Volume 23

Number 4
Fall 1976

\(

COPYRIGHT, 1978
By the American Society for Ethnohistory

US ISSN 0014-1801
 THE FUTURE OF ETHNOHISTORY*

by

Karl H. Schwerin
University of New Mexico

ABSTRACT

Some of the sources of ethnohistoric research are identified, and the two
major orientations - historical and scientific - of this type of research are
discussed. Within each of these two, orientations numerous examples of
specific topics, approaches, method, and theory are cited from Ethno-
history. A strong case is made for increasing application of scientific
method in ethnohistoric analysis. Although the wealth of historical
materials available has hardly been touched, their very abundance promises
rich rewards to the investigator who seeks to make use of them
scientifically. Not only must the ethnohistorian search for new facts, he
must dare to be innovative and creative in working with the facts. He must
search out new ideas, explore their ramifications, and develop their
theoretical implications.

Ethnohistoric research goes back at least to the time of Lewis H.

Morgan ( 1f.77) who drew on a variety of historical records in writing Ancient
Society. tti also stimulated historical research among some of his followers,
such as B,4ndelier ( 1878, 1880). EarlY. in the present century ethnohistoric
studies were undertaken by such scholars as Nuttall (1901), Seler
Ii
(1902-1923), and Swanton (1931). Recognition of ethnohistory as a discrete
methodology within anthropology, or linking topics and problems of concern
common both to history and anthropology, or as a specialized endeavor
,, within history seems to have occurred only since the end of the Second World
War.
Several factors probably contributed to the emergence of effinohistory
as a discrete enterprise. First among them was a widespread concern within
anthropology with problems of culture .contact, culture change, accultura-
tion, and similar phenomena. Frequently ethnohistoric research could
significantly enlarge the data base and provide greater time depth in tracing a

ETHNOHISTORY 23/4 (Fall 1976) 323

324 KARL H. SCHWERIN

particular sequence of culture change (Beals 1943, 1945). Second, the work
of the federal Indian Claims Commission gave new stimulus to ethnohistoric
investigation in the attempt to verify the extent of past control over
territories claimed by particular Indian groups (Euler 1972: 203). Third,
during this same period there was a rapid growth of anthropological research
in Latin America which brought investigators into contact with the copious
archival material which has been recorded and preserved by Hispanic
administrative and religious officials for periods ranging up to 450 years or
more (cf. Carrasco 1950; Nicholson 1957; Kirchoff and Metraux 1948). A
fourth factor has been the achievement of independence throughout the
world by innumerable former colonial territories. Not only are these new
nations playing a part in contemporary history, they are trying to discover
their own historical background - which frequently had been ignored or
rejected by the former European rulers. Anthropologists, who previously
were identified with colonial administrations, are frequently unwelcome in
these new states, while historians may find it much easier to conduct research
there, particularly if their professional interests are congruent with those of
local nationalism and the desire to provide historical validation and legitimacy
for the precolonial origins oflocal populations.
Of these four recent stimuli to ethnohistoric research, the first two
seem to have been major factors in bringing interested North American
ethnologists together in forming the American Indian Ethnohistoric Confer-
ence in 1956. 1 The latter two factors began to emerge as early as 1962
(Adams 1962; Vansina 1962), and several papers dealing with topics outside
North America had appeared in Ethnohistory (cf. vol. 11) by 1964. In 1966
the scope of the organization was broadened when the membership voted to
change the name to "American Society for Ethnohistory."
I have attempted to get some insight into the accomplishments of this
s~iety over the past decade, and with this end in mind I have reviewed every
is~ue of this society's journal Ethnohistory from volume 10 to volume 20. I
nA>w have a fair idea of the kinds of problems we ethnohistorians have been
concerned with in the past, and of the methodological approaches we have
utilized to deal with those problems. In the discussion which follows I will
cite as many relevant examples from Ethnohistory as possible. How,ever, I will
also refer to significant studies which have appeared elsewhere.

