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Regna Darnell
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5 Stephen O. Murray
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7 Irregular Connections
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11 A History of
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33 University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London
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1 © by the Board of
2 Regents of the University
of Nebraska
3 All rights reserved
4 Manufactured in the
5 United States of America
6 䡬
⬁
7 Library of Congress
8 Cataloging-in-Publication
Data
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Lyons, Andrew P.
10 (Andrew Paul)
11 Irregular connections: a
12 history of anthropology
and sexuality / Andrew P. [-4], (4)
13 Lyons and Harriet D.
14 Lyons. p. cm. –
15 (Critical studies in the
history of anthropology) Lines: 41
16 Includes bibliographical
17 references and index.
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21 . Sex customs – History.
22 . Primitive societies.
. Anthropology –
23 History. [-4], (4)
24 . Anthropologists –
25 Attitudes.
I. Lyons, Harriett.
26 II. Title.
27 III. Series.
28 ..
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7 In Memory of
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Arnold Remington Pilling
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7 Irregular connexions between the sexes have on the whole established a
8 tendency to increase along with the progress of civilization.
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Edward Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage
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7 Contents
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12 List of Illustrations x
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Acknowledgments xi
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Series Editors’ Introduction xiii
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16 Introduction Lines: 115 to
17 . Three Images of Primitive Sexuality and the Definition of Species ———
18 . Sex and the Refuge for Destitute Truth
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19 . Matriarchy, Marriage by Capture, and Other Fantasies Normal Pag
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. The Reconstruction of “Primitive Sexuality” at the Fin de Siècle * PgEnds: Pag
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22 . “Old Africa Hands”
23 . Malinowski as “Reluctant Sexologist” [-9], (9)
24 . Margaret Mead, the Future of Language, and Lost Opportunities
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. The “Silence”
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27 . Sex in Contemporary Anthropology
28 Conclusions and Unfinished Business
29 Notes
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References Cited
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32 Index
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3 Australian Aboriginal Marriage Ceremony
4 The Queen of the Cannibals
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Chelik of Toinar with his ghotul wife
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7 Acknowledgments
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11 [First Page]
B
12 ecause this book is the culmination of research projects we under-
13 took over many summers and two sabbaticals over a -year period, [-11], (1)
14 we owe thanks to many individuals and institutions.
15 We would like to acknowledge the help of three research assistants who
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16 helped us in the early stages of the project: Dr. Mary Fair Deschene, Dr.
17 Fabian Dapila, and our former colleague, the late Dr. Judith Abwunza. In ———
18 the latter stages of the project, Mr. Stephan Dobson acted as an editorial 0.0pt PgV
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19 assistant.
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20 Our research was supported by a Short Term Research Grant from Wilfrid
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21 Laurier University and a Research Grant (no. --) from the Social
22 Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (–). Harriet
23 Lyons also received a Grace Anderson Research Fellowship from Wilfrid [-11], (1)
24 Laurier University.
25 We would like to thank librarians at the following institutions: Wilfrid
26 Laurier University, Waterloo, Ontario; the University of Waterloo; McMas-
27 ter University (Bertrand Russell Archive); the Sterling Library at Yale Uni-
28 versity (Bronislaw Malinowski Papers and Havelock Ellis Papers); the Lon-
29 don School of Economics and Political Science and Dr. Angela Raspin,
30 archivist (Bronislaw Malinowski Correspondence); the Library of the Well-
31 come Institute for the History of Medicine; the old British Library, in-
32 cluding the Western Manuscripts Room (Marie C. Stopes–Havelock El-
33 lis Correspondence); the Huntington Library, San Marino, California (Sir
34 Richard Burton Archive); the Library of Congress (Margaret Mead Papers);
35 the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, including the Bodleian Library of
36 Commonwealth and African Studies at Rhodes House; the Institute of So-
37 cial and Cultural Anthropology, Oxford University; and the Robarts Library
38 of the University of Toronto.
39 The late Edwards Huntington Metcalf gave us access to some of his per-
1 sonal collection of Richard Burton’s books and papers, which are stored at
2 the Huntington Library.
3 There are a number of scholars and friends with whom we have shared
4 ideas during the time we have worked on this project. They include Dorothy
5 and David Counts, Ann Chowning, Bill and Marla Powers, the late Arnold
6 Pilling, the late Ashley Montagu, the late Bob Kennedy, and Robert Gordon.
7 We would like to thank the editors of this series, Regna Darnell and
8 Stephen Murray, for a stimulating exchange of ideas that helped us greatly in
9 the preparation of our final manuscript. Naturally, any errors of scholarship
10 and interpretation that remain are our own.
11 Finally, for those who are curious, we should mention that this is a totally
12 cooperative endeavor. The order in which our names are listed is strictly
13 alphabetical. [-12], (2)
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15 Some portions of chapters and , which discuss Malinowski, Ellis, and
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16 Russell, first appeared in the Canadian Journal of Anthropology. We would
17 like once again to thank Ms. Helena Wayne (Malinowska) for permission to ———
18 quote materials from the Malinowski collections at Yale and at the London * 192.45
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19 School of Economics.
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20 Permission to quote from the diary of Mrs. E. M. Falk (. Afr. S. )
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21 has been granted by the Bodleian Library of Commonwealth and African
22 Studies at Rhodes House. Permission to publish an illustration from The
23 Muria and Their Ghotul by Verrier Elwin has been granted by Oxford Uni- [-12], (2)
24 versity Press, New Delhi, India.
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xii
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7 Series Editors’ Introduction
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A
lthough the variety of human sexuality has been a rich topic in
13 Anglo-American public culture, it has received surprisingly little [-13], (3)
14 anthropological attention. This lacuna may be attributable to the
15 aura of the exotic or scandalous that clings to the topic within a discipline Lines: 34 to
16 that has long aspired to the status of “science.” Andrew Lyons and Harriet
17 ———
Lyons attempt to redress the omissions, emphasizing the ethnocentrism of
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cross-cultural sexuality studies. ———
19 Where we might expect alternative approaches to sexuality to engender Normal Pag
20 a critique of post-Enlightenment cultural biases, we find instead a “con- * PgEnds: Ejec
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scription” or co-optation of ethnographically attested alternatives to preex-
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isting agendas arising from a cultural context beyond the discipline of an-
23 [-13], (3)
thropology. Race and culture have been inextricably joined, with oversexed
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Africans, undersexed Native Americans, and promiscuous Polynesians feed-
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ing the mainstream’s view of itself.
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Americanists will be fascinated by a narrative that moves comfortably
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28 back and forth across the Atlantic. Although there are certainly distinc-
29 tive features of the British and American national traditions, in matters of
30 sexuality studies crossovers are legion (with the collaboration of Margaret
31 Mead and Gregory Bateson as a paramount example). At each chronological
32 juncture, American and British voices intersect, for example, Lewis Henry
33 Morgan and the High Victorian evolutionism of John McLennan, Sir John
34 Lubbock, and Johann Jakob Bachofen, a legacy interjected into American
35 anthropology by the cosmopolitan European theoretical scope of Franz
36 Boas and his early students. Margaret Mead tested the claims of psychol-
37 ogist G. Stanley Hall about the universality of adolescence, while Bronislaw
38 Malinowski applied Freudian metanarratives to the cultural assumptions
39 of Trobriand Islanders. National traditions are mediated by what Richard
1 Fardon called “localizing strategies,” the ways of thinking anthropologically
2 that emerge in particular areas of the globe.
