üiti,itu tn.tirute. 1959). The ràcent rwo ',.un, I081)orIhe
il*::::':i:t!en;yyà|tu-stuán".notjuànasieJongsupposes[op.cir..p.
ö-yu wang zhuan. onlv seven chapters
and John S Strong, The L,eglndls\laadeí i:'Ëårïr""rr,o_ 9) (Kyoto:.H ozõkan, t9B2) are tabulated with the Ã-yù wáng jrng änd the
*i.,0
of.t_<ing r¡¿" t'oìì"ão"n:.princeron univ. pr., 1983) are Divyãvadäna, and the iemaining two chapters
u." i.i.r..o to in the rext. The division of
^ï.
iî.ïcti
very vaid yá's
'v¡uÁr,paqnyaya' oÞ cit"""ä
u.ir.iîpää,ìråri:i
p' rxx. Because Mukhopadhyaya
.0,,, * the Divyãvadãna in de Jong's table
is the'same as the one which he published previously
with minor deviarions of rh"e line numbers
transtarions the VTtaóokavàdl"á.i.
pl"..Jl.ì;;ìä
knows that in chinese
made very carefullv. however the followiìg
ui li
li'õøön0). p. 269). This concordance is
is not pertinent ro criticize rri- two parrs of rhe Kunãlãva<lãna, it shoild ue corrected [de Jong sometimes
ry ."fi"g irt"i'ö."iü*r,opadhyaya justifie includes a chapter-headins and
sometim"r.*ãlud., it. l trrint it is better to always include
se réréranr aux deux traductions.chiíoËr;;i;.w. cet order en
#Jong, ..cR. de Mukhopadhyaya,,, itl:.for"r44ar2" 1crt. z] IV) read "r44alr"; iü:,Ál"tq" (v)
IIar2 (1969170), p'269 Buddhist
= srr¿¿i rs.iãlev: Asian Humaniries pr., "149b25" (VI) read "r49h24"; read ..147c13"; f-or
1979), for "l25cl5" read "l52cl4,,; for..l56a5,,(vII.2) read
"154b5"; between vIL2
r2 Hajime Nakamura. and yil.3, "Avadano ài Ãn"n¿u (p. 154b5-r56a5)" musr be
Indo kodaishi (ge) (:
shunjüsha' te66)' pp'¿o¿-¿os,^x.i.rt;'ì:;'d;;:Nakamura Hajime senshü 6) (Tokyo: 31ï'^t;,P:_"1:]b7"-(VIII.I) read "157b6"; ro. 'iiàzulo" (rX.4) read ..162ae"; r-or
¡u¿çru (p. rU/ /. t6) read.,.l62c9,';
(Tokyo: Sankibo. 1966). np..r30_ty, snok, øuk*rukrõdanshi no kenkyú lor ,,165a21,, (p.107 1.22) read,,l65a22,,; for
kuji, t973), pp.282_2sí. in r,ir..,uay ai.,)'in*i_i ,t.g"nd,
"170a8" g.107
;;'.i;'ffit t ,rru sõsho 2r) (Kyoro: Heira_
/
,,1.70a1
t.24t rea.d 170a2_z i, ro,
Gen,ichi yamazaki, when
34,) read "168b28";l'Th. chin.r. tèxt of ch. z ""ãi"g"pt*r.r1í:lr.'."i:,ur),üi,!'<r.
is ¿i-v-i¿e¿ into... seven chapters, ... The
tletesend,,n'.ntion, ã' ilîiî tenth chapter of Ch. 2 is..." (p. t}:. lt.6-23) i, unint.itigiUt.; for ..Ch. 1,, (p.
::f::'å*"JlX,"ï,!ri "*,ø",,
no kenkvû (The Legend
bur he does nor provide a lll /. l6)
of Aéoka: 1riii"ãi .tr¿vl rhis_arriclË. h" hu, .-;;;;;d h;';;inion on the legend
rroryo, slrun:¡^r"tîiírnilnt""" " .ir.*"Sl^lì
"' vvuÁs on rnrsPefore in his reviews
subrecr: IIJ g (1965), pp. 233-240 : Buddh. st.
pp.793-794: 345_351: JAOS 89 (tg67),
IrJ t2 (ß69170), pp.269-2i4 : Buddh. st. 339_344; rrJ 29 (1986),
pp. 70-73.
 Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend 77
76 Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend

Both Chinese translations have a chapter-heading at the beginning of 4 Chapler two begins at a different place'
into five scrolls Çuòn), instead of seven as in
each chapter. If we examine these chapter-headings appearing in the 5 The whole text is divided
Taisho edition carefully, what immediately attracts our attention is the the Taishõ edition'
given to Aioka" is the sixth in
last chapter of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn: Ã-yù wáng xiàn-bào yin-yuán dì The place of the chapter "the retribution
,rr. qi-rha edition and it does not agree with
sìr "The retribution given to King Aéoka; the fourth". No matter how the fourth suggested by
we count chapters of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn, this chapter cannot be ,f,. ,.*nun, in the Taishõ edition. It is without doubt that this chapter
la.tr its counterpart in the Ã-yù wáng jing is a later addition, as
regarded as occupying the fourth place of the whole text. It is strange *hi"h
that the ordinal number is not added to any other chapter-heading, but lrzyluski and Lüders rightly pointed out18. Accordingly
it did not
in the
because it seems here to have been added as an exception to the last o.r"pv its proper place in the text of the legend. For example,
in
chapter, this suggests that "the fourth" is a remnant indicating that this Divyavadäna it comes immediately after the Pãméupradanâvadäna,
chapter would have been formerly placed in the fourth position. other words the second position; in the Qì-shã edition it appears in the

Paying attention to footnotes in the Taisho edition, Shödö Hanayama sixth position; in the lost exemplar of the Korean edition
it is assumed
noticed that the Sòng, Yuán and Míng editions of the Ã-yù wáng to be present in the fourth position as shown by the remnant in the
position.
Taishõ edition; and in the Taisho edition it appears in the
last
zhuàn have a different order of chapters from that of the Taishõ
editionró. And he thought that the order of these three editions reflects The fact that its position was not fixed is corroborated by its additional
an older stage of the transmission of this text. Because the structure ol character which does not have strong connection to any other chapter
the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn has been discussed based exclusively on the of the legend.
Taishõ edition, or Przyluski's translation until today, Hanayama's Direct connection of the middle part of the Kunalãvadãna (:
underlying of this fact is very importantl?. "A table of abbreviations" Kunála II) and the vitaéokãvadãna was already noticed by Lüdersle.
included in each volume of the Taisho Tripitaka does not specify which The disjunction of these two chapters is due to the reorganization by
editions are indicated by "Sòng", "Yuán" and "Míng", but "Sòng" the editor of the Divyãvadána and in an awkward way at that, as
probably means the Sr-xî yuán-jué zàngg kept at the Zojojih temple, shown below. The direct connection of these two chapters is confirmed
Tokyo, Japan. It is not easy to consult this old precise edition, but by two Chinese versions, Ã-yù wáng jrng and Ã-yù wáng zhuàn - both
thanks to the Zhong-huâ dà-zàng jrng, the first series of which is a the Taishö and the Qì-sha but I should like to indicate that the
-,
ending of the chapters is not the same position:
reproduction of the Qì-shâ edition, it has become easy to consult one of
the Sòng editions. Indeed the Qì-shã edition belongs to a different frng Zhuàn
tradition from the Si-xi yuán-juê zàng, but as far as the order of the
(CN 405.13)... prthivTm antallpuram amãtyaganam ãtmã
chapters of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn is concerned there seems to be no (14)nam ca kunãlam ca niskritavãn I bhüyasã bhagavac-
difference between the Qì-shã and the Si-xi editions. Therefore, it may chãsane éraddhã (15) pratilabdhã caturaértidharma-
be useful to observe the division of the chapters of the Qì-shã edition. rãjikãsahasrãni pratisthâpitam iti I

The relationship of the Qì-shã with the Taisho edition and other texts (419.15) yadã rãjñãéokena bhagavacchãsane éraddhã
is indicated in a table added at the end of the present paper. The most pratilabdhâ tena (16) caturaórtidharmarãjikäsahas-
ram pratisthãpitam pañcavãrsikam ca (17) krtam I trini
significant points are the following: éatasahasrãli bhiksünãm bhojitãni yatraiko 'rhatãm (18)
1 All chapter-headings are accompanied by the ordinal number. dvau Saiksänãm prthagianakalyãnakänäm ca I samudrãyãm
2 The order of chapter four and flve is reversed. pr(19)thivyãm janakãya yadbhüyasã bhagavacchãsane
?bhiprasannälr
3 "The retribution given to King Aioka" is the sixth. I

tasya (20) bhrãta vitaSoko nama tîrthyãbhiprasannalr | '..

I

ró Hanayama, op. cit., pp. 42-54.

1? The text ofthe Shukusatsu edition, from which Przyluski made his translation, is
t8 Przyluski, op. cit., pp. 186-213; Lüders, op. cil.,pp. l2l-127
based on the second Korean edition with collation to some other editions, and the
1e Lüders,
editorial principle of the Taisho edition is more or less the same. op. cit., p.74.
78 Matsumura: On the Structure of the ASoka Legend
While a chapter "Bodhi-tree" of the Ã-yù wáng jing ends in the same
place at the end of the middle part of the Kunãlãvadãna (Kunãla II)
(CN 405.15), the corresponding chapter of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn (i.e.
the second half of Ã-yù wáng bën-yuán) does not end here but
continues from CN 405.15 to 419.15 and ends at CN 419.19; and then
the next chapter "Aéoka's brother" begins. The duplication of Sanskrit
sentences CN 405.14-15 and 419.15-16 which are printed in spaced type
in the above quotation is a mistake of the editor of the Divyãvadãna
who separated these two chapters.
Lüders ascribed the sequence of the 28th V-rtaéokãvadãna and the
29th Aéokavadãna appearing in the Divyãvadãna, as the result of
rearrangement by the editor of the Divyãvadãna. Indeed in the two
Chinese texts in the Taishö edition a chapter "Kunãla" stands between
these two chapters, but the sequence appearing in the Divyãvadãna is
supported by the Qì-shã edition of the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn. The division
of the scrolls of the Qì-sha edition which divides the whole text into five
scrolls instead of seven as found in the Taishö edition, is in accordance
with a description of old catalogues (e.g. the Lì-dài sãn-bäo jì,
T 49.65c12, which is based on Zhí Dào-ztt'si catalogue)'0. It is very
likely that the arrangement of scrolls and chapters found in the Qì-shã
is older than that of the second Korean edition, and that the latter may
probably be a secondary adaptation from the old model as found in the
Qì-shã following the order of the chapters in the Ã-yù wáng jing. Il this
hypothesis is admitted, we cannot regard the sequence supported by the
Qì-shã as a later rearrangement produced by the editor, and so its
authenticity should be reconsidered.
20 Although Przyluski says that "Les deux traductions chinoises de I'Açokãvadãna
peuvent être identifiées avec certitude. Tous les catalogues sont d'accord pour assigner au
Parthe Fa-k'in I'A-yu wang tchouan en 7 chapitres" (op. cit., p. XU), there are some
problems to be solved. He pointed out that besides two extant Chinese translations, the
Nèi-diãn lù (T 55.265c28) records one more text, the translation of which is ascribed to
Seng-qié pó-luó (p. XII cum n. l), however, his note requires some amendments. The Nèi-
diän lù is not the first catalogue that records t\¡/o translations of the Asoka legend by
Sêng-qié pó-luó, but this description originates with Fèi Cháng-fáng's Sãn-bão ji.
Concerning this point, ancient Chinese catalogues are classified into three groups. In the
ñrst group are ones recording only one translation. Catalogues belonging to this group
are the Fã-jing lù (T 55.146a14), the Yàn-zõng lù (l6lcl9) and the Jìng-tài lù (l96al). The
second records two translations: e.g. the Wù-zhou lù (400b8-14) and the Kãi-yuán lù
(496b26-27, 537c3-4) : the Zhen-ytán lù (794c13-14, 835c8-9). The third records three
texts as stated above: e.g. the Sãn-bão ji (T 49.65a12, 98b9, 23), the Nèi-dián hì
(T 55.236a12, 265c16, 28) and the Yì-jrng tú-jì (354b3, 364b26-21, c2). To try and trace
the process of conlusion ol these three groups is too much to argue in a footnote. I will
discuss this problem together with the A6oka legend in the Fù Îá-zàng y\n-yútn zhuàn,
Shì-jiã pú, Fä-yuân zhù-lín and Jlng-lü yì-xiàng in a separate paper.
Matsumura: On the Structure of the A3oka Legend 79
I would like to take this opportunity here to report on the new
matelial of the Aéoka legend. Serial No. 13 of the Gilgit manuscripts
contains avadana and sütra texts, among which the following leaves
are
fragments of the Aéoka legend: (facsimile number) 1508/09, 1510/ll,
l5l2l13, t5l4l15,1516117,1452. The first five leaves have already been
identified as the Pãméupradanãvadana by the editors of the facsimile
editions2l. In contrast with them, the first five lines on the obverse of
1452153 has remained unidentified, because it has not a
parallel in the
Divyãvadãna. These five lines correspond to the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn
T 50.120b7-14 and the Ã-yù wáng jing T 50.161a28-b9, where it is
explained why Kashmir became a centre for meditation. The last line of
the reverse of folio 1516117 correspond to the Ã-yù wáng jing
T 50.160c21, but there is a gap the quantity of which is estimated as
thirty-five lines in the Taishõ edition between the end of l5l7 and the
beginning of A52. Such a quantity corresponds to the content of one
leaf of this Serial. Accordingly it may be safe to surmise that 1452 is
connected to l5l7 with an interval of one leaf which is lost. This
Upagupta story transmitted in the Gilgit fragments is not a part of the
whole Aéoka legend, because this story ends at line five on the observe
of 1452153 and is followed by the Dharmarucyavadãna which has no
relation to the Aéoka legend.
The newly identified folio is indeed very small, but is of significance
in some respects. The relevant passage on Kashmir has sometimes been
referred to by scholars. Paul Demiéville, for example, quotes the
passage in question from the Ã-yù wáng jrng, and says' "Le texte
sanskrit de ce passage n'est pas parmi ceux qui ont été retrouvés à
Gllgi¡"22. Now we can amend his statement.
The Chinese transcription of the geographical name, Jì-brn, has for a
ling time been producing controversy between many scholars. Professor
Lamotte identified Jì-bin in the Ã-yù wáng zhuàn as Kapióa as against
Przyluski who rendered it as Cachemire23. From the occurrence in the
2r Raghu Vira and Lokesh Chandra, eds., Gilgit Buddhist Manusuipts (Facsimile
Edition)(: Sata-Pitaka Series 10), part 7 (New Delhi: International Academy of India.n
Culture, 1974), p.5.
'z2 P.Demiéville,"LaYogãcãrabhumide Sañgharaksa",
BEFEO44(1954),p,341 n.2.
23 Traité, I, p. 550 n. l. The identification of Jì-bIn has been a subject of controversy
since 1895, when S. Lévi and Éd. Chavannes suggested for the first time that until 581
A.D. Jí-bin had been called Kaémlra and thereafter Kapiéa ("Itinéraire d'Ou K'ong", JA
sep.-oct. 1895, pp.371-384; "Note rectificative sur le Ki-pin", JA1an.-fêv. 1986, pp. 161-
162). The controversy on this topic is summarized by P. C. Bagchi, "Ki-pin and
Kashmir", Sino-Indian Studíes 2 (1946147), pp.42-53. The following relerences should
be added to the ones mentioned by Bagchi: Kurakichi Shiratori, "Keihin-koku ko" , Toyo
gakuho Yll-l (Jan. 1917), pp. 33-102 : Saiiki-shi kenkyu I (Tokyo: Iwanami, l94l),
 80 Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend Matsumura: On the Structure olthe A3oka Legend 8l