The Place of History Within Ethnohist~ry

Ideally ethnohistory should provide a natural meeting ground for

historians and anthropologists. But the fact is that this society has been
dominated by anthropologists from the first. During the last decade at least
The Future of Ethnohistory 325

twice as many anthropologists have published in Ethnohistory as have

non-anthropologists (and not all the latter were historians, see Table 1), while
at least three-fourths of our presidents have come from anthropology.
Traditional historical effort has a legiti~ate and proper place in ethnohistoric
research, and I would like to see greater participation by historians, both in
the activities of the society, and through publication in the journal.
Traditional historical research has a useful place in ethnohistoric
methodology, and it is not restricted in application to historians alone. In
fact, many of the papers appearing in Ethnohistory which I would
characterize as "historical''., were written by anthropologists. As an anthro-
pologist myself, I can hardly claim to speak for those scholars who have been
trained as historians. However, from the perspective of a social scientist, I
would define traditional history in very narrow terms. Many of the papers
published in Ethnohistory over the past decade fall within the bounds of
history as I am here viewing it. While I would_ urge ethnohistorians to strive
for higher levels of analysis, at the same time most of the traditional historical
contributions are useful and even necessary in making available to a wider
audience much of the basic data which is necessary for more structured kinds
of analysis.
The most straightforward undertaking which falls under this rubric is
the publication of previously unpublished and little known documents,
manuscripts, historical studies, and the like. Sometimes these appear as
summaries rather than verbatim reproductions, particularly where manu-
scripts are extensive or contain but a limited amount of relevant material. In a
sense this kind of exercise can hardly be called history, yet by making
available otherwise inaccessible historical data, it provides an invaluable
service to interested scholars. During the past decade eight such documents
have appeared in the papers of Ethnohistory (cf. e.g., Hoffman 1963; Taylor
1972; Dexter l969).
Another useful contribution is the publication of annotated bibli-
ographies, or,'guides to manuscript collections or other comparable historical
sources. There have been two of these (cf. W. Jones 1967; Evans 1970).
Perhaps the commonest type of paper involves description of historical
events or a series of connected events as they occur through time; there have ,
been fourteen of these (e.g., Trigger 1965; Reynolds 1972; Wolff 1969). In
terms of methodology and orientation, historical biographies belong here also
(five papers, e.g., Adolf 1964; Pratt 1971). While somewhat distinctiye from
traditional historical subject matter, ethnographic reconstructions are1clearly
related to this genre. Fourteen papers during the past decade fall into this last
category (e.g., Juricek 1964; Riley 1968; A. Gibson 1971). Likewise,
attempts to identify persons, places, tribes, or events through careful study
and interpretation of historical documents is in many respects but another
 ·~,

Table 1 w
N
Orientation of Papers Published in Ethnohistory, 1963-1973 °'
-
Year 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973
Volume no. 10 ::,-.._ 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Total
Papers by:
Anthropolo!!ists JO 8 IO 6 2 12 15 5 IO IO 2 90
Historians 2-
Others 2 5 4 - I 2 6 4 8 12 4 48

Gco~raphical areas tren tcd:

North America 14 9 14 - 3 7 16 7 15 20 6 111
Latin America - - 3 - 2 I 2 I I IO
Old World 4 - 5 3 4 2 18

Historical papers
Unpublished documents I 2 I - - 2 I I 8
Bibliographic - - I - I 2
Descriptive 3 I 2 I - 2 I 2 I I 14
Historical biography I I I - I I 5
Ethnography I I - 4 3 2 3 14
Historical critique I 2 2 - I 2 I I IO
Methodological issues 3 - I - 2 6
Abstract essay - I I 2
Scientific papers
Linguistic analysis I - 3 - - 4
Culture change and conflict 2 - I I 2 3 - I 3 2 15 ~
:;t,
Demography - - - I I 2
I:'""
Cultural ecology I - 2 - I 4
:I::
Struclural-in~!it
,.. ,- u t ional 2 2 3 I 2 I I 12
C/l
Symbolic analysis - - 0 ()
Ideological analysis 2 - I 3 :I::
l'olitirnl dynamic I I 2 ~
:;t,
Prcigrnmmnlic I I
z
The Future of Ethnohistory 327

application of general descriptive history (cf. e.g., Hoffman 1963:4-10;