3 Commonalities of Pacific sexualities abound in contrast to Native North
4 American practices. Ethnography in turn invites reflexivity. Much is re-
5 ported that strikes unhappy resonances to modern ears. The Lyonses frame
6 their narrative as an exercise in disciplinary reflexivity.
7 Both the introduction and conclusion invite anthropologists and other
8 students of sexuality in cross-cultural contexts to observe themselves ob-
9 serving through often unrecognized biases. Despite an uncompromising
10 exposure of previous limitations of standpoint, Lyons and Lyons do not
11 apologize for the past sins of anthropologists or despair of the grounds on
12 which they and their readers now stand. To have raised the questions at all
13 is the challenge accepted by the anthropology of sexuality. The historicism [-14], (4)
14 and longue durée of the irregular connections they catalog invite continuing
15 revisionism as ethnographic studies of sexuality become better integrated
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16 with feminist, gay–lesbian, queer, and other theories and documentations
17 of sexual practices in our own society. This volume strikes a balance be- ———
18 tween power–knowledge in its approach to the particulars of a topic–theme * 237.95
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19 through a critical disciplinary history.
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35 any people still believe that anthropology is largely about sex.
36 There is a persistent image of the anthropologist as a voyeur.
37 Moreover, information about “primitives” is often used to justify
38 or deplore Western sexual desire and practice. This is a recurring theme in
39 writings of various kinds. It can be found, to name but a few famous sources,
1 in the work of Charles Darwin, Sigmund Freud, Havelock Ellis, Margaret
2 Mead, Bronislaw Malinowski, and Bertrand Russell. The sexual liberation
3 movements of the s, s, and s continued to use the sexuality of
4 others as model or contrast.
5 It is a curious fact that sexuality has rarely been a dominant theme in
6 ethnographic research, despite strong interest in the topic on the part of
7 some of anthropology’s founding practitioners and a few of their descen-
8 dants. There are obvious and not-so-obvious reasons for this reticence. One
9 of them is the quite obvious fact that many people and peoples are discreet
10 about the subject, that the information they may provide may be unreli-
11 able, unrepresentative, or unverifiable. In recent articles, Donald Tuzin and
12 Ernestine Friedl have drawn our attention to the important but surprisingly
13 seldom-noted fact that with occasional ceremonial exceptions sexual acts [2], (2)
14 are almost universally performed in private (Tuzin :–, :,
15 ; Friedl ), a point Mead (:–) had noted some time earlier.
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16 Furthermore, there are both ethical and practical constraints on the activ-
17 ities of anthropological fieldworkers. Despite this reserve the mass media ———
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20 During the mid-s the New York Times (e.g., January , ) and
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21 other leading media devoted much attention to claims that Margaret Mead’s
22 fieldwork in Samoa was sloppy and that her famous book was based on
23 unreliable data. Specifically, there was much interest in Derek Freeman’s [2], (2)
24 allegations (, ) that Mead had been misled by her adolescent infor-
25 mants and had falsely portrayed Samoa as a society free of sexual repression
26 and its social and psychological accompaniments.
27 Debate over female genital mutilation continues to surface in the media,
28 inside and outside of the countries where it is practiced. The first work (by
29 Harriet Lyons in ) that either of the authors of this book undertook
30 with regard to anthropologists’ treatment of sexuality was concerned with
31 discourses surrounding clitoridectomy and male circumcision. Controversy
32 about female circumcision pits concern about women’s health against cul-
33 tural relativism. The presumption that the traditional practices of all cul-
34 tures deserve respect is a moral stance that has spread beyond anthropology
35 to influence a broad spectrum of contemporary opinion. On issues like
36 clitoridectomy anthropological knowledge may have direct implications for
37 public policy.
38 The early spread of ⁄ among Africans and homosexuals has un-
39 fortunately served as a vehicle for stigmatization and stereotyping. We shall
1 examine some roots of these stereotypes in our account of anthropological
2 writings in the th and th centuries.
3 A decade or so ago, the psychologist J. Philippe Rushton received con-
4 siderable public attention, including television appearances in Canada and
5 the United States, for his assertions about an alleged inverse relationship
6 between intelligence and penis size in men and breast size in women (see
7 Rushton and Bogaert ; Rushton , , , ). Rushton ad-
8 heres to the belief that the size of the male genitals is an index of fertility
9 and the size of the cranium is an index of intelligence. On Rushton’s scale,
10 blacks are scored lowest in head size and intelligence and highest in genital
11 size, production of spermatozoa, ovulatory rate, frequency of twinning, and
12 susceptibility to ⁄ (see, e.g., :–, –, , ). Rushton
13 places whites in the middle and rates Asians most intelligent but least gen- [3], (3)
14 itally endowed. The social implications of these alleged correlations, along
15 with the links Rushton finds between large genitals, low intelligence, and
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16 antisocial behavior (:–), have caused him to be taken seriously by
17 a number of authors and politicians during a conservative era, although his ———
18 ideas have had a hostile reception among anthropologists (see, e.g., Lieber- 0.0pt PgV
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19 man ). Knowledge of anthropological history would reveal just how
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20 old and how inappropriate many of the sources of such ideas about sex and
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21 intelligence are and how easily negative judgments about the sexuality of re-
22 sented populations can be accepted as “science.” Accordingly, the following
23 paragraphs introduce some of the historical themes with which we will be [3], (3)
24 concerned.
25 Most anthropologists and many nonanthropologists have heard of the
26 speculations of th-century evolutionist thinkers concerning primitive sex-
27 ual communism, mother right, and marriage by capture. Nineteenth-cen-
28 tury interest in primitive sexuality was not merely sociological in nature.
29 A literature of primitive exotica, which occupied the borderline between
30 anthropology and pornography, as these genres were then perceived, was
31 produced by Sir Richard Burton and some of his friends. Some publications
32 of this type abandoned all but a ritual pretense at science. It was, rather
33 surprisingly, one of these writings (Untrodden Fields of Anthropology [],
34 attributed to “Jacobus X” or a “French army surgeon”) that Rushton used
35 in his more controversial publications (, , :, ). In more
36 reputable areas of scholarship, published speculation about the adaptive
37 significance of the incest taboo and supposed archaic forms of the family
38 was an important part of the discourse of biological and social evolution.
39 Several other types of th-century writing included sections on primitive
1 sexual customs; medical writers, journalists, missionaries, and urban evan-
2 gelists are among those who made use of such data.
3 A large popular audience in the late s and s was introduced to
4 anthropological texts by the writings of Margaret Mead. Some of these
5 readers perceived sexual behavior to be the main concern of those texts and
6 others like them. After achieving fame, Mead took pains to set the record
7 straight, pointing out that the topic sex appeared on only pages of Coming
8 of Age in Samoa (). However, this was at least more pages on the
9 topic than might be found in most other anthropological works of the th
10 century, and Mead’s work did comprise the most well known example of
11 the use of ethnology by th-century advocates of sexual reform. Some of
12 Malinowski’s writings between and , particularly Sex and Repres-
13 sion in Savage Society () and The Sexual Life of Savages in Northwestern [4], (4)
14 Melanesia (), though their audience was more restricted, were written
15 with contemporary debates about sexual mores very much in mind.