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82 Matsumura: On the Structure of the Aéoka Legend
fragment 1452 we can confirm that the original of Jì-bin guój in the Ã-
yù wáng zhuàn and the Ã-yù wáng jlng is KaSmrrãmamdala.
In the text of the Aéoka legend there are still many things which have
not yet been solved. Besides the materials referred to so far, there are
some other Sanskrit materials of the Divyãvadãna, Divyãvadänamalã
and Aéokãvadãnamãlä. Only a very small portion of them has been
edited, but the remaining larger part is still unknown to us. It is hoped
that these materials will be brought to light by scholars who are in a
position to use them.
LIST OF CHARACTERS
rS "ffi &affi "H
"Ê '[-41Ër4,#8&HW
" ,BËHãffi " ,Ê-L+ ' ËfrE ' ffiHW
pp.317-462 : Zenshù VI (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1970), pp. 295-359; P. Pelliot, "Tokharien et
Koutchéen", JA jan.-mar. 1934, p. 39 n. ; L. Petech, Northern India According to the Shui-
ching-chu (: SOR 2) (Roma: ISMEO, 1950), pp.63-80; E.G. Pulleyblank, "The Conso-
nantal System of Old Chinese" , Asia Major n.s. 9 (1962), p. 218-219; Shõshin Kuwayama,
"Keihin to Buppatsu", in Tenbõ Ajia no kokogakz (Tokyo, 1983), pp.598-607; Fumio
Enomoto, "Agonkyõten no seiritsu" (The Formation of the Original Texts of the Chinese
Ãgamas), Toyõ gakujutsu kenkyu XXlll-l (May l9S4), pp.96-97 .
THE LANGUAGES OF EARLY BUDDHISM 1
K. R. Nonuer¡*
l. CnNoN AND URKANoN
Ever since the time when the discovery of different sets of canonical
texts belonging to different schools of Buddhism undermined the claim
of any one version to be the authentic word of the Buddha,
some
scholars have nurtured a hope that, by delving behind the texts which
we have available to us, we can find the texts upon which they are all
based, perhaps the very words of the Buddha himself the Urkanon.
-
As part of the task of discovering that Urkanon, scholars have subjected
the various versions of the Buddhist canon we possess to careful
scrutiny, and by seizing upon the various anomalous factors they have
discovered therein they have been able to find traces of earlier languages,
called "pre-canonical" by some, but hailed as the language of the
Urkanon itself by others. Much of this work was done by Sylvain Lévi2
and Heinrich Lüders, and Lüders' work3, in which he called the
language "Old Buddhist Ardhamãgadhr" and regarded it as the lan-
guage of the original canon of writings, appeared posthumously in time
for Étienne Lamotte to consider its conclusions when he came to write
about the languages of early Buddhisma.
Differing sharply from Lüders, Lamotte ventured to assert that there
was no question of either a canon or a Tripitaka before the end of the
Mauryan period, and he stated categorically that there was no canon,
Magadhan or otherwise, before the period of ASokas. Since John
Brough pointed out that a Western term such as "canonical", although
* Faculty of Oriental Studies, Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge CB3 9DA - ENGLAND
I Abbreviations of the titles of Pãli texts are those adopted by CPD. Editions are those
of the PTS. Other abbreviations: GDhp : GãndhãrÏ Dharmapada; PDhp : p¿1¡u
Dhammapada; Dialectes : C. Caillat (ed.); Dialectes dans les littëratures indo-aryennes,
Paris 1989; EL : Étienne Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism from the origins to the
Saka era, Louvain 1988.
2 S. Lévi, "Observations sur une language précanonique du bouddhisme", JA, 1912,
pp.495-514.
3 H. Lüders, Beobachtungen über die Sprache des buddhistischen (Jrkanons, Berlin 1954.
a EL, pp. 558-93.
5 8L,p.562.
84 Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism
convenient, must nevertheless be used with circumspectionó, we must
recognise, when considering Lamotte's statement, that much hinges
upon the definition of "canon", since there is a danger that we may be
perpetrating an anachronism by trying to read the wrong concept ofthe
word "canonical" into the period immediately preceding and following
the time of the Buddha's death.
When Lamotte wrote of "a canon or a Tripitaka", it is not clear
what distinction he was making between the two, but if by "canon" he
meant a closed Tripitaka, then there can be no doubt that he was
correct. Nevertheless, when he said that, even with regard to the Päli
canon, the collections were not closed before the time of Buddhaghosa
in the fifth century of the Christian era?, we might think that while this
might be true of the collections as a whole, it was probably not true of
the greater part of them. It is hard, for example, to think of the Vinaya-
pitaka being open until so late a date. On the other hand, it could well
have been true of the Abhidhammapitaka, since the Theravãdin tradi-
tion itself states that the Kathãvatthu was not composed, and could
therefore not have been added to the canon, until the time of Aéoka. It
is probable that the Kathãvatthu which was composed at that time (if
the story is true) was in fact only the core of the text as we have it, and
its form was not finally fixed until the early commentators, whose work
Buddhaghosa made use of, wrote their commentaries upon it. Even
after that time we nright believe that minor additions could be made.
Additions were not likely to be made to passages which were commented
upon by the early commentators, because their comments fixed fairly
rigidly the form of the text being commented upon, but even in the
Suttanipãta there are verses which have no old commentary upon
them8, and it might be argued that they were not commented upon
because they did not exist at the time when the commentaries were
being compiled.
Lamotte's statement about the Pãli canon being open until the 5th
century A.D. is, however, at variance with another statement he made
with reference to the writing down of the Theravãdin canon in the 1st
century B.C.: "From that moment", he said, "the text of the Tipitaka
in Mãgadhabhãsã was drawn up in its final form"e. Although it is
possible that he made this statement as a summary of the tradition in
ó J. Brough, The Gandharl Dharmapada, London 1962, p.33.
1 EL, p. 562.
8 The author of Pj Il (477, 13-14) notes that there was no old commentary
upon Sn
677-78: avasãne gàthadvayam eva pona Mahã-atthakathãyam vinicchítapàthe n'atthi.
n EL, p. 558. I quote lrom the English translation.
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 85
the Pãli chronicles, and not as his own point of view, this precise form
of words does not occur in any text known to me.
If, on the other hand, by canon we mean a body of texts regarded as
having a specific kind of authoritylo because they were either uttered
by the Buddha, or by his chief followers and approved of by himr1,
then there seems to be no reason to doubt that such a body of texts
began to come into existence very soon after the Buddha's death, and
indeed might have already existed in embryonic form during his life-
time. Early Buddhists were probably concerned only with what the
Buddha taught, i.e. if they had had a concept of "canon" it would have
been "whatever is Buddhavacana". The mahíipadesas menl'ioned in the
Digha-nikãya and elsewhere in the Pãli canonl2 are concerned with
finding out whether a particular teaching is Bhagavato vacanam, and
they are clearly intended to be applied after the death of the Buddha,
which means that there could have been no idea of a closed canon at
that time. The very fact that the Kathãvatthu was composed so late,
however, produced a controversy about the propriety of regarding it as
Buddha-bhasita\3, and the Mahãvihãra tradition, reported by Bud-
dhaghosa, had to explain that it was Buddha-hhasita because the
Buddha had drawn up the table of contents, foreseeing that it would be
elaborated by Tissa at a future datela.
It is clear that the word "canon" in this sense is not synonymous
with "Tipitaka", and this and other terms such as nikaya only came
into use at some time after the Buddha's death. Although we can point
to the references to the foundation of the bhãnaka system as support
for the existence of the nikãyqs at an early date, it is not in the canon
itself but only in the commentaries that we find mention of these
reciters 1s, although there are references to them in early inscriptionsró'
There are also inscriptional references to nikayas, although we have no
idea of the contents of those early nikayø.s. If we consider the probable
state of affairs it is more likely that the Digha-bhãnakas had oversight
over the "long discourses" rather than over the Drghanikãya as such,
although the development into a nikaya, as part of a pitaka, must have
ro See Steven Collins' Preface to I.B. Horner and Padmanabh S. Jaini (tt.): Apocryphal
Birth-Stories (Paññasa-jataka), Vol. I, 1985, p. ix.
t t The justification for the Madhupindakasutta ol the Majjhima-nikãya (18) and other
suttas is that (in that particular case) Mahãkaccãna had answered in exactly the same way
as the Buddha would have done, had he been asked.
t'? D II 124,10 foll. : A II 168,ll foll.
r3 Vitandavãdl pan'ãha: Kathavatthum kasmd gahitam? As3'25-26.
ta As 5,32.
1s See K. R. Norman, Palí Literature, Wiesbaden 1983, pp.8-9.
ró See S. Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Vol. I, Ceylon 1970' pp. civ, cvi
86 Norman: The Languages ol Early Buddhism
occurred at some date before Buddhaghosa, who in his commentary on
the mahâpade.ra passage in the Drgha-nikãya writes of tepitake Buddha-
yecanell . The word tipetakin occurs in the canon in the Vinaya 1s, and
tepitaka and tipetaka occur in the Milindapañha1e. The Vinaya reference
occurs in the list of theras prefixed to the Parivãra, which is probably
an addition made in Ceylon as late as the lst century A.D.2o It is
difficult to date the Milindapañha, but it must have been composed
long enough before the time of Buddhaghosa for it to be regarded as
authoritative, for Buddhaghosa seems to quote it on the question of
tradition, authority, etc.21 Nevertheless, these texts, however they are
dated, must be some centuries before Buddhaghosa, and the word
tipitaka, and the idea of pítakdr, must therefore be very old.
There is the same uncertainty about Lamotte's use of the word
"canon" when referring to the Gãndhãri dialect. He stated22: "the
mere existence of the Dutreuil de Rhins Dharmapada does not allow us
to infer the existence of a canon in North-Western Prakrit". The fact
that one text does not prove the existence of a closed Tripitaka is so
self-evident that it seems unlikely that Lamotte could have been using
the word in that sense. If he was using the word in the other sense of
"canon", then we must remember that he was writing before the
publication of John Brough's edition of the GDhp, in which the idea of
such a canon was considered in detail. Brough concluded that it was
difficult to believe that a group of monks, whom he identified tentatively
as Dharmaguptakas, might have possessed a Dharmapada, without at
the same time possessing at least some stock of Sùtra and Vinaya
works23. Brough also pointed to the fact that some Chinese canonical
texts show signs of having been translated from a Prakrit which had
some, if not all, the characteristics of the North-Western Prakrit2a.
Since Brough's time, other studies of the language of portions of the
Chinese ãgamas have given further evidence that those Chinese transla-
tions were made lrom texts which had many of the features of the
Gãndhãri dialect2s. We cannot say with certainty whether those Chinese
1? Sv 566,29.
18 Vin V 3,14 (Khemanamo tipetøk|
lm.c.l).
1e Mil 18,15 (tepitakambuddhavacanam);19,14(thero tepitako);90,4(lNagasenol ... so
pi tipetako lm.c.)).
20 See Norman, Pãli Literature, p.26.
2r Sp 230,28 quoting Mil 148,6 foll. (but in a slightly different form from the text
we have it).
22 EL,
p, 573.
'z3GDhp, p.43.
'zaGDhp, pp. 50-54.
2s See Oskar von Hinüber, "Upãli's verses in the Majjhimanikãya and the Madhya-
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 87
translations were made from a North-Western Prakrit or from a
Sanskritised Prakrit, but if the latter it is clear that the underlying
Prakrit, whose characteristics were still visible, was North-Western. In
his recent study of Buddhist Sanskrit, Professor von Hinüber2ó assumes
a Gândhãri stage for the canons of both the Sarvãstivãdins and the
Dharmaguptakas.
While dealing with early evidence for the existence of a canon, we
should perhaps note that the word pali which is often translated as
"canon", is more correctly translated as "text", since it is the comple-
ment to atthakathã ("commentary"), being the text on which the
commentary is written. For the most part, the commentaries we have
are on canonical texts, in the sense of the closed canon which we know
of from Buddhaghosa's list of texts in the three pitaka.r. There is,
however, an atthakatha- upon the Netti-pakarana, and in it Dhamma-
pãla refers to the Netti as a pãli, and the tlkã also refers to Netti-pãIi27.
It is perhaps this designation as pali which has led to the Netti being
added at the end of the Khuddaka-nikãya in Burmese editions of the
Tipitaka. The Western use of the word Päli as the name of a language
is possibly extracted from the compound pali-bhasa "the language of
the texts, i.e. the canonical texts"28.
2. Drar.Ecr AND REGToN
Lamotte considered the various theories which have been put for-
ward about the origin of Pãli. He rejected2e the argument that its origin
is to be sought in Avanti because the language in Ujjayinr was the
mother tongue of Mahinda, who according to tradition introduced
Buddhism (and Pãli) into Ceylon, but nevertheless having listed the
features which supported his statement that, of all the Aiokan dialects,
that of the Girnar version of the Rock Edicts is the closest to Pãli3o, he
concluded3l that the cradle of Pãli "if we can speak of a cradle for
is -to be sought among the Western
such a composite language"
Prakrits, in the area of Avanti-extending into Kãthiãwãr.
mãgama", Indological and Buddhist Studies (Volume in Honour of Professor J.W. de Jong
on his Síxtieth Birthday), Canberra 1982, p.251.
as 2ó Oskar von Hinüber, "Origin and variety of
Buddhist Sanskrit", Dialectes, p.354.
2?
Quoted by E. Hardy, The Netti-pakara4a,lnúod. pp.x, n.6 (on p. xi) and xi, n. l.
28 See Norman, Pãli Literature, p. l.
EL, p. 309.
'?e
30 EL, p. 565.
3t EL, p.566.
aF-'
-I r
88 Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism
Much has been made of the apparent closeness between Pali and the
Girnãr dialect. Although it cannot be denied that the similarities which
Lamotte listed do exist, I think that the conclusion which he drew from
them was incorrect. There is clear evidence that some ASokan scribes
tried to translate into the local dialect. We can see, for example, that
the scribes at Shãhbãzgarhr and Mãnsehrä made a good job of restoring
North-Western forms to their exemplars, although the former was
rather better than the latter. Nevertheless the scribes at both sites left a
number of forms unconverted32, by oversight or because they did not
understand their exemplars, and were consequently unable to make the
necessary changes.
There is, however, evidence that other scribes reproduced the exem-
plar they received, or else wrote either in their own dialect, or in the
dialect which they thought was most appropriate to the locality, which
was not necessarily the dialect actually spoken there. It is clear,
therefore, that conclusions based upon the dialect geography of the
Aéokan inscriptions must be scrutinised very carefully, and can be
discounted if they conflict with other findings33. As has been pointed
out, the Prakrit used at Yerragudi cannot have corresponded to the
language of the area, which must have been then, as now, Dravidian.
No Prakrit is likely to have turned all / sounds into r, as the Sopãrã
version does, writing phara and mamgara îor phala and mamgala. I
believe that such forms arose from the fact that the scribe employed the
simple formula "Eastern / : Western r" when he was carrying out his
translation procedure, although Mme Caillat has recently seen rhotacism
at work here, due perhaps to the closeness of lranian in the North-
Vy'est 34.
While I would agree with much of what Mme Caillat has written
about the authenticity of forms in the Aéokan inscriptions, I do not
believe that we must assume that everything which was written at each
site was correct for the language of the area. In particular, there are
some archaic forms, e.g. akasmã3s, which was, as Bloch suggested3ó, a
technical term, probably retained in its semi-Sanskritic form in legal
administration with the meaning "for no reason : wrongful [of
imprisonment]". The phrase tadatvãye ayatiye ca "now and in the
32 See C. Caillat, "Sur l'authenticité linguistique des édits d'Asoka", Dialectes,
pp.4t3-32 (p. a2Ð.
33 K.R. Norman, "The dialects in which the Buddha preached", in H. Bechert (ed.):
The Language of the earliest Buddhist Tradition, Göttingen 1980, pp. 6l-77 @;.69).
3a C. Caillat, Dialectes,p.419.
3s Separate Edict I.
3ó J. Bloch, Les inscriptions d'Asoka, Paris 1950, pp. 56, 68.
Norman: The Languages ol Early Buddhism 89
future"37, which unexpectedly shows the -/v- group and is therefore
inappropriate for any dialect which assimilates or resolves consonant
groups, is probably a cliché.
In our discussions we must consider carelully whether we are talking
about the "retention" of a form or its "restoration" or its "insertion".
It is correct to say that the North-Western Prakrits retained -r- in
consonant groups, and so the scribes had to restore them when they
translated from an Eastern Prakrit. On the other hand, I do not believe
that Lamotte was correct when he wrote, for example, of Girnãr often
retaining the long vowel before two consonants, e.g. in atpa3g.I believe
we must recognise that at Girnãr such groups were not retained in the
local dialect, but were inserted by the scribe. It must be noted that
Girnãr is not the only Aiokan site to write atpa, since it is also found in
Minor Rock Edict I at Brahmagiri and Siddâpura in Mysore in South
India, where once again the language of the edict cannot have corre-
sponded to the language of the area. Assessments of the relationship
between the dialects of the Aéokan inscriptions and other dialects of
Middle Indo-Aryan have tended to be restricted to the material found
in the Major Rock Edicts, and I think that we need to examine
anomalous features in the versions of the Minor Rock Edicts also, to
see if they give us any useful information.
Some of the similarities which Lamotte listed between Pãli and the
Girnãr dialect, e.g. the development of r > a, i and r, the development
of the three Sanskrit sibilants > s, and the shortening of long nasalised
vowels, are common to many dialects of Middle Indo-Aryan, and prove
nothing for our enquiry. Other similarities which have been pointed
out, e.g. the form of brãhmana and the existence ol the absolutive
ending -tva in Pãli, and bramhanalbrahmøna and the ending -tpa at
Girnãr are, I believe, purely coincidental, and arise from the fact that
those responsible for the Pali canon and for the form of the Girnãr
inscriptions were both subject to an archaising or Sanskitising influence,
to which I shall refer again later in this paper. All the facts support a
view that the scribe at Girnãr was very conservative, with archaising
tendencies 3e
.
There are, in fact, quite considerable differences between the Girnãr
dialect and Pãli, e.g. Girnãr frequently inserts -r- into p(r)a, but Pãli
never does. Lâmotte himself noted how the inscriptions in Prakrit at
Bhãrhut and Sãñcr had features in common with Pãli, which were not
3? Rock Edict X(A).
38 EL, p. 567.
3e C. Caillat, Dialectes, p. 420.
90 Norman: The Languages ol Early Buddhism
found in the A6okan inscriptionsao. If we compare the inscriptions
found in Western India in the century after Aéoka, we find that their
language does not greatly resemble the language of Girnãr. Although
there is a geographical distinction in the Aóokan inscriptions between -e
and -o, and between -l- and a mixture of -r- and -l-, etc., which we as a
matter of convenience describe as Eastern and Western features respec-
tivelyal, we find that by the lst century B.C. these Western features are
more widely spread than in A6okan times, extending eastwards as far as
the Khäravela inscription at Hãthigumphã in Orissa.
It is possible, therefore, that the version of the Aóokan inscriptions at
Kãlsl, which is predominantly Eastern in its features, does not give an
accurate representation of the local dialect, which might well have had
Western characteristics. If we exclude Mãgadhisms, and regard the -r-
consonant groups and the -¡va absolutives in Pãli as Sanskritisms, all
that we can say about Pãli is that it is non-Mãgadhan, in that it has a
nominative singular ending in -o and a distribution of -r- and -l- sounds
which approximates to the pattern of Sanskrit. There is, in fact, very
little difference between Pali, shorn of its Mãgadhisms and Sanskritisms,
and the language of the Hãthigumphã inscription.
In the light of this, we can see that it is by no means easy to define
precisely the home of what Lamotte wrote of as "the linguistic substra-
tum of Pali" 42.
3. Du.lncr AND DÄTE
Lamotte asked about the date when the authors of the Tipitaka
produced the bulk of their effort, and wondered whether it was long
before the arrival of the Buddhist missionaries in Ceylon, or at a time
nearer to that eventa3. It would seem that this question goes against his
view of the date of the canon. If "the bulk of their effort" means the
production of the canon, then his own view implies that it could not be
earlier than the time of Aéoka, i.e. at the very time when tradition says
the missionaries went to Ceylon. If he meant "collected together the
bulk of the material which at alaler date went into the canon", then we
must assume that this was a process which began at the time of the
Buddha's death, or even earlier. Before we try to answer Lamotte's
question, therefore, we must be certain whether the question can be
ao EL, p. 566.
ar See K. R. Norman, "Dialect forms in Pali", Dialectes, pp. 369-92 (p. 370).
a2 EL, p. 562.
a3 EL, p. 566.
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 9t
asked in that form. Were there authors who produced the Päli Tipitaka
at a specific date, or was the Tipitaka the product of a long translation
and editorial process, culminating in the committing of the canon to
writing in Ceylon in the 1st century B.C.?
Lamotte was in doubt about the date, because although there are
archaic features in Pãli, e.g. the Vedic-type endings, and the style, which
is similar to the Upanisadsaa, nevertheless he stated that the oldest
attested Pãli bears witness to a linguistic and morphological state more
advanced than that of the ASokan inscriptions of the North-West and
even Girnaras. He justified this statement by listing a number of
archaisms of a phonetic and syntactic type in the A3okan inscriptions
which place them at an older linguistic stage than the Pãli texts, e.g. the
three sibilants in the North-Western Prakrit. He also quoted Renouaó
as proving that the Aéokan inscriptions are not only phonetically, but
also structurally, archaic, e.g. in the structure of compounds, with
hardly any compounds other than those with two members.
To talk about the linguistic dating of individual Aéokan dialects
leads to some anomalous results. If we compare the Eastern dialect of
Aioka with the dialects of Girnãr and the North-West, we find that the
latter are at an older linguistic stage than the former, but if we look at
the Eastern dialects of Aéoka we find, by Lamotte's criteria, that they
represent a later state of linguistic development than Pãli, e.g. all
consonant groups are either assimilated or resolved. So although all the
Aéokan dialects were in use simultaneously, some were earlier than Pãli
and some later, linguistically speaking. We must recognise that there is
not necessarily any correlation between the stages of linguistic develop-
ment of kindred languages, so that two related and contemporary
dialects or languages can show vastly different stages of development,
with one showing a far later stage of development than the other, as we
have noted in the case of the North-Western and Eastern dialects of the
Aéokan inscriptions. We know from the evidence of the languages
spoken in the North-West to this very day that in some respects those
languages were and are very conservative. retaining -r- in consonant
groups and also keeping the three sibilants of Old Indo-Aryan.
although in other respects, e.g. in the development of fricatives, the
changes were greater.
If we compare the style of the Aéokan inscriptions with Pãli, we must
aa EL, p. 567.
as EL, p. 567.
nu EL, p. 567, referring to L. Renou, "Sur l'évolution des composés nominaux en
sanskrit", Bull. de la Société Linguistique de Paris, LII, 1956, pp. 96-l 16.
92 Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism
recognise that we are not comparing like with like. The Aóokan
inscriptions were in all probability dictated, not written, by someone
who was not likely to be a literary man, and we are probably to see his
edicts as a fair representation of the speech habits of a reasonably well
educated ksatriya of the third century B.C. The handful of
having a metrical or rhythmical ring to them which have been detect-
eda? seem to me to have no more significance than the presence of the
occasional accidental iambic pentameter has in English prose. Two of
these phrases, moreover, are found only at Girnãr, suggesting that it
was the scribe there who had an ear for metre rather than Aéoka
himself, although the fact that a third phrase, metrical in the original
version, has been changed at Girnãr, casts doubt on this idea. It is
clear, however, that some of the scribes did not think that the edicts as
dictated were stylish enough, so that, especially at Girnãr, they tried to
improve the styleas.
Lamotte clearly had difficulties with some of the linguistic pheno-
mena he dealt with. He stated that Pãli is "high Middle Indian", an
"old Prakrit" derived from Sanskrit, but closer than the latter to the
Vedic language because of a whole series of archaic featuresae. He
quoted Renou as saying that "certain features relate Pãli to the Vedic
rather than the classical language"50, and he used this fact to substan-
tiate his view that the oral teaching of Pãli could date far back in the
past s 1. He admitted the possibility of the existence of Buddhist texts
drafted in several Eastern dialects which the collators of the Pãli and
Sanskrit Tripitakas subsequently used in the elaboration of their
canonss2, but he posited a position where from the outset of Buddhism,
when the original recitations in Magadha would normally have been
made on the basis of an Eastern dialect, it could have been coupled in
Avanti with an oral teaching in Pãli by a Mahã-Kaccãyana and his
school. Since, however, the form of the oldest attested Pãli is post-
Aéokan, he concluded that the known Pâli texts apparently represent a
codification of the word of the Buddha aT" a more recent, post-Aéokan
stages3. Paradoxically, he then asked: Since Buddhist teaching began
before the time of Aéoka (the exact date depending on the date of the
4? H. Smith, Retractiones rhythmicae, Studia Orientalia, 16.5, Helsinki, 1951, l-37
a8
C. Caillat, Dialectes, p. 420.
ae EL, p. 563.
so EL, p. 566.
sr EL, p. 566.
s2 EL, p. 562.
s3 EL, p. 567.
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 93
Buddha), how can it be explained that it appears in a linguistically
more evolved form than the Aéokan Prakritss4?
This seemed to imply to him that the texts were therefore later than
Aéoka. I see no reason to draw such a conclusion. At best it applies to
phrases the texts in the form in which we have them now, and it has no bearing
upon any earlier form which they may have had' Lamotte himself wrote
of memorized texts, and I would suggest that many of those texts were
memorized very early in the history of Buddhism, and the first century
after the Buddha's death must have been the time when most of the
sermons were collected together. These would at first have been remem-
bered in the form in which they had been heard, but must have been
translated or transformed from that dialect (or those dialects) into
other dialects, as the need arose.
With all respect to the great master whose name is commemorated by
the title of this Symposium, it is very difficult to understand why
Lamotte found this matter so problematical. His reference to an oral
teaching in Pãli by a Maha-Kaccayana and his school in Avanti would
seem to indicate a belief that Pali as we know it was the language of
Avanti at the time immediately after the Buddha's death. In those
circumstances he would certainly be justified in his astonishment that
Pâli seemed to be post-Aéokan linguistically. Perhaps at the time when
he wrote it was difficult to imagine a developing set of Buddhist texts,
first collected at the time of the Buddha or very soon after his death,
but essentially remembered in thê form in which they had been heard,
in whatever languages were appropriate to the region in which they had
been preached. Modifications of the languages of these teachings would
take place over the next few centuries, as time (leading to the language
of the texts becoming archaic) and place (as Buddhism spread to new
parts of India) demanded. As sects of Buddhism became established, so
their holdings of texts were codifled and edited,
Because Lamotte wrote about the Pali canon, he was forced to date
the canon by the date which he ascribed to the Päli language, but since,
as I have already noted, the compound palïbhasa originally meant the
language of the (Theravãdin) texts/canon, the word/name should cor-
rectly be applied only to the form of the language of the canon which
we have now. We ought to speak of the Theravãdin canon, rather than
the Pali canon, and there is no reason why we should be surprised if the
language of that canon seems later than Aóoka. Tradition states that
that canon was written down in Ceylon in the lst century B.C. ss, so we
sa EL, p. 572.
s5 See DIp ){){20-21 and Mhv XXXIII 100-101.
94 Norman: The Languages ol Early Buddhism
should expect it to be in the form appropriate to that date. The
anomalous "Mãgadhisms" represent relics of earlier recensions which
have been overlooked or left for some reason or othersó. In addition it
has many early features which we should not expect to find in a Middle
Indo-Aryan text written down at that time, e.g. consonant groups
containing -r- and the absolutive ending -lvã. These, however, are
Sanskritisms introduced by the recensionists, either at the time of
writing the canon down, or earlier.
The Theravãdin canon, in the form we have it today, is the product
of an editorial procedure carried out by those who certainly had some
knowledge of Sanskrit
-
hence the Sanskritisms which they introduced
and therefore probably some ideas about style and presentation. At
-some time or other the Theravãdin tradition must have made one or
more attempts to "regularise" the language of their canon (and of the
atthakathas upon that canon), with some success. For example, the
Sanskrit word brahmana has completely replaced all Prakrit forms of
the word throughout the canon, although metrical analysis shows that
Prakrit forms must at one time have been there. Similarly, the insertion
of the absolutive ending -tva is virtually complete and correct, except
for ambiguous contexts where it was perhaps not recognised. Lamotte
quotes J. Bloch as suspecting Buddhaghosa of revising the texts in
consideration of a Sanskrit norms?, but since Buddhaghosa in his
commentaries discusses the preferability of reading the absolutive
ending -tva in certain contexts, it is clear that the restoration of that
ending was already a feature of the text of the canon as he knew its8. If
Buddhaghosa's commentaries are, in turn, based upon the earlier
commentary material held in the Mahãvihâra, as is generally held to be
the case, then we can date such editorial processes even earlier.
We may also point to the parallelism between Gãndhari dispa and
Pali disva (a backformation from Middle Indo-Aryan dissc), with the
former showing a transference of the latter into the Gãndhãri dialectse,
indicating the existence of the word disvã at some date earlier than the
2nd century A.D. when the copy of the GDhp we possess was probably
written. It is not unreasonable to think that one reason for the insertion
of Sanskritisms into Pãli was the fact that there were among the early
Buddhist Sangha many bhikkhus who, like the commentator Bud-
s6 See Norman, Dialectes, p.374.
tt EL, p. 568, quoting L'lndo-Aryen, p.8.
s8 See O. von Hinüber, "Pãli as an artificial language", ITX, pp. 133-40.
5e I do not agree with the view of J. Sakamoto-Goto ("Dr3 et Pa3 en Pàli Dialectes,
, Dialectes,p.463,
pp.393-4ll [p.403], That dispa is to be derived from drstvà.
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 95
dhaghosa after them, were converts from brahmanical Hinduism. Simi-
larly, Mme Caillat has suggested that the Girnãr version of the Aéokan
inscriptions shows traces of a "brahmanical puritanism"60.
Professor Fussman has pointed out the differences in date between
the forms of a spoken language and of a written oneó1. If the language
of the GDhp is compared with that of the Gãnclhãn inscriptions, it is
seen to be archaic, and although the manuscript can be dated approxi-
mately to the 2nd century A,D.ut, its language is probably to be dated
to the second half of the lst century 8.C.63 This may be explained in
several ways: (a) the GDhp was perhaps composed in the lst century
8.C., and was copied unchanged one or more times until the 2nd
century A.D.; or (b) it was composed earlier than the lst century B.C.'
and its language was updated until that date, and thereafter it was
copied unchanged (as in (a)); or (c) it was composed after the lst
century 8.C., at any time up to the date ol the manuscript, but the
composition was made in an archaic language, perhaps on the basis of,
and by analogy with, other texts known to the scribe/redactor. The
inscriptions written in Gãndhãri, on the other hand, cover a period of
several centuries and, as might be expected, the language shows a
development throughout this periodó4.
4. Tnnxsr¡,rroN TECHNIeUES
There are traces in Pãli of an earlier dialect which voiced intervocalic
consonants (e.g. ¡ > d) and another which elided them (e.g. k and t >
y)ós. The language of the GDhp also shows traces of different dialects,
e.g. past participles of -r stems with both d and d, and some Sanskritisa-
tion, e.g. some absolutives in -lva, whereas the general pattern of
absolutives was in -ll. This probably reflects traces of the dialect or
dialects found in the exemplar, the mixture being fixed either at the
time of the redaction or when the manuscript was written. These
divergences which we find in Pãli and in the language of the GDhp
suggest that these works were translated (or transposed) from dialects
which were probably already mixed. In addition they have been sub-
jected to a process of Sanskritisation to a greater or lesser extent.
60 See C. Caillat, Dialectes, p.422.
6r G. Fussman, "Gãndhãri écrite, Gãndhãrr parlée", Dialectes, pp. 433-501
ó2 See G. Fussman,
Dialectes, p. 438.
ó3 See G. Fussman, Dialectes, p. 464.
óa See G. Fussman,
ós See Norman, Díalectes, p.
371.
96 Norman: The Languages ol Early Buddhism
Lamotte quoted Renou as sayingóó that Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
works were produced by authors "handling, often with dexterity, ¿
literary language in which the amount of Prãkrit and Sanskrit was left
to their personal judgement". He was talking about new compositions,
but when he wrote of the authors of the Mahãvastu, etc., citing the
Discourse at Varãlasr, etc., and staying as close as possible to the
ancient original memorized in Prãkrit, we must assume that the same
consideration applies.
We can distinguish between the form of a language used for a new
composition, and the form used when translating a text. The latter was
likely to be done in a mechanical way, if it was merely a matter of
converting from one dialect to another, e.g. by voicing all unvoiced
consonants, or vice versa, or restoring -r- to all consonant groups which
originally contained -r- before assimilation took place. This method
could lead to errors: the redactors might be careless and fail to make
certain changes, or they could make mistakes and voice a sound which
even in their own dialect was unvoiced, or vice versa, or they might
insert -r- into a group which did not contain it originally. The same
things were liable to happen when a text was updated because its
language was growing archaic. Sometimes, either because of the growing
influence of Sanskrit, or because of the growing failure to understand
an archaic text, a redactor might decide to Sanskritise it. For a new
composition, on the other hand, we might expect the author to have a
dialect in mind, which even if it was mixed was at least consistent in its
mixture. He would not, we may assume, have first written in a Middle
Indo-Aryan dialect and then Sanskritised it.
The PDhp, which was not available to Lamotte, also shows dialect
variations, and gives us an excellent insight into the way in which the
redactor produced a work in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskritó7. The basic
dialect, as in the case of the Theravãdin canon, is a non-Mãgadhan
dialect, with a nominative singular ending in -o and a distribution of -r-
and -/- sounds which approximates to the pattern of Sanskrit. The
dialect variations show us that either the redactor responsible for the
text as we have it, or an earlier redactor, failed to make certain
necessary changes, so that we find anomalous forms (in just the same
way as we find them in Pãli)ó8. As part of the Sanskritisation proce-
ó6 EL, p. 580.
ó7 For the most recent edition ol
this text see M. Cone, ..patna Dharmapada I",
Journal of the Pali Text Society, XIII, 1989, pp. l0l-217.
ó8 See K. R. Norman, "Notes on
the Patna Dharmapada,', Amala prajñã: Aspects of
Buddhist Studies (Professor P.V. Bapat Felicitation Volume), Delhi 19g9, pp.43l-44.
Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 97
dure, the three sibilants of Sanskrit have been restored, and also some
consonant clusters containing -r-. We find that the redactor worked in
quite a mechanical way when translating his exemplar. So, for example'
úe lengthened vowels before doubled consonants, clearly showing that
he realized that the language of his exemplar had shortened vowels in
this position (as a result of the so-called Law of Two Morae). He did
this, however, irrespective of whether it was historically correct or not.
The Varga titles are in Sanskrit, and may be due to the scribe of the
manuscript we possess, or a predecessor. It is interesting to note that,
despite lhe varga titles, some Sanskritisms, e.g. the absolutive in -tva,
are not introduced. We can probably deduce that a distinction was felt
between the language of the verses of the text and the titles, so that
scribes, who must have been conscious of the difference in language,
did not introduce further Sanskritisations to the exemplar they received.
We know that the final scribe, who knew some Sanskrit, copied what
he saw, without "correcting"óe.
On the other hand, the recensionist responsible for the latest version
which we have of the Udânavarga was a good Sanskrit scholar, who (as
we can see from comparison with earlier versions of the Udanavarga'
where the Middle Indo-Aryan content is far greater) rearranged the
order of words to conform to patterns of metre, etc., more akin to
classical SanskritT0, tried to use correct nominal and verbal forms, and
inserted particles to avoid hiatus, etc. It is clear that scribes or redactors
felt free to make quite considerable changes when copying or making
redactions. The GDhp, in particular, gives excellent examples of the
way in which a scribe might "show off' by giving as many transposi-
tions as possible of the material he received in his exemplar, e.g. the
variety of forms which we find as the equivalent of the Pali seyyolr.
We might have expected that the situation with regard to the
Mathurã inscriptions would have been the same as in the Gândhãri
inscriptions, with the language showing a consistent pattern of develop-
ment, but perhaps because Mathurã was not as remote as the North-
West there is a considerable difference. Fussman points to a small
number of Sanskritisms in the Gândhãri inscriptionsT2. An examina-
tion of the Mathurã inscriptions also reveals Sanskritisms, but they are
Óe He wrote: yathã
drslam tatha likhitam iti parihoro 'yam asmadîyah. See G. Roth,
"The language of the Ãrya-Mahãsãmghika-Lokottaravãdins", in H. Bechert (ed.): ?"fte
Language of the earliest Buddhist Tradition, Göttingen 1980, pp. 78-135 (p. 135).
7o See Brough, GDhp, p.30.
1| siho, sehu, seho, sebha, sevha. See Brough, GDhp, Index, p. 309, s.v. seåo.
?2 See G. Fussman, Dialecles, p. 458.
98 Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism Norman: The Languages of Early Buddhism 99

much more numerous. Some inscriptions are, in fact, wholly in Sanskrit. featuresin one and the same dialect, with halts or very slow moves
Damsteegt has examinedT3 the situation whereby some inscriptions are forward if very conservative influences were at work. All features do
written in Epigraphical Hybrid Sanskrit while others, of the same not develop at the same speed, so that the North-Western Prakrit was
period, are in Prakrit or Sanskrit. Although some of the reasons he very conservative in some respects, but rapidly progressive in others.
gives for this variation seem plausible, it is clear that there is no overall We can see therefore that Lamotte's attempt to date texts by studies of
consistent pattern. This situation is in keeping with the explanation that the relative dating of linguistic change was not likely to be successful.
what is known of the languages of North India during the period
(3) There was also a literary influence (with probably some political
covered by the inscriptions indicates that the local population spoke
and religious undertones), which, when Sanskritisation was a powerful
some dialect of Prakrit. Few donors would be stone-masons, and they
influence, served to slow down or even reverse the direction of develop-
would therefore have needed to make use of professional scribes. They
ment. This led to the emergence of literary, artificial languages, in the
would presumably dictate in their own vernacular, which would have
sense that they did not conform with any (currently) spoken language.
been some form of Prakrit, and once it had become fashionable to write
These varied from one another in proportion as their writers possessed
inscriptions in Sanskrit, the scribes would "translate", to the best of
a greater or a lesser capability to compose in Sanskrit, or "translate" or
their ability, into that language. The correctness of the Sanskrit depended
"transpose" their exemplars into that language. We can deduce that
upon the scribes' competence. We may conclude, therefore, that the
this process of Sanskritisation was begun at an earlier date than
standard of the Sanskrit in each inscription depended upon the ability
Lamotte supposed.
of each scribe to "translate" the donor's Prakrit, and there was no
steady progress towards correct SanskritTa. ( ) We can see that although there were individual differences in the
way in which the various canons were formed, there was, in facl, a
great deal of parallelism in translation, or transformation, techniques,
5. CoxcrusloNs
in religious texts in Middle Indo-Aryan. Those responsible for religious
texts all, to a greater or lesser extent, produced works in mixed artificial
(l) We can conclude that some of Lamotte's difficulties arose from the
literary dialects. If we examine the language of the Theravãdin canon,
terminology he employed. Because he wrote about the Pali canon, he
the GDhp and the PDhp, we can see that despite differences there are
was forced to date that canon by the date which he ascribed to the Pali
also close similarities. The redactors or recensionists all inherited mate-
language. This problem can be obviated by a different use of terminology.
rial in more than one dialect, and except for certain anomalies they all
Since pali-bhasa means the language of the (Theravadin) texts/canon, if
translated this into a single dialect containing some Sanskritisms few
we use Pãli as the name of a language, it should correctly be applied
in the case ol the GDhp, more in the Theravädin canon (we may
-
only to the form of the language of the canon which we have now. We
suppose that the degree or pattern of Sanskritisation was fixed quite
ought to speak of the Theravãdin canon, rather than the Pãli canon,
early, at the time when the canon was written down), but in the case of
and we ought to refer to the form of language of that canon at an
the PDhp the number of Sanskritisms was much greater. We can
earlier date as pre-Pãli. We can therelore speak of an early form of the
deduce that the aim of the redactor was to transform his exemplar into
Theravãdin canon being in a pre-Pãli language.
thwarted by his limited ability
(2) We can discern two opposite influences at work in the development
pure Sanskrit
in that language.
- an aim which was only
of the Middle Indo-Aryan dialects. The first was the general develop-
ment of languages, whereby changes in phonology and morphology
caused a gradual movement away from Sanskrit, at different rates of
change in different places, and at different rates of change for different

?3 Th. Damsteegt, Epigraphical Hybrid Sanskrit, Leiden 1978, pp.204-37.