Trigger 1969; Day 1965; no examples, respectively).
A somewhat higher level of aralysis is represent(!d by the critique
and/or reinterpretation of earlier historical studies. Some ten papers have
taken this tack during the past decade (e.g., Mason 1964; R. Jones 1973).
Finally, one can identify papers which explore methodological issues (six
contributions, e.g., Sturtevant 1966; Hudson 1966; Fenton 1966), and
general abstract or philosophical essays (two contributions, Washburn 1968;
Sorber 1972). Each class·· of historical effort which I have cited here has a
contribution to make and I would hope that examples of each one will
continue to be published in the journal Ethnohistory as well as elsewhere.

The Potential of Ethnohistoric Resources

Both history and science can profit from greater use of ethnohistoric
resources. To date a great deal of the research effort has concentrated on
North America (see Table 1). There has also been a tendency to focus a study
around one or a few related documents. While these are useful approaches,
the full potential of ethnohistory cannot be realized without more compre-
hensive investigation and more extensive comparative analysis.
The processes of independence and nationalism which were mentioned
earlier, as well as increasing awareness of national and former colonial
documents and archives, offer a vast arena for research all over the world - in
Africa, Asia, and Oceania, as well as in Europe and the America. Undoubtedly
there are archival collections in many countries which are yet to be identified
by interested scholars. One of the richest fields for ethnohistoric investigation
is to be found in Latin America where Spanish colonial officials kept detailed
records ran~g from royal decrees applicable to all the colonies, down to
provincial, I)arish, and local administrative records. Those of us who are Latin
Americanists recognize that this treasure trove has barely been touched.
There are many unpublished manuscripts which contain detailed
information of great value to historians and social scientists. Many of these
date back to the early days of European contact and have recorded importan~
information about local peoples and their cultures. John Murra, a past
president of this society, has been instrumental in encouraging the publica-
tion of several unpublished manuscripts which deal with the IndiaJ\ cultures
of Peru in the sixteenth century (cf. Diez de San Miguel 1964; Zuniga
1967-1972).
Not all the useful material has been collected and deposited in national
archives or libraries. A great deal of valuable information· is still to be
discovered on the provincial and parish level. Pedro Carrasco has spent a
328 KARL H. SCHWERIN

number of years in Huachianango, Mexico, studying the historical record

relating to the cultures of the Sierra de Puebla. In Barcelona, Venezuela I was
fortunate to discover extensive documentation on the attrition of Indian
landholdings in eastern Venezuela during the nineteenth century; this
provides valuable information on Indian-white relations during a period that
has to date received very little attention by scholars in general.
Comprehensive study of all the available ethnohistoric materials relating
to a particular culture or people can often produce remarkably detailed and
coherent results, filling in hitherto unknown historical facts, and illuminating
various aspects of cultmal process. Charles Gibson (1952, 1964) is perhaps
the leading example 6f this kind of scholarship. In his research on the
Mexican Indians under colonial rule he has sifted through huge masses of
documents and manuscripts in a variety of archives, as well as reviewing all
relevant published sources. While this kind of undertaking may literally
demand years of scholarly effort, the quality of the results is so vastly
superior that I would hope increasing numbers of investigators will be
encouraged to make use of this approach.
By combining intensive research into all relevant manuscripts and
documents with investigation on the provincial level and below, very
satisfactory rewards may be forthcoming. Nutini is currently inventorying
every municipio and parish archive in the Mexican state of Tlaxcala and the
majority of these records are being copied on microfilm. He has also
succeeded in gaining access to some private collections. By combining the
information thus obtained with data from the better known state and
national ~rchives, he expects to be able to produce a thorough study of the
processes of structural change in such native institutions as family organiza-
tion, religious and ceremonial practices, and compadrazgo.
I strongly urge that we all become increasingly aware of the variety of
potential ~nohistoric sources, and that we should be assiduous in the field
in ferretqig out relevant materials. Not only are they to be found in the
obvious pllaces, but sometimes they turn up in unlikely circumstances as well.
No level of government administration or of church hierarchy should be
ignored as a possible generator and custodian of useful documents.