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16 In the s and s it was usual for anthropology students to be warned
17 about the dangers of romantic ethnographies that described “love among ———
18 the palm trees.” The theoretical direction of anthropology in Britain had 0.0pt P
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19 for some time ruled out any consideration of individual motivation and
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20 bodily processes, including not only sex but even hunger. American an-
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21 thropology was more open to such considerations, though it is notable that
22 even the neo-Freudian culture and personality movement produced few
23 ethnographic descriptions of adult sexual behavior. [4], (4)
24 The s saw a renewal of interest in the anthropology of sex. The
25 publication of a number of books dealing with homoerotic practices in
26 New Guinea Highlands society and elsewhere, for example, Gilbert Herdt’s
27 Guardians of the Flutes (), the emergence of feminist anthropology, and
28 the controversies surrounding Mead’s portrayal of adolescent promiscuity
29 in Samoa brought sexuality back into the mainstream of anthropological
30 debate. Michel Foucault’s ideas on the relationship between sex and power
31 (:) have been a continuing influence throughout this period.
32 It is a truism of contemporary intellectual colloquy that the discourses of
33 race, sex, class, and gender are closely interconnected. We shall discuss just
34 a few of the many ways in which they figure in the history of anthropology.
35 Between and both academic anthropology and sociology as well
36 as multiple forms of social work, counseling, and public administration
37 underwent a gradual process of professionalization, somewhat intensified
38 during and after the two world wars. The boundaries between anthropol-
39 ogy and other emerging ventures were not impenetrable. Observations and
1 speculations concerning the sexuality of primitives were sometimes used as
2 implicit or explicit justifications for Victorian and Edwardian sexual mores,
3 gender hierarchies, and colonial ventures. Conversely, such ventures and
4 hierarchies undoubtedly helped to condition the kinds of questions anthro-
5 pologists asked and the conclusions to which they were drawn. “Backward
6 races,” women, children, and members of the lower orders of Victorian soci-
7 ety were all assumed to have certain characteristics in common that could be
8 represented in art or studied by science. Such shared characteristics served
9 to demarcate either fundamental innocence or inherent corruption, with
10 corresponding requirements for control or protection.
11 The era in which anthropology has flourished as a discipline, roughly
12 the last years, has seen many watersheds in the history of sexuality in
13 Western culture. The high Victorian era and its sexual double standard were [5], (5)
14 followed by a fin de siècle reaction in which the status quo was challenged
15 both by those who argued for greater sexual permissiveness and by those
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16 who favored stricter controls. The rejection of Victorian prudery by some
17 segments of society during the flapper era of the s was followed by the ———
18 constraints of the Great Depression and the stresses (and, for some, greater 0.0pt PgV
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19 sexual freedom) of World War II. The “mini-Victorian” era of the s
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20 was followed by the sexual revolution, the conservative reaction to it, and
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21 the ⁄ epidemic of the current period. During each of these periods
22 there were writers who turned to “primitive” societies for evidence of what
23 Westerners should or should not be doing in their sexual lives. The primitive [5], (5)
24 has served ideologies of sexual restraint and of sexual freedom. Primitive
25 sexuality has been cited in connection with the celebration of variance and
26 with the insistence upon normative heterosexuality. Male dominance, fe-
27 male dominance, and gender equality have all been seen to have primitive
28 reflections. There is little if any justification in cultural “facts” themselves for
29 such sweeping pronouncements. Sometimes discourse was loud; sometimes
30 it was relatively muted. Even “silences,” however, must be interpreted in
31 terms of social contexts.
32 This book is an endeavor to interrogate the employment of these extraor-
33 dinary data in order to explore the motivation behind their persistent ap-
34 pearance. The main part of this book concerns the period between and
35 in British and American anthropology. These two national traditions
36 have always been closely interconnected, at times more than their propo-
37 nents would like to acknowledge. This book explores the embeddedness of
38 an important aspect of anthropological writings in the cultural and sexual
39 politics of their locales. We are predominantly concerned with individuals
1 who described themselves or were described as being anthropologists, but
2 we shall occasionally stray beyond disciplinary bounds, particularly dur-
3 ing our discussion of the formative phase of anthropological knowledge
4 between and .
5 Necessarily, our prologue begins before the Victorian era itself and there-
6 fore before the emergence of professional anthropology. Herodotus, who
7 traveled widely, wrote about the many peoples he encountered and related
8 stories, some true and others fantastic, about populations who lived beyond
9 the fringes of the classical world. Medieval encyclopedists wrote about mon-
10 sters and mythical beings. Sixteenth-century theologians argued about the
11 humanity of American Indians. Political philosophers speculated about the
12 origins of society. There could, therefore, be a case for beginning our narra-
13 tive half a millennium or two millennia ago. However, the late th century, [6], (6)
14 the latter part of the Enlightenment, is a good place to begin because it
15 marks the advent of modern scientific and political discourse.
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16 Traditionally, or at the very least since Saint Augustine, Christendom has
17 held sex in low esteem. Those who existed outside Christendom’s umbrella ———
18 were generally regarded as tainted with sin. The Enlightenment’s stress on 0.0pt P
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19 reason and science pitted itself against both religious antipathy to sex and
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20 aristocratic decadence. A “natural” indulgence was permissible to those who
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21 accepted Enlightenment ideas, but many areas were problematic (mastur-
22 bation, homosexuality, female adultery), and the advocates of chastity were
23 never silent. (See Porter and Hall :– for an excellent summary of [6], (6)
24 the th-century sexual environment.) Much of the sexually “permissive”
25 art and literature of the Enlightenment employed various techniques for
26 separating sex from the serious business of life – irony, parody, and an
27 exaggeration that bordered on the grotesque. Distancing oneself from dis-
28 quieting tendencies is a familiar psychological strategy for maintaining self-
29 esteem.
30 The Victorian era in many ways began more than three decades before
31 the queen’s accession. The period of bowdlerism preceded her by a few
32 years. The th century began and ended with significant manifestations
33 of public prudery, the so-called social purity movements. The third quarter
34 of the century is usually thought of as the high-water mark of sexual Vic-
35 torianism, marked by the apogee of the double standard of sexual morality
36 and sentimentalized images of domesticity. This period was also marked by
37 various attempts to document, regulate, and otherwise combat prostitution,
38 which loomed as a threat to Christian marriage. Orthodoxy was challenged
39 from viewpoints that were diverse and in some cases radically opposed.