7a See K. R. Norman, review of Damsteegt, op. cit., in Lingua 49,
lgjg, pp.29l-94.
 FROM COLLOQUIAL TO STANDARD LANGUAGE
THE ORAL PHASE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PÃLI

Oskar voN HmünnR*

The following dialogue between a slave women and her mistress

occurs in a simile in the Kakacüpamasutta of the Majjhimanikãya:
"Then, monks, the lady householder Vedehika spoke thus to the slave
woman Kãfi: 'Well, my dear fe) Kall'. is it, mistress(ayye)?'
-'What
my dear, did you get up late?' 'That's nothing, mistress'.
-'Why, -
'Nothing indeed, bad slave, that you got up late', and angry,
-displeased, she frowned", MN I 125, l7-20 (translation after I.B.
Horner).
In this dialogue the slave woman is always addressed by je, while she
in her turn addresses her mistress by ayye. And indeed isTe used so very
consistently in the Pãli Tipitaka when talking to female slaves that this
usage has not escaped the attention of indigenous grammarians, for
Aggavamsa explicitly states: ie iti issarehi ekavacanavasena dãslnam
ãmantane, Sadd 895,2 foll "je is used as a singular form by masters to
address slave women", what is fully confirmed by the passages quoted
s.v. 7e in the Pãli Tipitaka Concordance. Most probably je is an
abbreviated form of *ajje, the colloquial complement to ayye anticipating
at a very early date the common later Middle Indic development of -yy-
> /- (Mittelindisch $ZlZfott.; as does kare when used as a 3rd person
plural (Mittelindisch $ 453). A close and obvious parallel toTe is re used
as a contemptuous address to men in Pali very occasionally' So far only
two apparently fairly old passages can be adduced: In the 70th Pãcit-
tiya it is said: cara pi re vinassa, Vin IV 139,31** "offwith you, go to
hell you fool!", and gila re gila pãpadhuttakø, DN II 349,6* "swallow,
you fool, swallow, you false cheat!" (translation after T.W. Rhys
Davids). Otherwise re, which is derived from are (see CPD s.v') in the
same way as je is from *aiie I ayye, and which surfaces again in
* Orientalisches Seminar - Indologie Humboldststrasse 5 D-7800 Freiburg i. Br.
GERMANY
** Abreviations used here follow the systems laid down in the Epilegomcna to:
v.Trenckner: A critical Pãli Dictionary. copenhagen 1948 and in: H. Bechert: Abkür-
zungsverzeichnis zur Buddhistischen Literatur in Indien und Südostasien. Göttingen 1988
(Vorabdruck : preprint).
102 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
Sanskrit atalater date as a way of address, has become a particle: e.g.
in aho vata re, DN II 107,19 etc. or in tena veta re, Kv l, 10 and most
frequently in this text. In the same way je is used very rarely in later
Middle Indic, as the only example quoted in the Ãgamaéabdakoéa
(Mittelindisch $49) shows: kim sakkã kãum je, Palhavâgaranãim 5, 10,
4 "what, then can be done?". The sociolinguistic conclusion to be
drawn from this evidence is that colloquial je appears, when inferiors
are spoken to, while superiors are addressed by standard Middle Indic
ayye.Thus a mother-in-law calls her daughter-in-law living in her house
(gharasunhd)je, and she herselfis addressed as ayye, Vin IV 2l,3foll. in
the only dialogue, where je is not reserved for a slave. This address,
however, sheds some light on the social position of a daughter-in-law.
The same distribution of colloquial and standard language is met
with also in a typical Buddhist context. The following rule is supposed
to be one of the last instructions given by the Buddha shorty before his
death. Though it belongs to the realm of vinaya, strictly speaking, it is
found in the Mahãparinibbãnasutta: "As the monks, Ãnanda, address
each other by avuso now, they should not do so after my passing away.
A senior monk (theratara), Ãnanda, should address a junior one
(navakatara) by his name, by his gotra, or by avuso, while a junior
monk should address a senior one by bhante or by dyasmc-", DN II 154,
9-15. Only the Pali version has preserved this distinction between ãv¡¿so
and ayasmã. The Sanskrit parallel had to change the relevant passage
(MPS 4l.3foll.), because avuso could have been used in Buddhist
Hybrid Sanskrit only (BHSD s.v. avusa), which is not the language of
the Mahãparinirvãlasùtra. The same holds good for the Catusparisat-
sutra, where the Buddha refuses to tolerate the address by name, by
gotra, or by ayusmanl, CPS ll,9foll. with parallels from the Mahã-
vastu and the Lalitavistara, in contrast to Pãli, where only the address
by name or by avuso, Vin I9, 13 is rejected (on dvuso: CPD s.v. and
Kasussyntax $ 28).
The precious information surviving only in Pãli is that the colloquial
dvuso reserved for addressing a person inferior in rank clearly belongs
to eastern Middle lndic as shown by the development of -y- > -v-
(Mittelindisch $214), while ãyasmø obviously as an artificial formation
based upon, but not immediately derived from ayusmant, is employed
only, when talking to somebody superior in rank.
The derivation of ãvuso suggests that this actually is a trace of the
vernacular language used by early Buddhists in the eastern home of
their religion. Further examples drawn from presumably ancient dog-
matic or legal passages of the Tipitaka seem to confirm this suggestion.
At the beginning of his first sernon to Buddha says:
Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language 103
... kãmasukhallikdnuyogo hlno gammo pothuiianiko anariyo anatthq-
sarythito..., Vin I 10, l2foll. : SN 421, 4foll.
Here, flrst of all the word sukhall¡kø deserves special attention, which
mainly, if not exclusively occurs in this very context' The same seems to
be true for sukhallikø in Buddhist Sanskrit. Commenting on the word
formation, F. Edgerton quotes late Prakrit suhelh from the DeSrnãma-
mãlã s.v. sukhalliks in his BHSD. Rare as they are in PãIi1, these
formations become more and more frequent in course of the develop-
ment of Indo-Aryan2, when the originally colloquial suffix -alla(ka) I
-atti(ka) was accepted gradually by the standard language at a time
later than the formation of Pãli and of the Theravãda Tipitaka'
While sukhallika owes its survival to the fact that it found its place in
a very old passage, which no Buddhist would have dared to touch let
alone change even in Sanskrit, where this word stands unaltered in CPS
ll, 14, the history of a second word of similar formation provides an
even clearer picture of the contrast between colloquial and standard
language as mirrored in early Buddhist literature: The use of the word
mahallaka has been studied as carefully as comprehensively by H. Durt:
Mqhalla I mahallaka et la crise de la communauté après le parinirvana
du Buddha3. It is of particular interest that the Mùlasarvãstivãdins
substitute mahãntam lor mahallakam in the 7th Samghãvaéesa of their
Prâtimoksasütra, while other schools stick to the latter (Durt, p.92),
and even the Mülasarvãstivãdins themselves do so in the respective
uddãna. The reason for this avoidance of an old colloquial word may be
that it had developped a pejorative connotation in Sanskrit (Durt,
p. 93), which again may have induded the Chinese translators of
Buddhist texts rather to transcribe this somewhat abusive word than to
translate it (Durt, p.94foll.). At the same time mahallaka, too, is an
eastern word as shown by the Aéokan inscription, where mahãlaka has
been replaced in Girnar by thaira < sthavirq (Rock Edict V L)'
All three colloquial words, je, ãvuso, and mahallaka show a common
tendency to develop a negative meaning. This, of course, cannot be
I E.H. Johnston:Notes on some Pãli words. JRAS 1931. 565-591, p.582 on gamilla.
2 R. Pischel: Grammatik der Prakrit-sprachen' Straßburg 1900 $S9S; I' Bloch: Some
problems of Indo-Aryan philology. I. The literary languages. 1929, in: Recueil d'Articles
de Jules Blqch 1906-1955. Paris 1985. 183-220, p. 190; C. Caillat: La frnale -ima dans les
adjectifs moyen- et néo-indiens du sens spatial, in: Mélanges d'Indianisme à la Mémoire
de Louis Renou. Paris 1968, 187-204, p. 199.
3 In: Indianisme et Bouddhisme. Mêlanges offerts à Mgr. E. Lamotte. Bruxelles 1980.
79-99, cf. also: M.B. Emeneau: Sanskrit bhogin- "wealthy" > "village headman,
ûsherman, palaquinbearer". 1980, in: Sanskrit Studies of M. B. Emeneau. Selected
Papers. Berkeley 1988. 175-181, p. 179.
t04 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
recognized in sukhallika having a negative meaning in its particular
Buddhist context anyway. With the exception of 7e these words are at
the same time colloquialisms and typically Buddhist. Consequently they
may be considered as belonging to an early vernacular Buddhist
language, which was later superseded by standard language at an early
date difficult to determine exactly.
Traces of this vernacular are comparatively few. The supposed name
of the Buddha's mother, mãyãdevi, DN II 52, l0 may be one, if it can
be explained as mãtã devl and compared lo rahula-mãtä-devl, Vin I 82,
8 as suggested elsewherea. Only rarely traces of a corresponding
vernacular may be found outside the Buddhist tradition such as Sanskrit
maireya "an alcoholic beverage", or perhaps better "booze", quoted
frequently as a derivation from *madireya (Mittelindisch $ 170). Both
words show the same phonetic development as those examples collected
by H. Lüders and attributed by him to an early eastern Buddhist
language, which has been recast in a western mould al a later date. As
it has been attempted to show in the "Linguistic Considerations on the
Date of the Buddha", this linguistic change is not only due to a
horizontal, that is geographic movement from east to west, but at the
same time to an evolution in vertical direction namely to raising a
colloquial to the level of a standard language.
At this point the question about the ultimate source of this standard
Middle Indic immediately arises. Besides the Aéokan inscriptions, the
pertinent evidence may be found in the Pãli of the Theravãda-Tipitaka,
and, to some extent, also in the somewhat later Jaina canon. The
standardization of the early Buddhist vernacular, which led to the
formation of Buddhist Middle Indic, from which again Pali and other
Buddhist languages branched off, happened at a time, when Buddhist
texts were still handed down by oral tradition. Characteristic features of
this orality are so very abundant in the Theraväda-Tipitaka that they
have been observed time and again. However, no systematic investigation
into the oral style of the Pãli canon seems to have been accomplished
far.
A feature well known from oral traditions as found e.g. in the
Homeric epics is the frequent use of prefabricated formulas. Again
corresponding wordings are too obvious in old Pãli prose to be
overlooked, though the only, however brief systematization of this
evidence seems to be found in the Epilegomena to the Critical
a O.v. Hinüber: Linguistic Considerations on the Date of the Buddha (in print)
Hinùber: From Colloquial to Standard Language 105
Dictionary, p.35* under the heading "wax. comp."s. The basic struc-
ture of these formulas has been analysed here, as usual with H. Smith in
an almost pãfinean brevity that does not always allow easy access to
his thoughts.
For the present purpose it is sufficient to draw attention to the very
simplest type of these word groups consisting of three limbs of an equal
or waxing number of syllables. One such formula has been mentioned
in passing already:
hlno gammo pothujianìko, Vin I 10, 12foll.:2+2+5
Also in the first sermon of the Buddha the following formula is found:
du-kkho anariyo anatthasamhito,Yin I 10, l4: 2+2+6
The word mahallaka quoted earlier as an example among the traces of
an old colloquial language occurs in such a formula:
jinno vuddho mahallako, DN II 100, 12 : Vin II 188,28:2+2+4
which is not alien to Sanskrit either:
jlrno vrddho mahallqko CPS 24a2;25b8, cf. Mvy 4095-4097ó
Therefore the very occurrence of mahallaka in such a formula could
favour the conclusion that they might be part of the old vernacular.
This, however, is not true, and they actually belong to a different
linguistic level, the postulated standard language. For in:
oloketha ... avaloketha ... upassamharatha, DN II 96,29folfr:4+5+6
or in:
nikamalqbhî ... akicchalabhî akasirqlaå¿,, MN I 354, 36 etc. (CPD):
5+5+6
the true Middle lndic oloketha appears side by side with the slightly
Sanskritized avaloketha, and the eastern Middle Indic word akasirq
identified as such be the svarabhakti vowel, is added to the western
akiccha. This quite clearly hints at a linguistic process, in which eastern
and western, or true and hybrid Middle Indic words could be used side
by side to build these formulas. The availability of this wide range of
material would not have been existant within the limits of the old
so vernacular language, which, most probably, was at the same time the
language used in daily life and for the propagation of new religions.
Further, the fact that elements are taken from different levels of
language shows that these formulas were created consciously, which
again becomes evident in:
s On the problems ol oral tradition in ancient Indian literature: H. Bakker: Some
Pali methodological considerations with respect to the critical edition ofPuranic literature, in:
XXIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 16. bis 20. September 1985 in Würzburg. Ausge-
wählte Vorträge hg. v. E.v. Schuler. ZDMG Supplement VII. Stuttgart 1989.329-341.
ó In the light of this evidence, E. Waldschmidt's reconstruction: vrddho jlrnatãm
prapto,MPS 14, 19 becomes highly doubtful.
106 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
okiranti ajjhokiranti øbhippakiranli, DN II 137, 22: 4+ 5+6 (without
parallel in MPS),
for the last two words are used in Pãli exclusively in this formula. In the
same way pãhuneyya is limited to the use in a longer formula:
ãhuneyyo pahuneyyo dakkhineyyo añjalikaranîyo, DN II 94,4 etc.:
4+4+4+7
Although it has been stated correctly in the Pali Tipitaka Concordance
s.v. that pãhuneyya is always combined with ahuneyyø, otherwise, most
unfortunately, no attention has been paid to these formulas, because
they were not recognized as such. Consequently it has not been pointed
out that words such as ajjhokirati, abhippakirati, pãhuneyya, gamma <
Skl. grãmya or upøssattha are limited to formulas, the latter always
written with an unetymological geminate -ss- perhaps under the
influence of the preceding upadduta:
I
upaddutam vqta bho upassattham vata bho, Vin 15, 14foll. etc. (CPD)
corresponding to Sanskrit:
upadruto smy upasrulo srzi, CPS 16, 4. 5
However interesting, this aspect of the Pâli vocabulary is not persued
here.
The long formula beginning with dhuneyyo is incorporated into a
short, but extremely important and popular Buddhist text, the famous
iti pi so explained in the Dhajaggasutta of the Samyuttanikãya (SN I
218, 26 - 220, 32), and quoted rather frequently in the Tipitaka. In this
very recent publication on "Alte VeQhas" im Pãli-Kanon. Die metrische
Struktur der buddhistischen Bekenntnisformel"T, H. Bechert has dem-
onstrated that this text has been composed in veQhas, which hold some
intermediate position between rhythmic prose and verse. Even though
the ahuneyy¿-formula has not been arranged according to the vedha-
rules, it nevertheless connects both these principles of oral composition.
Now, neither veQhas nor formulas are limited to Buddhist texts alone.
Long ago, H. Jacobi discovered veQhas in Jaina texts, to which formulas
as observed in Päli are by no means alien such as:
natta, glya, vãiya, 2 + 2 + 3
what corresponds exactly to:
nacca, glta, vãdita: 2 + 2 + 3
in Pãli.
As H. Bechert rightly stresses, the evidence of the veQhas, to which
the formulas may be added now, shows that both, Buddhists and
? Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschalten in Göttingen. Philologisch-histo-
rische Klasse. Jahrgang 1988, Nr. 4.
Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language 107
Jaineas, had access to an oral standardized prose, from which they
would borrow when formulating their respective texts and raising them
to a literary level thus abandoning the use of an every day colloquial
language for their religious prose literature.
Only rarely, it seems, a cross connection between this prose, espe-
cially the formulas under discussion and versified texts, which might
have originated contemporaneously, becomes visible:
daliddo assako andlhiyo, MN I450, 34:3+3+4
is transformed into a verse as:
anãlhiyo (E" w.r. anãlayo, CPD) appadhano daliddo, Ja VI 360. 28*:
v-v- l-uul----
besides:
øpi ce daliddãkapanã andlhiyã,JaY 96,23*:**-- I -vv- I u--
The reason for the limitation of these formulas to prose texts is of
course evident: The rhytmical structure does not lend itself to easy
versification. Consequently either the principle of the waxing number of
syllables or the wording has to be disregarded.
In any case these examples may be many more still to be
discovered
- and there
prove that those, who composed the Jãtaka verses, were
-
well aware of the prose formulas, and probably knew to handle both,
prose and verse. The authors of the prose, on the other hand, did not
avoid to integrate fragments of verses into their texts, such as:
... puññam pasavati "kappam saggamhi modati", Vin II 198, 14foll.,
which should be compared to:
samgham samaggam katvãna kappam saggamhi modati, Vin II 205, 9*
This close interralation between prose and verse seems to indicate that
both were composed by the same authors commanding the same
standard Middle Indic language.
Proceeding one step further still, and going even beyond the Buddhist
and Jaina traditions, it should be remembered that already long ago
some special relationship between the language of the Jätaka verses and
the rules prescribed by Indian grammarians, first of all by Pärlini, has
been pointed out in such cases, where examples for a specific usages are
found in Pãli rather than in Sanskrit.
It was F. Kielhorn (JRAS 1898: Kasussyntax $307, $307 note 3),
who by the end of the last century drew attention to a kãrikã on
vãrttika 6 on Pänini 2. 3. 36:
c ar m ar.ti dv ip in am han t i
and to Pãli:
ajinamhi haññate dlpî, Ja VI 61, 3*
108 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
as a close parallel and as an example of the rare nimiltasaptamls.
Further:
dtpe atho pi veyyagghe (s.c. rathe), Ja VI 48, l0* etc.
seems to echo:
dvaipavaiyãghrdd añ, Pãnini 4.2. 12
"the suffix -¿ is added to dvaipa and vaiyahgra (, íf something covering
a chariot is meant: Pãnini 4.2. l0; Mittelindisch $ll8)" very closely
correspond to each other. Finally, a prose sentence may be quoted
here:
... Malla te samghe gane etad avocuryt> DN II 165. 33 etc.,
where a similar combination of words can be found as in:
samghodghau ganapraÍamsayor,Panini 3. 3. 86
"samgha means gana and udgha means praise".
It has always been somewhat puzzling how this evidence could be
explained. Now it may be argued that both, the rules as given by Pãnini
and their application found in Pãli, simply reflect traces of the same
oral tradition spread over a large area in northern India. Because it was
Middle Indic, rooted perhaps in some kind of bardic tradition running
parallel to that of Vedic Sanskrit, it heavily influenced the oldest
surviving Middle Indic prose texts, which are, incidentally, at the same
time the earliest long prose passages showing the first sings of an
attempt towards litteray composition quite in contrast to the Vedic and
early Buddhist collections of short pieces patched together.
The very interesting question, if and how a possibly second (?) bardic
tradition, that is the language of the Mahäbhãrata may be linked to the
Buddhist and Jaina literary traditions can be asked only without being
persued further here. However, it may be useful to remember that since
H. Lüders' researches on the story of Rsyaórnga and on the Jãtakas and
the epics, or those by R.O. Franke on Jãtaka - Mahãbhãrata parallelse,
an old tradition common to both, the Jãtakas and the epics at least in
respect of the litterary subjects, can be taken for granted.
The influence of the Middle Indic literary tradition on Sanskrit prose
on the other hand never seems to have reached very far, if the use of
formulas is any indicator. For even in Buddhist Sanskrit their structure
is often disturbed, if not deliberately destroied at times. Thus the
8 A further example is found in Aitareya-Ãranyaka 3.1.6., cf. A.B. Keith ad locum;
this passage is also treated by H. Falk, ZDMG 136.1986, p.87f.
e Die (Zur) Sage von Réyaérnga (1987, l90l), Die Jãtakas und die Epik (1904),
reprinted in: Philologia Indica. Göttingen 1940, l-43,47-73,80-106; R.O. Franke:
Jätaka-Mahãbhãrata-Parallelen. WZKM 20.1906. 317-372 : Kleine Schriften. Wies-
baden 1978. 344-399.
),
Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language t09
following old formulas survive in an abbreviated or mutilated lorm
only:
mahasamuddo ...
anupubbaninno anupubbapono anupubb ap abbhar o, Y in Il 231, I 9 foll. etc.
(cPD):
6+6+7
is quoted in the AbhidharmakoSabhãsya as:
mahasamudro'nupurvanimro, Abhidh-k (ed. P. Pradhan 21975) 165,4
and nikamqlqbht etc. quoted above reappears in Sanskrit as:
nikãmalabhita akrcchrakisaralãbhita, Bdh (ed. Wogihara 1936) 388, l3
The remarks by F. Edgerton, BHSD s.v. akisarq show that the rules
according to which these formulas have been built, were not understood
properly in spite of Mvy 2431-2433. The text has been misunderstood
and is wrongly edited by N.Dutt (Ed.): Bodhisattvabhùmi (1966),
268,3 foll.
In spite of the occasional survival of those formulas in Buddhist
Sanskrit, which are alien to Pãli, such as:
mlanakãyah klantakayah pragbhãrakayah, CPS 16,2: 4+4+5
or: krtdati ramati paricãrayati, CPS 22, 6 and frequently elsewhere:
3+3+6
parallel passages indicate a decline of the use of formulas rather.
Some were necessarily violated in the process of Sanskritization:
viyalta vinúa visaradã, DN II 104, 28: 3 + 3 + 4
is parallel to:
pandita vyaktd medhavínah, MPS 16, 9:3+2+4
which again corresponds to:
pandito viyatto medhavt, Vin II 299, 16 foll. : 3 + 3 + 3
Here, the respect for the traditional sequense of words seems to have
prevented a simple change into a rhytmically correct formula:
vyakta panditd medhavinaþ: 2 + 3 + 4.
However, the prevalence of sequence over rhythm as observed here,
seems to indicate a loss of stylistic feeling for those formulas. Thus even
a non-rhythmical variant could be created by blending both formulas
into one in a younger parallel to MPS:
pandita vyakta vintta viíãrada,Dvy 202,1I foll.:3+2+3+4
Further it seems to be quite evident from some examples collected from
the Pãli and Sanskrit Mahãparinirvãnasùtrasthat the latter tries to
avoid formulas on purpose:
pathavl
kampati samkampati sampavedhøti, DN II 108, ll: 3+4+5
but: mahaprthivlcãlaí ca bhavati, MPS 17, 9;
 ll0 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
or from other texts:
uppalam va padumam va pundarîkam vA,DN II 19, 30foll., cf.
30;3+3+4
but: Íaradakarp padmam, Mahãvadãnasütra 7b2
or:
kamanam
a[tnavam okaram samkilesam, Vin I 15, 3] etc.: 4+3+4
but: kãmanam asvadãdînqvam samkleiavyavadanam, CPS 16, 12; 18, 5.
Here, even in Pãli a violation of the rule of the waxing number of
syllables occurs, as e.g. also in:
appamattassa aîapino pahitattassa. MN I l15. 14:5+4+5
which, however, seems to be a transformation of a formula originally
coined in the nom. pl.:
appamqttã ãtãpino pahitatta, Vin I 351, 38 foll. etc.: 4+ 4+ 4
In:
pandito vyaÍto kusalo, SN V 151,5: 3 +2+3
again the rhythm has been discurbed, this time by the well known
orthographic Sanskritisation of viyatto into vyatto, by which one syllable
is lost. Thus these rhytmic rules prove to be valuable now and then for
the reconstruction of the original shape of single words, which has been
seen already by the authors of the Critical Pãli Dictionary, who made
use of this method e.g. s.v. araha(t); similarly:
mahapañño ... puthupañño hasupañño javanapañño tikkhapañño nibbe-
dhikapañño, DN III 158,8fo11., cf. SN | 63,23-27:4+4+4+5+4+6
where the sequence of numbers shows that tikkha" should be changed
into the eastern lorm tikhinq":4+4+4+5+ 5+610.
Consequently, it is also very tempting to change okdram, the use of
which is limited to the formula quoted in Pali, and which has so far
resisted any convincing explanation, into *avakãra thus gaining the
missing syllable 1 1. A similar formula traced only in Buddhist Sanskrit
up to now, however, may serve as a warning to resist this temptation:
kãmesu
bhayam okqram samkileÍam, Mvu III 357, 3: 2+ 3 + 4
because the Pãli wording may be a restructured, originally slightly
10 For a discussion olsome further formulas cf.: O.v. Hinüber: Der Beginn der Schrift
und frühe Schriftlichkeit in Indien, in: Akademie der Wissenschaften un der Literatur,
Mainz. Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse. Jahrgang 1989,
Nr. I l. 30loll., 47,50.
rr Doublets like this one are readily available ínP-alí: okirati: avakirati quoted above,
or: tumbañ äeva ,sarigho uññaya ti avaññãya, Vin IV 241, 35foll., janapadesu oññãtam
avañíiãtam hllitam..., Vin IV 6,24, rtparp... satt1nam uññàtam, Vibh 2,20, cf. Vibh-a
46'l ,16 etc.
Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language lll
different formula. For, as a very instructive example demonstrates,
Vin I6, formulas may develop also within the Pãli Tipitaka.
Tracing the history of the following formula therefore provides at the
same time some valuable information about the inner chronology of the
Theravada Tipitaka, which, in this particular case, can be linked to the
general development of Indian cultural history.
The original formula:
mudda gananã samkhãnam, DN I I l, 9: 2+ 3 + 3
developped into:
mudda ganana lekha,Yin IV 7,5: 2+3+2
and finally into:
tekha ... ganqnA ... rupar,YinI77, 15-26:2+3+2
As discussed elsewhere at some length12, the reason for these changes
can be traced. In his article "Die iãkischen Müra", H' Lüders has
demonstrated that both, mudda and rupã are technical terms of exactly
the same meaning that is "knowledge about coins", and that rupa is the
more modern word, which replaces the older muddã found only in the
Suttapitaka, in the Vinayapitaka13. Luckily, this linguistic modernisation,
which once again underlines the more recent date of the Vinayapitaka
in comparison to the Suttapitaka, can be linked to the development of
Indian coinage during the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, as outlined not
long ago by J. Cribb in his important contribution "Dating India's
Earliest Coins"1a. Two points of Cribb's argument are of importance
here: According to Cribb the oldest Indian coins are found in the north
west, where the idea of coinage was taken over from Iran at about 400
BC. After the use of coins had lead to the introduction of different local
standards, these were soon, already during the 4th century BC super-
seded by a currency of all Indian standard. This evidence collected by
cribb from numismatic material closely corresponds to the limited
literary sources, which were not used by him. The replacement of the
older term muddã by the younger rupa seems to reflect the change from
a local to a national standard of coinage. Moreover, as Lüders has
pointed out already, rùpa used as a numismatic term occurs for the first
time in the northwest in a rule prescribed by Pãnini:
rùpad øhataprasamsayor yap, Panini 5. 2. 120
"The suffixya is added ro rupa, if the meanings'coined'or'praise'are
intended".
12 O.v. Hinüber, as note 10, chapter VII. p.30-35.
'3 In. Philolocica Indica. Göttingen 1940.463-493.
ra In: South Asian Archaeology 1983. Naples 1985. Istituto Universitario Orientale.
Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici. Series Minor XXII, vol. II. 535-554.
tt2 Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language
Thus it seems that a northwestern linguistic usage reached the Indian
plains at the time, when the all Indian standard was introduced, what
again happened after the Buddhist texts using mudda had been formu-
lated, while the respective Vinaya passages postdate this reform of
coinage, if it may be called thus. The same is true for Jaina texts, where
a rhythmical correct formula has been restored:
leha-rúva-gananã, Aupapâtikasütra (ed. E. Leumann, AKM VIII 2.
1983, $ 107): 2+2+ 3 the old idea about the origin of pearls. The new one, the well known
In Buddhist literature the use of these formulas seems to have reached
its culmination in the composition of the Abhidhamma texts that is in
the Dhammasalgalr and in the Vibhanga, as pointed out by H. Smith,
Sadd 5. 3. l.
Here and now, only a very small fraction of this fairly complicated
network of formulas holding together large parts of the Pãli Tipitaka
has been used not only to draw attention to this rather neglected field
of research, but first of all to show, how much and how far simple
considerations on these formulas prove to be suitable to open up the
understanding of the structure of oral prose in ancient India and even
its dating under lucky circumstances.
Finally, the result reached at so far, may be summed up in the
following way: The oldest linguistic level, which becomes transparent
very occasionally in the Buddhist Middle Indic tradition, is not only a
language of eastern India, but at the same time a colloqial used during
the earliest days of Buddhism. As a second step standardization begins
to do justice to the spread of Buddhism over a steadily growing area.
This process adjusts the originally local Buddhist texts to the require-
ments of a standard Middle Indic obviously widely spread in northern
India during the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. This development, which
has been called in a different context "la normalisation de la rorvrl
fayyrlrrrf¡" by H.Smith, linked the Buddhist texts to a common
Indian tradition, traces of which can be observed also in Jaina texts and
even in Palini's grammar. Further, possible cross-connections to the
Mahãbharata have been mentioned.
The ultimate source of this standard Middle Indic, however, escapes
identification, because there is no evidence going beyond the texts
handed down in a fully developped form of that language.
Seen in a broader context, the standard Middle Indic, in which
Buddhist Middle Indic is rooted, from which again Pãli and other
Buddhist language are derived, seems to be the linguistic aspect of the
cultural surge shortly before and during the time of the Maurya
dynasty, when cities and city states began to emerge, when coinage was
Hinüber: From Colloquial to Standard Language 113
introduced, when stone began to be used in art and architecture, and
when the Brãhml script was createdls.
The seemingly rather abrupt break in the literary tradition as reflected
in the transition from Vedic to Middle Indic, is accompanied by
emerging new concepts of common culture. This can be deduced, e.g.
from the masterly study on the word muktaphala "pearl" by H. Lü-
dersló: The Vedic word for "pearl", kriana disappears together with
coagulation of raindrops in a shell, is mirrored in a new word muklã,
which has been wrongly Sanskritized from Middle Indic muttã, while
really corresponding to Sanskrit murta. This misunderstanding, to
which others could be added, emphasizes the broad gap between the
Sanskrit and the Middle Indic traditions. For those, who coined the
word mukta evidently were not aware of the concept, on which the
word mutta had been created. It would be well worth while, though
difficult, to collect the relevant material to obtain a clearer picture ol
this break in linguistic as well as in conceptual historyl?.
This, obviously, goes far beyond the history of Buddhist texts, which,
by lucky coincidence, were formed at a crucial point, when Indian
culture took an important turn, and made a big and bold step forward.
Therefore, by using first of all the invaluable evidence of the Theravada
Tipitaka and linking it to the events of general cultural history, it will
not only be possible to trace the history of Middle Indic within this
general development, but, at least to a certain degree, to find even
approximate dates for certain passages of early Buddhist texts.
1s O.v. Hinüber, as note 10, p. 59foll., 72.
ró Sanskrit mukta, muktãphala, phala (1909), in: Philologica Indica. Göttingen 1940.
I'79-190, cf. aßo muktya, mukti "pearl": H. Bechert: Über die "Marburger Fragmente"
des Saddharmapundarfta. Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen.
Philologisch-historische Klasse. Jahrgang 1972, Nr. l, p.73 note 17.
r? Cf. also: B. Kölver: Überlagerungen im Rãmãyana: Die Legende von der Erfin-
dung des Sloka. wzrs 29. 1985. 27-41, p.39.
 THE DEVELOPMENT OF "SACRED LANGUAGE''
IN THE BUDDHIST TRADITION

Asanga TrlerlRerNp*

In the present paper, I identify some of the historical and philosophi-

cal reasons behind the move made by some later Buddhists in intro-
ducing a sacred language into Buddhism. I suggest that the fact that
early Buddhism did not have an idea of a sacred language is not an
absence by accident but an absence by choice very much in conformity
with the spirit of early Buddhist philosophy. I see the subsequent
development of the idea of a sacred language in the Buddhist tradition
as only one aspect of greater Hindu influence. However, the reader
might observe with curiosity, how this development took place among
the Theravãdins, who claimed to be the faithful followers of the
original Buddhism.
The term 'sacred language' has different connotations. For the
purposes of this paper, I identify two. One is the view that language or
word per se, and specifically, the act of speech unrelated to any
particular language, is sacred. Two striking examples are the early
Vedic concept of Brahman as embodying the mystical power of words
and the Christian concept of logos, first as the word of God or Word as
embodying God and subsequently, Jesus himself as Word. The other is
the connotation that one particular language, as against other particular
languages, is sacred. Usually, the attribution of sacredness to a particular
language in this manner begins with the identification of that language
with a specific religious tradition. The best example from India is the
elevation of Sanskrit to the position to the sacred language among the
Hindus.