Scientific Analysis in Ethnohistory

It .is clear that, just as many of the scholarly contributions pfoduced by

anthropologists are best classified as historical studies, so frequently the
efforts of historians are scientific in nature. It is well nigh impossible to draw
a fine methodological line separating the two disciplines, and frankly I feel
that it is undesirable to try. The healthiest situation for the full development
The Future of Ethnohistory 329

of any discipline's potential is when its practitioners are free to apply

whatever techniques are best suited to the analysis of a given problem. Many
of the so-called "social histories" ar~ really scientific studies which have been
conducted by historians.
In this section I will review several points of view, methodological
orientations, and areas of inquiry which can be characterized as scientific in
approach. I will also comment on how I think scientific research might be
further developed within each of the specialized research areas identified
here. It is not so much my intent to discuss where I think ethnohistory will
go in each case, but rather where I think it ought to go. If I can call my
colleagues' attention to some of these questions, hopefully they will be
encouraged to undertake more analytic, explanatory, and scientific interpre-
tations. It is heartening to note that examples of most of these approaches
have already appeared in the pages of our journal.
To my mind, ethnohistory offers a great potential which has hardly
begun to be developed. Various explanatory approaches and methods of
scientific analysis are more or less applicable to ethnohistorical materials.
Often exciting insights into the dynamics of culture will result from
systematic scientific analysis. By providing fresh perspectives on particular·
cultural phenomena the scientific approach can help stimulate a whole new
understanding of their nature and functions.
To date much of the most creative and innovative uses of ethnohistory
- those which have established benchmarks against which to measure future
research effort - has been conducted by persons who are peripheral to our
society or not associated with it at all. Likewise much of the landmark
publication has appeared elsewhere than in Ethnohistory. Nonetheless, to
judge by the papers which have appeared in our journal, the membership has
very definitely kept in tune with contemporary developments, and they have
also made~several significant contributions toward the scientific use of
ethnohistoric data.
Tm~\ the preponderance of contributions published in our journal has
been historical in nature. Yet, if defined in the very broadest sense, scientific
studies make up a not insignificant part of the whole, averaging roughly thirty
percent. For the remainder of this discussion, I would like to explore what
has been accomplished in some of the areas of scientific analysis and to
speculate a little on some of the future developments which might emerge
from each area.

Linguistic Analysis
Ordinarily one might not think of linguistic analysis in the same
context with ethnohistoric research, but the fact is that there have been four
papers during the past eleven years treating linguistically related problems
330 KARL H. SCHWERIN

(Brugge 1965; Cohen 1968; Fleming 1968; Longacre 1968). Upon reflection
one can discern no reason why linguists could not make fruitful use of the
ethnohistoric approach. Since linguistics is a rather specialized endeavor,
however, I am reluctant to examine its future ethnohistoric role in any detail.
Suffice it to say that I hope to see continued linguistic contributions in this
field.

