Allen, Aspects of Time in Persiles

Aspects of Time in "Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda"
Author(s): Kenneth P. Allen

Source: Revista Hispánica Moderna, Año 36, No. 3 (1970/1971), pp. 77-107
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
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REVISTA
HISPANICA MODERNA
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY HISPANIC STUDIES
XXXVI 1970-1971 NUM. 3
ASPECTS OF TIME IN LOS TRABAJOS DE PERSILES

Y SIGISMUNDA
PREFACE
IME is an integral part of any human reality, be it the subjectiv

of an individual or the shared reality of a group. Consequently, w
author of fiction chooses to deal with a problem of verisimilitude, wit
the limits of that restricted set of realities which a reader will find cr
he is likely to be dealing with questions of time. Also, if an author is c
with the relation of history to fiction, time is basic, because past events co
another cluster of realities which by merely being "past" are insepara
time. The role of verisimilitude in fiction and the relation of history
were, of course, major preoccupations of Cervantes and of the neo-Ar
theorists of his age. 1 In Cervantes' last novel, Los trabajos de Persile
gismunda 2 (1617), both problems are handled in unique ways, ways w
come very apparent if one focuses on the various uses of time in th
this essay I will attempt to outline these uses and the ways they functi
Persiles, leaving for later the important questions of their implications
vantes' complete works and their relationship to Renaissance thought.
Cervantes' manipulations of time in the Persiles are not easy to follow
of the involutions of a plot in which the "present" is continually int
by the "past" in the form of stories told by the various characters ab
prior experiences. To examine the ways in which Cervantes uses tim
Persiles it will be necessary to consider two kinds of time: narrative time,
includes the time frames (past and present) of all the characters, and
time, which is specifically the larger temporal context of the novel c
historical allusions.
1 See: Alban K. Forcione, Cervantes, Aristotle, and the Persiles (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1970); Alban K. Forcione, Cervantes' Christian Romance A Study of
Persiles y Sigismunda (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1972), and E. C. Riley, Cervantes's
Theory of the Novel (Oxford, 1962; rpt. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1968).
2 All quotations from the Persiles and citations to the text will follow: Miguel de
Cervantes, Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda, ed. Rodolfo Schevill and Adolfo Bonilla
(Madrid: Imprenta de Bernardo Rodriguez, 1924), 2 vols.
78 KENNNE P. ALLEN RIMI, XXXVI (1970-1971)
NARRATIVE TIME
There is nothing unusual about the specific techniques whic

to account for narrative time in the Persiles. They fall into
egories: 1) the passage of time is noted precisely, day by day
hour; 2) time is vague while the events of the story go on
3) time is merely inferred while the events of a particular
sketched in or skipped altogether. The uniqueness of narrat
Persiles stems instead from the care which Cervantes appare
and the consequent significance it has for the structure of t
how carefully time is accounted for, how carefully Cerv
temporal order which is internally consistent, will be a pri
a large part of this essay and Appendices A, B and C. 3
The Persiles is divided into four "Books," but the four fa
two halves with Books I and II set in the far-off, septentri
north Atlantic and Books III and IV in the meridional lands o
France and Italy. This division is reinforced by the plot of
and II consist of a near aimless series of sea journeys to unkn
inary islands, while Books III and IV relate a very purpos
across the well-known route from Lisbon to Rome. A temp
this basic division is that the action in the "present" of Boo
place in the cold months of the northern fall and winter, while
and IV occurs in the warmth of the Mediterranean spring,
The novel also has another fundamental division, a wholly t
between "present" and "past." Following the classical techni
res," the novel begins in the middle of the action and by th
the "past" is recounted up to where the "present" began. 4
"past" of the story, which is told by Persiles, begins not
of the hero and heroine but, rather, with the beginning of t
Rome. We eventually are able to piece together from the ti
Persiles' tale that this departure occurred a little over one yea
beginning of the novel, and a careful accounting of Cervante
throughout the "present" of the novel 5 shows that a little o
passes between the beginning of Book I and the end of B
Persiles begins not only "in medias res" but also "in med
the middle of the time of the novel. To examine systematical
in the Persiles it will be necessary for the sake of clarity t
3 Appendix A is an accounting of time passed in the narrative pr

Appendix B is a list of all other pertinent temporal and historical ref
chapter by chapter, and Appendix C is a chronological reconstructio
of the pilgrimage of Persiles and Sigismunda from the time they le
end of the novel.
4 An excellent example of "in medias res" was available to Cervantes in Fernando
de Mena's translation of the Heliodorus, presently in print in the following edition:
Heliodorus, Historia eti6pica de los amores de Tedgenes y Carlclea, trans. Fernando de
Mena, ed. Francisco L6pez Estrada (Madrid: Aldus, 1954).
5 See: Appendices A and B.
ASPECTS OF TIME IN "LOS TRABAJOS DE PERSILES Y SIGISMUNDA" 79
division, separating narrative time into two parts: the narrative presen
sequence of events which from the point of view of the characters oc
the present, and the narrative past, all the stories or incidents recounte
characters as having occurred before the narrative present.
The Narrative Present:
The best way to demonstrate how Cervantes treats time in the narrative
present is simply to go through the novel Book by Book summarizing the
temporal high points of each. In Book I three to three and a half months pass 6
and are accounted for in a fairly straightforward way. The season is identified
by cold weather, snow and dried fruit under trees. There is nothing more
unusual in Book I than an author's normal selectivity of events, expanding
and shortening time where he chooses. However, the constant influx of new
characters, each with his own story to tell, to some extent obscures the chrono-
logical sequence of the narrative present. Nevertheless, it is there and acts as
a norm from which Book II varies in typical Cervantine fashion. Early in
Book II all the major characters are reunited on Policarpo's Island; there, for
the first time in the narrative present of the novel, time references become
vague. In Book I we are either told of each sunrise and sunset or that a certain
number of days passed; in contrast to this, from Chapter 2 through Chapter 9
of Book II there is no clear indication as to how much time is passing. We
only know that "Algunos dias estuuieron en la ciudad, descansando," 8 and
in the same paragraph we see that "vn dia" Clodio found himself alone with
Arnaldo. The phrase "vn dia" is used only four times in the narrative present
of the novel, once here at the beginning of this period of temporal vagueness,
once in Chapter 9 at the end of the same period when "vn dia" Sinforosa
asks Persiles to begin his story,9 and once each in Books III and IV which
will be dealt with later. The temporal vagueness in Policarpo's palace is matched
by a change in narrative style; beginning in Chapter 2, Book II, the action is
no longer a simple chain of events. Instead, Cervantes presents a series of
meetings between various pairs of his characters, and each time one pair meets
in one part of the palace another pair gets together in another part. Thus
Cervantes relates sequentially events which occur simultaneously. Once Persiles
begins his tale synchronistic events cease, temporal references resume, and in the
next twelve days the main characters leave Policarpo's Island, sail to the Isle
of the Hermits, then leave again for Portugal.
With Book III we enter what was "terra cognita" for Cervantes' original
audience as the pilgrims make their way from Lisbon to Rome. No longer on
uncharted seas it is not necessary for Cervantes to tell how many days have
passed traveling from city to city. All that is required is the rate of travel; the
informed XVIIth Century reader already knows the distance. Although time
references in Book III may seem spotty to us they are actually well calculated
6 See: Appendix A.
7 Persiles, cold: I, 30, 53, 65, 68; snow: I, 65, 127; dried fruit: I, 68.
8 Ibid., I, 165-166.
9 Ibid., I, 224.
80 KINNETH P. ALLEN RHI, XXXVI (1970-1971)
because of the care which Cervantes takes to indicate the rate of travel. In the
column of Appendix A entitled "Narrative Time Elapsed" I have given the ap-
proximate distances in leagues between points on the pilgrims' route and have
indicated each change in their rate of travel. It is interesting to note that the
nearer they get to Rome, "el cielo de la tierra," 10 the faster they travel. This
alone is impressive proof of the extent to which Cervantes is in control of the
passage of narrative time. Also in Book III we are given the only fixed date
in the entire narrative present of the novel; three days and five leagues east
of Badajoz the pilgrims pass the night of the vernal equinox in a shepherd's
fold. n Looking back from this one sure point, March 21, a little calculation
reveals that the pilgrims left Lisbon near the end of February and the Isle
of the Hermits near the end of January. Since Book I begins in the early fall
and lasts about three months, and since Book III begins in late January, then
only one month, more or less, is left for the narrative present of Book II.
Therefore, even though Cervantes was deliberately vague as to how much time
passed in Policarpo's palace, it is apparent that he had a clear idea as to its
duration.
Temporal vagueness also appears in Book III, but because time is given a
spatial dimension Cervantes has another way of being vague, an inexactness
of place. Thus the same timelessness achieved in Policarpo's palace can be
created by an indefiniteness of where, as well as when, an incident occurs or
by a combination of both. Before comparing Book III's incidents of vagueness
to those in the rest of the novel, I will describe them. The first occurs in
Chapter 4 when the pilgrims are suddenly confronted with the violent death
of Diego de Parraces and an encounter with the Santa Hermandad in which
Antonio the younger wounds one of the police officers with an arrow. Up
to this time we have been told exactly how many days were spent in each
place and where each incident in Book III occurred, even the shepherd's fold
where Feliciana appears is five leagues east of Badajoz. But all we know about
the place where don Diego is murdered is that it is on the road to Ciceres, and
Cervantes gives no indication as to how long the pilgrims remain in custody.
The next period of vagueness is strictly temporal and occurs when the pilgrims
reach Quintanar de la Orden, the home of Antonio the elder, and the fatally
wounded Count is brought in to die. Once again the characteristic phrase "vn
dia" 12 appears in the narrative present, and the pilgrims remain "algunos dias" 13
in Quintanar before continuing their journey. A third period of vagueness occurs
when the pilgrims reach "vn lugar, no muy pequefio ni muy grande, de cuyo
nombre no me acuerdo," a phrase which, of course, immediately evokes the
famous opening words of the Qvixote, "En vn lugar de la Mancha, de cuyo
nombre no quiero acordarme," 15 and leaves no doubt as to the intentional
o10 Ibid., I, 202.