Pre-Buddhist Indian Background

The origin of the idea of the sacredness of language in the Indian

context goes back to the early Vedic period. In this era, what ancient
Indians regarded as sacred is not any particular language but word per
t University of Hawaii at Manoa Dept, of Philosophy, 2530 Dole Street Honolulu,
Hawaii 96822, USA.
ll6 Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition
se. They deified and glorified the word as
'word goddess' (vãg devfl. In
commenting on Rg. 10.71, Frits Staal suggests that the hymn is the
story of the origin of sacred language in the Indian contextl. The
transition from the first to the second stage takes place when the Vedas
were considered as revealed truth or íruîi. The interesting aspect of this
move is that not only the content of the revealed truth but also the
medium through which it has been revealed is elevated to a sacred
position. The sacredness universally attributed to the word is now
identified with the words of a particular language, i.e., Sanskrit. It is
considered to be the original language of the world and the language of
gods (daivi vag). The mere utterance of religious words was believed to
result in rebirth in heaven after death2. The meaning and the purpose
of the brahmin's enthusiasm to protect Sanskrit in its original form can
be appreciated only against the background of the idea of sacredness of
language.
Early Buddhism
It is mainly as a reaction and an alternative to Hinduism
Buddhist religious movement originated. Among many aspects of Hin-
duism criticized by Buddhism was the caste system, which was marked
by the brahmins' and high castes' exclusive right to use Sanskrit. The
alleged sacred and inviolable nature of language was extended to the
doctrinal concepts expressed in that language. The Buddhist attitude to
language can be regarded as a direct reaction to this 'linguistic imperi-
alism' and doctrinal rigidity.
The language the Buddha used in his sermons is Mãgadhr (later to be
known as Pãli) which is believed to be the dialect in Magadha province.
Not only did the Buddha not use esoteric Sanskrit in his sermons, he
did not approve of the suggestion made by two brahmin monks that
they should be allowed to translate the words of the Buddha into
Sanskrit (chandaso ãropema)3. The two monks thought that diverse
people from diverse castes contaminate the words of the Buddha by
studying them in their own dialects (sakaya niruttiyã buddhavqcqnam
dusenti). The Buddha asked them not to translate the doctrine into
t "Rgveda 10.71 on the Origin of Language", Revelation in Indian Thought, ed. Harold
Coward and Krishna Sivarman (USA: Dharma Publishing 1977).
2 R.C. Pandeya, The Problem of Meaning in Indian Philosophy, (New Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidas, 1963) l-23,
3 Vinaya Pitakam, vol. ii (London: PTS. 1964) 139.
Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition tt7
Sanskrit and approved the practice of monks who studied the doctrine
in their own dialects.
This incident is suggestive of the fact that the Buddha did not believe
in the sacredness of Sanskrit or in any other language including the one
he spoke.' It also shows that for the Buddha there is no profane in
language. The Buddha admonished his disciples neither to cling to any
particular vernacular nor to transgress any linguistic conventionsa.
Without doing either, one must use language only as a tool.
In Hinduism, the sacrosant nature of language derives mainly from
two factors: the belief that language was a creation by Brahma, the
Creator and that Sanskrit was the medium of revealed truth. Neither of
these reasons plays any rolein Buddhism. Buddhism is atheistic. It does
not credit any deity with the creation of the world. Therefore, it does
not believe the phenomenon of language to have been created. In this
sense, Buddhism is a form of naturalism. According to it, language,
too, has evolved gradually as any other phenomen in the world. What
this last observation means is that, language being a natural phenomenon,
is subject to the three signata common to any phenomena namely,
impermanence, suffering and non-substantiality (anicca, dukkha, analtã).
that the
There are no unchanging concepts or words nor unchanging substances
behind them, as we see in Hinduism.
The word of the Buddha has never been considered a revealed truth.
There is no supernatural source for the doctrine. As far as the Buddha
was concerned, he did not present himself as a saviour whose relation
to a higher being would enable him to save the believers. He offered
himself only as a guide. "'lhe tathdgatas only give directions, it is your
responsibility to follow"s. As the famous Discourse to Kãl1mas testifies
freedom of thinking and questioning was encouraged. The final emanci-
pation from samsãra, the wheel of existence, is to be achieved only by
personal endeavor and not by divine grace. As far as this end is
concerned, the doctrine of the Buddha has been compared to a raft
used to cross over a river, and then abandoned once its purpose is
served6. In short, nothing is either sacred or profane in language,
according to early Buddhism.
Development of sacred language in later Buddhism.
The emergence of the idea of sacred language in the later Buddhist
tradition is something that took place gradually as a result of various
a Majjhima Nikayaäi. (London: PTS. l95l) 230,234.
5 "Tumhehi kiccam ãtappam akkhataro tathàgatã" Dhammapada 276'
6 Majjhima nikãya,vol. i. ed. V. Trekner and R. Chalmers (London: PTS' 1948) 134'
I l8 Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition
historical events. The development of Mahâyana Buddhism and contin-
uous encounters with Hinduism through centuries are major historical
events with philosophical significance that bear direct relation to the
emergence of a Buddhist sacred language. However, this exposition is
too brief to discuss these in any detail. Therefore, I can say summarily
that some later Buddhists adopted the very same Hindu views of
language against which original Buddhism reacted. In this context, I
will discuss Tantric Buddhism in India as an instance of the develop-
ment of sacred attitude to language or word in general and Theravada
Buddhism in south Asia as an instance of developing full-fledged sacred
language out of Pãli. Both these developments have historical counter-
parts in Hinduism.
Along with Hindu Tantrism, Buddhist Tantrism believed that well
articulated words have the power to accomplish various ends, ranging
from such trivial and mundane ends as harming one's enemy or
securing personal favors by invoking gods to the most sublime goal: the
realization of ultimate bliss, nirvãfa. Bhattacharya quotes the following
couplet from Sãdhanamãlã, a well known treatise from Buddhist Tan-
tric literature'. "kim asty asãdhyam mantrãnam yojitunAm yathãvidhi" (Is
there anything unachievable through mantras employed according to
rules?). Bhattacharya further says: "The mantras by their power can
even confer Buddha-hood. The merit that secures from the mutterings
of the mantra of Ma.hakäla are so numerous that all the Buddhas taken
together cannot count them, even if they were to count without
cessation for a number of days and nights"?.
Being an outgrowth of Mahãyãna, Tantrists use Sanskrit as their
medium of expression. However, as far as their belief about the power
of words concerned, it has nothing to do with any specific language,
e.g. Sanskrit. After all, the language in Tantric mantras is very often
not pure Sanskrit. Thus, Tantrists' belief about the power of words is
closer to that of early Vedic period.
The practice of chanting protective utterances (Pali, paritta, Sanskrit,
paritrãna) developed by some later Buddhists, especially by Theravã-
dins, has some affinities with the Tantric practice of uttering mantras.
Parittãs are chanted to secure some worldly gains such as health and
wealth, and the belief in the power of words is at the heart of this
practice. However, there are significant differences. The anticipated
power of words is not believed to derive from the proper articulation of
words (as in Tantrism), but believed to derive from the truthfulness of
the words originally uttered by the Buddha who is believed to be the
7 Benoytosh Bhattacharya, An intoduction to Buddhist Esoterism (Varanasi: The
Chowkamba Sanskrit series vol. xivi, 1964) 57.
Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition l19
embodiment of virtue. Thus the power of parittãs is believed to derive
from their source and content and not from any alleged intrinsic power
of words.
Pãli as the sqcred language
The history of Theravãda Buddhism supplies us with a good example
of the development of a sacred language of the second type, namely,
elevation of a particular language, Pãli in this case, to a sacred position.
Päli is believed to be the original Magadha language spoken by the
Buddha. The Theravädins who inherited it decided not to adopt any
language except Päli especially not the elitist Sanskrit adopted by
Mahayanists.
-
It is curious to
observe that Mahayanists did not develop
a sacred language out of Sanskrit, although they were more prone to do
so temperamentally than their Therãvada counterparts because of their
bhakti (devotional) mentality. However, on the one hand, Sanskrit was
the language of the Hindu and on the other hand, they had already
made it a sacred language for their own reasons. If Hattiyangadi's
explanations of the adoption of ineffebility doctrine by Hindus as a
reaction to the idea of sacrecl language is correct, one can use the same
explanation to account for the fact that Mahayanists did not develop a
sacred language and their claim that language is not capable of
expressing the ultimate reality. Theravãdins did not develop the idea of
ineffability, at least, not explicitly.
The developments that led to the origin of the idea of sacred
language among Theravãdins are numerous. They are both ideological
and historical. Ideologically, an important development took place
among Theravãdins to the effect that they attributed omniscience to the
Buddha. It is clear that the Buddha did not claim such a knowledge
and in fact, denied ite. However, from the time of the Buddha, one can
discern a mentality of dependence developing among the disciples, even
though it was against the wishes of the master. At the time of his death,
the Buddha did not appoint a successor a move in conformity with
his liberal attitudes
-
and asked the disciples to consider the doctrine
as the master. It seems- they took this request quite literarily. The
agreement not to make any changes in the doctrine and the monumen-
tal effort to preserve the doctrine in its pristine purity were the results.
8 J. H. Hattiangadi, "Why is Indian Philosophy Mystical?" Journal of Indian Phi-
losophy, 3 (1975) 253-58.
e Majjhima nikaya i, ed. V. Trenkner and R. Chalmers (London: PTS. 1048) 482.
 120 Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition
Preserving the doctrine in its original form meant, among other things,
preserving it in
the original language. The language is identified with
the doctrine and the sacredness of the doctrine is transferred to the
language. Thus, Pãli becomes the sacred language among Theravãdins.
The following well-known stanza summarizes this newly developed
attitude toward Pali:
sã mãgadhI mutabhasa narã yay'adi kappikø
- sambuddha c'api
brahmãno c'assutãlapa bhãsarero
- Commenting on this, Buddhaghosa stresses that, unless the formula is
(This Magadhi (Pãli) is the original language in the world. Ir is the
language which the original people, Brahmins and the Enlightened
Ones and those who have never heard any speech would speak).
Buddhaghosa's lollowing account can be regarded as a possible source
for this view: "when a child has a Tamil as mother and an Andhaka as
father and if it were to hear the mother first, it would speak Tamil; if it
were to hear the father ûrst, it would speak Andhaka; if it were to hear
neither, then it would speak language of Magadha (pãli). If one were to
be born in an unpopulated vast forest, if there were nobody (capable
of) speaking, then he, producing words by his own nature, would speak
Pãli. Everywhere, namely, in hell, in the spheres of animals, petas and
human and in heaven, Pãli alone is great. The languages such as
Ottakirata, Andhaka, Yonaka and Tamil change, it is this language of
Magadha alone which is natural and which is the language of Brahmins
and aryas that will never change" I r. Obviously, what Buddhaghosa
says is not important as a scientific statement. Also it is quite clear that,
in claiming that Pãli will never change, the Theravãdins go against the
grain of the Buddhist doctrine. Nevertheless, it betrays their deep
feelings about Pãli language.
It is this reverential attitude that prompted Theravãdins to interpret
the request of the Buddha that his disciples study the doctrine in their
own dialects (saka nirutti) as a request to study the doctrine only in the
Pãli language. Buddhaghosa interpreted "sakã nirutti" as ,,Buddha's
own dialect"tz, which is Pãli. The right interpretation of the term is a
matter of debate, but it seems that Buddhaghosa's interpretation which
is the received view of rheravãdins is not consonant with the liberal
attitude of the Buddha.
r0 Saddhammasangaha (of Dhammakitti thero) ed. Saddhananda Thero for The
Journal of the Pali Text Society, (London: 1890).
tt Sammohavinodani Vibhangatthakatha, ed. P. Buddhadatta Thero (London: PTS.
l9sr).
12 Samantapõsãdika Vinayatthakatha,
vol. vi. ed. J. Takakusu, Makoto Nagai and
Kogen Mizuno, (London: PTS. 1966).
Tilakaratne: Sacred Language in the Buddhist Tradition t2t
Perhaps the most striking example of the establishment of Pãli as a
sacred language comes from Buddhaghosa in his commentary to the
procedure of ordination and higher ordination @abbajja, upasampada).
The practice at the time of the Buddha was to make prospective
candidates accept the Triple Gem (Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha) as
their refuge. This was done by uttering the formula " Buddham saranam
gacchãmi, Dhammam saranam gacchami, Sangham saranaryt gacchãmi".
recited exactly without adding or omitting even one single syllable, the
purpose is not achieved. "Therefore", he concludes, "it is necessary that
one must utter it as exactly as it is in the Text"l3. The whole idea
beÈlnd the demand for precision is that the words of the Buddha or the
words of the Päli language contain extraordinary mystical powers
capable of converting an ordinary person into an ordained monk.
Considering the fact that the Buddhist religious practice is deeply
psychological and ethical in character, this definitely strikes one as a
strange shift of emphasis.
Another statement by Buddhaghosa in the same discussion is more
interesting for its implicit suggestion that ordination cannot be performed
in any language other than Pãli. He says: "pabbajja hi saranagama-
ne h' evasiddha. sikkhapadani pana kev alam sikk haparipur anat t ham jdni-
tabbani, tssmã tãni paliyam agatanayena uggahitum askkontassa yaya-
kãyaci bhãsaya atthavasen'ãpi ãcikkhitum vqttati" 1a. (Ordination is
accomplished only by taking refuge. However, the precepts are to be
known in order to observe. Therefore, for someone who could not
understand Pãli, it is proper to explain the precepts in any language).
The statement indicates clearly that the ordination must be conducted
in Pãli. It also indicates indirectly that ordination can take place even
though the person could not understand what the utters. Such is the
power of a sacred language.
We may suggest that the introduction of a sacred language into later
Buddhism and its development took place under the influence of
Hinduism. Many key ideas were borrowed from Hindus and attributed
to Pãli. Whether or not this new development is a sign of progress is
not my concern. However, one thing is clear: these later developments
show a radical transition from the more philosophical and less emotion-
al stands in early Buddhism to a less philosophical and more emotional
disposition of later Buddhism.
t3 Ibid. vol. v.969-71
ta Ibid. vol. v.969-71
 THE SPIRITUAL PROGRESS TO REACH NIRVÃNA
ACCORDING TO VASUBANDHU

Amalia Pnzztrt*

After my studies in Rome (laurea and doctorate), under the guidance

of prof. G. Tucci, and before my four years staying in India, at Benares,
with a scholarship of Cultural exchange programme, preparing a thesis
of Ph.D., under the direction of prof. T.R.V. Murti, I have spent about
two years in Louvain (Belgium) again with a scholarship to profit
of the teaching of prof. Étienne
-
Lamotte, in order to obtain
- a 'Licence
on Buddhist Philology' (Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan). He was always
ready to put at my disposal his personal Library and to help me in my
researches. Once he told me that without a serious study ol the
Abhidharmako.íø of Vasubandhu, with the competent assistence of L. de
La Vallée Poussin, he would never have understood anything on the
Buddhist doctrine. I have remembered his sincere and humble remark
and, in my turn, I developed a strong interest for this text and his
author, besides my interest for Mahãyãna, particularly for the madhya-
maka school.
I have already published some articles on the different arguments
treated in the AbhidharmakoiaL and on Vasubandhu himself2. Two
years ago, I have offered to the Italian people a work: Il tesoro della
me tafisica (AbhidharmakoSa) s econdo il mae s tro buddhista V asub andhu,
and in the Appendix'. Il trattato della dimostrazione dell'atto (Karma-
siddhiprakarana) dello stesso autore3, the same author, in case one
accepts the possible existence of two Vasubandhu, of whom one lived in
the 4th and the other in the 5th century 4.D.4 My book deals with the
* Prof. of Indian Philosophy in the University of Bologna, ITALY.

ICfrPnzztu, A.: "Le membra delle meditazioni(dhyananga) del Rûpadhãtu secondo

I'Abhidharmako,i¿ di Vasubandhu", in: Atti del 2" Congresso Nø2. di St. Sanscrlli (Pisa
1982), ed. by O. Botto, Torino, Jolligrafia, 1984, pp.55-60; Ip.: "Le tre sfere @hùn) del
mondo (/o&ø) secondo I'Abhidharmako,iø di Vasubandhu", in: St. Or. e Linguistici (SOL)
III, Bologna 1986, pp. 185-204; Io.: L'importanza dell'atto (karman) secondo il maestro
buddhista Vasubandhu, in: SOI IV, 1987-1988, pp. ll3-132; etc.
2 Cfr Io.: Vasubandhu, l'autore dell'AbhidharmakoÍa, in: St. Missionalia 36, Roma
(Univ. Gregoriana) 1987, pp. 222-231.
3 Cfr Bologna, EMI, 1987.
a Cfr P¡nr, N.: A propos de la date de Vasubandhu, in: BEFEO, ll (l9ll), pp. 339-
 124
Pezzali The spiritual Progress
main themes which appear in the Abhidharmakoía and in the Kqrma-
siddhiprakarana: it further contains an exhaustive bibliography on
Vasubandhus and on these two well-known works mentioned aboveó.
Prof, Guy Bugault of Sorbonne University kindly wrote the 'preface'7
of this book.
At the second world-Conference of the Int. Ass. of Buddhist Studies
(IABS), held in Nãlandã in 1980, I have spoken about The statement of
Vasubandhu on the spiritual path, and I have chosen for this occasion a
paper on a similar argument, treated however circumstancially. I
believe that it is the main topic that includes almost all the others,
supporting and justifying the preaching (deiana) of the Buddhist
dharma for the salvation of humanity lrom the cycle of existences
(sarpsãra), and for the daily discipline of every Buddhist monk who
wants to reach the nirvãna.
According to the Hînayãna tenet, the Buddhist monk is the only one
entitled to realize perfection (arhattva). A common man Qtrthagjana)
can enter into the way of liberation (muktimãrga) with the real convic-
tion that it is the unique possibility for him to get out of transmigration
(samsãra) and to overcome for ever suffering (duhkha). Naturally it will
be a long and difficult way, but one has to underline that first at all it is
a way of knowledge Çñãnamãrga), even il it obviously involves certain
practices and some exercices, in order to destroy the vicious tendences
(anuiaya) and to eradicate the roots of evil (akuÍalamula)8. The respon-
sibility of one's liberation is personal: all depends on self-effort and
persevering firmness, at least for the Hînayãna that, later on, one can
count on the transfer of the merits Qtarinãmana)e of the bodhisattva, the
saints of the Mahãyãna10, and on the mercy (karuna) of the Buddha, I
think to Arnitãbha and his paradise r l : the SukhãvatÏ.
FneuuuHrr., E.:
390;
IsMEO 1951, S.O.R. III;
On the date of the Buddhist master of the law Vasubandhu, Roma,
J,qrNr, P.S.: "On the theory of two Vasubandhu", in: ^BSOIS
21, I (1958), pp.48-53; etc.
s Cfr PEzz^Lr, A.: Il tesoro della metafisica ..., pp. 263-270.
ó Cfr Ip.: Ibid.,pp.27l-290.
' Cfr I¡.: Ibid.,pp. 13-17.
8 They are: concupiscence (lobha),hatred (dvesø)
and mental confusion (moha).
'q The l0th chapter of the Bodhicaryavatdra of Sãntideva, perhaps added later, deals
with this subject.
to Cîr PEzz^L¡ A.: "Bodhisattva et prajñaparamitã, I'essence du madhyamaka", in:
Ind. Taurinensia, VIII-IX, Torino 1980-1981, pp.307-312; Io.: "Bodhisattva e prajñã-
pãramitâ nel Bodhicaryãvatãra di Sãntideva" in Atti del l' Convegno Naz. di St. sanscriti,
Torino, AISS, 1982 pp.93-101.
t l Amitäbha ("infinite
brilliancy") or Amitãyus ("infinite longevity") has with him
Íwo bodhisattva: Avalokiteévara ("The luminous lord") and Mahâsthãmaprãpta ("The
Pezzali: The sPiritual Progress 125
The Buddhist doctrine (dharma) is syntheized in the four noble truths
(caturãryasatya): Íhe universal suffering (duþkha); the origin (samu-
dayQ of it, that is to say the thirst (tf;rya); the cessation (nirodha); and
the eightfold path (astangikamãrga) leading to the nirvana.
The exhaustive knowledge of the four noble truths embraces all the
process of perfection. The way for such ascetical development, in order
to obtain a correct vision (samyag-dyq¡i) of these truths is graduated in
five stages: two ofthem arejudged as preparatory phases: the path
-
and the real prepa-
of the accumulation of merits (sambhãramarga)
-
ratory palh Qtrayogamarga), and the three successive ones in progres-
sion: - the path of vision (dar!;anamarga), - the path of meditation
(bhavanãmarga), - the path of monks who have no more to apply
themselves (asaiksamargc) to destroy vices (dosø).
In the frrst path, one has to observe discipline (Íîla) and to instruct
oneself on the doctrine, hearing the teaching of the dharma (irutamay),
thinking of what one has heard (cintãmayfl and dedicating oneself to
the meditation (bhãvanãmayl). Doing so one can acquire the threefold
wisdom (prajña) related to the name (nãman), to the name and the thing
(artha) and to the thing alone. In order to explain these three types of
wisdom Vasubandhu gives an exemple quite useful to understand the
graduality of the different forms.
A man, unable to swim, has to cross a river, and so he is compelled
to use a life-belt, which corresponds to the name. A second man can
swim, but not very well, so he too has to use the life-belt, even if not
continuously, that means the name and the thing. On the contrary a
third man is quite expert to swim and can cross the river without using
any life-belt, that is to say the thing alonel2'
we have already underlined that the Buddhist spiritual path is based
on the rational investigation Qtrapañcajñãna) used, at least, on the way
to acquire wisdom @rajñQ but, at the beginning' one has to start
prescribing to oneself two types of restrictions (vyapakarsa): one
concerning the body (kaya) and the other the mind (manas). One has to
separate or to disconnect (visamyoga) the five sense-organs Qtañcendriya)
from their own objects (vi;aya), in order to avoid their promisquity
(samsarga) 13 and, moreover, one has to keep away from bad thoughts
(aku1alacitta). A person naturally disposed to renunciation by his
one who has acquired great power") and lives in the western paradise: "the happy land"
(Sukhãvatí), very far away. Cfr B¡nEtu, Ã.: Le bouddhisme, Les Religions de I'lnde, vol.
III, Paris, Payot 1966, pp. 175-176.
12 Cfr VrsusA.¡ottul. Abhidharmakoia, YI, 5'
13 In this way one avoids that such objects (visa.¡,a) become seized objects (alambana).
 126 Pezzali: The spiritual progress...
conduct in the previous lives, provided with small desires (atpeccha) and
who is satisfied with little (samtusta) has not difficulty to accept such
restrictions, but uncontrolled men can find them very hard to practice.
Anyhow, following these prescriptions, one can radicate in oneself
the first good root (kuÍalamuta), which is: "to abandon desires,,
(alobha), that is to say to be satisfied with dress (c,ara), food (pir.td*
pãta), bed or seat (Íayanasana), and to take pleasure in destroying
suffering (duhkha) and in admiring the way of noble people (a-rya). Such
are the four lineages of ãrya (ãryavamia): the three controlled feelings
and the last, which is an activity; these all together are barring the
arising of the thirst (tr;rta), the origin of suffering (duhkhasamudaya).
Proceeding on the path of accumulation of merits (sambharamtarga),
according to one's temper: - one has to enter through the door of the
meditation of horrible (aiubhabhavønã) which, for nature, is undesirable
and it has, as object, the visible (drçya), if in one there is desire (rdga)
prevailing; - one has to enter through the door of the attention of the
breath (ãnãpãnasmrri), which has wisdom þrajña) as nature, and the
wind (vayu) as object, if reasoning (vitarka) is prevailing.
The first practice consists of meditating on deteriorated corps, doing
the correct considerations, the second one is an investigation of the six
aspects of the thing as real (tattva). They are: to count (ganana) till ten
without any distraction; to follow (anugama) the way of the wind; to
frx (sthana) the thought; to observe the characters (upalaksan¿) till one
perceives the five aggregates (skandha); to modify (vivartana) the
thought orientating it towards the good dharms (kuialadharma); to
purify @ariíuddhi) the man in order to prepare him and to make it fit
to enter into the path of vision (dar.íanamãrga) and into the path of
meditation (bhãvanãmãrga)ra. These doors help man for reaching the
concentration (samãdhi) and further to realize the deep insight (vipa-
Syand), Having acquired the calmness (iamatha) one has to connect
knowledge Çñãna) with attention (smrti) and to examine the various
characters of the body (kaya), of the sensation (vedanã). of the thought
(citta) and of the dharma. These are the four applications of the
knowledge to memory (smrtyupasthana).
Then one enters into the path of exercise Qtrayogamãrgø) even if
one's wisdom is not yet perfect, because one is not fully free from the
passions (kleÍa) and from the errors (viparyãsa). Anyhow, the monk
can now know the different aspects of the lour noble truths: to start
ra Cfr Io.: Ibid.,Vl,
12
Pezzali: The spiritual Progress 127
from considering the dharma as painful (duhkha), impermanent (anityø),
empty (íunya) and without any self (anatmika).
After that arises the temporary root of good penetration, called heat
(usmagata), which as fire, burns the passions (kleia). It has, as object,
the four noble truths (caturãryasatya) and their sixteen aspects, which
beside the four aspects, just mentioned, of the first truth the
are
- -
origin (samudaya), lhe successive cause (prabhava), the cause (hetu) and
the condition Qtratyaya); the cessation (nirodha), the calmness (íãnta),
the excellence Qtranita) and the salvation (nihsarana); the way (mãrga),
the logic (nyaya), the acquirement Qtratipatt) and the definitive going
out (nairyãnika).
The heat (usmagata) can have three degrees: weak, medium and
strong, and it gives birth to the three heads or summits (murdhan), that
are not steady and may have also three degrees, just increasing. At their
turn, they lead to the patience (ksanti) which has also the usual three
degrees.
All these roots: heat (usmagata), heads (murdhan), patience (kçanti)
and the supreme dharma (øgradharma) are typically of people living on
the Kämadhãtu: men and godsls. In order to reach this stage one has
to live, at least, three existences: - in the first existence one has to plant
the roots of liberations (moksabhãgtya), - in the second existence the
roots of detachement (nirvedhabhãgîya), - in the third existence man
can enter into the path of vision (dar!;anamãrga).
In the path of vision, that is very important, the sixteen aspects of the
four noble truthsló are known by eight patiences (ksanti) and eight
knowledges Çñana) that follow each other in this manner. At the
beginning, from the superior worldly dharmarl proceeds a patience of
the knowledge of the dharma(dharmajñãnaksãntfl, to which follows the
knowledge of the dharma (dharmaiñâna) referríng to the Kãmadhãtu,
then arises the patience of consecutive knowledge (anvayaiñãnøksanti)
followed, at its turn, by the consecutive knowledge (ønvayajñãna),
relating to the Rùpadhãtu and to the Ãrùpyadhãtu18, and so on. Here
the patiences and the knowledges are pure (viíuddhi) and the person on
1s The other three or four classes olbeings (nãraka, liryagyoni, preta and asura) ol The
Kãmadhãtu have inferior lorms of existences. Only men (manu;ya) and gods (deva) can
really proceed on the spiritual path.
16 See above the four aspects of each noble Trufh (àryasatya), that are mentioned in
detail.
t1 Laukikãgradharma.
18 Here the object is suffering (duhkha) and for the other twelve aspects, four for each
truth, the relative object are: the origin (samudaya), the cessation (nirodha) and the path
(marga).
128 Pezzali: The sPiritual Progress 129
Pezzalil. The spiritual Progress

the way can become a noble maî (ãrya) and he starts to enjoy the fruits becomes an arhant, one who has no more to apply himself
to obtain
of the religious liîe (iramanyaphala). According to the detachment from îrúts (a|aiksa). He can be an object of cult (puiarha) from the inferior
passions: from some, from many or from all the passions (kleia), he people. There are even other different varieties of saints, but they are
enters into ihe current (srota-ãpannø), he deserves to come no more that not on the summit; they are Saiksa, because they have still to obtain the
for an existence, becoming a sakrdagamin, or he lives his last five, being disconnection (visamyoga) from passions (kleia)'
an anagamin. The arhant, who has already acquired the knowledge of destruction
The noble man can proceed in the way of liberation as a person (ksayajñana) of passions (kleía), acquires the knowledge of the non-
based on faith (iraddhanusarin) or based on dharma (dharmãnusãrin), production (anutpãdajñana) or vices (dosa) for the future times.
that means endowed with weak or sharp faculties. Awakening or enlightment (bodhi) is the correct knowledge (samyak'
The religious life (Srdmanya) is constituted of eightynine paths of jñãna), which destroys desire (: detachment, virãgadhatu)' all types of
expulsion (ãnantaryamãrga) and of eightynine paths of liberation iassions (: abandonment, prahanadhatu)
and the object (: cessation'
(vimuktimãrgc). They are divided in this manner: eight paths of expul- iirodhadhtatu). The arhant that reaches the knowledge of cessation
sion and eight paths of liberation are obtained in the path of vision (nirodhajñana) enters into nirvãna with residuary condition Qtratisam-
(darianamãrga) and eightyone paths of expulsion and eightyone paths khyanrrodha or sopadhi|esanirvãna) to which follows the real nirvãna
of liberation are the stages of the path of meditation (bhãvanamarga). Qt ar inirv ãna or nirup adhií es anir v ãna).
This last path embraces in all, one hundred and sixtytwo moments, Naturally the various sects of Hrnayãna differ from each other in
posi-
because the passions (kleSa), that one has to overcome, are divided in some details of the doctrine. Generally Vasubandhu exposes the
the nine levels (bhumi) or lands of the threefold world: one level is the tion of the Sarvãstivãdin-vaibhãsika and, at times, he refers also the
Kãmadhãtu, four are the four meditations (dhyAna) of the Rupadhãtu, position of other sects, but he accepts often the statement of the
and four are the four contemplations (samapatti) of the Ãrupyadhãtu. Sautrãntika.
But every stage can have, in its turn, nine possibilities of weak, medium
and strong status; so that, in the path of meditation (bhavanamarga) we
reach the number of eightyone stages for every type of abandonment,
expulsion or liberation.
Religious ljfe (írãmanyø) is a very pure path (viÍuddhimarga) and its
fruits (Sr amany ap hala) are conditio ned (s amskr t adharma) and incondi-
tioned dharma (asamskrtadharma). The last fruit is the arhantwood or
the perfection (arhantva) that acquires the noble man (arya), who
reaches the summit of existence (bhavagra). At the end of the way one
becomes an arhant, but one cannot reach such position through a
wordly path (l aukik amãr g a).
The Íraddhãnusarin becomes a Íraddhadhimukta, one informed by
inspiration and the dharmdnusãnn becomes a drstipraptø, one who
reaches wisdom (prajña) and that is bent on the speculative lile (dy;¡i).
A man can proceed gradually (anupùrva) following all the steps of the
religious life, or not gradually proceeding by worldly paths (laukika-
marga). In the first case, at each stage, he has to destroy nine types of
vices (dosa) and to acquire nine qualities (guna).
The anagamù¿ when reaches the ninth path of abandonment, which is
called 'the concentration similar to the diamond (vajropamasømadhi)
and he cuts all the bad tendencies (anuiaya), at that very moment he
 BUDDHA BHAKTI AND THE ABSBNCE
OF THE BLESSED ONE