Culture Change
One of the most popular "scientific" approaches has been the study of
culture contact, cultural conflict, acculturation, and culture change. Some
fifteen contributions to Ethnohistory during the past decade have dealt with
this problem in one way or another. It is an obvious subject for the
ethnohistorian, and frequently the facts of culture change fairly leap from the
data under investigation.
As a matter of fact, not all studies of culture change are truly scientific.
It is easy merely to recount sequential development of events without any
attempt at analysis, explanation, or generalization (e.g., Cordy 1972).
Frequently, however, such studies 'do attempt to distinguish particular
patterns of change, such as BerJ{hofer's (1963) analysis of four general
patterns of acculturation under misionization. The nature and quality of
change is also much more intelligible when it is dealt with in terms of
institutional modification, or generalized structural analysis of the processes
of change (e.g., Pasternak 1968; Kurtz 1969; Smith 1972).
Strange as it may seem, the phenomenon of process itself has been
relatively neglected in the study of this subject. When I first became
interested in problems of culture change, I was appalled to discover how few
students of the phenomenon had treated it in dynamic terms. There was a
tendency to identify beginning states and end states - where change had
obviously~occurred in getting from one to the other - but without any
considerafion of the processes by which a culture moved from one state to
another. .\Today some progress has been made toward dealing with culture
change in more general processual terms (cf., Wallace 1956; Schwerin 1970).
Unfortunately, theoretical interests in anthropology have moved on to
other problems, in part perhaps because of the essential sterility of m,ost
earlier acculturation studies. The disturbing thing is that problems of culture
change have been set aside without ever developing a satisfactory theoretical
framework for dealing with these processes, either in specific <;::J:ses, or as a
general phenomenon. Since in ethnohistoric research the inv~stigator is
continually confronted with instances of culture change, we may hope that
those engaged in this type of investigation will be the source of new
theoretical insights into the processes involved. A thorough understanding of
 The Future of Ethnohistory 331

culture change (in a narrow sense) will go far towards making the culture
phenomenon understandable as a whole.

Demography
The question of demographic patterns has attracted a good deal of
attention in ethnohistoric research. In fact, this is one area of endeavor which
has flourished as a result of labors within this field. Rapid and often
disastrous population declines have been well-nigh universal accompaniments
of contact with western civilization. The factors contributing to such decline
are various, but they .include deaths through warfare, exportation of native
personnel as slaves, disruption of native social organization, excessive
demands for native labor by the European conquerors, introduction of
livestock, disturbance of the local ecological equilibrium, etc. However, the
two most significant factors contributing to the decline1 of the native
populations have been the introduction of epidemic disease vectors, and
dilution of the native population through race mixture.
Only two of the recent contributions to Ethnohistory have dealt with
demographic questions, but major , studies along these lines have been
produced by such renowned scholars as Aguirre Beltran, Rosenblat (1954),
and above all the pioneering analyses of Borah and Cook (1963, and others).
These investigators have carefully analyzed a great many colonial census
records, tribute lists, and similar materials in order to make estimates of the
native population during the early colonial period, and have devised rational
procedures for calculating backwards in order to interpolate the approximate
population size at the time of first European contact. Through their work
they have been able to show that epidemic disease is a dominant factor in
early and rapid population decline. On the other hand, Aguirre Beltran
(1946) has clearly documented for Mexico the major role played by
miscegention in contributing to the relatively rapid decline of the Indian,
and the yirtual disappearance of the African components of the population.
Rate mixture is effective in diminishing the native population, of
course, only where mixed bloods are recognized by their European parent
and either socially incorporated into the dominant ruling class (as frequently
occurred during the sixteenth century in Spanish America) or were
recognized as a distinct social category superior in status to the native
population (as occurred with the growth of the mestizo population in Spanish
America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries).
Drawing upon the contributions of Borah and Cook, Do-byns (1966)
has worked out a general model for the processes of native population decline
when brought into contact with Europeans. He calculates that on the average
j
most populations will decline to 1/20 their original number within approx-
 332 KARL H. SCHWERIN

imately 130 years. If the remaining population is quite small at that time it
will probably go on to extinction (if this has not occurred already). On the
other hand, if reasonable numbers remain after this period of initial decline,
the population is most likely to recover and begin growing again. The
importance of Dobyns' analysis is that it gives us a general processual model
for understanding the dynamics of population decline - at least under
conditions of western contact.
However, there is still much to be done in the area of demographic
research. We know something now about how and why populations decline,
but there is very lit~le understanding of what makes populations grow.
Perhaps of even greater theoretical interest is the question of what factors are
involved in stabilizing a population at an equilibrium level? A growing interest
in demographic problems is indicated by the recent formation, by historical
demographers attending the International Congress of Americanists in Mexico
City, of an informal group for the exchange of ideas and information. While
demographic research certainly is not limited to the efforts of ethno-
historians, it is clear that we are in a position to make a significant
contribution. Perhaps this is another area where the use of ethnohistoric
materials could lead to major theoretical advance.