" Ibid., II, 21.
12 Ibid., II, 92.
13 Ibid., II, 99.
14 Ibid., II, 100.
15 Miguel de Cervantes, Don Qvixote de la Mancha, ed. Rodolfo Schevill and Adolfo
Bonilla (Madrid: Gr~ificas Reunidas, 1928), I, 49. See: Karl-Ludwig Selig, "Cervantes:
'En un lugar de.. .'," MLN, LXXXVI (1971), pp. 266-68.
nature of this ambiguity of place. This is the town where the pilgrims wi
the presentation of the False Captives. The next town, reached after "alg
dias," is "vn lugar de moriscos," 16 again unnamed. Cervantes ameliorates
ambiguity in several ways: we are told that just outside of the town of the
Captives the road splits, one way to Cartagena and the other to Valencia,
also, that the Moorish village is one league from the ocean and south
Valencia. 18 This information makes the route relatively fixed but w
calculated air of vagueness. The process is repeated when the pilgrims re
France; from Perpignan (which belonged to Spain in Cervantes' time) to M
no towns are identified, but we are told the route is Languedoc, Prov
Dauphine, Piedmont. This is in contrast to the pilgrimage from Milan on w
is again given town by town.
In Book IV these periods of indefinite time or place continue, and cer
patterns become clear. For instance, each time the pilgrims encounter ac
physical violence in the narrative present of Books III and IV it is in a sett
of indefinite time or place or both: the murdered don Diego, the dying Co
the mad Count Domicio who throws his wife from the tower, the wound
Dul of Nemours, etc. In these incidents Cervantes is using time in the sa
purposeful way which he uses weather in Books I and II; it is of inte
to remember that the Spanish word "tiempo" means either time or weat
Just as sudden storms set the scene for dramatic changes in plot so sudd
changes in time or ambiguity of place can be the setting for dramatic tur
a land where there is no bad weather. Another pattern which appears, esp
ly in Book III, is the association of vagueness of place to episodes which a
clearly related to other novelistic genres; the Morisco novel with the Fal
Captives and the Moorish village,19 the novel of chivalry with the venge
Ruperta in France,2 even the pastoral novel in the brief encounter w
Valencian shepherdess. 21 A third pattern can be seen in the ambiguous t
or place contexts of the three examples of "vaticinatio ex eventu" which o
in Books III and IV. These prophesies will be considered at length in the se
on historical time, but briefly they are: the prophesy mentioned by Xarif
the Moorish village of the expulsion of the Moors, the prophesies of Sold
in a cave in France of the battles of Lepanto and Alcazar-Kebir, and
prophesies of the blank paintings of "future" poets in Rome. 24 Timeless
or unnamed places are obviously the appropriate setting for such material w
bears the taint of the incredible. In the following section on the narrative
Cervantes' use of time in relation to inverisimilar episodes will be consid
in greater detail.
16 Persiles, II, 113.

17 Ibid., II, 110.
18 Ibid., II, 113-114.
19 Ibid., II, 100-121.
20 Ibid., II, 154-170. See: Marfa Rosa Lida de Malkiel, "Dos huellas del Esplandi
en el Quijote y el Persiles, RPh, IX (1955), pp. 156-62.
22 Ibid., II, 117.
23 Ibid., II, 176.
24 Ibid., II, 242.
82 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHiMI, XXXVI (1970-1971)
When the pilgrims reach Rome narrative time once more be

and the symptomatic "vn dia" 25 reappears to indicate time in
present. Synchronistic events again take place, but this time th
with more subtly. The parallels between the situation in Rom
Policarpo's palace in Book II are many, and the similar tempora
forces these parallels. In Rome Sinforosa has been replaced by th
able Hipolita and Clodio by the more respectable Duke of N
and jealousy again become the primary themes; Sigismunda aga
the palace the witch Zenotia made Antonio ill for spurning
Persiles is indirectly made ill by the witch Julia who is hired for re
spurned Hipolita. Cervantes has made a thematic circle back to
of Book II; then in a couple of chapters he quickly ties up all t
and solves the mysteries posed in Book I.
The Narrative Past
The principal complement to the narrative present is, of course, the account
of Persiles' and, to a lesser extent, Sigismunda's adventures prior to their ap-
pearances on the Isle of the Barbarians at the beginning of Book I. As I
mentioned earlier, Cervantes perfects the technique of beginning in the midst
of the action, "in medias res," by also beginning "in medium tempus." Thus
the story which is temporally centered in the novel is that of the complete
pilgrimage of the hero and heroine, from the time they leave Iceland until all
is resolved in Rome. This temporal symmetry is a reflection of the Aristotelian
notion of the unity of action 26 because it delimits that portion of the lives of
the hero and heroine which is the essence of the story. However, lest this more
perfect view of "in medias res" appear too mechanical, Cervantes makes two
adjustments which tend toward that "orden deordenado" which he prefers. First,
he simply leaves out the events in Persiles' life from the time of the sinking
of Arnaldo's ship27 until Persiles is reunited with Sigismunda on Policarpo's
Island, 28 a period of almost three months. Second, Sigismunda's story of what
happened to her after she was separated from Persiles until they were reunited
on the Isle of the Barbarians is not told until after the mid-point of the novel. 29
These are both slight breaches of the classical rule that the past be caught up
with by the middle of the work.
Throughout the Persiles Cervantes introduces a constant stream of characters,
each with his own tale to tell. These tales, of which Persiles' is the most
elaborate, taken together constitute the narrative past. Because the tale of each
character has its own time frame Cervantes is able to put time to a greater
variety of uses in the narrative past than in the narrative present which is
shared by all. One minor use of time in the narrative past is to confirm the
time frame of the narrative present and thus, in a small way, strengthen the unity
25 Ibid., II, 238.

26 Aristotle, Poetics, trans. Ingram Bywater (New York: Random House, 1954),
Chap. 8, 1451a, p. 234.
27 Persiles, I, 124-125.
28 Ibid., I, 162.
29 Ibid., II, 97-98.
of the entire work. An example is found in Book III, Chapter 6, a

Banedre, the Pole, tells how he met his unfaithful wife, Luisa. He says,
en el a caso vn(a) donzella de hasta diez y seys afios, a lo menos a
me parecio de mas, puesto que despues supe que tenia veynte y dos
chapters later when the pilgrims are in France and Luisa herself enter
story she is "vna moga de gentil parecer, de hasta veynte y dos afios."
Luisa no longer looks sixteen but her real age is a subtle comment on th
life she has led since fleeing her husband, but that she is still twenty-t
us that as far as the narrative present is concerned we are still in the
year that Ortel Banedre arrived in Talavera de la Reina. A similar confi
comes at the end of Book III in the story of Ysabela Castrucha, who te
she met her beloved Andrea at Illescas on the morning of the Day of St
(June 24th) just before her uncle suddenly decided to rush her off to be ma
against her will. 32 This date fits nicely into the time frame of the na
present which puts both the pilgrims and Ysabela in Lucca sometime in
These details are minor, but they again indicate the extent to which Ce
is in complete control of the temporal aspect of the Persiles which
surface appears to be a jumble of disjointed episodes. Also, in the cont
Book III, they take on some importance as temporal signposts to gu
reader through a confusing array of historical allusions which I will c
later.
Another use of time in the narrative past can be related to Cervantes' treat-
ment of verisimilitude. As E. C. Riley points out in his excellent analysis of
Cervantes' approach to this problem, 33 the most fanciful incidents in the Persiles
are placed in what I have termed the narrative past. This technique serves to
shield the author because it places the burden of truth on the character who is
telling the story rather than on the author himself. However, Cervantes is not
willing to relinquish control even to his own characters, for often woven around
their flights of fantasy are further suggestions which would allow a skeptical
reader to believe that some more rational explanation of each episode is possible
rather than simply discarding the marvelous incidents as pure fantasy. An
example occurs in the story of Antonio the elder who tells how he was aban-
doned at sea in a small rowboat and how the sea took him where it would for
six days and six nights. 34 Then, exhausted, he slept, and in a nightmare he
dreamed he was being consumed by wolves. He awoke suddenly to find his
boat in danger of sinking, and he had to bail frantically to save it. Then time
blurred; he sailed for an unknown number of days and nights and finally
reached an island where there were no people, only wolves. He was afraid to
go ashore, but he used one of the points of the island as shelter for his boat,
and in the "dudosa luz de la noche" a wolf talked to him from the shore in
Spanish, warning him to get away from the island. This again set him into
frantic activity to save himself. There followed another vague time span, "no
30 Ibid., II, 70.

31 Ibid., II, 154.
32 Ibid., II, 194.
33 Theory, pp. 179-199.
34 PersIles, I, 35-38.
84 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHiMr, XXXVI (1970-1971)
os podre dezir quantos fueron los dias que anduu

he arrived at the Isle of the Barbarians where t
for again. The vagueness of the temporal setting,
especially his parallel dream about wolves all cont
tentional ambiguity which would allow a severe r
talking wolf was an understandable product of a d
time a more gullible reader of Cervantes' time cou
occurrence, for there is nothing in Antonio's tale nor
violates Tasso's dictum with regard to which au
turn in seeking a standard of credulity: "se pur gl
vano picciola credenza, basta al poeta in questo,
opinion della moltitudine, a la quale, molte volte l
cose, e suole e dee attenersi."35 The proximity of
repeated when Persiles tells of his encounter with
"naufrago"; 36 once again the incident occurs at ni
falling asleep. The only other event which Persiles
his dream sequence where he met "Sensualidad."
story he does not reveal to his listeners that it w
finishes, and he thereby throws just a shade of dou
as well.
The ambiguity of the sea monster incident seems calculatedly less than that
surrounding Antonio's talking wolf, which might to some degree indicate the
greater acceptance in Cervantes' time of one phenomenon as opposed to
the other. However, it seems more likely that Cervantes is merely working out
for himself the many ways which the marvelous can be integrated with the
verisimilar. In Rutilio's tale, for instance, the Italian dancing-master is flown by
a witch on a magic flying carpet from Italy to Norway in four hours. This
incident is probably the most fantastic in the entire novel, and although it is
told by one of the less reputable characters, 37 even he describes it in the follow-
ing qualified way: "En resolucion, cerre los ojos y dexrme lleuar de los diablos,
que no son otras las postas de las hechizeras, y, al parecer, quatro horas o
poco mas auia volado, quando me hall& al crepusculo del dia en vna tierra no
conocida." 38 Again we have a marvelous incident which, like the sea monster
and the talking wolf, transpires in what is ambiguously close to a dream world;
it occurs in the dead of night, all the jailers and the other prisoners in the
place from which Rutilio is escaping have been bewitched into a profound
sleep, and Rutilio himself shuts his eyes when "al parecer," it seems he flies.
35 Torquato Tasso, "Discorsi del poema eroico," Le prose diverse di Torquato Tasso,
ed. Cesare Guasti (Florence: Successori Le Monnier, 1875), I, 109. The following transla-
tion of the quoted passage comes from: Arlow Fielding Hill's translation, Tasso on Epic
Poetry: Discourses on the Art of Poetry (New York: Columbia Univ. Dissertation, 1970),
p. 247. "If in truth learned men judged such miracles impossible (as they were), the poet
was content with the belief of the multitude in this as in many other things: to this
belief, laying aside the exact truth of things, he customarily clings and should cling."
36 Persiles, I, 273.
37 Rutilio begins his story with the seduction of a young woman in Siena, Persiles,
I, 56, and later befriends for a while the gossip Clodio, I, 185-219.
3 Ibid., I, 58.
A further temporal ambiguity is implied when Rutilio opens his eyes and
that it is dawn, which he understands as necessarily being four hours or
after he left Italy; however, he soon learns that in Norway "dawn" can l
for three months. There are other non-temporal ways in which Cerv
carefully qualifies the flying carpet incident, such as having Rutilio ascrib
flight to devils. But the flying carpet, the sea monster and the talking
are all in direct contrast to another example of the marvelous, the wonde
jumping horse which Persiles rides over a cliff onto the frozen sea below
jump which both rider and steed survive unscathed. 41 In telling this ep
Persiles includes no qualifying ambiguities, temporal or otherwise; the r
as well as Persiles' listeners are left to believe it or not, something w
Mauricio, an exacting critic of Persiles' story, finds hard to do. Persiles' wi
disregard for whether or not his audience believes him is startling in its straig
forwardness and confirms, by contrast, the intentional nature of the ambiguit
which surround the other examples of the marvelous. In those episodes C
vantes uses time to reinforce the degree of ambiguity in which he choo
to set each incident, while with Persiles' horse, time, in its normalcy, serv
reinforce the contrast that Persiles' uncompromising stance creates.
Cervantes also uses equal periods of time to underline parallels which
wishes to draw between situations. For example, Manuel Sosa Coitifio
enamored Portuguese nobleman of Book I, was kept waiting for his belov
Leonora for a period of two years,42 while Persiles and Sigismunda al
through two years of trials before their marriage. This might be taken
coincidence until we consider that in La espaiiola inglesa, one of the Nov
ejemplares which has been observed to bear close relation to the Persiles,
the hero and heroine, Ricaredo and Ysabela, also wait for two years b
getting together. Of course, the similar time spans are merely the backgro
but they serve to strengthen the parallels which Cervantes obviously inte
All three stories contain variations on the female partner of each pair cho
between religious life and secular life: Leonora becomes a nun, Sigism
considers it, and Ysabela narrowly escapes it. Also, in all three situations
male partner's health is threatened by the possibility of losing his belov
The same device is used to emphasize the parallels between the tales of A
tonio the elder and Ortel Banedre, the Pole, because when each is introduced
into the narrative they have been away for fifteen yars, Antonio to the Isle
9 Ibid., I, 60.
4 This is in accordance with the advice Tasso gives in the same "del poema eroico,"
p. 108, Hill's translation, pp. 246-247: "Atrribuisca il poeta alcune operazioni che di
gran lunga eccedone il poter degli uomini a Dio, a gli angioli suoi, a'demoni, o a coloro
a'quali da Dio o da'demoni 6 conceduta potesta; quali sono i santi, i magi e le fate."
"The poet attributes certain works which greatly exceed the powers of men to God, to
His angels, to demons, or to such creatures as receive these powers from God or the
demons, such as saints, sorcerers and fairies."
41 Persiles, I, 311-312.
42 Ibid., I, 69-75.
43 Rafael Lapesa, "En torno a La espafiola inglesa y El Persiles," Homenaje a Cer-
vantes (Valencia, 1950), II, 494-515; now also in Rafael Lapesa, De la edad media a
nuestros dias (Madrid: Gredos, 1967), pp. 242-263; Karl-Ludwig Selig, "Nuevas conside-
raciones sobre la tem~itica y estructura de las Novelas Ejemplares," Beitraege zur
romanischen Philologie, Sonderheft 1967, 45-51.
86 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHM, XXXVI (1970-1971)
of the Barbarians and Ortel to the East Indies. H