1 Male libertarians opposed excessive restraints on their freedom. Evangelical
2 Christians and some feminists bemoaned the failure of legislation to protect
3 women from sexual exploitation. On the other side, alliances between sex-
4 ual radicals and “scientific” defenders of racial hierarchies were sometimes
5 rooted in a common anticlericalism. This was because opposition to slavery
6 and the worst colonial abuses, advocacy of purity, and suspicion of the rising
7 natural sciences had tended to be linked positions. In the last years of the
8 century these divisions and alliances were intensified. Feminism became
9 more visible as a social and political movement and influenced some legisla-
10 tive changes. Homosexuality was labeled as a social issue, and homosexuals
11 talked about “the love that dare not speak its name.” Some became martyrs
12 in doing so. These were the years of jingoism in both Britain and America,
13 an imperialistic frenzy that served barely to conceal worries about economic [7], (7)
14 and moral decline. These anxieties were reflected in a growing body of post-
15 Darwinian literature on degeneration and decline. Such was the turbulent
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16 social context in which the intellectual foundations of the new discipline of
17 anthropology were established. ———
18 Like Claude Lévi-Strauss’s bricoleurs, Victorian theorists assembled and 0.0pt PgV
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19 manipulated images and symbols from a plethora of sources devised for a
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20 multitude of uses. These images and symbols are encountered in a variety
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21 of discourses, encompassing the debates between the Darwinians and their
22 opponents, speculations about primitive promiscuity and the origins of
23 marriage, examination of erotic elements in Oriental religions, racial theo- [7], (7)
24 rizing, as well as texts where anthropology provided an excuse for the frankly
25 pornographic. The creators of anthropology and their reading public also
26 had access to several other textual traditions: the travelogues of explorers,
27 the reports of missionaries, apologies for slavery and attacks on it, pre-
28 Darwinian science, and natural theology.
29 In both the late th and the th centuries, discourses that were otherwise
30 at odds, like science and theology or conservatism and social reform, often
31 intertwined in their encounter with unfamiliar sexualities. Primitives were
32 usually portrayed as lacking in emotional control and rationality and were
33 seen to be sexually more excitable (and more physical generally) than Euro-
34 peans. Males were seen as sexually aggressive and promiscuous. Africans in
35 particular were seen as sexually rapacious and domineering. Their genital
36 endowments were exaggerated, their cranial capacity was underestimated.
37 The women in such societies were more ambiguously portrayed. They were
38 depicted either as rapacious Amazons or as brutalized and exploited by their
39 menfolk. Africa is central to racialized discourses about sex and sexualized
1 discourses about race, and one subject we shall consider in this book is how
2 such images were created and have endured.
3 In a few cases the portrayal of the American Indian differs from that
4 described for Africans and other allegedly oversexed populations. The prud-
5 ery of some North American societies with respect to heterosexual rela-
6 tions, the toleration of institutionalized homosexuality (the institution of
7 the berdache), the males’ relative lack of body hair and beard, and a decline
8 in population suggested an alternative model: the undersexed rather than
9 the oversexed savage. Although some authors attributed to other groups of
10 primitive males a greater interest in the employment of women for drudgery
11 than for venery, this characterization was particularly common in the case
12 of some North American groups.
13 It has become almost a cliché of the postmodern movement in anthro- [8], (8)
14 pology to state that primitive Others represent a projection of the anxieties
15 and aspirations of those who have written about them. We need to go be-
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16 yond such sweeping characterizations, however, and examine the specific
17 preoccupations, both political and “psychological,” that have shaped each ———
18 generation’s reading of particular bodies of data. With regard to sex, such 0.0pt P
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19 an examination reveals an interesting paradox caused by the juxtaposition
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20 of ambivalence about sex and ambivalence about primitives. It has been
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21 extremely rare for anthropologists to maintain relativism concerning both
22 at the same time. Sometimes both primitives and sex are looked upon with
23 disdain or at least nervousness; on other occasions appreciation for one is [8], (8)
24 accompanied by disdain for the other. A full-bodied primitivism has consti-
25 tuted a third position, in which primitives have been represented as enjoying
26 a level of sexual health and happiness that eludes humans spoiled by moder-
27 nity. Inevitably, as the evolutionary paradigm declined and better empirical
28 data became available, a realization grew that not all primitive societies were
29 alike, that, in fact, they greatly differed in their attitudes toward sex. How-
30 ever, evolutionism’s decline and the birth of fieldwork based on participant
31 observation did not fully prevent the promulgation of statements about “the
32 sexuality” of “the primitive.” The construction of the ethnographic account
33 is always to some degree preformed by received wisdom, and there is always
34 a tendency to generalize from those “Others” with whom the ethnographer
35 is most familiar. Malinowski is notorious for so doing, but he is not the only
36 sinner.
37 At the end of the th century official disdain for sexual expression was
38 challenged by a revised definition of sexual “health.” Foucault and others
39 have written about the construction of “healthy” sexuality during this pe-
1 riod in the writings of sexologists, psychiatrists, and reformers. Anxieties
2 about excessive sexuality did not disappear, but there were now insistent
3 voices worrying about sexual insufficiency. As this atmosphere set in, a
4 new stereotype of primitive sexuality fought for space with the old ones,
5 although its antecedents might be seen in some of the early views of Native
6 North Americans. Primitive sexuality was now seen to be fraught with anxi-
7 eties, repressions, and taboos born of physical or mental underdevelopment
8 and nurtured by religions based in superstition and ignorance. Primitive
9 sexuality as a signifier shifted from denotations of superfluity to implica-
10 tions of lack. The signified, the essence of the Other, was, in one crucial
11 way, unchanged: the primitive was still viewed as animal-like in behavior.
12 The image of animality, albeit sometimes healthy and natural animality,
13 was reinforced by statements that primitives, like animals, go into heat. [9], (9)
14 It is no coincidence that this period saw the efflorescence of theories of
15 the incest taboo, a supposed cultural universal at once reassuringly primal,
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16 arguably adaptive, and overtly restrictive. At the time that these views were
17 pronounced, most particularly by Ernest Crawley and Havelock Ellis, some ———
18 weaker versions of the older view persisted in the writings of W. H. R. Rivers, 0.0pt PgV
———
19 James G. Frazer, and, a generation later, Robert Briffault.
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20 It is not, we argue, a coincidence that Havelock Ellis was involved in a
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21 movement for sexual liberation. His particular focus was, of course, on the
22 liberation of male sexuality, but he also supported the sexual emancipation
23 of women, albeit not in terms all feminists of his period and ours would [9], (9)
24 accept. Ellis endorsed various forms of premarital sex and trial marriage.
25 Both he and Edward Westermarck believed that homosexuality should be
26 tolerated, although they did not engage in political advocacy on this issue.
27 Unlike their predecessors, who wrote before the era of systematic an-
28 thropological fieldwork, Mead and Malinowski were aware that the sexual
29 mores of “primitive” societies were quite variable, a fact that Westermarck
30 had stressed and fieldwork had elucidated. Mead’s study of Manus demon-
31 strated that free love was not ubiquitous in the South Seas. In Mead’s Samoa
32 and Malinowski’s Trobriands, however, there was much sexual experimen-
33 tation before marriage, whereas married life was stable but relatively dull.
34 Curiously, the experimentation led to few pregnancies. The discovery of
35 such “social facts” may not be unconnected with Malinowski’s advocacy of
36 a moderate form of “trial” and “companionate” marriage and his interest
37 both in birth control and in those who advocated it.
38 It is generally understood (see Suggs and Marshall a:–; Vance
39 ; Herdt :) that during the Great Depression and the two decades
1 following World War II there was a relative silence among anthropologists
2 concerning sex. Like all such generalizations, this requires much qualifica-
3 tion. Books and articles describing sexual mores continued to be written
4 by anthropologists, but in a number of ways the topic was decentralized.
5 This silencing involved the professional marginalization of certain anthro-
6 pologists who studied sex and the redefinition of some traditional sub-
7 jects in nonsexual terms. Perhaps the most important way in which this
8 occurred was by reconceptualizing discussions of sex (and gender) under
9 the more disembodied terms marriage, family, and social structure. Sir E. E.