Ecological Studies
While demography may seem like an obvious topic for ethnohistoric
research, ecology would at first blush seem singularly inappropriate.
Ecological studies generally call for extensive and detailed information on the
biological and physical factors impinging on a given culture. This kind of data
is almost invariably lacking in historical records. Even on those infrequent
occasions where there is some reference to features of the natural
environment, they are dealt with from a natural history perspective in vague
and gen~ized terms, not within the precise detail which characterizes
modern ecological investigation.
Ye,t the fact is that ethnohistorians have made some significant
contributions towards the advancement of such research and it is a
contribution of some potential importance. Several useful studies have been
published by investigators of Canadian ethnohistory (Bishop 1974; ~ay
1974). Nor have contributors to Ethnohistory been entirely discouraged from
undertaking ecological investigations - there have been four such studies
during the past decade. Binford has perhaps been the most !11novative in
showing how one can combine incomplete historical data on the culture in
question, ethnological and archaeological knowledge of similar cultures, and
logical interpolation to produce provocative but unquestionably sound
i- reconstructions of former patterns of cultural adaptation. In his lengthy
study of the Indians of southeastern Virginia, which was published in our
The Future of Ethnohistory 333

journal, Binford (1967) made use of information on settlement location,

settlement pattern, past and present vegetation covers, trade and/or h,ostile
relations among tribes, and a variety; of similar data, to produce a relatively
detailed interpretation of patterns of cultural adaptation and cultural change
during a period of nearly two centuries.
Much contemporary ecological research is concerned with present
conditions. However, it is a fact that man's impact upon the land has
frequently been far-reaching and has modified original ecological conditions
to a greater or lesser degree. Through ethnohistoric investigation it may be
possible to recover usefµl information - even though much of it will be
general in nature - about past ecological conditions, thus enabling us to trace
the evolution through time of the interaction between man and his cultures
on the one hand, and the physical and biological environment on the other.
For example, more precise documentation on the deforestation:'of the Valley
of Mexico would greatly illuminate our knowledge of changing economic
patterns under Spanish colonial rule, as well as providing further insights into
the nature of colonial exploitation o~ the native labor force. If I could
document the history of Spanish cattle herding on the Llanos of Venezuela
and Columbia, my research on Carib warfare and raiding in this part of South
America would be advanced considerably. I do know that the introduction of
large numbers of swine to one Carib community early in the present century
'had disastrous consequences for their agriculture, their relations with the
neighboring criollo population, and resulted in a much more dispersed
settlement pattern. In the Old World, imagine how historical explanations
might be modified if some diligent scholar were to document the gradual
dessication of the Mediterranean area as a consequence of such human
activities as deforestation, water diversion, silting and salinization of water
works, overwazing ( especially by goats), and similar factors. It is precisely in
the area of ieconstructing past ecological conditions that ethnohistory is in a
position t~ contribute information which is unlikely to come from other
quarters. r

Structural-Institutional Analysis
During the past quarter century one of the most popular approaches in
anthropology has been that of studying social institutions and of delineating
and analyzing social structure. While the early development of structural
analysis took place in Great Brigain, it has been widely pursued by American
anthropologists as well - in fact for a time it seemed that it might"'dominate
all other approaches to the study of social and cultural data.
Actually, there are several closely related approaches which can be
classified under this rubric. Functional analysis attempts to show the
correlations or interrelations among various features of a culture, so that if
334 KARL H. SCHWERIN