comparison of their stories in the section on hist
Another temporal device which turns up bo
espaiiola inglesa is the appearance of a character
by claiming that a given period in the past was
other places indicates it to have been. This is do
the Prince of Denmark, and in La espajiola ingles
insists that Sigismunda was in his power for tw
the Isle of the Barbarians,44 but the Narrator,
amount of time which is accounted for in the no
could not have been in Denmark for more than o
in the text who substantiates Arnaldo's version
cophant, who has no way of knowing the truth
he has heard Arnaldo say. In La espafiola inglesa
his daughter was stolen from Spain fifteen yea
elsewhere in the story that she was kidnapped
less, and that when her father is speaking she is
of subjective time distortion acts as a metaphor, the
spells out in La espaiiola inglesa where he says "
de promessas venideras, siempre imaginan que
anda sobre los pies de la pereza misma."48 In add
for temporal exaggeration is further illustrated a
the Narrator gives us a glimpse of Arnaldo's thou
of Persiles and Sigismunda: "muchissimo le p
logrado tantos afios de seruicio" to Sigismunda, where "tantos afios" means
perhaps two. 49
The past and the present of the Persiles are tied together at the end of the
novel. Persiles leaves Rome to brood about Sigismunda's threat to become a
nun, and while he is sitting in a vale near the road to Naples he overhears
two other travelers who are resting nearby. They are speaking Norwegian and
turn out to be Rutilio, who was left behind on the Isle of the Hermits at the
mid-point of the novel, and Serafido, who was Persiles' tutor prior to the begin-
ning of the pilgrimage. Rutilio embodies the first half of the novel, because
he first appeared on the Isle of the Barbarians early in Book I and remained
with Persiles until the end of Book II. Serafido embodies the pre-history of the
hero and heroine, which he recounts to Rutilio. Among other things, Serafido
says that Magsimino remained at war "dos afios, poco mas," ignorant of his
brother's betrayal, and on returning to Iceland he set sail immediately for
Rome to avenge himself. 51 While we do not know how long Magsimino had
45 Ibid., I, 13 & 52, Appendix B.
46 Ibid., I, 166.
47 Miguel de Cervantes, Novelas ejemplares, ed. Rodolfo Schevill and Adolfo Bonilla
(Madrid: Grificas Reunidas, 1922), II, 5, 10 & 26.
48 Ibid., II, 39.
50 Ibid., II, 278-283.
51 Ibid., II, 282.
been away from Iceland before Sigismunda and Persiles left for Rome,
apparent that Cervantes intends this time reference to coincide with w
munda says to Persiles a few pages earlier: "Hermano mio, pues ha
el cielo que con este nombre tan dulce y tan honesto ha dos afios q
nombrado." 52 These two references to the duration of Persiles' and Sig
pilgrimage confirm all of the other temporal indications which Cervan
given throughout the novel and constitute a further example of one of the
uses of time in the Persiles, which is to strengthen the unity of the w
HISTORICAL TIME
Perhaps the clearest way to illustrate what happens to historical time in the
Persiles is to compare the lives of two characters, Antonio the elder and Ortel
Banedre. The many parallels between their stories make it clear that Cervantes
invited this comparison. Both left their homelands to seek their fortunes abroad,
Antonio going from Spain in the south to Germany in the north, and Ortel
from Poland in the north to Spain and Portugal in the south. 53 Both had duels
over points of honor which led each to flee through Lisbon to go overseas. As
I mentioned earlier, these events happened to each character fifteen years before
each actually appears in the narrative present of the novel. The consideration
of the temporal relationship between the parallel lives of these two characters
leads to another similarity between their stories: each contains historical al-
lusions which permit them to be placed into a historical frame. Since Antonio
is introduced in Book I about 8 or 9 months before we meet Ortel in Book III,
then we might expect, if the narrative time of the novel is consistent, that Ortel
sailed for the East Indies approximately the same amount of time after An-
tonio's ill-fated voyage for England. However, a comparison of the historical
time of each character reveals that, rather than having passed through Lisbon
within 8 or 9 months of each other, Antonio sailed approximately forty-seven
years before Ortel. Before discussing why this might occur in a novel which
appears to have such a deliberately consistent temporal framework, I will show
how Cervantes fixes the historical frame of each character.
Antonio tells us that prior to the events leading to his long exile on the Isle
of the Barbarians he went to Germany to fight with Charles V, "contra algunos
potentados de ella." In 1543, prior to an invasion of France, Charles V
moved against a rebellious German prince, the Duke of Cleves, as well as the
latter's allies, using Spanish troops for the first time in Germany; some went
by sea to the Netherlands, and others accompanied the Emperor overland from
Genoa. The campaign ended in the capture of Diiren on August 25, 1543.55
The length of time which Antonio has been on the Isle of the Barbarians and
away from Spain is indicated at various points in the novel 56 and gradually
52 Ibid., II, 267.

53 Ibid., Antonio: I, 31-45; Banedre: II, 63-77.
54 Ibid., I, 32.
55 Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V, trans, C. V. Wedgewood (New York: Knopf,
1939), p. 502.
56 See: Appendix B.
88 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHIM, XXXVI (1970-1971)
changes from 15 to 16 years. The date of the 1543 campai

Antonio's story because toward the end of the first half of
gives us another historical date. On the Isle of the Hermit
exiled French nobleman, says that once a year a relief ship
brother in France bringing supplies and news. Shortly
arrives, and one item of news they bring is that the mighty C
The Emperor died on September 21, 1558, in Yuste;59 w
examination of the narrative present that the events on the
occur in the winter, probably in January. Since the relief
year, the news it brings must have happened in the past ye
narrative present of the novel is fixed at this point in th
probably in January, 1559; the period 1558-1559 is, of cou
after 1543, just as Antonio's story seems to indicate.
In the story of Ortel Banedre, we are also given a fixed date
present. Banedre says that he was on his way to Madrid w
Philip III had just returned (March, 1606) when he reac
Reina, fell in love with a chambermaid and promptly marri
took place only a few weeks before Banedre met the pilgr
a meeting which we know from other temporal references
the spring. Therefore, at this point the historical frame of the
is again fixed. However, the new date is the spring of 1606
seven years later than the narrative present at the end of
date is reinforced by other historical allusions in Banedre'
it, 15 years before (circa 1591) he encountered strong anti
among the Portuguese, 61 which would be characteristic of P
after the Annexation of Portugal by Philip II in 1580. Also,
Lisbon by ship in the same period, he departed from the fortre
This fortress is still in existence, and, while it was first built p
annexation, it was under Philip II and Philip III that it was
link in a chain of fortresses defending the harbor of L
parallel experiences and temporal references we have seen th
the stories of Antonio and Ortel to be compared, and y
58 Ibid., I, 320.
59 John Lynch, Spain Under the Hapsburgs (1964; rpt. New Y
Press, 1965), I, 100.
60 Persiles, Book III, Chapters 6 and 7: Banedre says he arrive
Reina on his way to Madrid (II, 69), met and married Luisa who
absconded with her former fiancd (II, 73), and when he met the
again on his way to Madrid where his wife had been apprehended
61 Ibid., II, 65.
62 Ibid., II, 68.
63 See: Coleccidn de documentos indditos para la historia de Esp
Kraus Reprint, 1964), XXXIII. In the correspondence between Phil
Alba at the time of the Annexation of Portugal the fortress of "
often with the following variety of spellings: Sangian, San Jiaon,
San Jiao, Sant Jian, San Giaon, Sant Jiao and San Jain. There is c
between the King and his general as to what improvements should b
structure and how it should be garrisoned. Improvements continu
later under the Portuguese King Joio IV. The fortress still exists
da Barra.
makes the stories of the two men historically incompatible. Rememb