10 Evans-Pritchard collected material on Zande homosexual and heterosexual
11 eroticism in the s but did not publish it in venues normally read by
12 anthropologists until the s. In his late monograph Man and Woman
13 among the Azande, Evans-Pritchard suggested that his generation of an- [10], (10
14 thropologists may have “lost the flesh and blood” in their writings about
15 African societies (:). In Malinowski had apologized for writing so
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16 many books with “sex” in the title (b:x). Mead was criticized by some
17 of her contemporaries for her interest in the topic (see Lutkehaus ). ———
18 Social structure rather than sex was stressed when talking about traditional 0.0pt P
———
19 problems such as cross-dressing and ritual operations on the sexual organs.
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20 In the postwar years the influence of Lévi-Strauss and ensuing theoretical
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21 developments in Britain and the United States focused attention on rit-
22 ual and cosmology, including sexual symbolism. One of the key tenets of
23 structuralism, however, one that its practitioners specifically cited as dif- [10], (10
24 ferentiating it from psychoanalytic theory, was that symbols of sex and the
25 body were not primary but equal links on chains of symbols that might
26 include referents to plants, colors, geographical features, jural groups, and
27 other culturally defined categories.
28 Although public interest in the right way to “do” sex did not disappear
29 during this period, it had to compete with pressing matters such as the
30 Great Depression, World War II, and the cold war. Many anthropologists
31 who discussed sex in this period (e.g., Sir Raymond Firth on the Tikopia,
32 Isaac Schapera on the Kgatla, George Devereux on the Mohave) did not link
33 their anthropology to overt political agendas. Those very few anthropolo-
34 gists who were unafraid to advocate radical sexual politics such as Verrier
35 Elwin were academically and geographically peripheral. Anxiety concerning
36 gender roles in a period of economic and political uncertainty resulted in a
37 flurry of writing about supposed maternal neglect and neurotic sexuality in
38 other cultures (Cora Du Bois, Ralph Linton, Abram Kardiner). Some infor-
39 mation about sexuality was submerged in strategic reports and monographs
1 on the “modal personality” of allies and enemies by writers such as Mead
2 (Britain), Ruth Benedict (Japan), and Geoffrey Gorer (Japan and Russia)
3 who engaged in “the study of culture at a distance.” Racial inequality in
4 the United States came under increasing attack during these decades, and
5 anthropologists were more closely involved with this project than with sex-
6 ual reform. British anthropologists, though they rarely opposed the colonial
7 project directly, were concerned with improving colonial governance. The
8 elevation of public opinion concerning the people anthropologists studied
9 may have come at the price of discretion about certain aspects of other
10 cultures.
11 This was also a period during which anthropology was concerned to
12 establish itself as a legitimate discipline and a genuine science. Gentlemen
13 (and lady) anthropologists with private incomes all but disappeared. One [11], (11)
14 price of legitimation was greater concern with the politics of universities,
15 themselves expanding to provide an avenue to middle-class status to a wider
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16 sector of the population. It was vital that anthropology appear “serious.”
17 For many anthropologists it may also have been important to avoid be- ———
18 coming targets of the periodic episodes of political panic, during which 0.0pt PgV
———
19 there was intense scrutiny of traces of deviant sexuality, strongly believed
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20 to be connected to unorthodox opinion and suspicious affiliations. In all
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21 these matters anthropology was as sensitive to its social context as it had
22 been during earlier periods. Some consequences of that sensitivity will be
23 explored in the latter part of this book when we discuss the anthropological [11], (11)
24 response to the Kinsey Report as well as the subsequent McCarthyite efforts
25 to deny funding to Alfred C. Kinsey’s Institute for Sex Research.
26 Recently, anthropology has purportedly, in Carole Vance’s words, “redis-
27 covered sex” (). The anthropology that accompanied the sexual and
28 political “thaw” of the decades after the s has been more introspective
29 than any that preceded it. In many ways it has been engaged in producing its
30 own history. While we certainly will examine current developments in the
31 anthropology of sexuality alluded to earlier, our discussion will be relatively
32 brief, given the huge volume of material that has been published. We are
33 inclined to refer the reader to its many practitioners, most of them alive
34 and active and busy writing their own stories. However, we do highlight and
35 comment upon key trends such as the new anthropology of homosexuali-
36 ties and gender identity and the related problem of constructionism versus
37 essentialism.
38 Having provided a synopsis of the subject matter of our book, we need
39 to acquaint the reader with the theoretical perspectives that have guided us.
1
2
The field we are to explore is mined with contestations and obscured by
3
queries. Lest the reader be misled as to our purpose, we must examine what
4
we mean by sexuality and what we designate as anthropological discourse,
5
and we must describe the trajectory of our historical inquiry.
6
Sexuality is not merely a loaded term, it is preeminently ambiguous. It
7
might be said, like the word game, to be a Wittgensteinian odd-job word, a
8
signifier with numerous, sometimes contradictory referents. It can be used
9
to mean a biological given, whether a propensity or a drive; it may refer to
10
individuals or groups; it may refer to “unconscious” or conscious impulses;
11
12 it may describe behavior, whether indulged in, observed, desired, or related
13 in narrative; it may be a concept in discourse that refers to some or all of the [12], (12
14 preceding.
15 The broadness of such a discursive concept may reflect the view that
there is no verifiable reality beyond talk – that sexuality is best viewed as Lines: 90
16
17 a social construct. “Sex” itself is similarly ambiguous. It can be seen as the ———
18 biological “counterpoint” to socially constructed “gender,” in which event 6.5pt P
either category could be and has been viewed as dependent on the other. ———
19
Our viewpoint is clearly constructionist, and our focus is on sexuality as a Normal P
20
discursive category. By this we do not mean to deny the obvious biological PgEnds: T
21
22 component in sexuality, as some extreme constructionists may appear to do,
23 but to state that our focus is on the “constructs” or “fictions” that anthropol- [12], (12
24 ogists and other writers have created about people in their own and other
25 societies. Such “fictions” have necessarily informed, illuminated, reflected,
26 refracted, and distorted studies of human sexual behavior. We suggest that
27 the study of variations in human sexual behavior is a very legitimate part
28 of anthropology, but we note that few scholars have succeeded in asking or
29 answering apparently simple questions such as “What do the X people do
30 in bed?” and “Is homosexual behavior present in all human groups?” with-
31 out revealing a social and political agenda. When anthropologists analyze
32 sexual behavior, they are usually examining what is said about such actions
33 rather than eyewitness accounts. So one examines (perhaps) acts, the rules
34 to which acts do or do not conform, the ways in which rules are enforced, the
35 rules prescribing and proscribing talk about sex among the group studied,
36 and the rules of academic discourse that prescribe guidelines or rules for
37 the inquiring anthropologist.