John S. SrnoNc*

In his many works and translations, Etienne Lamotte never neglected

the popular side of the great religion he knew so well. His pages and
footnotes, models of erudition, are also mines of references to Buddhist
legends, to stories of saints, and to the development of what he called
"la religion bouddhique". In this paper in tribute to him, I would like
to deal with a classic, familiar paradox in the study of Buddhist ritual:
the paradox of the "presence" of the Buddha in various foci of
devotion (relics, stüpas, images, bodhi trees), despite his "absence"
after his parinirvãla.
As is well known, at least from the perspective of Theravãda doctrine,
after his death, the Buddha cannot be said to exist in this world.
Neither, ofcourse, does he not exist, both exist and not exist, or neither
exist nor not exist. Indeed, as Nãgãrjuna put it, in Steve Beyer's
memorable translation :

after his final cessation

the Blessed one isnt is
(isnt isnt) isnt is & isnt
isnt isnt is & isntl
Nonetheless, as Paul Mus2 showed long ago, and as Gregory Scho-
pen3 has reasserted more recently, there is much evidence to support
the view that the Buddha, in his stüpas and in other focal points, was
thought to be alive and present in this world. Or, as lhe Mahãvamsa
put it: "When the relics are seen, the Buddha is seen"a.
* Bates College Department of Religion and Philosophy Lewiston, Maine 04240 USA

1 Stephan Beyer, The Buddhist Experience (Encino, CA: Dickenson Publishing Co.,'
1974), p.214. Text in Nãgarjuna, Mùlamadhyamakakarikãh, ed. J. W. de Jong (Madras:
Adyar Library, 1977), p. 39.
2 Paul Mus, Barabu(ur: Esquisse d'une histoire du Bouddhisme fondée sur la critique
archéologique des textes (Hanoi : Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1935).
3 Gregory Schopen, "On the Buddha and his Bones: the Conception ol a Relic in the
Inscriptions of Nãgãrjunikonda, "JAOS 106 (1985); idem, "Burial'Ad Sanctos'and the
Physical Presence ofthe Buddha in Early Indian Buddhism: A Study in the Archeology of
Religions", Religion l7 (1987): 193-225.
a Wilhelm Geiger, ed., The Mahãvalnsø (London: Pali Text Society, 1908), p. 133
132 Strong: Buddha Bhakti
several scholars have tried to resolve this paradox, that the Buddha
is both gone utterly beyond and yet still here with us. paul Mus
attempted to do so by appealing to another paradox the notion of
"magical projection" which, he claimed, operated in the - ,,mesocosmic
milieu" of the stüpas. Richard Gombrich, encountering the puzzle in
present-day Sri Lankã, has suggested that, while Buddhists ,.cognitively,'
know that the Buddha in Nirvãna is not in the Buddha image (and will
often say so when asked), they nonetheless "affectively" feel his presence
there and express that in ritual devotionó. More recently, Stanley
Tambiah has proposed to see the Buddha image as an ..indexical
symbol", with a double role of relating back to the Buddha by a
conventional semantic rule, and, at the same time, relating pragmati-
cally, or existentially, to its immediate context?.
Most of these "solutions", however, take as their object the ,,problem"
as it exists in the Theravãda, where the paradox, due to notions of the
historicity of the Buddha and the nature of enlightenment, is particu-
larly acute. I would like to take a somewhat different approach to this
well worn question, by focussing on it from the perspective of the
Sarvãstivãda or at least of the popular religious traditions of Northwest
India around the turn of the common era. I do this for two reasons:
first, because Buddha images themselves may well have originally arisen
within a Sarvãstivãda context in Northwestern Indias; and secondly,
because it seems to me that the Sarvãstivãdin understanding of time
may shed some light on this question.
As is well known, the Sarvãstivãdins propound, as their chief tenet,
the theory that dharmas exist in all three times not only the present,
-
but the past, and the future as welle. This assertion was to get them
(dhãtusu ditthesu dittho hoti jino). Tr. raken lrom schopen, "Burial Ad Sancros",
pp.210-ll.
s See Mus, l:100.
ó Richard Gombrich, Precept and Practice (Oxford:
University press, l97l), pp.4_10,
142.
7 Stanley J. Tambiah, The Buddhist saints of the
Forest and rhe cult of Amulets
(Cambridge: University Press, 1984), pp.4, 132. Here he is drawing on thà work of
Arthur Burks and Roman Jakobson.
I On this much debated issue, see, most recently, A. K. Narain, ..First Images ol the
Buddha and Bodhisattvas: Ideology and chronology", studies in Budtlhist Art of south
Asia,ed. A.K. Narain. (New Delhi, 1985), pp. l-21;and J.E. Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw,
"New Evidence with Regard to the origin of the Buddha Image", souîh Asian Archaeology,
1979, pp.377-400.
e on this, see Louis de La vallée Poussin, "Documents
d'Abhidharma: la controverse
du temps", MCB 5 (1936-37): 128-34; Th. Stcherbatsky, The Cental Conception of
Buddhism and the Meaning of the word "Dharma". (reprint ed., Delhi: Motilal banarsi-
,-l
Strong: Buddha Bhakti 133
into philosophical trouble with scholastics in other Br.rddhist schools
who vehemently disputed their view. Here, however, I am not interested
in the scholastic/philosophical dimensions of their doctrine but in its
repercussions at the popular level. Buddhologists interested in the
Sarvãstivádins have, for the most part, focussed on their Abhidharma
or their Vinaya, but they have paid comparatively little attention to the
application of their doctrines to everyday religious life, and have failed
to address, for instance, questions such as what the Sarvãstivãdin
doctrine of time might have meant not to ontologists but to
ordinary lay Buddhists.
-
Some may, of course, assert that it meant nothing to ordinary
Buddhists, that the label "Sarvãstivãdin" has no relevance at all the
popular level and was applicable only to monks following a certain
Vinaya or to scholastic debaters advocating certain views. We do have,
however, extensive inscriptional evidence which testifies to the activities
of laymen and women who clearly thought of themselves as supporters
and followers of Sarvãstivadinsl0; and we do know that it was prob-
ably among Sarvãstivãclins that such popular texts as the avadãnas
came to be collected in anthologies and also incorporated into the
Buddhist Canon as a separate genre 11. Thus, though laypersons may
never have called themselves "Sarvãstivãdins", they were nonetheless
aware of that epithet and of the view that went with it. For them at
least, the Sarvastivadin view of time could appear to give additional
thrust, additional reality, to the workings of karma, and to the claims
of enlightened persons "seeing" (i.e., recollecting) events in the past
(such as former lives), as well as to their "seeing" (i.e., predicting)
events in the future.
When applied to the worship of the Buddha image, the Sarvastivãdin
notion of time may have had additional implications. As I have spelled
out more fully elsewheret2, from a Sarvãstivãdin perspective, though
the Buddha cannot be said to be "present" in an image, he can be said
to be "past". In this light, images (stüpas, relics, bodhi trees) do not
make "present" something "absent"; rather they and the sentiment
of bhakti directed towards them
-
enable the worshipper to overcome
-
dass, 1970), pp.76-91; and Paul M. Vr'illiams, "On the Abhidharma Ontology", Journal of
Indian Philosophy 9 (1981): 221-51.
r0 For a list of some ol these, see Etienne Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien
(Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1958), pp. 578-79.
tr
On the ninefold and twelvefold division of the Buddha's Word, see ibid., pp. 157-60.
On the Sarvãstivãdins'role in this, see also Edward J. Thomas, "Avadãna and Apadãna",
IHQ 9 (1933): 32-36.
r2 JohnStrong,?nåeLegendandCultof Upagupla(Princeton:UniversityPress, l99l).
 134 Strong: Buddha Bhakti
the barriers of time. They make possible a religious experience, not of
the Buddha's presence, but of his pastness, i,e., of his absence, his
impermanence, his non-manifestness in the here and now. Indeed, from
a Sarvastivãdin viewpoint, the Buddha may be said to exist after his
parinirväna, but entirely in the past. The worship of the Buddha image,
then, involves a double realization which perforce embodies the two
sides of our paradox: of the Buddha's presence (in the past) and of his
absence (in the present).
Three examples
In the remainder of this paper, I would like to illustrate all of this
and interpret it further, by looking at three specific examples of
devotion directed towards Buddha images. The first of these comes
from a well known story, found in the Divyavadãnar3, the Kalpanaman-
ditikara, the Damamûkanídãna sûtrars, the Lokapaññalli 1ó, and else-
where17, of the elder Upagupta asking Mãra to show him the form of
the Buddha. Upagupta has never seen the Blessed One's physical body
(his rüpakaya), eventhough, as an enlightened arhat, he has seen his
dharmakãya. He therefore asks Mãra, whom he has just converted to
Buddhism, to use his magical powers of transformation and take on the
appearance of the Buddha. Mãra agrees to this but only on condition
that Upagupta not get carried away and bow down to him, claiming
that were the elder to do so, he, Mãra, would be consumed by fire.
Mãra then retires to the forest and reemerges in the guise of the
Buddha, complete with the major and minor marks of the mahãpurusa
13 The Di,tyãvadãna: A Collectíon of Early Buddhist Legends, ed. Edward B.Cowell
and Robert A. Neil (Cambridge: University Press, 1886), pp. 360-63 (eng. tr., John
Slrong, The Legend of King Aíoka lPrinceton: University press, l9g3l, pp. 192-97. See
also1.2042, vol. 50, pp. I l8c-120b (fr. tr,, Jean Przyluski, La légende de I'empereur Açoka
[Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1923],pp.353-62;and,T,2043, vol.50, pp.159a-l6la (ger. tr. by
E. waldschmidt in Heinrich Lijders, Bruchstücke der Kalpanamandítika des Kumãralãta
lLeipzig, 1926), 7 7 -83.
t4'1,201,vol.4,pp.307c-309b(fr.tr.,EdouardHuber, Sûtràlamkãra[paris:E.Le-
roux, 19081, pp. 263-73.
ts T. 202, vol. 4, pp. M2b-443c (ger. tr. of Tibetan, I. J. Schmidt,
þDsangs blun oder der
Weise und der Thor lSt. Petersburg, 18431 2:382-91; eng. tr. of Mongolian, Stanley Frye,
The sutra of the wise and the Foolish [Dharmsala: Library of ribetan Archives, l98l],
pp. 233-3s).
16 Eugène Denis, Lø Lokapaññaui
et les idées cosmologiques du Bouddhisme ancien
(Lille, 1977) l:170-74 (text),2:150-52 (fr. tr.).
17 See also Sylvain Lévi, "La Drstântapankti et son auteur,,, JA2ll (192l.): ll9-25;
for other references, Etienne Lamotte, The Teaching of Vimalakîrti, tr. Sara Boin
(London, 1976), p. 100n.
Strong: Buddha Bhakti 135
and a whole coterie of disciples. Upagupta immediately becomes excited,
thinking, "so this is what the form of the Buddha looked like", and,
rising from his seat, he exclaims: "Woe! Woe! to that pitiless imper-
manence that cuts off forms with qualities such as these! For the Great
Sage's body which is like this has been touched by impermanence and
has suffered destruction". Then, however, his bhakti deepens, and as he
contemplates the various details of the Buddha's body, he gets more
and more carried away, and, coming to think that the form in front of
him ¡s the Buddha, he bows down in front of it "like a tree cut off at
the root". At this point, Mãra, not wishing to be consumed by the fire
of the elder's possibly misdirected veneration, puts an end to the
sceìario by interrupting Upagupta's devotions and accusing him of
violating his pledge not to worship him. Upagupta, however, claims
that he has not violated his pledge: "f know", he tells Mãra, "that the
Best of Speakers has gone altogether to extinction, like a fire swamped
by water. Even so, when I see his figure, which is pleasing to the eye, I
bow down before that Sage. But I do not revere you!ta"
In support of this claim, Upagupta goes on to make an explicit
reference to image worship, r;omparing his actions to those of "men
who bow down to clay images of the gods knowing that what they
worship is the god and not the clay". This passage has much excited art
historians who see in it one of the earliest references to image worship
in Buddhist literaturele, but what interests me here is the pattern which
Upagupta's bhakti appears to exhibit, at both the first level of his
encounter with the image as well as at the more developed, deeper level.
There is an initial realization of the gloriousness of the Blessed One's
body, which, through the practice of Buddha-anusmrti, can translate
into a realization of his actual presence, followed by a re-realization of
his absence, i.e., of the fact that he has gone utterly to destruction.
This pattern may also be detected in a second equally well known
example of Buddha bhakti from Northwestern India: that of the so-
called Cave of the Buddha's Shadow at Nagarahara (in present day
Afghanistan). Here, we may profitably turn to several somewhat later
sources: the so-called Buddhãnusmrti samddhi sûta (Kuan fo san mei hai
ching)2o, the "Gopâlanãgadamanãvadäna" (Avaddnakalpalatã 56)2t,
t8 Divydvadãna., pp. 360-63.
re See O.C. Gangoly, "The Antiquity of the Buddha-Image: The Cult of the
Buddha", Ostasiatische Zeitschrift 14 (1938): 4l-59; and Prudence Myer, "Bodhisattvas
and Buddhas: Early Buddhist Images from Mathurã", Artibus Asiae 47 (1986): 107-42.
20 T.643, vol. 15, pp. 679b-681b (fr. tr., Jean Przyluski, "Le Nord-ouest de I'Inde
dans
le Vinaya des Mùlasarvãstivãdin et les textes apparentés", JA 4 (1914): 565-68.
21 Avadãnakalpalata of Kçemendra, ed. P.L. Vaidya (Darbhanga: Mithila Institute,
I 959) 2:338-40.

136 Strong: Buddha Bhakti
and various Chinese pilgrims'accounts of their visit to the cave22. The
story can quickly be told: A dragon, the nãga Gopãla, is ravaging the
region of Nagarahara. The local inhabitants call on the Buddha for
help; he arrives, defeats the demon, and converts him to Buddhism. He
then consents to stay a while in Gopãla's cave, but eventually it comes
time for him to leave. This greatly distresses the nãga king. .,Blessed
One", he cries, "I pray you to remain here always. Why leave me and
make it so that I will no longer see the Buddha? I will then surely
commit evil deeds and fall into a lower realm of rebirth!23"
At this point, in its version of the story, the Avadanakalpalatã sfares
rather cryptically that the Buddha then "arranged it so as to always be
near [Gopãla's] abode"2a. The Buddhãnusmrti samãdhi sutra is more
explicit: it has the Buddha accept Gopãla's invitation to remain with
him always, and describes him as performing various miracles, after
which he bodily penetrates into the solid rock wall of the cave, and
remains seated there, his luminescence visible through the stone2s.
Given this, it is not surprising that the cave of the Buddha's shadow
(which is not really a shadow at all but a sort of luminous reflcction)
should have become a famous pilgrimage site in Northwestern India,
visited by many of the chinese pilgrims. Hsüan-tsang's visit to the site
is dramatic and well known, and nearly precipitated in him a crisis of
faith. According to his biographer, when he arrived at the cave, Hsüan-
tsang was most distressed that he could seen nothing. His guide told
him to go right in, back away fifty paces from the far wall and look
East. He did so but still he saw nothing. He then prostrated himself one
hundred times, but once again there was nothing. Then, sobbing and
reproaching himself for his bad karma, he began reciting sütras and
gãthas, prostrating himself again and again. Finally, he saw a dim glow
on the far wall, but it disappeared immediately. Disappointed, yet
encouraged, he recommenced his salutations, vowing not to leave until
he had seen the full reflection of the Blessed One. And at long last, the
image of the Buddha appeared, in full detail, brilliantly white on the far
wall, and Hsüan-tsang contemplated it in joyful ecstasy, until finally it
faded away2ó.
22 In particular, Hsüan-tsang's. See T.2087, vol.51, p.B79a (eng.
tr., Thomas
Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, freprint ed., Delhi: Munshiram Manohar
Lal, l96ll, l:198).
23 T.643, vol. 15, p. 68la (fr. tr., Przyluski, pp. 567-68).
2a Avk.2:339. See also here Sylvain Lêvi, "Le catalogue géographique
des yaksa dans
la Mahâmãyuri", JA 1915, p. 82.
25 T.643, vol. 15, p. 68la (fr. tr., Przyluski, p. 568).
2ó See T.2053, vol. 50, pp.229b-230a (eng. tr., Li Yung-Hs| The
Life of Hsüan-tsang
'l
Strong: Buddha Bhakti t37
Other pilgrims' accounts of this sight are much less personal and
dramatic. They all agree, however, that the Buddha's reflection in the
cave had a certain mirage-like quality so that the closer one got to it,
the more it faded away. "From a distance of more than ten paces",
declares Fa-hsien, "you can see the Buddha's real form, with his
complexion of gold and his characteristic marks ... The nearer you
approach, however, the fainter it becomes"2?. Tao-jung (6th cent.)
gives a similar account. He claims to have seen the shadow from a
distance of fifteen feet into the cave. As he drew nearer, it gradually
disappeared, and, when he touched the spot with his hand, there was
nothing there but the rock wall28.
Because of this mirage-like quality, scholars have supposed that there
must have been, in this cave at Nagarahara, some natural phenomenon,
some reflective surface that caught the light from certain angles and
caused a glow in the depths of the grotto. They are no doubt correct,
but that should not detract us from the devotional significance of this
image. It was, in fact, this mirage-like quality that artists attempting to
make copies of the Nagarahara "shadow" sought to reproduce.
Although Fa-hsien declares that artists commissioned to copy it were
unable to do so successfulll 2e, soon after his time, by the 450s, a Sri
Lankan monk named Buddhanandi arrived in China with a painting of
the shadow which he had made on the way. It had, we are told, the
same qualities as the original. From a distance of ten paces, it shone
like fire, but the closer one got to it, the more its brightness faded3o.
Similarly, the replica of the Nagarahara image commissioned by Hui-
yüan at Lu Shan is well-known3r.
I would suggest that in these accounts, we have a translation into
spatial terms, of the same dual experience, which, from a Sarvãstivãdin
perspective, would be expressed in temporal terms. The Buddha is
visible lrom a distance, i.e., when he is far away, in the past, but he is
Compiled by Hui-li [Peking: Chinese Buddhist Association, 1959], 6l-ó2). See also René
Grousset, In the Footsteps of the Buddha, tr. J.A. Underwood (New York: Grossman
Publishers, l97l), pp. 102-103.
'?? T. 2085, vol. 51,
p. 859a (eng. tr., James Legge, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms
[reprint ed., New York: Paragon Book Co., 1965], p. 39.
28 T,2092, vol. 51, pp. l02lc-1022a (eng. tr., Wang Yi-t'ung, A Record of Buddhisr
Monasteries in Lo-Yang (Princeton: University Press, 19841, p.244). See also Edouard
Chavannes, "Voyage de Song Yun dans I'Udyana et le Gandhara", BEFEO 3 (1903):
428.
2e T. 2085, vol. 51, p. 859a (eng. tr., Legge, p. 39).
30 See James Ware, "Weishou on Buddhism", TP 30 (1933): l5ó.
3r See Erik Zúrcher,The Buddhist Conquest ofChina (Leiden: E.J.
Britl, 1959), pp.
224-43.
 138 Strong: Buddha Bhakti
not visible up close, i.e., nearby, in the present. At the same time,
Hsüan-tsang's account suggests that this vision does not always come
easily. Great effort, and fervent devotion may be required in order to
see (one is tempted here to say visualize) the Blessed One from a
distance. Indeed, for this reason, the Buddha's reflection in the Cave at
Nagarahara seems to have been a good object of devotion, for its very
unsteadiness made it a good concentration device for visualizing the
Blessed One.
Hsüan-tsang's efforts bring me to my third example, preserved in the
story of Phussadeva, a monk whose legend may be found in its fullest
version in the Sîhalavatthuppakørana, an important Pali collection of
tales dating perhaps from the fourth century. Here we are entering a
Theravãda world, but one which, as we shall see, is not without
connections to the milieu we have been describing. Like Upagupta,
Phussadeva asks Mara to take on for him the form of the Blessed One.
Mãra does so, and Phussadeva, seeing the figure of the Great Sage in
all its glory, profers an añjali, and, with tears in his eyes, with great
faith, he recollects the qualities of the Buddha32.
There then follows a long ecstatic description of the Buddha's body,
starting at his feet and working up to the top of his head, and touching
on each of thirty-two marks of the mahãpurusa. Clearly, Phussadeva,
like Upagupta, is getting carried away by his devotion and vision. Just,
however, at that point where one would expect him to prostrate himself
fully on the ground in front of Mara, he abruptly stops and declares the
truth of impermanence: "Such is the wholly enlightened Jina, the best
of all beings", he announces, "but he has succumbed to impermanence,
gone to destruction; one cannot see him"33. Phussadeva then resumes
his description of the Buddha body in front of him, but this time in
reverse order, from head to toe (or rather from usnîsa to pãdatala), and
this time pausing at each of the marks of the Great Man, to describe it
and then to declare it to be "gone to destruction and not seen". In this
way, the body of the Buddha that has just been glorified is decon-
structed and realized to be no longer present. And Phussadeva, gaining
insight from the form created by Mãra, attains arhatship3a.
32 Jacqueline
Ver Eecke, Le Sîhalavatthuppakaralta: texte pali et traduction (Paris
E.F.E.O., 1980), p. 20 (text), p.23 (fr. tr).
33 Ibid., p.2l (text), p. 23 (fr. tr.).
34 lbid., p. 2l (text), p.24 (ft. tr.).
Strong: Buddha Bhakti 139
Conclusion
By way of conclusion, I would like briefly to make three points about
the examples we have considered, and suggest them as areas for future
research.
First, we have seen that the veneration of the Buddha image involves
at least two things: an initial realization of the presence of the Blessed
One in the image, followed by a renewed realization of his absence. The
Sarvãstivãdin doctrine of time, we have suggested, makes it possible to
take seriously the reality of both this presence (a past reality) and this
absence (a present reality).
Alternatively, it might be asserted, in terms of temporal sequences
with which we are more commonly familiar, that Buddha bhakti is a
devotional attempt to reenact the life of the Blessed One from his birth
to his parinirvãna, i.e., from his presence to his absence. In this, the
worship of the Buddha image is experientially akin to the circumambu-
lations made by pilgrims around early Buddhist stüpas, where, with the
aid of friezes and other symbolic devices, they retraced the life of the
Buddha from its beginning in the jãtakas to its end in the relics. Both
acts should be seen as pilgrimages that move into the past and back to
the present, and provide the devotee with a vivid enough appreciation
of the Buddha's actuality to engender in him a full realization of the
truth of his impermanence and non-self. That Buddha bhakti aims not
so much at "worship" of the Blessed One per se as at the enlightenment
of the devotee, I take as one of its given features.
Secondly, there are several ways in which the present absence of the
Buddha is reasserted by the devotee, and one of these simply consists of
doctrinal statements. Richard Gombrich is quite right that Theravãdins
today "affectively" feel that the Buddha is present in the image and
"cognitivelyo' state that he is absent. What he does not spell out,
however, is that such "cognitive statements" do not contradict the
ritual: they are themselves part of it, ritual formulae that remind the
devotee of the Buddha's impermanence. Such doctrinal "cognition"
completes the pilgrimage of the devote who has just recollected the past
glory of the Buddha and who now returns to a present realization ol his
absence.
Another way of viewing this process might be in terms of the model
that came to be epitomized in Tantric meditations in which the adept,
visualizing the form of a Buddha or bodhisattva, always makes sure to
"deconstruct" his visualization and return the forms he has created to
emptiness at the end of his meditation.
 140 Strong: Buddha Bhakti
Finally, it should be remembered that Buddhism was by no means
the only devotional tradition in India to play on the theme of the
absence of a divinity. clearly the concept of what Friedhelm Hardy has
featured as "viraha bhakti" (the bhakti of separation) may be significant
here. we cannot examine this Krsnaite movement here, but it may
perhaps best be summarized (as Hardy himself does) in the words of
Godbole, a character in E. M. Forster's passage to India:
"What was that?" asked Fielding.
"I will explain in detail [replied Godbole]. It was a religious song. I
placed myself in the position of a milkmaiden. I say to Shri Krishna
'Come! Come to me only.' The god refuses to come..."
"But He comes in some other song, I hope?" said Mrs. Moore
gently.
"Oh no, he refuses to come", repeated Godbole... ,.I say to him,
Come, come, come, come, come, come. He neglects to come"35.
The difference in the Buddhist cases we have been looking at, of
course' is apparent. unlike Krç+a, the Buddha does come: he comes,
but then he goes away again. He is, in other words, a Tathãgata.
3s E.M' Forster, A Passage to
India (New york, 1924), p.gO. See also Friedhelm
Hardy, viraha-Bhakti; The Early History of K¡qrya Devotion in south India (Delhi: Morilal
Banarsidass, 1983). pp. 3-4.
THE BODHISATTVA AS A BUDDHIST SAINT
Francis V. Trso*
I. What is a Saint?
The saint, in those religions that recognize sanctity, is the attainer of
a high degree of spiritual perfection, who is also accorded cultic
recognition by the community of believers. The saint is perceived as a
source of mysterious power precisely on the basis of an interior state of
perfection irreversibly r ealized.
The Early Buddhist saint, the Arhat, is one of several 'sacred'
persons to whom offerings may be made. The spiritual attainments of
the Arhat received extensive elaboration and critical investigation in the
history of Buddhist scholasticism 1.
The present article examines the ideal figure of Mahâyâna Buddhism,
the Bodhisattva, as a being of high spiritual realization, worthy of the
veneration of the Buddhist community.
In early Buddhism, the Bodhisattva was a being closely approaching
Buddhahood through the rigorous practice of the virtues. In Mahâyâna
Buddhism, the Bodhisattva emerged as a supreme spiritual ideal,
worthy of worship, and suffused with salvific power. How did this
development occur?
II. The Missionary Monk as a Bodhisattva
The transformation of Buddhism in the northwestern corn€r of the
Indian subcontinent was the result both of historical pressure and the
concomitant emergence of new avenues of critical reflection. Scholarly
opinion on the exact chronology of this process is far from settled; in
fact we lack even a consistent methodology for reconstructing the
sequence of historical events.
It is known that even before Aéoka, Buddhist monks had implanted
the Dharma beyond the confines of Magadha. During the Mauryan
* Eremo Ss. Cosma e Damiano I. 86170 Isernia, ITALY.
I See especially ihe Abhidharmako.í¿ olVasubandhu, Chapter VI, "The Saints and the
Path".
 Saint 143
Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist
142 Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint
the foreigners'
The monk who preached effectively enough to convert
period (concluding ca. 230 B.C.), the Buddhist presence reached at least who
who founded new monasteries, endowed stûpas and libraries'
as far as Taksaéilã. Subsequently, under the Sungas' monks may have enormous value
gained royal and merchant patronage' soon acquired
abandoned their centers in Magadha to go west. Linguistic and archeo- indispensible' Such
logical evidence suggests that they were received by already-existing
ior the Saagha and, in a certain sense, became
exclusively in solitary meditation
leaders could not have spent their time
Buddhist communities. The northwest was a meeting ground of Helle- enstablishments,
in the forest. Theirs was the ambient of large monastic
nistic, Indo-Parthian, Saka, and other cultures in the three centuries from the excavations
the royal courts, and the marketplace' as we know
after the fall of the Mauryas2 where Buddhist monks were introducing
atTaksaéiläandinAndhraPradesh'Forthesereligieux'thecompas-
the new arrivals to the doctrines of Sâkyamuni. rivaling that of
sionate action of teaching acquired an aura of sanctity
Toiling to transform the mentality of the newly converted, they the path of purification in a
their confrères who still sought to practice
seized upon elements already present in early Buddhism, such as the
hermitage.
veneration of the stûpa (activated by the presence of relics or sacred
texts). Such practices had evolved considerably under the Mauryas and
could now be transmitted as a skillful means for awakening devotion. III. Systematic Development of the Bodhisattva ldeal
This technique for engaging the faithful in merit-producing activity
proved controversial with the Buddhist monastic community and, along EdwardConze,sstudyoftheearlyMahâyânasûtrasilluminatesthe
with the well-known critique of the Arhat, contributed to the formation systematic side of this process' The Buddhist Saint
is an earnest
..detàched himself from conditioned things to such
of a distinct new theoretical position around the figure of the Bodhi- practitioner who has
path which leads to
sattva as the embodiment of a spiritual ideal3. an extent that he can now effectively turn to the
plane of existence
Lay piety contributed significantly to the emergence of the Bodhi- Ñiruânu" s. These 'saints' are the ârya, who occupy a
with being born
sattva as an object of cult. Already, the Bodhisattva of early Buddhism distinct from that of the prthagjana, for, "not content
rebirth"6. This
had been popularized in the Jâtaka tales of the former lives of satya- in the normal way, the saints have undergone a spiritual
on the monastic path
muni. However, in the continuing debate over the precise nature of the description can apply to the Srâvaka (the disciple
..emergence" of the Mahâyâna form of Buddhism, it would seem that
toward Arhatship), to the Pratyekabuddha (a solitary attainer of
the new ideal could not have emerged exclusively in either the lay or the enlightenmeng, and to the Bodhisattva, who alone
is on the path to
monastic milieux. Akira Hirakawa describes the appearance of a distinct supreme enlightenment as a Buddha'
non-monastic group, the bodhisattvagqna, which arose under the ThedistinguishingmarkoftheBodhisattvaisgenerosity(Skt.:
responds with great
influence of lay patrons such as princes and merchants. Just as the dana);this viitue is based on a heroic altruism that
suffering of beings
earlier Mahâyâna texts (e.g. Mahâvastu; Astasâhasrikâpraiñôpâramitô) senriiiuity, compassion, and self-forgetfulness to the
life of its own'
were being produced, this group took shape in both the Andhra in all circumstances. This ideal seems to have taken on a
The
country and in Gandhâraa. with a liturgical cult and an increasingly vast body of scriptures'
absolutely pure and liberated Arhat retained a
certain dignity and
Early Buddhist monks who served the foreign invaders by preaching,
writing, and teaching, presented a new ideal to the Buddhist community. sanctityintheearlyMahâyânasûtras,buttheBodhisattvahadcaptured
history' The
2 A. L. Basham, "The Evolution of the concept of the Bodhisattva", in Leslie
the reíigious imagination of a new epoch in Buddhist
S. Kawamura, ed., The Bodhísattva Doctrine in Buddhism (ontario: wilfred Laurier Bodhisattvapresentedatwofoldmodelofholiness:asacelestial
University Press, l98l), pp.46-48. See also, Joseph E. Schwartzberg, Historical Atlas of advocateforhumanbeingsandasapersonalidealforwhatthefaithful
South Asia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), Plates IILB.4; IILC. l; III.C.2. themselves might attainT.
3 See especially-: s.N. Dube. cross currents in Early Buddhism (New Delhi: Manohar,
1980), chapters III and V.
o'Akira Hirakawa, "The Rise of Mahâyâna Buddhism and'its Relationship to the s Edward conze, Buddhist wisdom -Books (London: George Allen & unwin' 1958)'
\{orship of stûpas", Memoirs of the Research Department of the Tokyo Bunko^No.22 p. 38.
(Tokyo, 1963): 57-106. And: Alex and Hideko Wayman' The Lion's Roør of Queen 6 lbid.
Sr¡^ât" (Neí york: Columbia University Press, 1974), p.8, where the information is 7 See: David L. Snellgrove, "sanctified Man in Mahâyâna Buddhism"' s¡udia
used to date this sûtra.
 144 Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint
Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint 145