similar details of Antonio's story, we can now see why Cervantes carefu
placed him on board a ship to England which was filled with a group of En
gentlemen returning from a tour of Spain. 64 It is a detail which on the one ha
is consistent with the historical frame of Antonio's story, because in
Charles V was in alliance with Henry VIII against France. On the other h
it is completely incompatible with the historical frame of Banedre's story
cause he was in Lisbon only a few years after the sailing of the Spanish Ar
(1588), a time when the English-Spanish rivalry was at its height.
Books I and II of the Persiles are securely fixed in the reign of Phil
while Books III and IV, at least at the point where the pilgrims meet Bane
take place in the reign of Philip III. Although it is true that chronological
was not demanded of authors of imaginary fiction until more recent times
hope to show that in the case of the Persiles there is a chronological ord
of sorts.
Stated briefly, it is my contention that in Books I and II of the Persi
Cervantes deliberately maintains a plausible historical sequence in no
chronological order. Then, at the beginning of Book III, he makes histor
time jump ahead from 1559 to the second decade of the XVIIth Century
gradually allows it to run backward throughout Books III and IV over a pe
of approximately 70 years, while the narrative present and the lives of
characters are unaffected. To prove this I will examine all of the int
evidence in the novel which, however minute, has some historical connota
In the first half of the novel there are very few historical allusions to deal
besides those mentioned above in the story of Antonio the elder. All of
events and dynasties mentioned in the northern countries are imaginary
this septentrional region Cervantes includes not only remote Iceland, Green
and Norway but also such places as Ireland, England, Denmark, Poland
Transylvania. The only characters from the meridional, "historical," world
appear in Books I and II, besides the Spaniard Antonio, are the Italian Ru
the Portuguese Manuel de Sosa Coitiflo, the Moor Zenoita and the Fr
couple Renato and Eusebia. Of these, only the stories of the nobles, Manu
Renato and Eusebia, and of the witch Zenotia have even the vaguest of hist
frames, while that of Rutilio, who is merely a dance master from Siena, s
to have none at all. I will show that the stories of those characters in Books I
and II which do have some historical orientation are in no way anachronistic
to the narrative present of the first half of the Persiles which takes place during
the end of 1558 and the first month of 1559. 66
Manuel, the enamored Portuguese, tells how he was sent by his king to
be captain-general of one of the Portuguese forces in North Africa. 67 This
reference could apply to any time between 1539 and 1578 when Portugal
64 Persiles, I, 34-35.
65 Tasso, "del poema eroico," p. 133, and Hill's translation, p. 289, "muti poi, se cosi
gli pare, i mezzi e le circostanze, confonda i tempi e l'ordine dell'altre cose, ed in soma
si dimostri piti tosto artificioso poeta che verace istorico;" "Let him, then, if he wishes,
change the means and the circumstance; let him confound periods of time and the order
of things; and let him show himself, in short, rather an artful poet than a true historian."
66 See: Appendix C.
67 Persiles, I, 70.
maintained two footholds in North Africa,

most likely refers to the latter part of the reig
the period 1557-1578 was the reign of the i
in the disastrous battle of Alcazar-Kebir (Aug
ident that the events alluded to in Manuel's
prior to the 1558 date of the narrative present
erence to historical time in the story of Zeno
the Inquisition. 68 Again, this is compatible w
present because persecution of the Morisc
began in ernest after 1532.69 In her own st
have been their victim, admitting that she i
The story of Renato, the French nobleman
historical note: he left France to fight a du
Germany. 71 This would, presumably, refer to
had broken with the empire of Charles V. W
the duel occurred more or less eleven years b
novel and therefore in 1547, the year that
cities back into his fold. 72 Once more, the e
necessary that Renato's story could have tak
the historical frame of the novel. The only
which is clearly historical is Mauricio's refer
Yuste (February 3, 1557); 73 this is complet
established later by the arrival of Renato's b
Charles V's death (September 21, 1558) whic
Whether or not the chronology of Books I
to be as precise as I have outlined, one point
events refered to in the first half of the no
normal chronological sequence. This is in st
allusions in the second half of the novel wh
chronological sequence. They are rather, as I
order, and this can best be illustrated by loo
tiona ex eventus" which form the framewor
The first comes in the Moorish village whe
by a group of marauding Turks who land o
pick up all the Morisco inhabitants of the v
But the pilgrims are warned in time by Raf
Christianity, the niece of the local sexton, X
68 Ibid., I, 215.
69 Henry C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain (1906-07; rpt. New York;
American Scholar Publications, 1969), III, Book VIII, Chap. II, p. 333.
71 Ibid., I, 305.
72 Lynch, Spain, I, 93-94. See Appendix B for time references for Renato.
74 Ibid., I, 320; Renato's brother also brings other news; one item is of wars of the
king of Transylvania. I have not been able to find reference to any war in Transylvania
around 1558, however, Transylvania like Denmark and England is considered to be
septentrional, and, therefore, events there would be imaginary as are the events Cervantes
mentions as having occurred in the other northern countries.
The pilgrims take shelter in the local church tower with the village priest
Xarife to await the arrival of the Turks. There Xarife recalls a prediction
by his grandfather, a famous astrologer, that "cerca de estos tiempos, rey
en Espafia vn rey de la casa de Austria, en cuyo 8inimo cabria la dificulto
resolucion de desterrar los moriscos de ella..." 75 Xarife then calls emotion
on this "rey prudente!" to make his appearance. Later, after the Tur
attackers leave, Xarife again calls on the king with even greater fervor,
this time the evocation is different. Rather than call on some future monarch
he addresses the present king and his "consejero tan prudente como illustre,
nueuo Atlante del peso de esta monarquia..." 76 In this second oration it seems
likely that Xarife is speaking to Philip III and the Duke of Lerma, the high-born
counselor whom Philip III allowed to run the kingdom. Thus the narrative
present in which Xarife is speaking would seem to be fixed historically some-
time between Philip III's coronation in 1598 and the actual expulsion of the
Moors which began in 1609.
The second "vaticinatio ex eventu" takes place in France in the cave of the
Spanish astrologer/hermit, Soldino. Here Soldino "predicts" the battle of
Lepanto (1571) and the battle of Alcazar-Kebir (1578)77 which were, of course,
major events in the reign of Philip II. This "prediction" in effect pushes the
historical frame of the narrative present at least as far back as the early 1570's,
almost 30 years prior to the historical setting of the "prediction" revealed in
the Moorish village. But Soldino fixes the historical time in which he is speaking
even more precisely when he says: "Carlos V, a quien yo serui muchos afios,
y siruiera hasta que la vida se me acabara, si no lo estoruara el querer mudar
la milicia mortal en la diuina." 78 The phrase "el querer mudar la milicia
mortal, etc." I believe alludes to the retirement of Charles V to the monastery
at Yuste. However, the "el querer" is possibly ambiguous because it might
be taken to refer to either Soldino or to Charles V. Nevertheless, there is no
indication in the text that Soldino's retirement was motivated by religious
reasons. The opposite is the case; when he is first introduced his apparel is
described as "ni como peregrino, ni como religioso." 79 Later he tells the pilgrims
that he has spent his solitude studying mathematics and the movements of the
stars. 80 Lastly, he says that many of his neighbors are holy men, and when it
is necessary he receives the sacraments from them. 81 For these reasons I think
that Soldino is alluding to Charles V's retirement to religious life and thereby
75 Ibid., II, 117.

76 Ibid., II, 120; a similar speech is made by the Morisco Ricote in the Qvixote, IV,
326, referring to Philip III and the administrator for the expulsion of the Moors from
Castile, Bernardino de Velasco. It is possible that Velasco is the "consejero" whom Cervan-
tes has in mind in the Persiles passage. The parallel phrases which he uses in describing the
duties of Velasco and the "consejero" are especially striking: "ha lleuado sobre sus fuertes
ombros la deuida execucion el peso desta gran maquina" (Qvixote, IV, 326); "nuevo Atlan-
te del peso de esta monarquia" (Persiles, II, 120). Whether the "consejero" alluded to was
Velasco or Lerma, the king in question would still be Philip III; I believe the Persiles
passage refers to Lerma because it seems to describe a person with broader responsibilities
and powers than those of merely administering the exodus.
77 Persiles. II, 176.
78 Ibid., II, 176.
79 Ibid., II, 171.
80 Ibid., II, 175.
81 Ibid., II, 177.
92 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHI, XXXVI (1970-1971)
indicates that he is speaking sometime after that

Also, he says that he would have served Charles V
had not been for the Emperor's retirement; from
is speaking before Charles V's death in September
Soldino's cave is placed historically at sometime b
September, 1558. At this point, then, which is nu
of the second half of the novel, s2 we see that the hi
present has been pushed back to just before the be
the novel, which is the fall of 1558.
The third "vaticinatio ex eventu" occurs in Book
a Spanish poet on the streets of Rome who tells h
he has just seen. The museum contains blank
painted the portraits of great poets of the futur
are empty, the frames already bear titles with t
and of his major work. The Spanish poet who is t
the names under two of the canvases; one was en
below the name was written lerusalen libertada
name "Zarate" and below Cruz y Constantino.
he asked the man who was showing him the mus
of all this. The reply was that soon a poet wou
Torquato Tasso who would write of the recovery
would be born a poet named Francisco L6pez Zira
making of Christ's cross and the wars of the empe
of Torquato Tasso, earliest of the two poets, are
this "prophesy" of the blank canvases has moved
narrative present back further, this time to the e
These three "prophesies" of "future" events, eac
of historical incidents which are earlier than tho
basic structure of the historical retrogression of
However, the process is much more complex than
indicate. Before going on to the numerous other histo
vantes uses to fill out this pattern, I wish to e
exist between these three examples of "vaticinati
contains a "prophesy," by definition, but each als
the historical frame in which the "prophesy"
82 If the number of chapters in Books III and IV are

thirty-five, which means Soldino's appearance in Chapte
ical centre of the second half of the novel. This might
ricio, the astrologer of the first half of the novel, is intr
Book I (Chapter 12), and the only other astrologer me
grandfather, the Moorish astrologer, is first mentioned i
(Chapter 11). All three together seem too much to be m
the reader miss the relationship of the three, Cervantes m
next chapter: "tambien se les vino a la memoria la pro
muchas de Mauricio, con las moriscas del xadraque, y, v
dino." (Persiles, II, 178).
84 For "Zairate" see the Schevill-Bonilla note: Persiles
makes it clear that he is speaking during the early years of the reign
Philip III, Soldino during the early years of the reign of Philip II, and
Spanish poet in Rome says he was told that Tasso would be born "presto,"
which means he is speaking during the reign of Charles V (1519-1556). Las
the period evoked by all three episodes is that of Cervantes' own life, with
middle "prediction" calling to mind the years of what he must have conside
central to himself, the battle of Lepanto and the period of his imprisonmen
the dungeons of Algiers.
In order to deal with the many other historical allusions, hints and
nuendos which Cervantes weaves into the text of the second half of the Pers
I will begin again at the start of Book III. As these episodes are enumerate
it will be apparent that most do not in themselves elicit specific dates, bu
all of them taken together create an unmistakable pattern which reinforc
that of the three "predictions." When the pilgrims arrive in Portugal from
Isle of the Hermits, they go first to the fortress of "Sangian." 87 The warden
Sangian sends notice of their arrival to the "gouernado de Lisboa, que enton
era el argobispo de Braga, por ausencia del rey, que no estaua en la ciudad."
Later Cervantes refers to the Archbishop by the titles of governor and viceroy.
The only man to ever hold the titles of Archbishop of Braga, Governor of t
Kingdom and Viceroy was Fr. Aleixo de Meneses. Father Meneses was, need
less to say, a prominent man in early XVIIth Century Spain, and his appeara
in the narrative present of a novel which had up to that point been set in t
time of Charles V would probably have been noticed by most of the f
readers of the Persiles. Father Meneses actually exercised his authority as V
roy only from 1614 to 1615, when he was summoned to Madrid to serve a
President of the Council of State for the Kingdom of Portugal. We kn
86 Ibid., II, 243.