38 We accordingly accept Foucault’s insight that sexuality is a peculiarly
39 dense transfer point for relations of power. It is one of the major means by
1 which experts, the possessors of knowledge, exercise control over patients
2 and clients; it is deployed in securing a regime of bodily control, categorizing
3 and disciplining behavior and identity. Foucault’s attention was devoted
4 to the alienists, psychiatrists, social reformers, legal authorities, sexologists,
5 and educators who extended the power of civil authority and interviewed,
6 surveyed, regulated, and named their chosen subjects. The latter were pris-
7 oners, students, patients, and sexual “deviants.” The “state” that controlled
8 their lives was understood to be more extensive than the political and legal
9 authorities as conventionally defined. The surveillance to which they were
10 subjected took place in the interview room or on the alienist’s couch, our
11 modern “confessionals.” The “gaze” to which they were subjected was of-
12 ten quite literal, the observation tower or panopticon in the prison and,
13 doubtless, the statistical research instrument as well as the video camera. [13], (13)
14 The ultimate realization of power is the self-regulated and self-scrutinizing
15 subject. It should be stressed that in Foucault’s formulation the watchers do
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16 not create sexual behaviors or insane ideation. They label them, diagnose
17 them, and give them social reality. ———
18 There are omissions, whole or partial, deliberate or involuntary, in Fou- 0.0pt PgV
———
19 cault’s accounts in volume of The History of Sexuality. Inasmuch as he
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20 wished to refute what he called “the repressive hypothesis,” arguing that
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21 restrictive regulation could constitute an incitement to discourse, and be-
22 cause he asserted that each “liberation” (e.g., permission for heterosexual
23 pleasure within companionate marriage) inevitably meant the creation of [13], (13)
24 new categories for social surveillance (e.g., “homosexuals”), he chose not to
25 discuss the very real limits that social rules and actions placed on individual
26 behavior and quotidian talk. The prosecutions of Bradlaugh in the s
27 (disseminating a book about contraceptive practices), Oscar Wilde, George
28 Bedborough (distributing Havelock Ellis’s book Sexual Inversion in ),
29 Malinowski’s fear of being labeled a “sexologist,” the legal action concerning
30 Eustace Chesser’s Love and Fear in , the -year struggle to publish
31 the unexpurgated version of D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover, and
32 countless other laws, rules, limitations, and cautions reveal that discourse
33 was often angry and that “freedoms” were hard to win. 1 (See Porter and
34 Hall for a similar argument.)
35 Furthermore, there was also misrecognition of the salience of social class
36 in modern society, although it was a central concern of Foucault’s analysis
37 of sexual penetration in ancient Greece and Rome. Foucault depicts the four
38 main subjects of sexual discourse in the late th century (the Malthusian
39 couple, the hysterical female, the masturbating child, the sexual pervert) as
1 quasi-racial categories, but he has little to say in the main body of his works
2 about “race,” a hierarchical social category that so often intersects and inter-
3 twines with class, sex, and gender. Stoler () has written about Foucault’s
4 lectures on race in the mid-s. It must be noted that Foucault’s attention
5 was primarily confined to racial categorization in France at the turn of
6 the th century and its background in European history. He had little to
7 say about race outside the metropolis and the central places. He was not
8 concerned with the peripheral theaters of action, where slavery had flour-
9 ished and was succeeded by imperialism and, more recently, by neocolo-
10 nialism (see Stoler :–). In these theaters there were many players:
11 the slave owners and their opponents, colonial administrators, explorers,
12 traders, missionaries, settlers, wives and mistresses, raciologists, armchair
13 anthropologists, and fieldworkers. The voices of colonialism spoke through [14], (14
14 relatively few channels, and there were many, of course, about whom we hear
15 only through the narratives of those who controlled the discourses of the
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16 colonial encounter. We could, if we liked, distinguish between activity in the
17 colonies and discourses at the center of power. What we wish to stress is that ———
18 much of th-, th-, and th-century physical and social anthropology 0.0pt P
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19 may be viewed as a product of social relations not merely in the metropolis
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20 but also in the colonial periphery.
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21 Anthropology has always been concerned with the affirmation or nega-
22 tion of categories such as race, sexuality, gender, and class as well as with
23 their complex intersections and interweavings. It has affirmed or challenged [14], (14
24 their place or placing in Nature and discussed their role in Culture. Ar-
25 guably, it has never attained the power and influence of Foucault’s preferred
26 metropolitan fields of discourse – criminology, psychiatry, and educational
27 psychology. There is no precise equivalent to the panopticon, but that may
28 not be for any lack of trying.
29 Another matter that must be addressed in considering the history of
30 anthropologists’ depictions of sexuality is that European culture, at home
31 and in its colonial manifestation, is not the only locale in which sex has
32 been a transfer point for power. Sex also serves such purposes in societies
33 that anthropologists have studied. This may partially explain the perceived
34 plethora of sex in anthropological writings.
35 Insofar as the plethora of ethnographic prurience is illusory, the appar-
36 ent prominence of sex in ethnological texts may be an artifact of the in-
37 visibility of the Foucauldian panopticon when it is working smoothly in
38 familiar surroundings. To understand alien sexuality we need to make it
39 explicit and, therefore, memorable. On the other hand, a well-scrubbed
1 family celebrating Mother’s Day at a suburban restaurant is one of many
2 domestic scenarios in which neither the sexual nor the political overtones
3 would have been particularly visible to a North American observer before
4 certain radical feminists foregrounded them by giving them the name “com-
5 pulsory heterosexuality.” Anthropologists wrote about “sex.” A sociologist
6 of the s, describing the Mother’s Day lunch, would have been writing
7 about the importance of the nuclear family in the American social struc-
8 ture.
9 Of course, when anthropologists did write about the sexuality of others,
10 they were not always alert for indigenous displays and transfers of power.
11 More often, exotic sexuality was, as we have indicated, employed as a foil
12 in arguments about sexuality at home. If it was not, the dictates of rela-
13 tivism were likely to preclude an investigation of the “winners” and “losers” [15], (15)
14 created by foreign sexual systems. Some anthropologists, particularly those
15 currently writing under the influence of Foucault, feminism, or “queer the-
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16 ory,” have tried to examine the connections between sex and power in the
17 cultures they describe, but they are often conscious of writing against the ———
18 grain. Anthropologists’ reactions to others’ sexual politics is a theme that 0.0pt PgV
———
19 we will explore further in this book.
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20 If the definition of “sex” is not obvious, neither is the demarcation of
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21 “anthropology” or “history.” Anthropology is conventionally understood to
22 involve the comparison of different peoples in different spaces and “times”
23 with a view to comprehending both their similarities and their differences. [15], (15)
24 In practice, many anthropologists have concentrated their attention on
25 a few societies at most. While it is possible to date the beginnings of an-
26 thropology to Herodotus or, arguably, to Ibn Khaldun or Ibn Battuta, the
27 discipline is normally considered to have its real roots in the Enlightenment
28 (e.g., see Harris ). It is hardly a coincidence that modern and secular
29 rather than religious conceptions of the body, “sex,” and “race” date to this
30 period, the late th century. Anthropology was a response to two con-
31 cerns of Enlightenment thinkers, namely, political controversies concerning
32 emancipation and individualism and the scientific developments that were
33 to lead to Darwin and Mendel. These projects were, as we shall see, closely
34 intertwined, though science could be used to challenge as well as support
35 egalitarianism and was itself not immune to external attack and internal
36 controversy.
37 Supposed biological difference was used as a reason for excluding blacks
38 and women from political and economic emancipation and was also em-
39 ployed by some such as the diplomat, historian, and raciologist Arthur,
1 comte de Gobineau in the mid–th century as the rationale for questioning
2 the entire Enlightenment movement from hierarchy to equality. 2
3 Early anthropology was not clearly demarcated from neighboring dis-
4 ciplines such as biology and sociology. (Indeed, the latter term was not
5 invented by Auguste Comte until the second quarter of the th century.)