Among the "missionary" monks of increasingly Mahâyâna inclina-

The path of someone so eager for heroic virtue is founded upon the
tion, the Bodhisattva ideal evolved ever more explicitly as .,someone
"thought of enlightenment", bodhicitta, the enlightened, altruistic aspi-
destined to be a Buddha, but who, in order to help suffering creatures,
ration, without which the Bodhisattva ideal is nothing but illusion and
selflessly postpones his entrance into the bliss of Nirvâna and his
escape supreme egoism. The career of the true Bodhisattva therefore consists
from this world of birth and death"8. This intention was concretized in
of:
the form of a vowe. such an altruist assists the spiritual development
others principally by teaching, i.e., making a gift of Dharma. He thus
of l. Bodhicitta: the aspiration to attain enlightenment not only for
oneself, but with the intention of benefitting others.
relieves suffering, since to teach the Doctrine is to administer
the 2. The practice of the Six Perfections (virtues).
medicine by which beings are cured of the disease of desire, ire,
and- 3. The attainment of Buddhahood, conceived as distinct from
above all-ignorance, which constitutes the basis of all suffering. Just
as mere Arhatship to.
after death the Bodhisattva returns time after time to assist beings on
A systematic development of the distinction between the Arhat and
the path, so too in this lifelo, he refrains from the thoroughgoing
program of yogic practice that would propel him toward Arhatship.
the Bodhisattva followed upon the "perfection of wisdom" scrip-
turesls. When we examine the texts on the greatness of the Bodhi-
Thus, the Bodhisattva advances the presence of the Buddha-dharma
in sattva, the clear intention is to present the Bodhisattva as a superior
the world, apparently at his own expense even in the sphere of spiritual
kind of Saint whose attainment far surpasses that of the purity of the
attainmentll. This tendency to favor an active teaching role ior the
Arhats; thus the Bodhisattva should be regarded as a superior field of
selfless and compassionate Bodhisattva allowed the development
of merit for the faithful. In the fourth century Great TreaÍise on the
such ideas as the transfer of merit 12 and the creation of heavenly
and Prajñâramitâ, the greatness of the Bodhisattvas is discussed in terms of
terrestrial buddhaksetras favorable to the study and practice of the
vastness, infinity, inconceivability, and the number of beings they vow
Doctrine (for example, the great monastic centers came to be seen as
to saveló. The superlative powers. aspirations, virtues, and qualities of
earthly manifestations of heavenly realms).
the Bodhisattvas proliferate in this literaturel?, making them excep-
Thus the Bodhisattva came to be idealized as a ,.great spiritual
tionally worthy of cult and showing them to be authentic models of the
hero", a shaper of culture and civilization. competing with the prolix
way to arrive at the true goal of supreme Enlightenment.
scholarship of the Abhidharmikas, the Mahâyânists produced vast
However, one may be recognized as a Bodhisattva worthy of cult not
scriptures and encyclopedic treatises. The Bodhisattva's
on the basis of striking manifestations of power, but from the first
... aspirations are truly on a heroic scale. He desires to discipline all beings
moment of the production of the altruistic aspiration Qtrathamacittot-
everywhere, to serve and honour all the Buddhas .u..y*h..., and to
purify all the Buddha-flelds everywhere. He wants to retáin firmly in his pâda):
mind all the teachings of all the Buddhas, to have a detailed knowíedge of When, at the first moment the Thought arises,
all Buddha fields, to comprehend all the assemblies which anywhere gather He has made the vow to become Buddha,
around a Buddha, to plunge into the thought of all beings, tó removã their He has gone beyond all universes,
defilements, and to fathom their potentialitiesl3. And merits the worship (pîtjQ of menr8.

Missionaliq 19 (1970):55-86, and paul Harrison,..who Gets to Ride Thus, in spite of a continuity of central themes from Early Buddhism
on the Great
Vehicle?" JIABS, 10 # I (t987): 67-87. into the Mahâyâna, as can be seen in such works as the Great Treatise
8 conze, op. cit., p.23. 'postpones'
does not accurately express the idea asserted in the and Vimalakîrti, the Bodhisattva of Mahâyâna sûtras, whatever charac-
v_owto liberate all beings. see: Jikido Takasaki, A study o" ú, n;nogo',)*¡maso
(Roma: IsMEO, 1966), pp. 219-22t.
q Basham,
op. cit., p. 53, fn.2; cf . pp. 25,27.
to lbid., p.28. ta lbid., p,24.
tt Gadjin M. Nagao, "The Bodhisattva Returns 1s See Alex Wayman, "Nâgârjuna: Moralist Reformer of Buddhism", Studia Missio-
to this world,,, in Leslie S. Kawa- nalia 34 (1985): 63-95.
nrura, ed , op cit., p.7l: "A Bodhisattva retains the obstacle of defilement
to .u.tuin t i, t6 Traitë, I, p.315.
vow to be reborn".
12 Basham., op. t? Cf. E. Lamotte, lrans., La Somme du Grand Vëhicule d'Asariga (Mahâyâna-
cit., pp. 32-7.
r3 Conze, op. cit., p.23. samgraha) (Louvain: 1973), Chap. IV.
t8 Traitè, p.242.
 t46 Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint
teristics of the âryapudgala he retains, is something more than an Arhat;
the Bodhisattva is a distinctly different ideal and a different type of
saint. There has been a distinctive shift in the description of the sanctity
that the Buddhist attainer attains. Indeed, Nirvâla itself undergoes
redefinition:
... it is said from the highest view-point that the phenomenal Lile itsellis
Nirvâla, because [the Bodhisattvas] realize the Unstable Nirvâfa (aprri-
tisthitanirvâna), being indiscriminative ol both [the phenomenal Life and
Nirvânal. ... Here, in this world, the Bodhisattva is not entirely involved
among all living beings because he has completely rejected all tendencies ol
desires by means of the Transcendental Intellect. [At the same time], he is
not remote lrom them since he never abandons them owing to his Great
Compassion. This is the means lor the acquisition of the Supreme En-
lightenment of which the Unstability is the essential naturere.
Thus the Bodhisattva neither repudiates the goal of Early Buddhism
("By means of the Intellect, indeed, the Bodhisattva has exterminated
without remainder the tendency of desire, hence, being deeply intent
towards the Nirvâna for his own sake, he does not stay in the
Phenomenal Life..."); nor does he ever really abandon cyciic existence,
because of his Great Compassion: "For the sake of others, he does not
abide in the Nirvâna, as do those who seek only for Quiescence"2o. The
Srâvaka, following the path to Arhatship, is on a different spiritual
course from the Bodhisattva, who is pursuing complete, unexcelled
Enlightenment, the state of a Buddha.
The Greqt Treatise asserts that there are two pafhs (mârga):
that of the Srâvakas and that of the Bodhisattvas. Bodhisattvas ... include
both renuncia tes Qt r av r âj i t a) and househo lder s (g r h a s t h a).
Bodhisattvas can be found among all groups of persons because they
realize a crucial doctrinal distinction:
The Srâvakayâna teaches the voidness of being (sauva-iûnyatâ); the
Buddhayâna teaches both the voidness of being and of natures (dharma-
Íùnyatâ)21.
Arhatship was never repudiated; instead, Mahâyânists advanced
various models of assimilation. According to Lamotte, the Great Trea-
fis¿ was one of the first to establish a parallel between the Stages of the
1e Jikido Takasaki, op.
cit.,pp.2l9-220.
-20
lbid., p.220. See also: E. Lamotte, trans. La concenrration de la Marche Héroique
(Sûramgamasamâdhi sûta) (Bruxelles: Institut Belge des Hautes etu¿.r crtin.ir.r, lszsi,
pp.24l-245, on the fictional Nirvâlas ol
Mañjuérî, which gives a slightly different
perspective on the same concept, distinguishing the supreme attainment of a pratyeka-
buddha lrom that of a Bodhisattva.
2t Traité,pp.238-239.
Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint t47
Bodhisattva and the acquisition of the Four Fruits of religious practice
(írâmanyaphala) by the âryapudgalq22. Thus we find the Mahâyâna
theorists wishing to establish points of contact between their system
and that of Early Buddhism, always adding correctives to indicate
departures and distinctions that show the Bodhisattva's moral and
spiritual superiority over the Arhat. "The Mahâyâna is large" and can
include the Hînayâna within itself23.
In his Abhidharmasamuccayq, Asanga shows that although Arhats
have exceptional virtues and attainments, they do not measure up to
the Bodhisattvas; in the end the Bodhisattvas demonstrate their supe-
riority in becoming true Buddhas. Therefore, if one wishes to emulate
the Buddha, one must practice the pâramitâs, gaining merit thereby,
eventually awakening the altruistic attitude so as to attain supreme
enlightenment for the benefit of all sentient beings. While clearly
distinguishing Bodhisattvas from Arhats, Asanga is at pains to corre-
late critically the attainments of the new ideal such that the requisites of
the earlier tradition are respected:
Why does a Bodhisattva, who has entered the commitment ol a Bodhi-
sattva (bodhisattvanyasavakranta), not become a Stream-enterer? Because
the Stream is imperfect with regard to the practice [of the Path]. Why
doesn't he become a Once-returner? Because, having thought about it well,
he has accepted an unlimited number of rebirths. Why doesn't he become
a Never-returner? Because after having sojourned in the Recollections
(dhyâna), he takes birth again in the Domain of the Sense-Pleasures
(kômadhâtu). The Bodhisattva, having obtained the Truths by means of
Comprehension (abhisamaya), cultivates the path counteracting the obsta-
cles deriving from the Knowables Çñeya-varana-pratipaksa-mârga) by the
(bhâvanâ-mârgø) in the Ten
method of the Path of mental cultivation
Stages; but he does not cultivate the path counteracting the obstacles of
the defilement s (klésa-varana-pratipaksa-mârga). Moreover, having arrived
at Awakening (bodhi) he abandons at the same time the obstacles [posed
byl the defilements and the obstacles [deriving from] the Knowables, and
he becomes an arhant, a Tathâgata. Even though the Bodhisattva does not
abandon all the defilements, he suppresses them as one suppresses poison
by incantations and medicaments (mantrausødha), he does not give rise to
any defilement or error, and he abandons the defilements in all the Stages,
like an Arhat2a.
22 Traité, V, p. x. See Chapitre XX (2" Série), "La mise en route pour le Mahâyâna",
pp.2372-3446.
23 Traitê,1,p.240.
2a Le Compendium de la Super-Doclrine (Philosophie) (Abhidharmasamuccaya) d'Asanga'
Walpola Rahula, trans. (Paris: École Francaise d'Extrême Orient, 1971), p. 174. Cf . La
Siddhi de Hiuan-Tsang, trans. Louis de La Vallée Poussin, Tome II. (Paris: Librairie
Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1929), pp. 162-8;729-30.
148 Tiso: The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint

For Asanga, the generosity, courage and compassion of the Bodhi_

sattva rank him higher than the Arhat on the scale of human possibili-
ties realized. MAÑJUSRI Iu cnSTE DE L'ENSEIGNEMENT

Claudine B¡.urz¡-PtcRoN *

C'est un point précis de I'iconographie de Mañjuéri en Inde que nous

voudrions développer ici. Il s'agit d'étudier les images où le Bodhisattva
esquisse le geste de mise en mouvement de la roue de la Loi. Cette
mudrã caractérise un ensemble de représentations qui se différencient
toutefois les unes des autres par un certain nombre de motifs iconogra-
phiques.
Le geste de l'enseignement semble être attribué au Bodhisattva au
cours du 8" siècle en Inde orientale. En le présentant, Mañjuirr entre-
tient avec le Buddha un lien privilégié: il n'est pas seulement celui qui
accompagne le Buddha comme le font d'autres Bodhisattva, mais il
-
est celui qui, en certaines circonstances, agit au nom du Buddha ou
assimile une fonction autrement propre au Buddha.

1. Mañjuéri assis en pralambapãdäsana

Avant d'envisager les représentations où Mañjuiri présente cette

position, nous voudrions considérer un bronze d'un intérêt particulier
pour notre propos. Ce bronze, aujourd'hui perdu, provient de Nãlandã
et peut être daté du 8" sièclel. Il montre le Buddha assis en pralamba-
padasana, esquissant le geste de I'enseignement sous le manguier. Il est
accompagné, à sa droite, par une déesse qui présente la varadqmudra et
une fleur de lotus et à sa gauche, par Mañjuérr tenant l'épée dans la
main droite et le lien dans la main gauche. Le Bodhisattva est aisément
reconnaissable grâce à son collier et à sa coiffe2. La forme qu'il
présente ici constitue le prototype de I'Acala rencontré à époque plus
tardive dans les arts de I'Himalaya; un second rare exemple est observé

* CNRS-URA 1058, l3 rue de Santeuil,7523l Paris Cedex 05.

I NãlandãMuseuminv.000138: Annual Reportof theArchaeological Surveyof India

forthe year 1928-29, pl. LVII (a), N.R. Ray et alii,
Eastern Indian Bronzes, New Delhi,
1986, pl. 145 et p. 134.
2 Eléments qui sont étudiés dans notre <Some Aspects of Mañjuérr Iconography in
Bihar from the 7!h century onwards> Tribus, Linden-Museum Stuttgart, Band 38, 1989,
p.7l-90.
150 Bautze-Picron: Mañjuérr au geste de I'enseignement
au début du 9" siècle sur une stèle de Telhãra3. L'intérêt du bronze de
Nãlandã est d'introduire le Bodhisattva auprès du Buddha assis à
I'européenne et dans sa fonction d'enseignement. On sait que la dhar-
macakramudrã est souvent jointe au prølambapãdassna aux époques
Gupta et post-Gupta au Maharashtraa d'où le type s'étend vers Java
(candi Mendut) ou vers le Bihar, en particulier à Nãlandãs. Le geste
comme la position pourront être exceptionnellement présentés par
Avalokiteévaraó mais c'est, parmi les Bodhisattva, Mañjuérr qui joindra
le geste à la position sur un certain nombre de représentations. Mañ-
juórî apparaît sous cette forme au centre d'un bronze de Mainamati ? où
il retient l'utpala supportant le manuscrit dans la main gauche. Il est
accompagné de deux Bodhisattva assis en lalitasana et en vamãrclhapa-
ryankãsana: à sa droite, Avalokiteévara (tenant le padma dans la main
gauche) et à sa gauche, peut-être Vajrapäni (tenant le lotus bleu
surmonté d'un objet allongé, peut-être \e vajra). Un petit personnage,
apparemment pansu, est assis sous les pieds de Mañjuéri, il semble
retenir un bâton contre sa poitrine, ce qui permettrait de I'identifier à
Yamãntaka. Finalement, un Buddha en dhyanamudra surmonte la
composition.
Trois représentations du Bodhisattva à Ratnagiri doivent être
3 Publiée par Janice Leoshko, <Buddhist Images from Telhara, a Site in Eastern
lndia>>, South Asian Studies 4, 1988, p.89-97, lìg. l0 et ll.
4 M. G. Bourda, <Quelques reflexions sur la pose assise à I'européenne dans I'art
bouddhique>, Artibus Asiae,12, 1949, p. 302-313.
s Le thème apparaît sur plusieurs panneaux du monument du site 3: Frederick
M. Asher, The Art of Eastern India, 300-800, Delhi..., 1980, pl. 69, Bautze-picron, arr.
cìt,, p. 84 n' 3. Il est repris à l'époque Pãla sur de petites stèles: Susan L. Huntington, Zåe
<Pãla-Sena> Schools of Sculpture, Leiden, 1984, frg.132, R.D. Banerji, Eastern Indian
School of Mediaeval Sculptúe, Delhi, 1933, pl. XXVIII-(a), Annual Report of rhe
Archaeological Survey of Indianfor the Years 1930-34, pl. CXLI-(14) et (16). N. R. Ray er
alü, op. cit., pl. 108 et 109 reproduisent deux bronzes illustrant cette iconographie. cette
position peut aussi être présentée par le Buddha dans certaines scènes (Sãrnãth, Srãvasti,
Vaisali) du cycle des huit grands Evénements de la vie du Buddha: R.D. Banerji, op. cil.,
pl. XXIV-(d) et (e). Voir ici fig. 3.
ó Un seul exemple nous est connu comme provenant fort probablement de Nãlandã:
Cl. Bautze-Picron, <Représentations du/des dévot(s) dans la statuaire bouddhique en
pierre du Bihar à l'époque <Pãla-Sena>; Berliner Indologische Studien, l, 1985, p. 123-134,
fig. 2. une seconde représentation d'Avalokiteóvara esquissant le geste de mise en marche
de la roue, semble provenir d'une région du Bengale pénétrée par I'influence orissie: non
publiée, cette stèle est reprise par John Anderson, Catalogue and Hand-book of the
Archaeological Collections in the Indian Museum, part II, (réimpression:) New Delhi, 1977,
p.47 et par Theodor Bloch, supplementary catalogue of the Archaeological collection of
the Indian Museum, Calcutta, l9ll, p.59.
? F.M. Asher, op. cit., pI.249, A.K.M. Shamsul Alam, Mainamati,Dacca, 1975,
pl. VI-b.
Bautze-Picron: Mañjuérr au geste de l'enseignement l5l
citées8. Dans ces différents cas, Mañjuérr porte les cheveux resserrés en
plusieurs mèches et le collier au reliquaire accolé de griffes. Or ces
éléments, qui caractérisent MañjuSrt comme jeune Bodhisattva, sont
généralisés aux 7" et 8" siècles â Nãlandâe.
2. MañjuSri assis en lalitäsana ou en vamärdhaparyaúkãsana
Une stèle dont I'origine prêcise est inconnuelo, mais qui intègre
certains éléments mis à la mode par les ateliers de Kurkihãr, montre
MañjuSrr en laliñsana, esquissant le geste de I'enseignement et encadré
par deux personnages féminins. Il porte I'utpala surnonté du manuscrit.
Sa coiffe est malheureusement brisée; sa poitrine est ornée du collier à
reliquaire.
Assis en lalitasana ov en vamardhaparyankasanet t, Mañjuéri appa-
raît aussi à Ratnagiri ou à Sirpur.
L'une ou I'autre position est retenue lorsque Mañjuiri est assis sur
son vãhana (voir ci-dessous).
3. Mañjuéri sur le lion
Les représentations les plus anciennes de Mañjuéri assis sur le lion le
montrent faisant la varadamudra de la main droite et tenant le lotus de
la main gauchel2. Cette forme semble apparaître dans la région de
Bodh Gayã-Kurkihãr au 8" siècle13. Lorsqu'elle pénètre à Nãlandã, elle
se transforme par la disparition de la varadamudra et son remplacement
par la dharmacakramudrata. Mais il faudra attendre les 11" et 12"
siècles pour assister au Bengale septentrional à l'émergence du culte
porté à cette forme (fig.S)tt. Sur ces stèles, Mañju3rr est assis en
8 Debala Mitra, Ratnagiri (/958-196i'), Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of
India, vol. 80, New Delhi, l98l-1983 pl. LXVIII-D, LXIX-A, CCCXXXII-8.
e Voir notre article déjâ cité (note 2) sur Mañjuérr.
r0 A. Foucher, Étude sur I'Iconographie Bouddhique de I'lnde, Paris, 1900-1905, vol. I,
p. I l8 fig. 17, B. Bhattacharyya, The Indian Buddhist lconography, Calcutta, 1958, p. 169
fig. 84.
r1 D.Mitra, op. cit., pl. LXVIII-C, LXIX-B. (Ratnagiri), D.Barrett and M.G.
Dikshit, M.ukhalingam Temples, Sirpur & Rajim Temples, Bombay, 1960, pl. 54.
t2 Bautze-Picron, <Some Aspects of Mañjuórr lconography>, p.81.
t3 lbidem.
r4 S. K. Saraswati, Tantrayana Art, An Album, Calcut|a, 19'17 , ill. 37
.
ts lbidem, ill.32 à 35, R.D. Banerji, op. cit,,pl, XXXV-(b) (également reproduit par
B. Bhattacharyya, op. cit., p. 169, fig.83, Marie-Thérèse de Mallmann, Etude iconogra-
phíque sur MañjuÍrl, Publ. EFEO, 55, Paris, 1964, pl. I, Pramod Chandra. Indian
ts2 Bautze-Picron: Mañju6rr au geste de I'enseignement
lalitasana o\ eî vamArdhaparyankãsana; le Bodhisattva retient dans la
main gauche la tige de l'utpala sur lequel est posé le manuscrit (ce
dernier apparaît fort rarement sur le lotus introduit par souci de
symétrie à l'épaule droite: fig. 5). Yamantaka et souvent aussi Sudhana-
kumãra accompagnent Mañjuérr.
4. MañjuSrï assis en padmäsana ou en sattvaparyañkäsana
Mañjuérr est rarement assis en sattvaparyankasqna. Tel, il apparaît
sur une petite stèle de Nãlandãló, où il ne présente plus la coiffe aux
mèches mais celle aux bourrelets superposés. Un utpala supportant le
manuscrit est sculpté â hauteur de l'épaule gauche. Le trône aux lions
comme I'architecture du trône sont autrement relevés sur les images du
Buddha.
Ni le trône ni les lions n'apparaissent sur une deuxième stèle de
Nãlandã ori le Bodhisattva porte sa coiffe à trois mèches ainsi que le
collier à reliquaire et griffes17. Deux utpala portant chacun un manuscrit
sont sculptés de part et d'autre du Bodhisattva. Ces deux images que
nous pouvons dater du 9" siècle, annoncent la phase suivante du
développement: cette forme de Mañjuin est intégrée au groupe des huit
Bodhisattva accompagnant le Buddha lorsque ce dernier esquisse la
bhùmispariamudrã. Plusieurs exemples nous sont connus à Nãlandã.
On citera d'abord les Bodhisattva sculptés dans la partie inférieure de
la grande stèle de Jagdiépur (fig. l) où Mañjuéri présente deux utpala
avec manuscrits et est coiffé des bourrelets superposés. Avec un seul
lotus surmonté du manuscrit, il est repris sur une base dont les niches
abritent les huit Bodhisattva de part et d'autre du Buddha (fig.2).
Nous connaissons un grand nombre de représentations des Astama-
hãbodhisattva entourant le Buddha esquissant le geste de I'enseigne-
Sculpturefrom the Collectton of Mr. and Mrs. Eqrl Morse,Fogg Art Museum, Harvard,
1963, n" l6). T. N. Ramachandran, <Recent Archaeological Discoveries along the Maina-
mati and Lalmai Ranges, Tippera District, East Bengal>, B.C. Law Volume, ed. D. R.
Bhandarkar, vol. 2, Poona, 1946, p. 213-231, pl. XIX-(a) reproduit une stèle aujourd'hui
conservée à la Rãmmâlã Library de Comilla qui illustre la même iconographie.
16 Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Eastern Circle,
for the year
1919-1920, pl. V-a.
r7 S, K. Saraswati, op. cit., ill. 40.
18 Christie's London, 25.11.1975,lot 134 (pl. 7) (aujourd'hui conservé à la Art Gallery
of Western Australia, Perth); National Museum, New Delhi inv. 59.367 (non publié);
Indian Archaeology 1958-59, A Review, pl. LXXIX-C (récemment republié par Mallar
Mitra, <An inscribed lintel from Bodh-Gaya in the Asutosh Museum>, Nalinîkanta
Søtavãrsikî, Dr. N,K. Bhattasali Centenary Volume (1888-1988), Studies in Art and
Archaeology of Bihar-Bengal, ed. D. Mitra and G. Bhattacharya, Delhi, 1989, p. 199-201);
Bautze-Picron: Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignement 153
ment 1 8. Dans ces divers exemples, Mañjuirr présente la forme à varqda-
mudrã que nous avons eu I'opportunité d'étudier précédemmentle.
Une stèle malheureusement fort abîmée, provient de la collection
d'Alexander M. Broadley qui l'a probablement découverte à Nãlandã
comme en témoignerait son style (fig. 3). On y reconnaît le Buddha paré
assis et faisant la bhûmisparÍamudrã, qui occupait le centre d'une
composition où se succédaient les grands épisodes de sa vie (comme le
prouve le Buddha assis à notre droite et qui reçoit le don dt madhu par
le singe). Juste au-dessous, le Buddha est assis en dhyãnamudrã, protêgê
par la chape de Mucilinda, dans une petite niche ménagée au milieu du
socle et qui surmonte directement une seconde niche, légèrement plus
grànde, où est assis MañjuirT en dharmacakrqmudrã. De part et d'autre
de ce dernier, quatre Bodhisattva debout sont disposés dans des niches
latérales. Il est évident qu'ici, comme sur la stèle de Jagdiépur ou la
base du Nãlandã Museum (fig. I et 2), un lien privilégié existe entre
Mañjuérî au geste de I'enseignement et le Buddha figuré juste au-dessus
ou à côté de lui. Dans ces différents cas, le Buddha présente la
bhûmispariamudrã, délégant sa fonction d'instructeur au Bodhisattva.
C'est aussi de Nãlandã que provient une représentation isolée de
Mañjuóri avec le geste de I'enseignement (fig.4)20. Deux utpala avec
manuscrits el îriratna sont figurés de part et d'autre; le Bodhisattva
porte encore son collier à reliquaire et griffes ainsi que la coiffe à
bourrelets superposés. Il est accompagné par Yamantaka et Sudhana-
kumära dont les mains fermées dans le geste de la vénération retiennent
sous le bras gauche le manuscrit. Cette stèle que nous pouvons dater de
la seconde moitié du 10' siècle (comme la grande image de Jagdiépur),
intègre une des plus anciennes images de Sudhanakumãra aux côtés de
Mañjuéri. Ce groupe de trois personnages passera aux ll'et 12'siècles
au Bengale septentrional lorsque Mañju3ri est assis sur le lion (voir ci-
dessus).
En dehors de Nãlandã, cette position du Bodhisattva semble n'avoir
été que fort rarement retenue, en Inde: un seul exemple est connu à
Ratnagiri 21.
A. Neven, New Studies into lndian and Himalayan Sculpture, London-Eersel, 1980, n" 47
p.30; Christie's London, 10,10.1989, lol" 229; ainsi que deux panneaux photographiés
chez Spink & Son LTD, Londres en décembre 1985 et décembre 1986.
le Article cité en note 2. Le Bodhisattva prêsente généralement la coiffe aux trois
mèches ainsi que le collier à reliquaire sur ces panneaux.
20 Cl. Bautze-Picron, <Provenance and present Location of some Images from the
Broadley Collection>, Ratnachandrika, R.C. Agrawala Felicitation Volume, ed. D. Handa
et A. Agrawal, New Delhi, 1989, p.261-167, sous no l8 et fig. 13. Aussi publiée par
B. Bhattacharyya, Indian Buddhist lconography, Calcutta, 1958, fig.85.
2r D. Mitra, op. cit., pl. LXVIII-B.
 154 Bautze-picron: Mañjuén au geste de l,enseignement
Bautze-Picron: Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignement 155
Mañjuéri présentera aussi cette position tout en esquissant la dharma-
cakramudrã au Népal ou au Tibet: deux utpala ront ulor, figurés le lion ou sur le trône aux lions, en lalitdsana ou en vamardhaparyankã-
de
part et d'autre des épaules du Bodhisattva, soutenant le manuscrit sana, il fienl l'utpala qui peut supporter le manuscrit. Ces descriptions
et correspondent donc aux représentations les plus tardives du Bodhi-
1'êPêszz.
Mañjuéri apparaît à différents endroits de la littérature bouddhique sattva datées des I l" et 12, siècles.
dans sa fonction d'éducateur. Le Mañjuirrmûtakatpa le décrit à plu- De ce qui précède, il ressort que le type étudié ici fut essentiellement
sieurs reprises23. D'autres motifs caractérisant le Bodhisattva sont vénéré au Bihar, plus précisément même à Nãlandã où il aurait même
aussi pu être conçu dans le courant du 8" siècle. Il est introduit aux I l" et 12"
cités: sa carnation dorée, son vêtement bleu, son lotus bleu, sa coiffe
aux cinq mèches, son aspect de jeune enfant2a. Dans plusieurs siècles au Bengale septentional. Lorsqu'il est figuré dans I'entourage
cas, si la
position précise de Mañjuéri n'est pas mentionnée, c'est sur un tabouret immédiat de Sãkyamuni, et que ce dernier présente la bhùmisparÍa-
qu'il prend place25. on notera que ni le livre ni r'épée n'apparaissent. mudrã, Mañjuérî esquisse en revanche la dhqrmacakramudrã, ce qui
ces attributs ne figurent non plus pas sur les images du 7e siècre, c'est impliquerait qu'il puisse être perçu comme substitut du Buddha (ou
au cours du 8" siècle qu'ils sont introduits séparément2ó pour être comme Buddha lui même?) en assumant sa fonction de Maître ensei-
combinés à partir du 9" siècle dans I'art d'Inde orientale2T. Le saddhør- gnant. Cette hypothèse est renforcée par I'existence d'images où le
mapundarîkasutra le présente dans la même attitude, enseignant Bodhisattva est assis en pralambãsana, position qui est autrement
aux
Bodhisattva2s. Le Gandavyùhasùtra le montre initiant le jeunã sudhana exclusive de Sãkyamuni esquissant la dharmacakramudra.
à la quête spirituelle2e. Enfin, plusieuÍs sutra le décrivent comme
Buddha du passé (sur amg amasamadhisùtr a, B o dhis at tv akeyùrastitr
a) ou
du présent (Angulimatlyasutra) prêchant la Loi3o.
Les sadhana de la sadhanamãrq s'accordent sur plusieurs points
communs à Ia représentation de Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignemLnt3l.
Nommé vãdirãj, le Bodhisattva est générarement jaune, il est assis
sur

22 Ulrich von Schroeder,

Indo Tibetan Bronzes, Hong Kong, l9gl, ll4A, l29C (le
premier exemple avec le lalitãsanc), B. Bhattacharyya,
23 Marcelle Lalou, Icono_graphie
op. cit., frg. tø.
des ëroffes p"ín-tri ¡poto1 da-ns re Mañjusrïmtlakalpa,
Paris, 1930, p.45, 56,64, 65.
2a Yoir aussi Ariane
MacDonard, Le marydara du Mañjuirrmùtakarpa, paris, 1962,
p. lll.
2s Lalou, op. cit., p.55;64.
2ó Bautze-Picron, <Some
Aspects of Mañjusri Iconography>, p. gl. Le livre apparaît
avant l'épée non seulement au Bihar, mais aussi â Ellora: Geri
Hockfield ly',alandia, The
Buddhist caves aî Etrora,ph.D. Thesis, university of Minnesota,
27 Il s'agit du rqs¡, p.:21,3ig, ¡:0.
type où Mañjuérr brandit l'épée dans la main droite tout en retenant
le
manuscrit devant la poitrine de I'autre main: s.K. Saraswati,
op. cit., ill. 25 et 26 0u
Annual Report of the Archaeolo_g_icar survey of Indiafor the yeari
lcso-sl,pt. cixxv-1u¡,
pl. CXXXVII-(g), pl. CXXXVIII-(b), von Sòtrroedi,
op. cit., :l3A.
28
-- laddharmapundarlka or the Lotus of the True Law, transl. by H. Kern, (réimpression:)
New York, 1963, p.249.
2e Jan Fontein, The pilgrimage
of sudhana, La Haye, 1967, passim. voir aussi Luis
^
o Gomez, <observations on_the Role or the Gandavy,i¿o in tnebesign or nu.Juar.r,
Hístory and signifcance of a Budtrhist iroiu.rrt,ed. Luis Gomez
!-1r1!udu.r' and Hiram
W. Woodward, Jr., Berkeley, 1981, p. 173-194.
30 Etienne Lamotte,
.. <Mañjuéri>, T'oung pao, vol. XLVIII, 1960, p. l-96, en partìcu_
lier p. 29-31.
3r Nous résumons ici les données
fournies par M._Th. de Mallmann, op. cit., p.23_26.
 156 Bautze-Picron: Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignement

r'
"e
!l
:F

t
o
N
(d
Êa
;
u
o.
o
o
d
-o

a
-
¿
€
'(d
(d
rd
z
o
,o
À
ñ
Òô
'.4
r

Fig. l. Stèle de Jagdiépur-Nãlandã, détail (copyright ASI).