change occurs in one part it will be reflected by a corresponding change in

another part. It is worth noting in passing that this is precisely what many
ecological studies are attempting to ,show, even though they operate with a
perspective which includes consideration of non-cultural parameters, as well
as cultural and social factors. Structural analysis attempts to delineate the
framework on which the culture is organized, to determine how the various
parts are differentiated one from another, yet linked to each other in making
up the cultural and social whole. Institutional analysis focuses on the more
coherent and discrete portions of the social structure - such ll8 economic
patterns, the family, descent groups, sodalities, political institutions, cere-
monial organization, and the like - in an attempt to understand their internal
organization and workings, or the relationship among two or more institu-
tional entities.
One would naturally expect that the popularity of struct.ural interpre-
tation within anthropology in general would have been reflected in a
comparable effort among ethnohistorians. This is exactly what has happened.
The twelve more or less structural studies which have appeared in
Ethnohistory since 1963 are surpassed only by those dealing with problems
of culture change.
Structural studies have ranged from Sweet's ( 1964) analysis of political,
economic, and social structure among the Arab societies of the Persian Gulf
during the eighteenth century, through Pasternak's {1968) documentation of
the atrophy of patrilineal bands in a Chinese village, to Young's {1970)
tracing of structural continuity in Guaymi society, and Brown's {1970)
discussion of the economic organization and social position of Iroquoi~
women. Murra's {1968) reconstruction and analysis of political organization
in the Aymara kingdom of Lupaqa is an outstanding example of the sorts of
institutional analysis which can be accomplished with ethnohistoric materials.
Working wiQ-i much more extensive and detailed historical sources, Carrasco
{1971) has 1been able to provide a rather thorough interpretation of ancient
Aztec social organization.
Social anthropology is firmly established within the anthropological
discipline, both in terms of theoretical orientation and of methodological .
technique. It is difficult to predict whether significant advances will be mad~
in either aspect within the next few years. Yet the substantive contributions
that the social anthropological approach has made toward analyzing social
institutions, understanding and explaining social organization, and !l~lineating
the actual workings of social structure is impressive. I would waget that this
kind of analysis will continue to be important both by itself and as a source
of solid data for other quite different approaches to the interpretation of
cultural facts.
The Future of Ethnohistory 335

Symbolic Analysis
The French philosopher-anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss has had a
major impact on British social anthropology, giving rise to a: permutation
which is becoming known as "Symbolic Analysis" or "Structural Anthro-
pology." In a sense, perhaps, this can be seen as an extension of structural
and institutional modes of analysis from the social to the ideological level of
culture. Leading exponents of this approach include such figures as Edmund
Leach (cf. e.g., 1967) and Victor Turner (1960). Within the past few years a
primary commitment to /the study of symbol systems has swept whole
departments of anthropology, as has happened, for example, at Chicago and
Cornell. An outstanding application of the symbolic approach is represented
by Ortiz' (1969) study of the cosmological world of a New Mexico Pueblo.
At the same time he offers his analysis as a critique of some of the concepts
which Levi-Strauss argues to be basic features of human thought.
It is interesting to note that to date little interest in symbolic analysis
has been evinced within ethnohistory. It is true that Leach (1962, 1966) has
sometimes gone back to the Bible for problems which provide fruitful
material for symbolic interpretation. To date, however, no symbolic analyses
have been published in Ethnohistory. Here again, there must be an abundance
of relevant sources which would be amenable to this kind of treatment.
Myths, legends, folklore, cosmological systems and ceremonial practises of
alien peoples have always attracted considerable attention among European
explorers, conquerors, and missionaries, if for no other reason than to prove
they were works of the devil. In any event there is an abundance of
documentation on these subjects. Some of it has been published, but much
remains in unpublished records and manuscripts, hidden away in religious and
governmental archives. At the very least, by paying attention to ethnohistori-
cal sources, the practitioners of symbolic analysis could expect to signifi-
cantly increaf the corpus of material from which they are working. And who
would be so rash as to say that here again ethnohistoric efforts could not lead
to significan~ new methodological and theoretical innovations?