6 There was as yet no clear separation between race and culture; rather, it
7 was assumed that there was a connection between physical type and cul-
8 tural achievement. The one was an index of the other. In a brilliant recent
9 book, Robert Young () has clearly demonstrated how intertwined “race”
10 and “culture” were not only in the writings of raciologists such as Robert
11 Knox and Josiah Clark Nott but also in the work of Ernest Renan and
12 Matthew Arnold. The period between and witnessed a revolu-
13 tion in both geology and history that profoundly altered our conception [16], (16
14 of human origins and biological and social evolution. By biological
15 anthropology and the new evolutionary social anthropology had begun to
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16 diverge, although their ultimate separation and divorce was a long, slow
17 process. Since the time of Émile Durkheim and Franz Boas (–), ———
18 social anthropologists have been decreasingly inclined to employ race as an 0.0pt P
———
19 explanation of difference between cultures. It has taken a little longer for
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20 them to question the “naturalness” of gender differentiation as a principle
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21 of social order, however much it might vary across cultures in its specific
22 manifestations.
23 Early anthropologists did not do fieldwork but, rather, engaged in what [16], (16
24 we call “armchair anthropology,” assessing data collected by explorers, trad-
25 ers, missionaries, and administrators. Some of the missionaries, explor-
26 ers, and armchair anthropologists, however, such as Sir Richard Burton
27 and Lewis Henry Morgan, did experience firsthand contact with indige-
28 nous, supposedly “primitive” peoples. Obviously, observations of sexuality
29 in other cultures that are based on limited and usually secondhand data are
30 by their very nature superficial and questionable.
31 The institutionalization of anthropology and the placement of anthro-
32 pologists within universities was a slow process. The period between
33 and witnessed the foundation of anthropological societies in London,
34 Paris, and Washington . The Bureau of American Ethnology was founded
35 in . The development of anthropology as a university discipline was a
36 tardier process. The reign of the amateur anthropologist did not end until
37 after World War I (see Kuklick ; Darnell ).
38 We are justified in beginning our narrative with the era of the Enlighten-
39 ment for the very simple reason that modern social anthropology is still
1 intimately related to Enlightenment ideas, some of which it affirms and
2 others it most assuredly denies. The very fervor with which some of us
3 proclaim Culture’s independence of Nature (“Omnis cultura ex cultura”[All
4 culture springs from culture], as Alfred Kroeber once put it) is a reaction to
5 our proximity to other, secular notions that affirmed that racial and gender
6 hierarchies were determined by physical type.
7 This book examines an important aspect of anthropology’s history, but
8 it differs radically from many writings by historians of anthropology. In
9 After Tylor George Stocking remarks:“Although such issues are only touched
10 on here and there in the present volume, the history of British social an-
11 thropology might be written in terms of its relationship to changing views
12 of sexual prudery and pornography. (For hints or gestures toward such a
13 general interpretation, see Leach :, ; Lyons and Lyons ; Tuzin [17], (17)
14 .)” (Stocking :). Although there is an element of exaggeration in
15 Stocking’s remark (we don’t think that the history of anthropology is only
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16 the history of sexuality), the point is taken. Its implications are critical. Most
17 historical writing on the development of anthropology tends to explain the- ———
18 oretical and institutional developments purely in terms of their significance 0.0pt PgV
———
19 within anthropology itself. An example might be an examination of the re-
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20 lationship between the functionalism of Malinowski and the structuralism
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21 of A. R. Radcliffe-Brown that considered differences in theoretical model-
22 ing, personal interactions, and institutional histories, with perhaps the odd
23 references to metropolitan and colonial funding agencies. Our approach to [17], (17)
24 anthropologists’ attitudes toward the sexuality of other peoples, which sees
25 such attitudes as very much the product of conflicts, dialogues, and social
26 movements in Britain, the United States, and their dependencies, thus marks
27 a departure from customary procedure. We believe such connections are
28 worth pursuing, though they may be difficult to prove.
29 Some of the individuals we discuss (e.g., Ernest Crawley) were reticent
30 about their opinions on political, social, and sexual issues; others such as
31 Bronislaw Malinowski were extremely forthright. Our role is to raise very
32 important questions, even if we cannot always answer them with an em-
33 phatic “quod erat demonstrandum.” Better that than to leave unexplained
34 why so many anthropologists felt it necessary to express such firm opinions
35 on an area of human conduct about which so remarkably little was known.
36 We shall devote particular attention to a number of books and mono-
37 graphs that had an influence not only among anthropologists but also
38 among the intelligentsia in general and, more recently, among that larger
39 class of the population that is exposed to anthropology in the classroom
1 or through the mass media. These “publics” have included politicians and
2 policy makers as well as the implementers of policy in institutions such as
3 schools, hospitals, and social service agencies. Thus, their sources of anthro-
4 pological information are a significant interface between anthropology and
5 history. We should note that anthropologists differ from sociologists and
6 psychologists in the importance they assign to book-length field reports,
7 although we do not privilege these exclusively.
8 We give the name “conscription” to the concept that has informed most of
9 our writing in this book. By conscription we mean the deployment of data
10 about sexual discourses and practices among “Others” within discourses of
11 power, morality, pleasure, and therapy in the metropolitan cultures where
12 anthropological texts have predominantly been read and produced. Con-
13 scription may imply the reaffirmation of existing social hierarchies, or it [18], (18
14 may involve what Marcus and Fischer () call “cultural critique.” The
15 two positions, of course, need not be mutually exclusive – critiques of some
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16 social practices may reinforce others. Conscription is a live metaphor. It im-
17 plies force and inequality and, more often than not, the absence of true di- ———
18 alogue. Conscription may be “positive,” inasmuch as the heterosexual prac- 0.0pt P
———
19 tices of “primitives” are viewed as a “natural,” uncorrupted form of behavior
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20 from which “we” have wrongfully departed and toward which we should
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21 now return. Another mode of conscription consists in the demonstration
22 that erotic actions and sentiments that we prohibit or discourage are per-
23 mitted or even in some cases prescribed elsewhere for certain individuals [18], (18
24 (e.g., “homosexual” berdaches or “two-spirit people” among North Amer-
25 ican First Nations) or at certain stages in the life cycle (e.g., homoerotic
26 features of male initiation in Melanesia). It may be “negative” inasmuch
27 as primitive sexual behavior shows us how biologically different “they” are
28 from “us,” how lucky or righteous we are that we have evolved morally and
29 they haven’t, or, indeed, how their “degeneracy” is clear evidence of what will
30 happen if we allow our own social misfits to survive or take control of our
31 destinies. Negative conscription is particularly associated with the racialism
32 of the th century, but we shall see that it is also more subtly present in
33 th-century accounts of dystopia in Alor (Indonesia) and the Marquesas
34 (Polynesia). Our discussion of the portrayal of Samoa by Mead and the
35 Trobriand Islands by Malinowski will show that conscription can indeed be
36 ambiguous. Both authors respected the freedom supposedly present in pre-
37 marital sexuality, which showed that there was an alternative to the alleged
38 miseries of Western adolescence, but also regretted the absence of passion
39 in heterosexual courtship and marriage. We must note that the relationship
1 between conscription and ethnographic “fact” is tangential inasmuch as the
2 same selective data may support both a negative and a positive conscription.