158 Bautze-Picron: Mañju6rr au geste de I'enseignement Bautze-Picron: Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignement 159

Fig. 3. Buddha paré dominant MañjuórT, Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi Fig. 4. Mañjuéri (Nâlandã) Indian Museum, Calcutta (copyright J. Bautze).
(copyright C. Bautze-picron).
160 Bautze-Picron: MañjuSri au geste de I'enseignement

E. LAMOTTE HISTORY OF INDIAN BADDHISM

(English translation, Louvain-la-Neuve 1988)

AN ADDITIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY

Russell W¡nn*

No years of publication are shown lor The Wheel series of paperbacks which
are kept in print by the Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy (founded 1958)'
Page
I The phenomenal output publications deserves more than a
of Indian
passing mention. Original and relevant background studies include:K.P. Bahadur
A History of Indian Civilisation. I. Ancient India (New Delhi 1979), A. Bhatta-
charjee History of Ancient India (ib.), H. Bhattacharya (ed.) The Cultural
Heritage of India.4. The Religions (Calcutta 1956), S.K.Chatterji (ed.) rå.
5. Languages and Literatures (Calcutta 1978), V. Bhushan The Cultural History
of North India, ftom 150 B.C. to 350 A.D. (Delhi 1988), G. M' Bongard-Levin
Ancient Indian Civilisation (Nevt Delhi 1984), K. Chauhan Cultural History of
Northern India, prior to medieval invasion (Delhi 1988)' S' R. Goyal A Reli-
gious History of Ancient Indial (Meerut 1984), D. D. Kosambi The culture and
Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline (Delhi 1970), G. Kuppuram
India Through the Ages; History, Art, Culture and Religion (2 vols' Delhi
1988), B. Lahiri Indigenous States of Northern India, c.200 B.C. to 320 A'D'
(calcutta lg74), H.T. Muzumdar A cultural History of India. I. India's reli-
gious heritage (New Delhi 1986), G.C. Pande Foundations of Indian Culture I
(New Delhi 1984), A. Speziale The Ethical and Religious Values of Ancient
Indiø,3000 B.C. - 650 A.D. (Calcutta 1987).
7 [Origins ol Buddhism] P. c. Bagchi 'Fundamental Problems ol the origins
of Buddhism' (France-Asie N.S.XVII, No. 168, Tokyo 1961, pp.2225-41)' A'.L'
Basham
.The Rise ol Buddhism in its Historical context' (Asian Studies 4,
Manila 1966, pp. 395-4ll; revised as 'The Background to the Rise of Buddhism'
in A.K. Narain, ed., Studies in History of Buddhism, Delhi 1980, pp. 13-31)'
J. W. de Jong 'The Background ol Early Buddhism' (Indogaku Bukkyogaku
Kenkyu 12, Tokyo 1964, PP.424-37)'
15, n. 14 E.H.Brewster The Life of Gotama the Buddha (London 1926),
E.Waldschmidt Die Legende vom Leben des Buddha (Berlin 1929), H'C'
Warren The Life of the Buddha (Cambridge, Mass. 1923).
- see Traité II, 844
20,1.24 Utpalavarrlã p. ff.
40 n.7l Nyanaponika Anatta and Nibbana (The Wheel ll), P' Vajirañãna
and F. Story The Buddhist Doctrine of Nibbana (ib. 165-6), H. S. Sobti Nihbãna
in Early Buddhism (Delhi 1985).
Fig. 5. Mañjuéri (Niyamatpur, district Rajshali), National Museum of Bangladesh
* Russell Webb, 3l Russell Chambers, Bury Place, London WClA 2JX ENGLAND'
(copyright J. Bautze).
 162 Webb: E. Lamotte
History of Indian Buddhísm Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism 163

43, n. 83 Abhijña
- t IV' p' 1890ff; H'G'A' van zevst 'Abhiññã" Devadaha (Kathmandu 1979), K. M. Srivastava Buddha's Relics from Kapila'
EncyB I, I (1961), pp.g;t-tt#"té
uasrø (Delhi 1986).
51, n' 107 R'
Bucknell and
M.Stuart-Fox.Did
-i_rì. - " ' the Buddha import an 321, n. ll5 B. Kumar Archaeology of Pataliputra and Nalanda. Delhi 1987'
f pa:r. ff
esoteric Teaching?' JIH
.ot 344, n. 161 I.K. Sarma Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi
52, n' 112 Mahãsi Sayadaw
Bhàra Sutta or Discourse on the Burden of Inscriptions of AndhradeSa. Nagpur 1988.
Khandha' Buddha Sãsa¡¿ Nugguh;-org""¿"i*, Rangoon 19g0. 366, n. 5 Correctly PTS 1930.
67' n' t5e Nvanaponika ,;;1. D;;i;;;'-¡)"Ãraan¡r* (rhe wheel 370, n. 8 'Abhayagiri', Ency B I, I (1961), pp.2l-5.
18), Soma
Faith in the Buddha's Teachins .The Greek Kings of Bactria and India' in The Hellenistic
69' n' 167 Bhikkhu
t¡ø. iò.. 371, n. 10 N. Davis
nranÏ è"¡rs"f") Reíuce (ib. 282-4), Nyanaponika ?"åe Kingdoms. London 1973.
Threefold Refuse (ib. 7q. stu¿les'on
¡zo'inïrro. p. Dahlke et al. The Five 402, n.28 III Sãñci A. L. Srivastava Lde in Sanchi Sculpture. New Delhi
Precepts (iá. 55)' G. Dharmasiri
Fundømentals of Buddhßt Ethics (Singapore 1983.
-
1988)' K'N. Javatilleke Ethics
G. S. P. Misra Developn,
¡" nüan¡ri peíspective llie wnà.i--izs-ol, 406, n.36 English tr., London 1927.
407, n.37 Correctly in Bulletin de la Maison Franco-laponaise l,Tokyo 1929.
tissaBuddhistEthicíö::r:{"'iíitï,rl##i,[*î?;::,"ä:,?,"i]:frili; 423, n.62 See (Thich) Minh Chal Milindapanha and Nagasenabhikshusûtra'
(London 1926), o'H' de A.
wiÃ.li;r; xno*trdge and conduct (The Calcutta 1964.
Wheel 50). "t-îi" 433, ¡. 75 [Sevenfold worship] V-P. Python Vinaya-viniÍcaya-upali-pari-
75, n' 192 Bhikkhu M. Paññãsiri
tr. all four Chinese recensions in vBA lll, prccha. Enquête d'Upãli pour une exégèse de la discipline (Paris 1973'
1950.
p. 107n.); ld.'Le rluel du culte mahayanique et le traité tibétaine'phags-pa
n' I H. Alahak^o on The Later Mauryas, 232-lg0 B.C. (New Delhi
87-88'
Phuñ-po-gsum-pa (Ãryatriskandhaka)' (Etudes Asiatiques XXXV, Zurich 198 l,
1980)' K'A'N' Sastri A pp. 169-34). The Triskandhakasütra (Tibetan Tripitaka, ed. D.T' Suzuki, Vol'
,lompr:enenr¡*- nir,"îíù rndia. t. ft,. rrìàurvu, un¿
37, No. 950' fol. 108 (4) - lll (2) : Taishö 1492?) has been tr' bv B' c'
Satavahanas (calcutta 1957),
1989). Masson_Ourset Englif
M.v. áiiin'"sírlry under the Mauryas (Delhi
1""áãiìl¡+"' Beresford as Mahayana Purification: the conlession Sütra and the Practice ol
91, n. 7 H. G. A. van lsys¡ .ÁLâãr"ù":,
"- nn.yn r,z (1963), pp. 315-21. Vajrasattva (Dharamsala 1978).
ll8, n. 39 New tr. bv enun¿u w.p-õ;;;:ðatcutra pãli
1989. [Parinãmana] J-M. Agasse 'Le transfert de mérites dans le bouddhisme
120' n. 4l w. Geiger culture (J^266, pp. 3ll-32), J. Dantinne La Splendeur de I'lnébranlable
E c)yùr-ir1ø'riieval rimes. wiesbaden 1960. classique' 1978,
l4l, n. 49 Geiger
- English ú., éh""i" tgä.
l49,l.ll N. Aivaswa*isu.t.t
(PIOL 29, 1983, p. 129, Note k), J. Filliozat 'Sur le domaine sémantique de
i.ã. Baroda 1975-8. pu+ya' (lndianisme et Bouddhisme, pp. 110-6), R. Gombrich 'Merit Trans-
153 Lü Chêng and S. Kumoi :À;;;; "ïi'".1-z ""rs, nn.yn
(t;r-t.i.g, \2 Os63), pp.24t_ lerence in Sinhalese Buddhism: A Case Study ol the Interaction between
8.
Doctrine and Practice' (History of Religion ll, Chicago 1972, pp.203-19),
154, n' 55 (Thich) Minh
Chau The Chinese Madhyama.Ãgama and the pali M. Hara 'Transfer of Merit' (Adyar Library Bulletin 31-32' 1967-8' pp' 382-
Majjhima Nikãya. Saigon 1964.
4l l), G. P. Malalasekera 'Transference of Merit in Ceylonese Buddhism' (Påi
221, n.6 S. R. Goyal Kawilya
- ' Meerut 19g5.
and Megasthe¿es. losophy East and West XYll, Honolulu 1967, pp.85-90), J.P. McDermott
239. n. 76 English ,.., Cul.utlul'õdj'."""" 'Sãdhinã Jãtaka: A Case against the Transfer of Meritl (JAOS 54' 1974'
301' n.92'lt. as The Ina¡an¡re¿ pp. 385-7), G. Schopen 'Two Problems in the History of Indian Buddhism: the
siaies of Southeast Asia. Honolulu 196g.
306' l. 18 Kãlakãrâr¡¿sutra:
annotatea tr. uf shkklr"-ñãr;"üa rn, Layman/Monk Distinction and the Doctrine of the Translerence of Merit' (SII
Magic of the Mind. Kandy ß74.
10, 1984, pp.9-al.
310, n.97 D. C' Ahir Buddhist new tr. by Peter Khoroche, Once the Buddha was a
Shrines in India(Delhi 19g6), B. N. Chaudhury 441, n. 105 Jãtakamãla
Buddhist Centres in Anc
Monkey. Chicago 1989.
-
rndia (oxrord resr), s {"'ålí;!:;r':t;::',i "J
the formative period of Indian
}ì1?;,"i i,',?\r"å,1^,K ,!:i, 446,n. l Grousset correctly 1938;English tr., New Brunswick 1970. See also
ttrir¿ and second centuries T. Talbot-Rice The Scythians (London 1957) and M. Colledge The Parthíans
B.C. (Delhi 1980)' K.Kristtna ".rì"¿ "."rritãiture: of Art, Architecture and
rvrurtlv-^'äiJ^pr", (London 1968).
Buddhist Literature in I
450, n. 3 E. Schwentner Tocharische Bibliographie 1890-1958 (DAWB 1959),
Ar c hit e c ture o¡ w,, t,, nnf
?iírq:ð
Mlyrl?, lrr (Delhi'õs1í,
ffi, ?.jli,
ßl?¡f ,il:iñ'i;, iîrgïi S. Zimmer Tocharische Bibliographie 1959-75 (Heidelberg 1976).
f:n.d.v.
(Colombo 1948).
ó.'î"mì"i" Buddhist shrines in rnctia 466 J. Filliozat 'Docétisme indien et docétisme chrétien. L'homme devant
Dteu' (Métanges A. de Lubac lIl, Paris 1964, p. lltr), J.W. de Jong 'The
313' n. 99 S. Dutt Buddhist Discovery of India by the Greeks' (Etudes Asíatiques XXVII, Zutich 1973,
Monks and Monasteries oJ'India. London 1962.
316' n. 103 J. Leoshk"
f"d.¡ allnl"l"',-liî"i¡r, of Entightenment. Bombay pp.1l5-42).
1988.
515 [Ellora] R. Parimoo et al. Ellora Caues (New Delhi 1988), T.W. Pathy
320, n' 109 B' K' P(ijal Archaeological
Remains oJ' Kapilavastu, Lumbini and Elura: art and culture (New Delhi 1980).
 164 Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indion Buddhism
Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism 165

542' n. 14 For information on and the literature of

the Sammatryas see n. 87 Suhrllekha S. Beyer 'A Letter to a Friend' (in his anthology,
(Thich) Thien chau 'The Literature of the rudgaravaäins;-rirÁîö-i,r,rss¿, - Belmont
pp' 7-16), N. Dutt 'The sammitiyas and their puggalavada, The Buddhist Experience, 1974, pp.ll-18), Lozang Jamspal et al.
(The Mahta Bodhi Nagarjuna's Letter to King Gautamlputra (Delhi 1978), L. Kawamura Golden
79, calcutta 1971, pp. 129-36), p. sk'ling 'History and
renets of the Samma- Zephyr (Emeryville 1975), Lobsang Tharchin Nagarjuna's Letter (Dharamsala
tiya School' (Linh-so'n pubrication tr;Etudes Bouddhotogiqaes paris
- No. 19, 1979). See also S. Dietz 'The Author of the Suhrllekha' (Contributions on
1982, pp.38-52).
Tibetan and Buddhist Religion and Philosophy 2, ed. E. Steinkellner and
568' n. 44 F. Bernhard 'Gãndhãrî and the Buddhist Mission
in centrar Asia, H. Tauscher, Vienna 1983, pp. 59-72) and Die buddhistische Briefliteralar (Wies-
in J' Tilakasiri, ed., Añjari. o. H. de A. wijesekera felicitation
uorume, perade- baden 1984).
niya 1970, pp. 55-62.
593, n. 89 C. W. Huntington 'The Akutobhaya and early Indian Madhya-
574, n. 52 Th. Damsteegt Epigraphical Hybríd
Sanskrir. Leiden 197g. maka'. Ph. D. diss., Univ. of Michigan 1986.
,-sll ldd!,armapundarlka - ed. p. L. vaidya, Buddhist sanskrit Texts series
No.6, Darbhanga 1960.
n. 90 K. Lang Ãryadeva's Catuhiataka. Copenhagen 1986.
612, n. 144 R. Bucknell 'The Buddhist Path to Liberation: an Analysis ol the
- tr.Vira
Dasabhúmikasùtra M. Honda in D. sinor, ed., studies in south, Listing of Stages'. JIABS 7,1 (1984), pp. 7-40.
East and Central lslø. Raghu memorial volume, New Delhi 196g. 619,l. 14 B. Galloway 'Sudden Enlightenment in Indian Buddhism' (WZKS
KaÍyapaparivarta F.. weller 'Kãéyapaparivarta nach der Han_Fassung
-
verdeutschr' (Buddhist yearly
25, 1981, pp.205-12), L.O. Gómez'Indian Materials on the Doctrine of
1968_9, Halle l^970, pp. y-Zlt¡, ,lîsvupupu.i_ Sudden Enlightenment' (Early Ch'an ín China and Tíber, ed. W. Lai and
varta nach der Djin-Fas_sung verdeurscht' (Mitteírungin
¿r, níí¡titr jir'orirnt_ L. Lancaster, Berkeley 1983, pp.393-434), R.A. Stein 'Illumination subite ou
forschung XIV, Berrin 1966-7, pp. 379-a62j and 'DiJFassr"s ã;; dé;apapari-
-uy'n'titn saisie simultanée' (RHR 179, 1971. pp. 3-30), A. Wayman Calming the Mind
varta' (Monumenta serica 25, 1966, pp.207-362). EngliJh
Pãsãdika in Linh-so'n
t.
pubrication ,r;Etudes Bourddhorãgiqøes
u and Discerning the Real (New York 1978 - Delhi 1979, pp.44-58).
1977 -9. - Nos t+, paris n. 164 R. Flemming'The Council of Tibet according to the sBa-bzhed'
(with excellent bibliography), Acta Orientalia 47, Copenhagen 1986, pp.33-62;
p.L.
Vaidya in Mahãyanasùtrasamgraha l,
^Buddhist
-.-fo;lropalaparipyccha ^ -:d.
Sanskrit Texts 17, 1961, pp.120_64.
G. W. Houston Sources for a History of the bSam yas Debate, St. Augustin
1980.
(For an extensive anthology in translation from the Ratnaküta, see 626, l. 14 lrom below. Possibly the only full-length work on the subject in
Garma C. C. Chang A Treasury of Mahãyana Sutras. p.r".Vì"""ä S"" Toshiichi Endo Dana: the development of its concept and practice. Colombo
University Press. I983).
1987.
Samadhirãjasûtra ed. p.L. Vaidya, BST 2, l96l . (tr.) La Concentration de la Marche
Suvarnabhasottamasutra- ed. S. Éagchi, ib. g, 1967;tr. R. E. Emmerick,
647, 1.5 .Vyakarana
- E. Lamotte
,576
- Hëroique ( Suramgamasamadhisutra) (MCB XIII, 1965, p. 200n., 202f; l.Ya-
The Sùtra of Golden Light, pTS 1970.
mada (ed.) Karunapundarikø I (London 1968, p. 149tr).
590 l. 5 from end of text for .little' read ,title,. 667, l. 12 Usnlsa H. Durt 'Chõsõ' in Hõbogirin V (1979, p.421 tr);
-
n.79 Niti Adaval Th.e_Story of King Udayana as gleaned from
Sanskrit, Y. Krishnan 'The Hair on the Buddha's Head and Ug4î9a' (EW 16, 1966,
Pali and Prakrit sources (varanasi 1970), sermey GeJhe
Lobsang itu..tin
- -' pp.275-89).
King Udøyana and the Wheel of Life (Freewood Acres, N.J.
l9g4j. " 672, n.53 H. R. Perera 'Asita (3)' (EncyB II,1,1966, pp. 175-6); C. Régamey
591, n.83 B' Bhattacharya Aívaghosa: a critical study of
kãvyas, and the apocryphal works, wìth special reference
îis authentic 'Encore a propos du Lalitavistara et de l'épisode d'Asita' (Etudes Asiatiques
to îis contribuiio.r, ,o XXVII, Ztrich 1973, pp. l-33).
the classical Sanskrit literature, and his doctrinal standpoint
(Shantiniketan 1976), R. salomon'The Buddhist sanskrit
u, u ¡uoot i.t 673, n.59 See complete English tr. of Lalitavistara by G. Bays, The Voice of
óresuugnãru-', suun_ Compassion.2 vols, Berkeley 1983.
darãnanda' (wzKS 27, 1983, pp.97-rl2), A.K. warder tndian
kavla-Litera- 684,1.17 Vicitrakarlikãvadäna tr. H. Jørgensen Buddhist Legends. Lon-
ture 2 (Delhi 1974) Fu'y Developed Kãvya Epic and Drama ín the + t
-'The A comprehènsive don 1931.
Ilst cent' A'c']: Aóvaghosa'. overviéw is provioJ uf i. r-i"rr- l. 16 lrom below. Damamùka tr. S. Frye The Sutra of the llise and
hard in A,History of crassicar poetìy. Sanskrit-pari-prakrit (wiesbaden
l9g4), the Foolish. Dharamsala 198 I .
-
but see also M. c. shastri Buddhßtic contribution to sanskrit poetics
le86).
(Derhi 692, n. 101 H. Bechert Bruchstücke buddhistischer Versammlunger L Die
Anavataptagãthã und die Sthaviragâthã (Berlin 196l); Id. WZKS 2, 1958,
592, n.85 chr' Lindtner pranídhãnasaptati, (Etudes
_'Mãtlce[a's Asiatiques p. I ff. H. Matsumura 'Preamble to the Anavaptagãthã' (ed. and tr. ol begin-
xxxvlII. zurich r984. pp. 100-2g), v-p. python'Le sugatapañ.ut.i.ìui.tot.u ning ol text from the Gilgit Mss Bukkyo Kenkyú : Buddhist Studies 18,
de Matrceta' (Erudes tibétaines, paris 197r, pp.402-10).
s.. álro ward,er Indian 1989, pp. r2s-60).
-
Kãuya Literature 2 (op. cit) 'sanskrit Lyric and prose in ttr. + iþiá..nt.
- 699, l. l0 For'the first book-length treatment of the Maitreya legend in a
A.C.l: Mãtrceta and [Ãrya] Sùra'.
Western language', see A. Sponberg and H. Hardacre (ed.) Maitreya, the Future
n.86 F. Tola and Dragonetti 'Nãgãrjuna's catustava" Journar of
.c.
Indian Philosophy 13,Dordrecht 19g5, pp. l_5ã.
' Buddha. Cambridge I 988.
 166 Webb: E. Lamotte
History of Indian Buddhism Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism 161
725,p.V [correctly
lIIf D C. Ahir Heritage of Buddhism(Delhi 1989) and
Buddhism in North rndia 728, p.45* [: 4l] Johansson, also.Osservazioni
London 1969.
iib.),-S.i;';;r'^i;';åu¿¿no on¿ Five After Cenruries
(London 1957), S.R.Goyal A
H;r;;;y''"lir¿,", Buddhism (Meerur 1987),
p.48* [: y) M. Bergonzi su samatha
e vipassanã nel
A. Hirakawa_ Buddhismo Theravådin'. RSO 54 (1980), pp. 143-70,327-g7.
of indian B;;;;;í^ihái"r,,
ltistory
origin and Nature qf leeo), K.r.s. Sarao ?nåe p.55, n.* [: 5l] For an hermeneutical study of the pali Canon see
,ancienÍ
Buddhist India (Delhi le83),
iri""; ;;ddhrsrø (Delhi 1989), R. C. Sharma G. D. Bond 'The word of the Buddha'- the Tipitaka and its Interpretation in
s. È.-iüsffi;','iry ona phitosophy of Buddhism Theravada Buddhism, colombo 1982. See also D.s.Lopez
(Patna 1982). çea.¡ nuaanist
p. 16, n.* [: tS1 4 Bareau,Lumbini Hermeneutics, Honolulu I 988.
et la naissance du futur Buddha, p.58, n.*
(BEFE. LXXXV, 1e87, pp. ¿õrù);ä"ï;"in
¿. la vie du Buddha selon
[:
53] N.Dutt Buddhist Sects in India (Calcutta 1970),
l'Ekortara-Agama' (Hindu¡s;"; s. Dutt Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India (London 196ì), J. Lopez-Gay
pp' 13-27)' M' carrithers rhe
;;; ir'"å¿ñr*)r, ed. H. Falk, Freiburg 1e87, 'El monaco budista'(BAEO 3,1967, pp.93-120).
Buddia (ó1i".ä'- N.* york 1983), D.rkeda The 729, p.60, n.* [: 54] Id. 'Patimokkha, o ,.Reglas" del monacato budista
Living Buddha (New y^g.k - i;k;"'
siddhartha (Boulder 1982), phra
íòì;; D. J. Katupah ana The way oJ segurì las fuentes de la literatura pãli'. BAEO 5 (1969), pp. ll3_5g.
¿iLÁrrpli.'rn, sptendour of Entightenment. A p.62* [: 56] Id.'La Ordenacion o profesión del monje budista' (BAEO
Life of the Buddha (2 vots, B";gk;k'Ëï;"
é. ,<torlu The Historicat Evotution 8, 1972, pp.89-108), Piyadassi ordínatíon in Theravãda Buidh¡sm (The wheel
of the Buddha Legend (N"w oelii-i;dé;ä.T.;alalasekera .Buddha, (EncyB
III'3.1973' pp.357-80), H. Nakamua'G'";"^;'Buddha 56), Vajirañãnavarorasa Ordination procedure (Bangkok 1963).
(Los Angeles _ Tokyo p,74* [: 67] R. Bogoda et al. The Buddhist Layman (The Wheel 294_5),
1977)' Nãnamoli The Life of
the nraani(i{áÅåy w72).N. Niwano Shakyamuni
Buddha (rokyo leso), M. ír;r;;ï;;dì)ö;i,", E. conze The Ihay of wisdom (The Five Faculties) (ib. 65-6), Khantipãlo r,ay
- London tsTs),H.saddha_ Buddhist Practice (ib. 206-7).
tissa The Ltfe qf the Buddha
Buddha (London l98e), ¡ç. D
tr-å"J*-iözàiî.* schumann The Historicar l. 3 from below Schopen correctly SII 10, 19g4.
þ. w;.k;.;;r#r;; The Biography of the Butldha 730,p.155, n.* [: 14] S.C. - Banerji An Introduction to pali Literature
(Colombo 1972).
726' p' 24* l: 221 J' g¡svs¡s 'whar (calcutta 1964),D.K. Barua An Anaryticar study of the Four Nikayas (calcutta
did the Buddha Eat?' (Buddhist studies 1971), Ko Lay Guide to Tipitaka (Rangoon 19g6, Delhi 1990), G.ò.pande
Review 4, London 1987
A' walev 'Did the Buddha Die or Eating studies in the origíns of Buddhism (Allahabad 1957), Sangh,arakshita The
rork?'1MCB
I, lr-1?,61Irï;:' Eternal Legacy. An Introduction to the canonical Literatuie of Buddhism
p.25* [:23¡ l.-F Fleet îhe Tradition abour the Corporeal Relics of (London 1985).
the Buddha', JRAS 1906.
727' n.** [: 24]D.J.Kalupahana p. 169, n. [ : I 54] Bechert
* ,The
Importance of Central Asian Manuscript_
Buddhist philosophy. A Historical Analysis Finds for Sanskrit Philology' (proceedings of the First International sanskrit
(Honolulu 197q, rd. uno u. ru.u*-ra1;'il;-a, (2 entries, EncyB rv, 3,
1988, pp. 438-69), F. Tola Conference, Section Two, Part l, ed. V. Raghavan, New Delhi 1975, pp.316_
Buddhismo' (BAEO tr, ,?ir, ""d ¿.];"s;;.;';"
l0¡:;;;;;.
Doctrina del Dharma en el 22), Emmertck 'Research on Khotanese: A survey (lg7g-g2)' (Middte^ iranian
d. vir¿u
in the Light of the Fou¡ N.¡r" r.rttriirìniìrrr¡. Earty Buddhist
phitosophy studies, orientalia Lovanensiana Analecta 16, ed. w. Skalmowski and A. van
E. cheetham Fundamen¡q¡,
c"n..ul surveys include Tongerloo, Leuven 1984, pp. 127-45), L. Sander'Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts
Mr;;i;;";l-'i)i¿n,r^
"fMir;:;;" (4 parts, The Buddhist lrom chinese Turkestan: Eighty years of Research work, (prajña-Bhãrati 3,
sociery, London 198s-8),_-K.
Nãrada The Buddha and.lis
B;;;, uià¿n*, concepts (Tokyo le87), Patna 1983, pp. l-18); Bongard-Levin New Sanskrit Fragments of"the Mahayana
r""rnìrsl óiirll"rnao¡,piyadassi rhe Buddha,s Mahãparinirvanasutra (The International Institute for Buddhist S"tudies
Ancient Path (London t964), w.
R;i;i;-;rl';,
1959, rev. ed., 1972), Sangtrarakshita
the Buddha Taught (Bedrord The Reiyukai Libraryl, Tokyo 1986) and, with M. I. vorobyova-Dåsyatovs-
[formerly