87 It is interesting to note that in the whole of the novel Lisbon is mentioned o
in connection with the following events: 1) Antonio flees into exile through Lisbon, I,
2) Manuel de Sosa Coitifio is a noble from Lisbon, I, 69-75; 3) the pilgrims arrive
Lisbon, II, 9; 4) Ortel Banedre flees through Lisbon and returns, II, 68-69; 5) Prin
Arnaldo passes through Lisbon in search of the pilgrims, II, 257, and 6) Serafido
through Lisbon in search of Persiles, II, 282. Of these six occasions only two occur a
the 1580 Annexation of Portugal by Philip II, at least according to my reverse hist
these are the pilgrims and Ortel Banedre. This is significant if one notes that it is o
on these two occasions that Cervantes mentions "Sangian," the fortress which becam
important during the Spanish domination of Portugal. The other four incidents wh
Lisbon is mentioned are all set historically during the reign of Charles V and consequen
the fortress symbol of the two Philips has no place in the narrative present when t
episodes occur.
88 Persiles, II, 9.
89 Ibid., II, 11.
90 Although I have found no evidence that a biography of Fr. Aleixo de Menes
has been written, I have pieced together the following from various sources: Fr. Ale
was born in Portugal to a wealthy and influencial family; he took religious orders and
sent to India where he eventually became Archbishop of Goa; after many years of v
successful missionary activity, which was well publicized by the Church, he was reca
by Philip III in 1609 to be Archbishop of Braga, one of the most important position
the Portuguese hierarchy. Reluctant to leave his life's work in Goa, he delayed his retu
until 1612. He then went straight to Madrid to plead with Philip III to not be given
archbishopric but to be allowed to retire to a monastery, a true "caso de admiraci6
The result of his trip was not only to have his request refused, but the King named
viceroy as well. He finally returned to Lisbon in 1614 to take up his duties, but the
94 KENNETH P. ALLEN RIiIM, XXXVI (1970-1971)
from examining the temporal frame of the narra

reached Lisbon at the beginning of February
Meneses as official greeter of the pilgrims to th
their arrival early in 1615.
The next episode which can be shown to have so
is the story of Feliciana de la Voz. 92 The pil
shepherd's fold on the night of the vernal equin
the historical documents which has been discovered in the search for bio-
graphical data on Cervantes indicates that a real Feliciana, Feliciana de Cer-
vantes de Gaete, a young relative of the author, was married on March 21, 1615,
in Trujillo. 93 The coincidence of date, place and name seems too great to be
accidental. These two incidents, the Archbishop and Feliciana, in their diversity
illustrate the variety of ways in which Cervantes uses history in the Persiles.
As I mentioned, the reference to the Archbishop would have been noted by
most informed readers in Spain in 1617, whereas the fictionalized account of
Feliciana's troubles would probably have had meaning only for Cervantes'
relatives and the natives of Trujillo. Yet each represents a way of introducing
history into an imaginary text and thereby strengthens the verisimilitude of
the story. It seems probable that the entire fabric of the first half of Book III,
which recounts the pilgrimage through Portugal and Spain, where most of the
historical allusions are concentrated, is woven of more or less historical ma-
terial. Thus, such episodes as the encounter with the group of players in Ba-
dajoz94 or the incident in which the young Diego de Parraces is suddenly
murdered by his relative on the road to Ciceres 95 probably have some basis
in fact but refer to matters of such little historical interest that, even though
they might somehow have been recorded, their inaccessability places them
beyond the scope of the present study. Another aspect of the stories of Feliciana
and the Archbishop is that they show the way in which I believe Cervantes
works to reverse history in the first part of Book III. He begins by giving a
relatively fixed date which would be recognized by most of his first readers,
in this case, the Archbishop of Braga serving as Viceroy; this is followed by
various episodes which are historically compatible with the year 1615, such
as the story of Feliciana. Once the historical stage is set Cervantes suddenly
introduces a new historical date earlier than the first, which again is easily
recognizable and which again is followed by a cluster of incidents historically
compatible with the new date.
The first jump backward in the historical time of the novel occurs when the
pilgrims encounter Ortel Banedre, who tells them that a few weeks earlier he
year Philip called him to Madrid to be President of the Council of State of the Kingdom
of Portugal. He died there in 1617 with a reputation for saintliness and honesty. See: Luis
A. Rebello da Silva, Historia de Portugal nos sdculos XVII e XVIII (Lisbon: Imprensa
nacional, 1860-1871), III, 261-262.
91 See: Appendix C.
92 Persiles, II, 22-57.
93 Luis Astrana Marin, Vida ejemplar y heroica de Cervantes (Madrid: Instituto
Editorial Reus, 1948-1958), VII, 432.
95 Ibid., II, 41.
had been traveling to Madrid where the court of Philip III had recently c
We know that this encounter occurs in the spring, probably in April, a
Philip's court returned to Madrid in March, 1606, after having spent fiv
in Valladolid. 97 Therefore, the historical time of the novel has abruptly
from 1615 to 1606. Mack Singleton has contended that the word "terc
the phrase "estaua rezien venida la corte del gran Felipe tercero" is an
and that the phrase actually refers to Philip II's establishment of Mad
capital in 1560. 98 However, I believe that the reference to Philip III is
Besides the references to the Archbishop and Feliciana there are two o
episodes which would seem to indicate that Cervantes intended to esta
the reign of Philip III as the setting for this part of the novel. The firs
not long after their encounter with Banedre. The pilgrims decide t
going to Madrid on the advice of the old woman pilgrim who tells the
the court was full of "ciertos pequefios, que tenian fama de ser hijos de g
who chase after any beautiful woman they see regardless of her class. 9
is much more likely to be a description of the court of Philip III than
stern Philip II. The second reference is the one I have described ab
Xarife in the Moorish village to Philip III and the Duke of Lerma. Sing
in the same article contended that Cervantes would not have followed an
allusion to 1606 with an allusion to an edition of Garcilaso's works, which
he assumes refers to the first edition of 1543. But, as Rafael Osuna points out
in a recent article, 1'0 the text gives no indication as to which edition of Garcilaso
Cervantes is refering. For my own purposes I would take it to be the edition
of 1604. 102 There is, of course, no way to prove that Cervantes had this specific
edition in mind, and I mention it only because it would be compatible with
the 1606 date which he fixed in the preceding episode.
The next historical allusion which I see as belonging to the 1606 cluster
of events is given by the dying Count in Quintanar de la Orden. In explaining
the circumstances surrounding the attack made on him he says: "Yo sali de
mi casa con intencion de yr a Roma este afio, en el qual el Sumo Pontifice
ha abierto las arcas del tesoro de la Yglesia, y comunicadonos, como en afio
santo, las infinitas gracias que en el suelen ganarse." 103 For me the important
phrase here is "como en afio santo"; to understand this qualifying phrase it
is necessary to keep in mind that at this time the Church celebrated two kinds
of Jubilees. One was the Holy Year which originally was to be celebrated
every hundred years beginning in 1300. It was consequently referred to as the
"cent6simo," even though by Cervantes' time it was being celebrated every
9 Ibid., II, 69.

97 See Schevill-Bonilla note Persiles, II, 304.
98 Mack Singleton, "El misterio de Persiles," Realidad, II (1947), pp. 246-247.
100 Ibid., II, 78; Singleton, "Misterio," p. 246.
101 Rafael Osuna, "Las fechas del Persiles," Thesarus, XXV (1970), pp. 415-416.
102 In Clara Louisa Penney, Printed Books 1468-1700 in the Hispanic Society of
America (New York: The Hispanic Soc. of Amer., 1965), p. 225 there is the following
listing under Garcilaso de la Vega: Las obras: Obras con anotaciones y emiendas del
maestro Francisco Sanchez, Salamanca, Pedro Lasso y en Napoles, Iuan Batista Sotil,
1604 (Keniston C 12; SalvBl 704).
96 KENNETH P. ALLEN RnHiM, XXXVI (1970-1971)
25 years as it is now. The other Jubilee was the so called "spe