The Study of Ideology

There is one area of inquiry which has been grossly neglected in social,
science and this is the study of ideology - religion, magic, world view, and
related cultural features. Even today, much of the effort expended in this
sphere of endeavor remains close to the descriptive level. The bi~~- against
fruitful inquiry into, and general theoretical explanation of, ideblogical
phenomena dates back at least to Morgan (1963:5) who asserted in Ancient
Society "that all primitive religions are grotesque and to some extent
unintelligible." This kind of bias has survived to the present day, where as
336 KARL H. SCHWERIN

recently as 1959 an anthropologist as eminent as Murdock (1959:viii) refused

to treat religious patterns in his comprehensive survey of the peoples and
cultures of Africa.
Of course much symbolic analysis is concerned with matters relating to
religious and/or ideological phenomena, but at this point I would like to
explore the prospects for alternative approaches to the study of this aspect of
culture. In this regard, I do not mean to gainsay the rather significant
contributions which have been made by such scholars as Malinowski (1935)
and Evans-Pritchard (1956). Valuable theoretical explanations have also been
developed by Wallace (1956)J and Worsley (1957), but they were limited in
scope to conditions involving tiativistic cults or revitalization movements.
The fact is that this is an area which suffers from a dearth of theoretical
development or distinctive methodological techniques. There has been little
effort within anthropology to develop meaningful sociostructural analyses of
ideological phenomena comparable to the insightful interpretations of the·
role of religions in civilized cultures that have been elaborated by Tawney
(1926) or Weber (1948). White's (1959:303-328) preliminary attempt in this
direction is the only anthropological example which comes to mind.
However, he and others have made frequent suggestions about the evolution-
ary functionalism of religious phenomena. Sahlins' (1968:96) delightful if
somewhat cynical three paragraph resume of these processes is pregnant with
suggestions for intensive research along any one of a half dozen lines of
inquiry. Unfortunately, I know of no one who has followed up on these
possibilities.
The general neglect of ideological problems is also evidenced in the
pages of Ethnohistory where only three papers touching on this area have
appeared during the past decade. Griffen (1970) applied Wallace's model of
revitalization movements to analysis of a colonial period nativistic movement
in north Mexico' Freeman (1965) maintained the thesis that other-worldly
value orientationsI
instilled by the missionaries in their Indian converts put the
latter into conff~ct with the dominant values of white culture. Perhaps the
most significant contribution in terms of structural analysis and theoretical
explanation is Berkhofer's (1965) consideration of religious factionalism
among the Iroquois.
Thus, while the study of ideological phenomena has not attained a great
deal of interest from within the field of ethnohistory, the work that has been
done is sound and theoretically important. Again, I maintain that we r:puld
make an important contribution here. Certainly we have access to source
materials which provide an abundance of raw material for this kind of
research.
The Future of Ethnohistory 337

Conclusion

Even with this brief survey of a few areas with unexploited research
possibilities, we can se~ considerable promise of significant substantive
achievement, as well as major advances in methodology and theory. No, more
than that. The potential of the next decade, or the next generation, is truly
exciting!
While still a relatively young focus for research interest, ethnohistory
has already achieved valuable results. The accomplishments of the future can
be even more impressi\re depending on how much inspiration and insight we
bring to our work. We need first of all to assert our . own intellectual potential
to the full. The search for new facts should be only a first step in our research
efforts. We must push onward - as many of us are already doing - to search
for broader meaning or fuller explanation of our data. We ~ust dare to be
innovative and creative in working with the facts. We must strive to search
out new ideas, to explore fully their ramifications, and to develop their
theoretical implications. If we do thi~ - and we can do this - both history
and anthropology will look to us not for empirical data alone, but also as a
fertile source of new ideas, and for leadership in the interpretation of cultural
data.

NOTES

* Presented as the presidential address at the Annual Meeting of the American Society
for Ethnohistory, October 1974, St. Paul, Minnesota.
1. This was preceded by the founding, under the chairpersonship of Erminie Wheeler
Voegelin, of the Ohio Valley Historical Indian Conference two years earlier, and
under whose aegis publication of the journal Ethnohistory was begun.

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Submitted 29 July 1977

Accepted 14 August 1977

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