H. W. Schumann Buddhism. An
i's*'rii'r¡ auddhism (Bangalore 1959), kaya, Indian Texts from central Asia (ib., 19g6). MacKenne The tiuddh¡st
outline of iií teaching and schools (London sogdian Texts of the British Library (Leiden 1976), D. A. utz A survey of
1973), J. Takasaki An lruloduction
,o n)¿în¡i^iìor<yo 1987). Buddhist sogdian srudies (with comprehensive bibliography
p.26,n.* [: 24] D. rvu"r¡r" fnl"-L,i"I:r'n""r. Reiyukai Library,
1967.
London 1962, New york r 978). -
p.28, n* l:261F.Story The Four Noble Truths (The Wheel 731' p.l7l* [: 156] A. Abeynayake 'The origins of the Khuddaka Nikãya
V. F. Guna¡arna 34_5), as the Fifth collection of the Sutta pitaka'. Kalyãní2, univ. of Kelaniya 1983,
lhe ltgryicry;
"f
;;r'i*, ñä,, Truths (ib. t23). pp. 28-39.
P.29*r'*[: 27] p-
-de silía I ""i",rinr,r", to Buddhist psychology .A
(London 1979), E. Pio Buddhis
t iryrnïi"s ;." iüod..n perspective (New Delhi , p. 172* [:
157] Mizuno, see also Comparative Study of Dharma_
padas' (Buddhist studies in Honour of Hammalava saddhatissa,.ã.
le88). G. Dhur-u-
p 36* {:-.331 ÑJlajivato et al. Kamma pala et al', Nugegoda 1984, pp. 168-75). G. Roth'Notes and rext of rhe patna
s,-
NãTamoli (tr.) The Buddha's wori,
and its Fruit(The Wheel 24s-g), Dharmapada' (Symp. II, pp. 93-135), M. Cone (ed.) .patna Dharmapada I,
*'i{"i,""1'*.221_4). (JPTS XIII, 1989, pp. t0t-2t7).
n.*'¡r"r' [: 331 For a comprehensive
see R. webb's appendix ro. J
bibtìography on pratityasamutpada p. l8l* [: 165] J. Dhirasekera Buddhist Monastic Discipline (Colombo
M: C"ã;:;^öur.u. on Dependent origina_ 1982), Khantipalo The Buddhist Monk's Discipline (The wheel tào-t¡ ano
tion'. Buddhist Studies Review l,
L;;á;; rs8å_"+, pp. ¡s_a.
 168 Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhßm
Banner of the Arahanrs (Kandy 1979),Yajirañãlavarorasa The Entrance to the
Vinaya (3 vols, Bangkok 1970-83).
A. Yuyama Systematische Ubersicht über die buddhistische Sanskrit-
Literatur. I. Vinaya-Texle (Wiesbaden 1979) constitutes the definitive bibliog-
raphy on this subject.
732, p.245, n.* Í: 2231A. W. P. Guruge 'Emperor Aéoka's Place in History'
(Sri Lanka fournal of Buddhist Studies 1, Buddhist and Pali Univ. of Sri Lanka,
1987, pp. 139-70) and 'Emperor Aéoka and Buddhism: Unresolved Discrepancies
between Buddhist Tradition and Aéokan Inscriptions' (Buddhist Philosophy and
Culture. N.A.Jayawickrema felicitation volume, ed. D.J. Kalupahana and
W. G. Weeraratne, Kelaniya 1987, pp.215-49), H. G. A. van Zeyst'Asoka (5)'
(EncyB 11,2, 1967, pp. 178-87), S. Dutt'A Comparison and Contrast between
the Legends and the Edicts' (rð., pp. 187-93).
735, p.245*** n. f:
2241 Ph. Caes 'Quelques observations relatives à une
nouvelle inscription asokéenne provenant du Nord-Ouest de I'Inde' (AION 48,
1988, pp. 243-9), K. R. Norman 'A Newly-flound Fragment of an ASokan
Inscription' (South Asian Studies 4, London 1988, pp. 99-102).
p.260* [: 238] Id. 'Asoka's "Schism" Edict'. Buddhist Seminar 46,
Otani Univ., Kyoto 1987, pp.82-114.
- published in Tantric and Taoist Studies lll,
p.266* [: 243] Strong
ed. M. Strickmann, 1985, pp. 862-81.
736, p.291* l: 266) W. Rahula History of Buddhism in Ceylon, Colombo
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p.340* [: 310] G. Fussman'Symbolism olthe Buddhist Srupa', JIABS
9,2 (1986), pp.37-53.
738, p. 442*,n.1: 402) L. Prematilleke'Bhãrhut'(EncyB II,4, 1968, pp.696-
700), A.D.T.E. Perera 'Buddhagayã' (ib. IIl, 3, 1973, pp.399-404), R. Naga-
swamy 'Amarãvatl (ib. l, 3, 1964, pp. 409-12), K. R. Varma Amaravatî and the
Beginning of Stucco Modelling in India (Santiniketan 1985).
p. 465* l: 423) I. B. Horner (tr.) Milinda's Questions (2 vols, PTS 1963-
4), R. Basu A Critical Study of the Milindapanha (Calcutta 1978), J.D.M. Der-
rett 'Greece and India: the Milindapañha, the Alexander-romance and the
Gospels' (Zeitschrift für Religions und Geistesgeschichte 19, Marburg 1967,
pp.33-6Q.
p.480*, n. [: a36] Y. Krishnan'The Emergence of the Buddha Image,
Gandhara Versus Mathura' (Oriental Art XXXIY, London 1988, pp. 255-75),
L. Nehru Origins of the Gandharan Style: A Study ol Contributory Influences
(Delhi 1989), P. Pal (ed.) Light of Asia: Buddha Sakyamuni in Asian Art (Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1984), A.D.T.E. Perera 'The Evolution of the
Buddha lmage' (The Maha Bodhi 92, Calcufta 1984, pp.64-9), D. Seckel
'Buddhist Art: IV. The Buddha Image' (EncyB III, 3, 1973, pp.477-82), D.N.
Srinivasa Mathura'. The Cultural Heritage (Delhi 1989), M.V. Talim 'On the
Buddha lmage' (Amala Prajña: Aspects of Buddhist Studies, P. V. Bapat
Felicitation Volume, ed. N.H. Samtani and H.S. Prasad, Delhi 1989, pp.399-
408), F. Tissot Gandhara (Paris 1985, tr. as The Art of Gandhãra, Paris 1986),
K. R. Varma Techníque of Gandharan and Indo-Afghan Stucco Images (Santinike-
tan 1987), K.Yamamoto The Lífe of the Buddha through Gandharan Sculpture.s
(Ube City 1974).
739, p.493*, n. l: 4471A. M. Quagliotti 'Note sulla chronologia degli Saka
e degli Sãtavãhana', RSO 56 (1982), pp.75-114.
Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism 169
p. 539*, n. [: a87] D. Hitch 'Kharosthi Influences on the Saka Brâhmi
Scripts' (Middle lranian Studies, Orientalia Lovanensiana Analecta 16, ed.
W. Skalmowski and A. van Tongerloo, Leuven 1984, pp. 157-222), L. Sander
'Zu dem Projekt "Paläographie khotan-sakischer Handschriften"' (¡å., pp. 159-
86),'Indian Brãhml Script on the Eastern Silk Roads'(SII 12, Reinbek 198ó,
pp. 159-73) and Paläographisches zu den Sanskrithandschriften der Berliner
Turfansammlung (VOH Suppl.-Bd. 8, Wiesbaden 1968). Bailey (correctly H.W.)
see also his Culture of the Sakas in Ancient lranian Khotan (Delmar, New
-York 1982) and 'Khotanese Saka Literature' (CHI 3, 2, 1983, pp. 1230-43).
O. Hansen 'Die buddhistische und christliche Literatur l' (Handbuch der Orien-
talistik lY, 2, Leiden 1968, pp.77-83), P.O. Skjaervø 'On the Editing ol
Khotanese Buddhist Texts' (Middle lranian Studies, op. cit., pp. 151.8) and
'Khotanese fragments of the Vimalakîrtinirde6asùtra' (Kalyanamitraganam,
Niis Simonsson felicitation volume, ed. E. Kahrs, Oslo 1986, pp. 229-60). The
main exponent of Khotanese today is R. E. Emmerick at Hamburg University.
His extensive bibliography includes 'The Khotanese Manuscript "Huntington
K"'(an Abhidharma text Asia Major, N.S. XV, London 1969, pp. l-16) and
- Buddhist poem extant in Khotanese, The Book
(ed. and tr.) the sole full-length
of Zambasta (London 1968) supplemented by 'The nine new fragments lrom
the Book of Zambasta'(Asia- Major, N.S.
XII, 1966, pp. 148-78) and,The Ten
New Folios ol
Khotanese' (,á., XIII, 1967, pp. l-47), and The Khotanese
Súrangamasamadhi sutra (London 1970). He has also written on 'The Historical
Importance ol the Khotanese Manuscripts' (Prolegomena to the sources on the
History of Pre-Islamic Central .Asia, ed. J. Harmatta, Budapest 1979, pp. 167-
77\ and'Some remarks on translation techniques ol the Khotanese' (Sprache
des Buddhismus in Zentralasien, ed. K. Röhrborn and W. Veenker, Wiesbaden
1983, pp. 17-26).
p.549*, n.
l: 497) Arapacana - Traitë IV, p. 1866tr; dhãrant, ib.,
p. 185 tr
and A. G. S. Kariyawasam 'Dhãralt', EncyB IV, 4 (1989), pp. 515-20.
p.551*, n. [: a98] Ries English tr. in Buddhíst Studies Review, 3
(1986), pp. 108-24. See also D.A. - Scort 'Manichaean Views of Buddhism,
(History of Religions 25, Chicago 1985, pp.99-ll5), A. van Tongerloo .Bud-
dhist Indian Terminology in the Manichaean uygur and Middle Iranian Texts'
(Míddle lranian Studies, op. cit., pp.243-52).
w. Ball 'Two Aspects of Iranian Buddhism' (Builetin of the Asia Institute of
Pahlavi University, N.S. II, l-4, Shiraz 1976, pp. 103-63), R.W. Bulliet.Naw
Bahãr and the Survival of Iranian Buddhism' (Iran XIy, London 1976, pp. 140-
5), R. E. Emmerick 'Buddhism among Iranian peoples' (CHI 3, 2, lgg3,
pp.949-64)' A. s. Melikian-chirvani 'The Buddhist heritage in the art ol lran'
(Mahayønist Art after A.D. 900, ed. w. watson, percival David Foundation,
univ. of London 1971, pp.5ó-65) and 'L'évocation litteraire du bouddhisme
dans l'Iran musulman' (Le Monde lranien et I'Islam 2, Geneva 1974).
N..8. Koshelenko article correctly in Acta Antiqua Hungøricae (Budapest).
p. 551'i'i, n. [: 499] M. K. Dhavalikar Late Hinayana Caves of Western
India (Poona 1984), O.C. Kail Buddhist Cave Temples of India (Bombay 1975).
740, p.560* [: 507] A.Ghosh Ajanta Murals (Calcutta 1967), R.S. Gupte
and B. D. Mahajan Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves (Bombay 1962), S. K.
Maithy Ajanta Paíntrrgs (New Delhi 1987), D. Mitra Ajanta (Delhi 1956),
J.C.Nagpal Mural Paintings in India (Delhi 1988), T.V. pathy and V.R.N.
Prasad Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves (Bombay 1972), M. Singh Ajanta
170 Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism
(New York 1965) and The Cave Paintings of Ajanta (London 1968), C. Sivara-
mamurti 'Aja+ça' (EncyB 1,2, 1963, pp.300-ll), W. Spink Ajanta to Ellora
(Ann Arbor 1967), D. Schlingloff Studies in the Ajanta Paintings (Delhi 1988),
O. Takata Ajantø (Tokyo 1971), S. L. Weiner Ajanta: Its Place in Buddhist Arr
(Berkeley 1977).
p.571*, n. [:517] Warder 'Original' Buddhism and Mahayanø (Turin
1983), Bechert 'Studies on the Origin of Early Buddhist Schools, their Language
and Literature' (Indology in India and Germany, ed. H. von Stietencron,
Tübingen 1981, pp.70-8) and'Orthodoxy and Legitimation in the Context of
Early and Theravada Buddhism' (Buddhism and its Relation to Other Religions.
S. Kumoi felicitation volume, Kyoto 1985, pp.49-66), R-L Heinze 'The Develop-
ment of Early Buddhist Sects. Does Indian Art and Architecture offer any
clues?' (Visakha Puja, The Buddhist Association of Thailand, Bangkok 1972,
pp. 58-76), D. J. Kalupahana 'Schools of Buddhism in Early Ceylon' (The
Ceylon Journal of the Humanities I, Peradeniya 1970, pp. 159-90).
741, p.657* [:593] Jaini (ed.) Abhidharmatrtpa includes a long summary
- REpnlNrs
in English and discussion of the Abhidharma. See also N. A. Sastri (ed.)
'Pañcavastuka-Sãstra' (VBA XI, 1961, pp. i-xiv, l-50), S. Chaudhuri Analytical
Study of the Abhidharmakoía (Calcutta 1976), L. M. Pruden (tr.) Abhidharma-
koÍabhasyam I-III (Berkeley 1988-9), C. Willemen (tr. Abhidharmahrdaya) The
Essence of Metaphysics (Institut Belge des Hautes Études Bouddhiques 4,
Brussels 1975),T.4. Kochumuttom A Buddhist Doctrine of Experience. A New
Translation and Interpretation of the Works ol Vasubandhu the Yogacärin
(Delhi Bronkhorst 'Dharma and Abhidharma' (BSOAS
1982). Studies include J.
XLVIII, 1985, pp. 305-20), L. S. Cousins 'The Patthãna and the Development
of the Theravãdin Abhidhamma' (JPTS IX, 1981, pp.22-46), C. B. Dharmasena
Aids to Abhidhamma Philosophy (The Wheel 63-4), A. Haldar 'Abhidharma-
koéa: Its Place in Early Buddhist Literature' (JOIB XVII, 1967-8, pp.247-66),
J. Kashyap The Abhidhamma Philosophy (2 vols, Benares 1942-3), W. S. Karu-
naratne, K.Mizuno and H.G.A. van Zeyst'Abhidhamma'(EncyB I, 1, 1961,
pp.37-49), K. Mizuno 'Abhidharma Literature' (ib., pp.64-80), T.C. Muck
'The Meaning of "Abhidhamma" in the Pali Canon' (Pali Buddhist Review 5,
London 1980, pp. 12-22), F. Watanabe Philosophy and its Development in the
Nikayas and Abhidharma (Delhi 1983).
742, p.693* l: 6251Har Dayal The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sønskrit
Literature (London 1932), A. G. S. Kariyawasam 'Bodhisattva' (EncyB III,2,
1972, pp.224-33), L. S. Kawamura (ed.) The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhism
(Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press, Waterloo, Ontario l98l), Y.Krishnan 'The
Origin and Development of the Bodhisattva Doctrine' (EW 34, 1984, pp.2l9-
24).
p.753* l: 6791A. Santoro 'Il Vajrapãni nel arte del Gandhãra.
iconographica ed interpretativa'. RSO 53 (1979), pp.293-341.
p.761* [: 687] J.W. Boyd Satan and Mara. Christian and Buddhist
Symbols of Evil (Leiden 1975), T. O. Ling Buddhism and the Mythology of Evil
(London 1962).
743,p.790* [: 7ll] Jean Filliozat 'Graeco-Aramaic inscription of Asoka
near Kandahar' EI 34 (1959), pp. l-8.
Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism t7t
AsnnEvrarroNs
120 lnd. Ant. correctly Bombay.
722 Periplus: L. Casson (ed. and tr.) The Periplus Marís Erythraei (Princeton
Univ. Press, 1989), G.W. B. Huntinglord (ed.) The Periplus of the Erythraean
Sea (Hakluyt Soc., London 1980).
Additional Entries
AION Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli
BAEO - Boletin de la Asociacion Española de Orientalistas (Madrid)
EncyB - Encyclopaedia of Buddhism (Colombo)
RSO - Rivista di Studi Orienrali (Rome)
Traité - Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse. Louvain 1949-80
-
XXI ($2) L'Inde classique (1985), Díe Phitosophíe der Inder (Stuttgart l9g5).
English tr. of Geschichte der indischen Philosophie (Delhi 1984).
I Bhattacharya (1983), Kosambi (1986).
7, n.2 Cunningham (Varanasi 1963), Law Historical Geography of Ancienî
India (New Delhi 1984). See also D. C. Sircar Studies in the Geography of
Ancient and Medieval India (repr. Delhi 1971).
15, no. 14 Rockhill (San Francisco 1976), Kern (Delhi 1974), Thomas (1975),
Foucher (1987), Bacot (1987), Coomaraswamy and Horner (New Delhi 1982),
Filliozat (1985); Brewster (Varanasi 1975), Waldschmidt (Graz 1982), Warren
(rev. ed., Conesville, Iowa 1968).
23-24, n.l5 Oldenberg (Stuttgart 1984; English rr., New Delhi l97l), Keith
(New Delhi 1979), Thomas (1971), Conze Buddhism (1963) and Buddhist Texts
(New York 1964), Bertrand-Bocandé (1987), Warren (New york 1972, Delhi
le87).
40, n.7l La Vallée Poussin The Way to Nirvana (Delhi l9S2), Stcherbatsky
(Delhi 1987), Obermiller (offpr. Delhi 1987).
53, n. 118 S. Dutt (Bombay 1960), N. Duu (Calcutta t97t).
n. 120 Basham (Delhi l98l).
69, n.167 Saddhatissa (1987), Tachibana (1975).
I
87-88, n. Rapson Ancient India (New Delhi 1987), Smith Oxford Hisfory
(Delhi 1986), Renou er al. (1985), K.A.N. Sastri (Delhi 1988), Basham
(Calcutta 1987), Dictionary of Palí Proper Names (PTS 1974). Sastri Compre-
hensive History of India II, New Delhi 1987.
Ricerca ll8, n.39 Oldenberg (New Delhi 1982), Geiger (New Delhi 1986), Malalase-
kera (Colombo 1958).
120, n.4l Geiger, 1986.
141,n.49 Geiger (Tokyo 1977; English tr., New Delhi 1978), Winrernirz
(New Delhi 19721. new tr., Delhi 1983), Law (Varanasi 1974, 1983), Glasenapp
(Stuttgart 196l), Oldenberg (in Kleine Schriften 2, Wiesbaden 1967), Weller
(excluding'uber das Brahmajãlasütra'- in Kleine schriften, stuttgart l9g7),
Waldschmidt Bruchstücke... (Wiesbaden 1979) and 'Vergleichende Analyse...'
(in Von Ceylon bis Turfan, Göttingen 1967).
r72 Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhism Webb: E. Lamotte History of Indian Buddhísm t73

153, n.53 Hoernle (Amsterdam 1970, Delhi 1988). 577, n.55 Pischel (Tokyo 1977).
154, n.54 Waldschmidt Bruchstücke... (correctly 1932; repr. Wiesbaden 591, n.83 Buddhacarita (Delhi 1978), Saundarananda (Delhi 19g6).
1979); Das Mahaparinirvãnasúta (Kyoto 1986); except for Das Catusparisat- 592, n.84 Weller in Kleine Schrifter 1, Stuttgart 1987.
sùtra a¡d Das Mahãvadanasútra, remaining items repr. in Von Ceylon bis n. 87 Wenzel (1978), L. Jamspal et al. (1983).
Turfan (op. clr.). Hoffmann (Wiesbaden 1986). 594,n.91 Rosenberg (Kyoto 1983), Stcherbatsky (Delhi 1988), Glasenapp
159, n.60 Bode, 1966. 'Zur Geschichte...' (in Von Buddha zu Gandhi, Wiesbaden 1962) and .Der
165,1.7 from below Ursprung ...' (in Ausgewöhlte kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1980).
l8l, n.70 Nyanatiloka- Waldschmidt Bruchstùcke... (Wiesbaden 1979).
Guide... (Kandy 1971), Nyanaponika Abhidhamma n. 93 Aung (PTS 1972), Glasenapp (1958).
Studies (Kandy 1965). 654, n. l8 Delhi 1985.
223, n.l0 Mookerjee Aíoka (Delhi 1989). 656, n.20 Johnston (Delhi 1984), Weller (in Kleine Schrifter I, Srutrgart
257, n.8l Stein (Calcuua l98l). 1987).
260, n.85 Tarn (New Delhi 1980). 661,n.27 Rhys Davids (Varanasi 1973);Warren (Delhi 1987).
310, n.97 Beginnings of Buddhist Art (Yaranasi 1972), Buddhist Art in India, 68ó, n. 82 Hoffmann (Wiesbaden 1986).
Ceylon and Java (New Delhi 197'l), P. Brown (Bombay 1983), Taxila (Delhi 698, n. 120 Edkins (New York 1968).
1975); Chaudhury, 1982. 702,1.20-21 Tocharische Sprachreste I, Göttingen 1983.
313, n.99 Dutt (Delhi 1988). 724Beal Romantic Legend (Delhi 1985), Bharhut (Varanasi 1962), Buddhistic
n. 100 Basham (Calcutta 1987). Studies (1983), Bu-ston History of Buddhism (2 vols, Delhi 1986-7), Dpu (New
317, n. 104 Sahni (Delhi 1982). Delhi 1982), Gilgit Man. (Delhi 1984), HCIP (l
& 3, 1938, 2, 1980), Inde
322, n.116 Ghosh (Delhi 1985). Classique (1985), JPTS (1978), Kern Manual (Delhi 1974), KoSa (1977), Mhv
349, n. 165 Rhys Davids (PTS 1974), Geiger (Tokyo 1977). (PTS 1958), MPS (Kyoto 1986), Rockhill Life (San Francisco 1976), SBE
366, n.5 1973. (Delhi 1965-), Taxila (Delhi 1975), Winternitz Literature (New Delhi 1972; new
371, n. l0 Tarn (New Delhi 1980). tr., Delhi 1983).
402, n.28 I. Cunningham (Varanasi 1962), Barua (1979), Lüders (Nendeln 725, p.Y [correctly XXI] Duu (Calcuua 1978).
1966). p. 16,n.* [: 15] Kalupahana (Lanham, MD 1987), ñãnamoli (1935),
423, n.61 Rhys Davids iDelhi 1975). Saddhatissa (1988).
436, n. 93 Banerjee (New Delhi l98l), Vogel (New Delhi 1977), Tarn (New 726,p.24* [:22] Waley in Madly Singing in the Mounta¡zs: An Apprecia-
Delhi 1980). tion and Anthology of Arthur Waley, ed. I. Morris, London 1970, New york
441, n.105 Fausböll (PTS 1962-4), Cowell (PTS, 3 vols, l98l), T.W. Rhys 1974.
Davids (Varanasi 1973), lCariyapitaka, tr. I. B. Horner, PTS 19751, Divyavadãna 727,n.** l: 241 Kalupahana (1984), Jayasuriya (Kuala Lumpur 1988),
(Delhi 1987), AvadãnaÍataka (Leiden 1958), Iatakamala t¡. (Delhi 1982), Jayatilleke (Delhi 1980), Nãrada (Kandy 1988), Piyadassi (ib.), Sangharakshita
Schiefner (Delhi 1988). (London 1987), Schumann (Wheaton 1983).
446, n.l Grousset (1969; English tr., 1988), Tarn (New Delhi 1980), Mar- 728,p.58, n.* [: 53]N. Dutt (Delhi 1978), S. Dutt (Delhi 1988).
shall (Delhi 1975). 730, p. 155, n.* [: 14] Pande (Delhi 1974).
471, n.32 Yaranasi 1972. p. 169, n.* [: 154] Bongard-Levin 'Fragment of ... Dharmaéarirasütra,
499, n.84 Wauchope (New Delhi 1981), Vogel (New Delhi 1977), Brown with 'New Buddhist Texts from Central Asia', 'Fragment of an unknown
( r e65). manuscript of the Saddharmapundarika' and 'A Fragment of the Sanskrit
517, n. I Rockhill (San Francisco 1976), Geiger (PTS 1980), Dutt (Early Sumukhadhãralf in studies in Ancient India and cenÍral Asia (calcvtta l97l);
History of ... Buddhism : Buddhist Sects in India,Delhi 1978; Early Monastic A Complex Study of Ancíent India (Delhi 1986) includes reprints of .Indian
Buddhism, Calcutta l97l), Obermiller (Delhi 1986), Thomas (1971). Texts from Central Asia', 'New Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts lrom Central Asia',
'New Buddhist Sanskrit Texts from Central Asia: Unknown fragments ol the
ZZ|',i.32Geiger
(roky o te77).
"Mahãyãna Mahäparinirvalasütra"', 'A New Fragment ol the Sanskrit
574, l. 14-15 Oldenbergin Kleine Schriften 2, Wiesbaden 1967. Sumukhadhararli' and'Unknown Dhãranrs from Eastern Turkestan'.
n.52 Edgerton (Delhi 1970). 738, p.480*, n. [: 436j J. Burgess Gandhara Sculptures (Delhi 1978), A. K.
1.4-5 Weller in Kleine Schriften 1, Stuttgart 1987. Coomaraswamy The Origin of the Buddha Image (Delhi 1972
575,
l. 20 Kern-Nanjio (Osnabrück 1970, Tokyo 1977). The Art Bulletin IX, New York 1927), B. Rowland (1975). - offpr. lrom
l.2l Hoernle (Amsterdam 1970, Delhi 1988). 739, p.539*, n. Í: 4871 Bailey of his articles repr. in Opera
f.7 from below Staël-Holstein (Tokyo 1977).
- majority
Minora (ed. M. Nawabi, 2 vols, Shiraz l98l).
l. 5 from below Finot (Osnabrück 1970,Tokyo 1977). 741, p.657* [: 593] Guenther (Berkeley 1976), Kashyap (Delhi 1979).
l. 3 lrom below Régamey (Talent, Oregon 1984).
1.2 lrom below Dutt (Delhi 1984).
 ABRÉVIATIONS

B.E.F.E.O. Bulletin de l'École Française d,Extrême_Orient.

PMG Deurschervro.g.nranãir.t.ôär.'lis"¡aft.
_E.F.E.O Ecote Françair. ¿,e"trér.-_õ;;;.
IHe rndian Histori.ul au;;;;ry, c.î",,..
IA Indo_Iranian Journal, O* ifã"g,"Oordrecht.
,ï. Indologica taurinensia, i;;", '
JA Journal Asiatique, paris.
JAOS Journal of the Àmerican Oriental Society,
,IABS *,, rnt..nuìionuî'ärro.iuti*New l"Jãirirt
Haven.
#;åî,I":r "r Studies,
JRAS the Royal Asiaric Sociery of Great_Britain
iîîä:,t and lreland,
PrcL pubrications
de ,Institut orientariste de Louvain, Louvain - LouvaÌn_
la-Neuve.
pãli Text Socíety, London.
lZs
{OÀ
T.
Serie Oriental. io-u, iornu.
Taishô Shinshû Daizô;ky;, ¿ãitio.,
f. Terarusu er K. WernNe¡¡.
cité comme suit: titr; sanskrit ou chinois; numéro du
suivanr te Répertoire du canon bouidhique traité
fascicule annexe,..Tokyô, l97g;
,ir":¡ii"rî*iiuiur,nn,
iãuleau (k : kiuan); volume;
page, colonne et ligne.
Traité E' Lelro''r'' Le T-raité de ra Grande
vertu de sagesse de Nãgar-
juna, 5 volumes, Louvain, pIOL:
vol. I, (pp.3'620).^1944;vot. 2, (pp.,_621-t1t¡), 1949; vot.
(pp. llle_l733),,1e70;. vor. 3,
J, ôò,
(pp. 21 63_2451 ), Louvain_la_N.ru..
t73s-2162j, ióìá, ràt s,
i SSO.
wzKM wiener Zeitschiift fü, ñ K;;.'ã.,
vtorg.nlandes, wien.
WZKS Wiener Zeitschrift fú. d;; K;;;
öiäuri"ns, wien.
Z_AS Zentralasiatische Studien, il;.;;;r.
.DMG
Leipzig
rilf#:tff'o*t"t"îu""'iìã"¿¡.chenGeserschart,
 TABLE DES MATIÈNBS

Avant-propos ................ VN

H. Dunr, Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse et I'Histoire

du Bouddhisme Indien d'Étienne Lamotte'.'.......'.'......."'¡.... I

A. Hnlxewl, The Meaning of "Dharma". The Buddhist Theory

of Existence t7
K. Brurr¡,cHARYA, A Note on Anãtman in the Work of E. La=
motte ......... 25

K. Fu¡u, On the Ãtman Theory in lhe Mahdparinirvãnasutra ..". 27

N. An¡,u¡rxt, The Development of the Term "Pãtimokkha" in

Early Buddhism ............ 33

H. Bncrrnr, On the Origination and Characteristics of Buddhist

Nikãyas or Schools 5l
J. BnoxrHoxsr, Kathdvatthu and Vijñdnakãya 57

K. MnlsIc, On the Precanonical Shape of the Kevaddha-Sutta as

Compared with the Kien'ku-king 63

H. MersuuuRl, On the Structure of the A3oka Legend 7l

K. R. NonueN, The languages of Early Buddhism 83

O. vox Hnünnn, From Colloquial to Standard Language. The

Oral Phase in the Development of Päli l0l
A. Tu,menlrwe, The Development of "sacred Language" in the
Buddhist Tradition ll5
A,.Pnzzttt, The Spiritual Progress to reach Nirvãna according to
Vasubandhu 123

J. S. Srno¡¡c, Buddha Bhakti and the Absence of the Blessed One l3l
F.V. Trso, The Bodhisattva as a Buddhist Saint .......... t4t
C. Blurzp-PIcRoN, Mañjuéri au geste de I'enseignement ............. 149

R. Wntt, E. Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism. An additional

bibliography ......... l6l
Abréviations 175

Index des auteurs 177