which popes called frequently for the purpose of raising money
causes or for celebrating a papal succession. 104 It would be in a sp
that indulgences would be given "como en afio santo." There
special Jubilees called in the early part of the XVIIth Century, a
pretend that the Count's allusion indicates the one to which he i
However, it is true that Pope Paul V declared 1606 as a special
to raise money for the Church. 10s At this point I want to go ahead
for a moment to compare the Count's statement with one made to
by a servant of the Duke of Nemours when they first enter France. Th
in explaining the purpose of the travels of the three French beaut
Belarminia and Feliz Flora, says "on ocasion de yr a Roma a ga
de este afio, que es como el centesimo que se vsaua." '" The phr
centesimo que se vsaua" leads me to believe that here Cervantes r
Holy Year, probably 1600, which would be most like "el cent
vsaua" because it came at the turn of the century. But 1575 was al
Holy Year, and, again, I do not believe it is possible to know for c
year Cervantes had in mind. What seems clear to me, however, i
references of the servant and the Count are to two different Church celebrations
and thus to two different historical dates.
After leaving Quintanar the pilgrims witness the presentation of the False
Captives, two young men who are trying to convince a group of townspeople
that they had once been held captive by the Moors and therefore deserve a
little charity. 107 The historical allusions in their story do not seem to fit, even
to the reverse chronology which I am propounding. The young False Captives
claim to have been captured by the infamous Dragut, a Moorish pirate who
died in the attack on Malta in 1565, 108 and to have been freed by don Sancho
de Leiva, a captain of galleons under Philip II. 109 If these are young men
speaking in the time of Philip III, how could they have had dealings with
men who died more than a generation before? The answer, as Rafael Osuna
has rightly pointed out, 110 is that these boys are lying, and, therefore, their
facts are just as false as the rest of their story. Similar to the False Captives
in terms of reliability are another pair of characters who appear in the first
half of the novel, the disreputable Rosamunda and the sycophant Clodio, which
probably explains why Cervantes chooses to give Rosamunda the name of a
historical person of the XIIth Century and have her claim, like her historical
104 H. H. Thurston, The Holy Year of Jubilee: An Account of the History and
Ceremony of the Roman Jubilee (London: Sands and Co., 1900),
'lo5 Magnum Bullarium Romanum, 1603-11, XI, 197-202. Proof that this special Jubilee
was publicized in Spain can be found in Indice de la coleccidn de don Luis de Salazar y
Castro (Madrid: Imprenta y Editorial Maestre, 1949), I, 28, "89. Publicaci6n hecha por
don Tomtis de Borja arzobispo de Zaragoza, del jubileo concedido por el papa Paulo V
por las necesidades de la iglesia Zaragoza 1606 Agosto 3."
o06 Persiles, II, 136.
107 Ibid., II, 100-109.
108 Henry Seddall, Malta: Past and Present (London: Chapman and Hall, 1870), p. 70.
109 Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce, "La captura de Cervantes," BRAE, XLVIII (1968),
p. 241.
110 Osuna, "Fechas," p. 414.
model, to have been the mistress of the king of England. n Similarly, Cerv
chooses to make Clodio the only character who agrees with Prince Arnald
false estimate as to how long he had possession of Sigismunda. 112 After th
torical detour made by the episode of the False Captives, we come to
narrow escape of the pilgrims in the Moorish village which I have discus
above. It is true that this incident cannot be fixed any more definitely t
sometime in the period 1598-1609, which would make it historically comp
with the 1606 date of the previous episodes. I would like to suggest, how
that to an informed Spanish reader of the first edition of the Persiles t
episode would have evoked memories of a more specific date. That da
1602, which, if my hypothesis is true, would push historical time back a
further. I suggest this year because it was the year that the decision
actually made to expel the Moors and fears of a repetition of the Rebelli
of the 1560's were present, but, more to the point, in 1602 an attack
carried out on the southern coast of Spain at Lorca by a flotilla of pirates
manded by Amuratarraez, and the Christians there took refuge in a tower
Needless to say, Cervantes' account would be fictionalized, and therefore m
details of the attack would be changed. I would think that this more rec
incident, the only successful raid of its kind in the period 1598-1609, wo
more likely come to the mind of an early reader of the text than would at
which occurred forty or more years before.
If the 1602 date is correct and if Cervantes repeats the pattern which
believe he follows after establishing the 1615 and 1606 dates, then the epi
following the incident in the Moorish village should in different wa
compatible with the 1602 date. Unfortunately, there is only one major epi
after the Moorish village and before the pilgrims leave Spain. It is th
Ambrosia Agustina, the bold young woman from Aragon who tried to sn
onto a galleon disguised as a boy in order to join her husband. 114 This ep
contains two what appear to be historical allusions that I have not been a
to trace. The first is when her husband is ordered by the king to take c
mand of a unit of infantry which is on its way from Lombardy to Genoa to em
bark for Malta where it was thought that the Turks might attack. 115 This sud
transfer of Ambrosia's newlywed husband is what motivates her brash att
to join him. The rumor of an attack is hard to pinpoint historically, espec
if the attack did not occur. I offer only as interesting the fact that from
to 1601 the Grand Knight of Malta was a Spaniard, one Martin Garzrs
that Spanish kings and their Sicilian viceroys were more sympathetic tow
Malta when one of their own was in charge. 16 These dates are compatib
with a 1602 meeting between Ambrosia and the pilgrims but are, of cou
far from conclusive evdience that Cervantes is refering to a specific incid
The second apparently historical allusion comes when Ambrosia, apropos
111 Persiles, I, 94, and Schevill-Bonilla note I, 337.

112 Ibid., I, 166.
113 Henry C. Lea, The Moriscos of Spain: Their Conversion and Expulsion (1901; rp
New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p. 265.
114 Persiles, II, 125-131.
115 Ibid., II, 125.
116 Seddall, Malta, pp. 115-116.
nothing, tells the pilgrims that one of the

brother's galleon is the mother of the Span
her way to visit her son, accompanied by h
of the viceroy. 117" This all seems much to
it is a reference to a real event, which, howe
historical context. A new viceroy of Sicily,
Sudrez de Figueroa, was named in 1602, but
visited him in that year I do not know. Non
information is very similar to other incident
into the Persiles, information which would
number of readers, even in his own time. Both
story, if indeed that is what they are, serve
the traditional interests of Aragon and Catal
Mediterranean.
After their visit to Barcelona the pilgrims decide to continue overland

through France because, Cervantes says, "pues estaua pacifica." 11s This would
undoubtedly be taken by contemporary readers as a reference to the Peace
of Vervins signed on May 2, 1598, which would, of course, be compatible
with the 1602 date which I think was established at the Moorish village. The
only other period of peace with France during the epoch was the short-lived
"Universal Peace" concluded at the Cateau-Cambresis in 1559, forty years
before. At this point the pilgrims leave Spain and in the next episode meet the
servant of the Duke of Nemours, who was mentioned earlier and whose statement
apparently moves historical time at least as far back as the Holy Year of 1600.
When the novel is not set in Spain and Portugal, the frequency of historical ref-
erences in the text drops drastically, and Cervantes' handling of historical
material undergoes a radical change. After the allusion to the Holy Year there
is no other clearly historical reference until the pilgrims meet Soldino, except
for the mention of the Duke of Nemours as a French nobleman who is search-
ing for a wife. An attempt has been made to identify Cervantes' historical
model for the Duke 119 which, I believe, was less conclusive than it might have
been because the author was searching in the wrong period. The year after
Cervantes died Henry, Duke of Nemours, led an invasion against the Duke
of Savoy ostensibly because the latter had been promising Nemours a wife from
the House of Savoy for at least six or seven years, keeping him dangling but
refusing to go through with the offer. 120 Here we have a Duke of Nemours
searching for a wife in the early XVIIth Century; he would seem to be a likely
historical model.
After leaving Soldino's cave the pilgrims move rapidly into Italy, and his-
torical time is moved back to the 1550's to the reign of Charles V. There are
several indications that Cervantes had this historical period in mind. One occurs

118 Ibid., II, 131.
119 A. Lubac, "La France et les frangais dans le Persiles," A nales Cervantinos, I
(1951), pp. 111-130.
120 Robert Watson and William Thompson, The History of the Reign of Philip the
Third King of Spain (New York: George Long, 1818), p. 185.
when Ysabela Castrucha, the young woman who feigns madness in Lu

order to delay her uncle's attempt to take her to Naples to be married
her will, is asked where she met Andrea Marulo, her true love. She rep
they met in Illescas. 121 Since Cervantes has stressed that Ysabela was
the Spanish court, the mention of Illescas is significant in that it was o
places where the itinerant court of Charles V normally stayed when it
from Toledo to Madrid, and it was also the place where Charles V hel
cis I, king of France, captive. 122 Just as the gardens of Aranjuez were me
earlier in the text 123 with their close ties to the reigns of Philip II and Ph
thus Illescas is mentioned at this point to evoke the time of Charles V.
indirect allusion to the period is the marriage by common consent o
and Andrea. 124 Such marriages abound in the Persiles which, as Amdri
points out in El pensamiento de Cervantes, 125 were forbidden by the
of Trent in 1563. The difference between Ysabela's marriage and the
in the Persiles is that it is the only one which Cervantes has declared
two priests. 126 In this way be indicates that the practice had not yet been
den by the Council. Another slight link between the story of Ysabel
time of Charles V is that the Emperor once made a famous visit to th
Lucca, the setting for her story. 127 Thus while the episode of Ysabela
has no fixed historical date, it clearly evokes memories of the
Charles V.
Most of Book IV of the Persiles is set in Rome. The only historical allusion
which appears to point to a more or less specific date in Book IV is the incident
of the blank canvases, the titles of which predict the coming of future poets. 128
As I indicated earlier, this last example of "vaticinatio ex eventu" places the
pilgrims historically shortly before the birth of Tasso (1544), but, more sig-
nificantly, it also places them shortly before the opening of the Council of Trent
(December, 1545). This is the Rome which Cervantes wishes to evoke, a Rome
of the pre-Counter-Reformation, and Hipolita, the most beautiful courtesan of
the city, personifies this period. It is meaningful that Cervantes introduces her
immediately after the "prophesy" of the blank canvases has revealed the histor-
ical time of the narrative present. Her home is decorated like that of a Renais-
sance prince with the paintings of Rafael and Michelangelo (no one later) and

122 Christopher Hare, A Great Emperor, Charles V 1519-1558 (London: Stanley Paul
and Co., 1917), p. 103.
124 Ibid., II, 196-198.
125 Amdrico Castro, El pensamiento de Cervantes (Madrid: Imprenta de la Libreria
y Casa Editorial Hernando, 1925), pp. 349-352.
127 Edward Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V, 2nd ed. (1910; rpt. London: Macmil-
lan and Co., 1929), 2 Vols. Charles visited Lucca twice: once in 1536, Vol. I, p. 294, and
again in 1541, Vol II, p. 3, when he met there with Pope Paul III.
128 Persiles, II, 242. One other quasi-historical note is sounded in Book IV (II, 233)
when Croriano uses his influence with the French Ambassador to secure the release of
Bartolome and Luisa from a Roman prison. This reference to the power of a Frech
ambassador might be taken as an allusion to the reign of the vehemently anti-Spanish
Pope Paul IV (1555-1559), which would then be the last reference to the 1550's before
the incident of the blank canvases pushes history further back.
100 KENNETH P. ALLEN RuM, XXXVI (1970-1971)
drawings from classical times. 129 The degree of he

of her senses is matched only by her love for Pe
necessary to make Persiles her own as long as i
Persiles himself. Her highest loyalty is to her be
It is obvious that in Book IV history is dealt w
way it is handled in Book III; a historical period
to direct allusion to political events or political
fixed date can be deduced from an allusion to l
To summarize this section on historical time, I
parallels existed between the stories of two evid
in the text, Antonio the elder and Ortel Banedre
forty-seven years between the historical time fr
this phenomenon I then showed how Cervantes
narrative present of Books I and II to late 1558
are no anachronisms in this part of the novel.
historical time jumps forward to 1615 and then
ward throughout the rest of the novel which e
1544. The main structure of this reverse chrono
dictions" made in the text which predict "futur
in history than the previous. They move the nar
earlier and earlier historical frames. Around the
a whole spectrum of historical allusions which b
in reverse order.
CONCLUSION
I have attempted to make two major points i

in the Persiles time is used as an accurate indic
acts to reinforce an Aristotelian unity of actio
contorted by shifts in time, place and characte
forth a possible explanation for Cervantes' use o
is, to show that what to now has been consider
ronisms is actually a carefully constructed order
if it is true, as I believe, that Cervantes has pu
through over seventy years while his character
novel are completely unaffected, the obvious q
most questions about Cervantes' work, there ar
levels. However, here I intend to restrict my spe
appear to me to bear the closest relation to the t
prose epic, in the style of Heliodorus, Cervantes
to the literary theorists of his age, especially
eroico. But in his treatment of history Cerv
129 Persiles, II, 248. For further implications of paint

Selig, "Persiles y Sigismunda: Notes on Pictures, Por
Review, XLI (1973), 305-312.
relation of a creative artist to the theories of others. Tasso specifically

the epic poet to avoid writing of events which are so recent as to still be
in the memories of his readers; he even uses as an example the events o
reign of Charles V as too dangerously close. 1'" In answer to these criti
strictions on his material Cervantes not only set his entire novel after 15
even dared to bring it virtually to the present in firm rejection of Tasso's ad
Of course, in so doing he created a handbook for writers and critics on
historical material can be integrated into fiction without becoming obtr
and by having history run backward through recent events he clearly d
strates how really free of history imaginary fiction can be and still be verisi
and morally "true." On another level, as I have already mentioned, Cerv
use of historial time has meaning beause of its autobiographical connot
the period covered in the second half of the novel (1615-1544) is essentia
period of his own life (1547-1616) and as Astrana Marin and Avalle-Arc
out the incidents in the text contain many echoes of events in his life. a
the level of the text itself Cervantes' use of history would seem to have
functions: 1) it reinforces the division of the novel into two parts, two w
one semi-mythical the other semi-real; 2) it gives emphasis to Cervantes'
prophesy and 3) it serves as a framework around which many of the inc
of Book III are developed. As Cervantes brings his characters from the
fictionalized world of the north to the well-known world of the Mediterr
history had to be treated differently for the sake of verisimilitude, howe
is in Book IV where we are shown the right mix of history and fiction.
with only one historical allusion Cervantes creates an ambiance by mea
his characters, e.g., the courtesan Hipolita, the hoodlum Pirro, the wit
lia, etc. Through them he evokes Rome before the Counter-Reformation,
a temporal frame to an otherwise universal tale of jealousy and love, of
punished and virtues rewarded.
KENNETH P. ALLEN
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
130 Tasso, "del poema eroico," pp. 111-112, and Hill's translation, pp. 251-252. "Portano
I'istorie moderne gran comodith e molta convenevolezza in questa parte de'costumi e
delle usanze; ma togliono quasi in tutto la licenza di fingere e d'imitare, la quale b neces-
sarissima a'poeti, particolarmente a gli epici." "Modern histories have great convenience
and great propriety as regards customs and usages, but they almost completely deny
freedom to invent and to imitate, a freedom most necessary to poets and particularly to
epic poets." "Oltre a cib, l'azioni di Carlo sono state cosi grandi e cosi laudevoli, anzi cosi
meravigliose, c'hanno pii tosto tolta, che data a'poeti l'occasione d'accrescerle." "Moreover
the actions of Charles were so great and so praiseworthy indeed so marvelous - that they
have not given the poets opportunity but rather have deprived them of opportunity to
augment them." In not writing an epic about Charles V, Cervantes obeyed the letter of the
second of these warnings, but in setting his entire story after 1540 he clearly proved that
he was easily able to imitate in a modern historical setting.
131 Astrana Marin, Vida, VI, 519; VII, 431-32, 438-439, etc.; Avalle-Arce, "captura."
One interesting biographical note from the point of view of this essay is that Astrana
Marin mentions that Cervantes was traveling overland from Lisbon to Madrid, probably
along the same route which the pilgrims followed, during October and November of 1582.
At that time the new Gregorian Calendar went into effect, and ten days were lost (October
5, 1582, became October, 15). Such an event might well have impressed a man like Cer-
vantes with the arbitrariness of our calendar and, perhaps, of our notions of time and
history.
APPENDIX A
TIME AND PLACE REFERENCES IN THE NARRATIVE PRESENT OF THE

"PERSILES": BOOK I
Chapter Place Narrative Time Elapsed
I. Prison Islet, sea, Arnaldo's ship.

II. Arnaldo's ship, shore of the Isle of the
Barbarians.
III. Isle of the Barbarians (shore).
IV. Same (Barbarian camp & Antonio's Nightfall (I, 27).
cave).
V. Same (Antonio's cave).
VI. Same (Cave, beach, sea). Daybreak (I, 41).
VII. At sea; isle with snow-covered peaks Nightfall (I, 53).
VIII. Same island.
IX. Same; at sea; island with trees. Daybreak (I, 65).
X Same island with trees.
XI. Same island. Daybreak (I, 77); Sail 10 days (I, 77).
XII.to Golandia.
XVI.
XVII. Golandia. Nightfall (I, 109).

XVIII. At sea. Daybreak (I, 118).
XIX. At sea; snow-covered island. Nightfall (I, 125); daybreak (I, 126).
XX. Snow-covered island.
XXI. Snow-covered island; at sea. Sail for almost 3 months (I, 139).
XXII. At sea.
XXIII. At sea.
TOTAL NARRATIVE TIME ELAPSED
IN BOOK I: Approx. 3 to 3 1/2 months.
BOOK II
I At sea. Nightfall (I, 155); daybreak (I, 157).

II. Policarpo's island. Some days (I, 165-166); "vn dia" (16
III. Policarpo's Palace.
IV. Same. Next day (I, 176).
V. Same.
VI. Same.
VII. i. Same. Night (I, 211).
ii. Same.
VIII. Same.
IX. Same. Two days (I, 222); "vn dia" (I, 224).
X. Same.
XI. Same. Nightfall (I, 242),
XII. Same.
XIII. Same. Later that night (I, 256).
XIV. Same. Next day (I, 265).
XV. Same.
XVI. Same.
XVII. Policarpo's island; at sea; Two nights later (I, 286); 3rd hour o
Isle of the Hermits. the night (I, 287); daybreak (I, 289);
sail until morning of 4th day (I, 291).
XVIII. Isle of the Hermits. Night (I, 293); daybreak (I, 302).
XIX. Same.
XX. Same.
XXI. Same. Two days (I, 322).
TOTAL NARRATIVE TIME ELAPSED
IN BOOK II: Approx. one month.
BOOK III
I. Isle of the Hermits; at sea; Sail 17 days or so (II, 7); 10 days in

Lisbon. Lisbon (II, 15); night (II, 15).
II. Lisbon to Badajoz to 5 leagues out of Lisbon-Badajoz; 43 leagues at 2 to 3
Badajoz. leagues/day: est. 16 days (II, 16); 3
days in Badajoz, the vernal equinox
occurs, nightfall (II, 21).
III. Shepherd's fold 5 Igs. east of Badajoz. Daybreak (II, 27).
IV. Shepherd's fold to Ciceres to Guada-Shepherd's fold - Cceres - Guadalupe:
lupe. approx. 30 lgs.: est. 12 days. Time
in Cdceres indef. (II, 46) est. 7 days.
V. Guadalupe.
VI. Guadalupe to Trujillo to Talavera de 4 days in Guadalupe (II, 58); Guad.
la Reina to 6 Igs. east of Talavera.to Trujillo: 12 Igs.: est. 3 days; 2
days in Truj. (II, 58); Truj.-Talavera:
24 Igs. plus 6 Igs. past Tala. (II, 58):
est. 9 days.
VII. 6 Igs. east of Talavera to la Sagra Night and 2 days (II, 77); distance is
de Toledo. 9 Igs. therefore rate of travel now
4 to 5 lgs./day.
VIII. La Sagra to Aranjuez to Ocafia. La Sagra-Ocafia: approx. 11 Igs.: est.
3 days.
IX. Ocafia to Quintanar de la Orden. 3 days, nightfall (II, 87); distance ap-
prox. 12 Igs., rate 4 Igs./day. In Quin-
tanar: indef, time for Count to die:
est. 2 days; day he dies (II, 95);
several days (II, 99); day of depar-
ture (II, 99).
X. Quintanar to a place whose name the Quintanar-town of False Captives: est.
author does not remember, the town 19 igs.: est. 5 days; nightfall, (II,
of the False Captives. 109).
XI. From town of the False Captives to Daybreak (II, 110); several days to
Moorish town (1 Ig. from coast, Moorish town (II, 113): est. 30 Igs.:
south of Valencia). est. 7 days; midnight (II, 118); day-
break (II, 120); 2 days (II, 121).
XII. From Moorish town to Barcelona to Pilgrims lengthen daily journeys (II,
Perpignan. 122); to Barcelona: est. 50 Igs.: est.
10 days; nightfall (II, 131); to
Perpignan: est. 34 legs.: est. 7 days.
104 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHMI, XXXVI (1970-1971)
XIII. From Perpignan via Languedoc to a Next day (II, 134); exact route in
place 6 days' journey into Provence. France is vague, probably: Perpignan-
Aries: est. 40 Igs.: est. 8 days; then
Arles-Aix en Provence, then north-
east to near Durance river, sight of
tower (Chap. XIV) which is 6 days
from border of Provence (II, 138).
XIV. A place in Provence.
XV. Provence (house of Count Domicio to One month or little more (II, 150); rest
inn one day away, by horse). of pilgrimage by horse (II, 152); one
day's journey (II, 153).
XVI. Inn in Provence.
XVII. Inn in Provence. Nightfall (II, 165); daybreak (II, 169).
XVIII. From Inn to Soldino's cottage.
XIX. From Soldino's to Milan and Lucca
Lengthen daily journeys (II, 180); Sol-
via Dauphine and Piedmont. dino's-Milan: est. 75 Igs.: est. 10
days; 4 days in Milan (II, 183);
Milan-Lucca: est. 48 Igs.: est. 7 days.
XX. Inn in Lucca.
XXI. Same. Night (II, 193); 2 days (II, 198); 4
more days (II, 199).
TOTAL NARRATIVE TIME ELAP-
SED IN BOOK III: Approx. 7
months.
BOOK IV
I. From Lucca to Acquapendente to Pilgrim's rate shown by their going

within one day's journey of Rome.from Acqua. to within 1 day's journey
of Rome in only 1 day (II, 202);
distance Acqua.-Rome: est. 24 Igs.
This is at least 12 Igs./day. Lucca-
Acqua.: est. 33 Igs. Total this chap.
est. 4 days.
II. To 1/2 day's journey north of Rome. Midday (II, 211).
III. To Rome. 8 days (II, 221).
IV. Rome (the pilgrim's lodgings). 1 day (II, 228).
V. Rome (same). 6 days (II, 234).
VI. Rome (on the streets). Time indef. "vn dia" (II, 238).
VII. Rome (Hipolita's, street, palace). Same day as Chap. VI (II, 244).
VIII. Rome (pilgrim's lodgings). Nightfall (II, 256); next day (II, 260).
IX. Rome (same). 15 days (II, 262).
X. Rome (same). A short time (II, 267).
XI. Rome (same and south of city). Nightfall (II, 276).
XII. South of Rome. Daybreak (II, 283).
XIII. Rome (near St. Paul's Cathedral). Dawn same day (II, 286).
XIV. Rome (same and pilgrim's lodgings).
TOTAL NARRATIVE TIME ELAP-
SED IN BOOK IV: Approx. 6
weeks.
APPENDIX B
OTHER RELEVANT TIME, PLACE AND HISTORICAL REFERENCES IN THE

"PERSILES": BOOK I
Chapter Reference
I. Persiles in prison 2 days (I, 2); Per

Per. had not eaten for 3 days (I, 5).
II. False prophesy of barbarians (I, 10); Per. says he and Sigis. apart I yr. (I, 13).
IV. Antonio little over 50 yrs. old (I, 29); Constanza 15 yrs, Ricla, 30 (I, 30).
V. Antonio's tale: served Charles V in Ger. (I, 32); left Lisbon with English (I, 35).
VI. Antonio's tale: Ricla about 15 yrs. old when Antonio met her (I, 43).
VII. Narrator says Sigis. in Arnaldo's power 1 yr. (I, 52); night cold (I, 53).
VIII. Rutilio's tale: says he flew Italy-Norway in 4 hrs. (I, 58); explains day and
night in Northern countries (I, 60).
IX. Sure signs of snow (I, 65); 2 references to cold (I, 67-68); dried fruit (I, 68).
X. Manuel's tale: sent to North Africa; must wait 2 yrs. for Leonora (I, 70).
XII. Mauricio 60 yrs. old, Ladislao 24, Clodio 40, Rosamunda over 50 (I, 81).
XIII. Mauricio knew from astrology he would find Transila in 2 yrs. (I, 92).
XIV. Clodio says Rosamunda was mistress to king of England (I, 94).
XVI. Arnaldo says that Sigismunda was in his power 2 yrs. (I, 103).
XVII. Arnaldo says he turned over Taurisa 2 days before (I, 108).
XVIII. Mauricio predicts misfortune (I, 111).
XXII. Pirate captain says weather was warm for Policarpo's games (I, 141-142).
XXII. Transila says pirate's story occured before Isle of Barbarians (I, 150).
BOOK II
II. Clodio says Arnaldo had Sigis. in his power for 2 yrs. (I, 166).
III. Sinforosa stayed with Sigis. many times (I, 168).
V. Clodio says Antonio on the Isle of Barbarians 15 yrs. (I, 188).
VII. Sigis. 17 yrs. old, Policarpo 60 (I, 205); Poli. orders 8 day fest (I, 211).
VIII. Zenotia's tale: says she's 50 and she fled Inquisition from Granada (I, 215).
IX. Persiles in games on anniversary of Policarpo's coronation (I, 224).
X. Persiles' tale: he, Sigis. & Cloelia leave home, sail a few days to Fishermen's
Isle where trees are green (I, 225); 2 days pass (I, 229, 232).
XI. Antonio the elder says his son is 15 or 16 yrs old (I, 240).
XII. Persiles' tale: season is spring (I, 245); Sigis. kidnapped, nightfall (I, 247); next
day Persiles and fishermen set sail (I, 251).
XIII. Persiles' tale: sail 1 day, next day meet Leopoldio's ship (I, 258).
XIV. Persiles' tale: meet Sulpicia's ship, nightfall (I, 271).
XV. Persiles' tale: next day, dream island (I, 274). Games held annually (I, 279).
XVI. Persiles' tale: sail more than 3 months; frozen into the sea (I, 280).
XVII. Night is cold (I, 293).
XVIII. Persiles' tale: captured by Cratilo's men, night, next day (I, 297).
XIX. Renato's tale: born in France (I, 304); to free city in Germany for duel (I, 305);
to Isle of Hermits, supply ship visits once/yr. (I 307); lives there 1 yr. alone,
then 10 yrs. with Eusebia (I, 308). Mauricio alludes to retirement of Charles V
(I, 310).
106 KENNETH P. ALLEN RHII, XXXVI (1970-1971)
Chapter Reference
XX. Persiles' tale: 3 months with Cratilo (I, 313); sails to Denmark, Policarpo's
games, other places, Isle of Barbarians, time indef. (I, 314). Per. taken from
prison day after capture, Sigis. taken next day to Barbarians (I, 316).
XXI. News of Transylvanian wars and Charles V's (I, 320).
BOOK III
I. Pilgrims arrive at Sangian, meet Archbishop of Braga (II, 9).

II. "Juan de Herrera de Gamboa, el Maganto," poet, mentioned (II, 21).
IV. Diego de Parraces' story indicates court is in Madrid (II, 45).
VI. Religious festivals indicate spring (II, 58-59). Luisa, Banedre's wife 22 yrs. old
(II, 70). Ortel Banedre's tale: born Poland, goes to Spain, Lisbon, 15 yrs.
before left Lisbon via Sangian for East Indies, returns, reaches Talavera on
way to Philip III's court in Madrid (II, 69).
VII. Banedre's tale: his marriage lasted 15 days (II, 73).
VIII. Allusion to Garcilaso edition (II, 78). Festival at La Sagra to King (II, 81).
Allusion to Madrid court morals (II, 83). Spring, gardens of Aranjuez (II, 84).
IX. Spring warmer (II, 87-88). Antonio's mother says he was gone 16 yrs. (II, 88).
Count was going to Jubilee in Rome (II, 92-93.) Sigismunda's tale: stolen
from Denmark to various places then to Isle of Barbarians (II, 97-98).
X. False Captive's tale: lies, evoking names of Dragut and Sancho de Leyva (II, 102-
103); says they are going to army in Italy and Flanders (II, 105).
XI. Xarife says his grandfather predicted expulsion of Moors (II, 117); calls on his
king and royal counselor to get rid of Moors (II, 120).
XII. Ambrosia Agustina's tale: her husband sent to Malta (II, 125); the mother of
the viceroy of Sicily traveling with her granddaughters (II, 130). Pilgrims go
overland through France because of peace with Spain (II, 131).
XIII. Duke of Nemours mentioned (II, 135); 3 French ladies going to Jubilee (II, 136).
XIV. Midday sun coming straight down (II, 141).
XV. River crossed (II, 152.)
XVI. Luisa, Banedre's wife, 22 yrs. old (II, 154).
XVIII. Soldino, over 80 (II, 178); predicts Lepanto and Alcazar-Kebir (II, 176), also
says he served Charles V until king's retirement (II, 176).
XIX. Academia meeting in Milan (II, 182).
XXI. Ysabela Castrucha's tale: she met Andrea at Illescas on St. John's Day (II, 194).
BOOK IV
I. Sigis. tells Per. it's 2 yrs. since she vowed to marry him (II, 203).
II. Midday sun hot (II, 211).
III. Unnamed Spanish poet mentioned, wrote a sonnet attacking Rome (II, 222).
VI. Pilgrim/poet saw blank canvases titled with names of future poets and their
works, Tasso and Zirate (II, 242-243).
VII. Works of art in Hipolita's house listed by painters' names (II, 248).
VIII. Arnaldo, mentioning Lisbon, does not mention Sangian (II, 257).
X. Sigis. again says she pledged herself to Per. 2 yrs. before (II, 268).
XII. Serafido tells early history of Per. & Sigis.; says Magsimino delayed little over
2 yrs. returning home to Iceland then sailed to Italy (II, 282); Serafido
disembarked in Lisbon, no mention of Sangian (II, 282).
XIV. Arnaldo regrets having served Sigismunda "so many" years (II, 293).
ASPECTS OF TIME IN "LOS TRABAJOS DE P'ERSILES Y SIGISMUNDA" 107
APPENDIX C
NARRATIVE ACTION OF THE "PERSILES" IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

INCLUDING THE "PAST" OF PERSILES AND SIGISMUNDA
Historical
Date Calendar Date and Summary of Events
1557 June - Persiles and Sigismunda leave Iceland, go to Fishermen's island,

Sigis. kidnapped, Per. becomes anti-pirate (Book II, Chap. 10, 12 & 13).
July-October - Per. on high seas (Book II, Chap. 13-15). Sigis. sold to Arnaldo
in Denmark (Book III, Chap. 9), Per. frozen in sea (II, Ch. 16).
1557-58 Winter - Persiles with Cratilo (II, Ch. 17 & 19), Sigis. in Denmark (III,
Ch. 9).
1558 Spring - Per. sails to Denmark, Sigis. stolen before he arrives (II, Ch. 19).
Summer - Per. visits Policarpo's island (I, Ch. 22), continues search for
Sigis. (II, Ch. 19), she is held by a pirate (III, Ch. 9).
Fall - Both Per. and Sigis. arrive at Isle of the Barbarians (I, Ch. 1-4).
1558 September-December - Action of Book I: Isle of the Barbarians, Golandia,
shipwreck, Persiles and Sigismunda separated again.
1559 January - Action of Book II: Persiles and Sigismunda reunited on Poli-
carpo's island, Policarpo's palace, Isle of the Hermits, Persiles' story.
1615-1550's February-August - Action of Book III: the pilgrimage to Rome, Lisbon
to Lucca.
1550-1540's September-October - Action of Book IV: Lucca to Rome.

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Aspects of Time in "Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda"

Author(s): Kenneth P. Allen

XXXVI 1970-1971 NUM. 3

ASPECTS OF TIME IN LOS TRABAJOS DE PERSILES

IME is an integral part of any human reality, be it the subjectiv

There is nothing unusual about the specific techniques whic

3 Appendix A is an accounting of time passed in the narrative pr

The Narrative Present:

o10 Ibid., I, 202.

16 Persiles, II, 113.

When the pilgrims reach Rome narrative time once more be

The Narrative Past

25 Ibid., II, 238.

of the entire work. An example is found in Book III, Chapter 6, a

30 Ibid., II, 70.

os podre dezir quantos fueron los dias que anduu

of the Barbarians and Ortel to the East Indies. H

52 Ibid., II, 267.

changes from 15 to 16 years. The date of the 1543 campai

makes the stories of the two men historically incompatible. Rememb

maintained two footholds in North Africa,

75 Ibid., II, 117.

indicates that he is speaking sometime after that

82 If the number of chapters in Books III and IV are

86 Ibid., II, 243.

from examining the temporal frame of the narra

9 Ibid., II, 69.

25 years as it is now. The other Jubilee was the so called "spe

111 Persiles, I, 94, and Schevill-Bonilla note I, 337.

nothing, tells the pilgrims that one of the

After their visit to Barcelona the pilgrims decide to continue overland

117 Persiles, II, 130.

when Ysabela Castrucha, the young woman who feigns madness in Lu

121 Persiles, II, 194.

drawings from classical times. 129 The degree of he

I have attempted to make two major points i

129 Persiles, II, 248. For further implications of paint

relation of a creative artist to the theories of others. Tasso specifically

TIME AND PLACE REFERENCES IN THE NARRATIVE PRESENT OF THE

Chapter Place Narrative Time Elapsed

I. Prison Islet, sea, Arnaldo's ship.

XVII. Golandia. Nightfall (I, 109).

I At sea. Nightfall (I, 155); daybreak (I, 157).

Chapter Place Narrative Time Elapsed

I. Isle of the Hermits; at sea; Sail 17 days or so (II, 7); 10 days in

Chapter Place Narrative Time Elapsed

I. From Lucca to Acquapendente to Pilgrim's rate shown by their going

OTHER RELEVANT TIME, PLACE AND HISTORICAL REFERENCES IN THE

I. Persiles in prison 2 days (I, 2); Per

I. Pilgrims arrive at Sangian, meet Archbishop of Braga (II, 9).

NARRATIVE ACTION OF THE "PERSILES" IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

1557 June - Persiles and Sigismunda leave Iceland, go to Fishermen's island,

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