3 We prefer the word “conscription” to more common notions in con-
4 temporary anthropology such as “co-option” and “appropriation.” All three
5 words imply an inequality in anthropological (or artistic and literary) en-
6 counters with “Others.” However, co-option and appropriation have be-
7 come synonymous with modes of conscription in which the author enlists
8 the ideas or experience of others into some present argument (what we call
9 positive conscription). We don’t wish nihilistically to imply that the contin-
10 uance of a scintilla (at the very least) of conscription in contemporary an-
11 thropology condemns our discipline to moral danger or scientific obloquy. [Last Page]
12 We believe that a century of ethnographic writing has produced a record
13 of uniformities and variance in human sexual morality that is, admittedly, [19], (19)
14 spotty but does have much value. We are also aware that fieldworkers today
15 are more inclined than ever before to consider ethical questions concerning
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16 subject consent and that university ethics committees reinforce such deter-
17 mination. These concerns are reflected, for the most part, in the recent an- ———
18 thropology of sexuality. Because anthropologists bring their ethical values 36.45901
———
19 and their particular sexual morality to the field with them, because they are
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20 political animals, and because, however “dialogic” and participatory their
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21 fieldwork methods may be, ethnographic authority still rests in their hands,
22 conscription is inevitably an ethnographic and theoretical strategy. Self-
23 awareness and self-knowledge may enable us to review absences as well as [19], (19)
24 presences in our fieldwork notes so that we do not wholly fictionalize others
25 in our own interests. Inasmuch as most ethnographic subjects today are all
26 too aware of the possible repercussions of sensitive records, contemporary
27 anthropologists have to balance the varied interests of “their” people and
28 the urgency of anthropological knowledge. In other words, there is nothing
29 wrong with using the astonishing record of human variability as well as
30 human uniformity to critique our own institutions, provided we do not
31 harm the peoples we study and provided that our awareness of who we are
32 and what we are doing stops us from misrepresenting what we see and hear.
33 This is a difficult task, but it is by no means impossible. The story we are
34 about to tell has a simple point. If as anthropologists we do not become
35 aware of the moral snares and scientific pitfalls that repeatedly mark the
36 social history of our discipline, we can still make some very bad mistakes.
37
38
39
1
2
3
4
5
6
7 Three Images of Primitive Sexuality
8
9 and the Definition of Species
10
11 [First Pag
hree persistent images of primitive sexuality emerged in the th
T
12
13 century. Each of them had political as well as scientific resonances. [20], (1)
14 Each of them was linked to the fact of miscegenation through pro-
15 cesses of affirmation or denial. The politics of miscegenation (and/or in-
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16 terracial copulation) appear to be linked to controversies concerning the
17 definition of the biological concept of species. ———
18 It was at this time that an image of Polynesia emerged that has endured 0.0pt P
———
19 and is still resonant. Tahitians were said to occupy a paradise of natural
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20 luxury and sexual liberty. This positive image was not uncontested, partic-
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21 ularly by Evangelical Christians. Nonetheless, it distinguished the Tahitians
22 from other non-Western groups. Africans of both sexes were portrayed as
23 lascivious and bestial. The Hottentot, often racially distinguished from the [20], (1)
24 Negro, was viewed as the symbol of the worst form of sexual excess. The
25 appearance and size of the genitals in sub-Saharan Africans and African
26 Americans was the visible index of moral degeneration. The sexuality of
27 South American Indians, Lapps, and Inuit was also depicted in negative
28 fashion. It too was excessive. In contrast, some North American groups
29 such as the Iroquois supposedly lacked sexual ardor. Given that this too
30 was a departure from the European norm, such continence was also seen as
31 unnatural. Underlying all three images was a notion of a natural, biological
32 sexuality. Where and among whom it existed was another matter. If savagery
33 might diminish or exaggerate it, civilization was said to repress it, for better
34 or worse. The happy mean, according to some Enlightenment thinkers, was
35 to be found in the newly discovered South Seas.
36 Roy Porter () has drawn our attention to the significance of early
37 writings about Tahiti. He discusses the eyewitness accounts of Samuel Wal-
38 lis, Phillibert Commerson, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, James Cook, Sir
39 Joseph Banks, and Georg Forster as well as Denis Diderot’s philosophical
1 commentary Le Supplément au voyage de Bougainville. Our examination of
2 Diderot’s Supplément reveals that there is continuity between some of the
3 earliest portrayals of South Seas societies and the scientific monographs of
4 th-century anthropology.
5 After Wallis’s vessel arrived there in , Tahiti was visited three more
6 times in the next five years (by Bougainville and subsequently two voyages
7 of Captain Cook). The various crews were entertained by scantily clad Tahi-
8 tian ladies who exceeded contemporary European standards of beauty. The
9 cost of this entertainment was cheap. Because there was no iron in Tahiti,
10 nails were a welcome item of exchange. Tahitian males were not loath to
11 share their daughters and even their wives with the European newcomers.
12 Bougainville observed that in Tahiti there was an abundance of natural
13 resources and that commonality in both property and sexual partners was [21], (2)
14 part of the idyll. Banks indicated that both he and other members of Cook’s
15 crew amply enjoyed the sexual opportunities they were offered (Porter
Lines: 16 to
16 ).
17 There were dissenting opinions. Cook noted that Tahitian marriages were ———
18 stable, stating that the women who presented themselves to the crew were 6.5pt PgV
———
19 from the lower orders of Tahitian society and were in every way compa-
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20 rable to the prostitutes who abounded in English port cities (Porter ).
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21 The equation of primitive women and prostitutes is one we shall discuss
22 later. However, Cook’s aim was to avoid exoticism by remarking that not all
23 Tahitian women were comparable to prostitutes. For the same reason, he [21], (2)
24 expressed his doubts that there could be common ownership of property
25 in any society that relied on individual labor in horticulture. The Evangel-
26 ical Forster, who was also an officer on Cook’s ship, was distressed by the
27 morality both of the Tahitians and of the European visitors who had taken
28 advantage of them.
29 Diderot’s Supplément relies on Bougainville’s account rather than Cook’s.
30 It also relies a little on Plutarch and Plato, who may be presumed not to
31 have visited Tahiti. It contains a dialogic commentary by two individuals,
32 A and B, into which are inserted two set pieces. One consists of a speech
33 supposedly made by a Tahitian elder bidding an angry adieu to the chef
34 des brigands (Bougainville) and his crew (Diderot :–), who have
35 corrupted Tahitian innocence and communalism with Western notions of
36 property and colonial territory:
37
38 We follow the pure instinct of Nature, and you have tried to erase its
39 mark from our souls. Here everything belongs to all, and you have
T
21 he strange career of Sir Richard Burton, to which we shall devote
22 some attention, must surely caution us about any easy generaliza-
23 tions concerning Victorian society. Sexuality and gender were top- [51], (1)
24 ics of debate and contestation throughout the period. However, it would
25 be unwise to deny that those debates reveal the power exercised by “Mrs.
26 Grundy” as well as the good queen herself.
27 In a recent volume Michael Mason has reminded us that the deprecatory
28 use of the term Victorian originates in the writings of H. G. Wells, Lytton
29 Strachey, and (to a degree) Edmund Gosse and that the consequent stereo-
30 type has inevitably diminished our understanding of a period that produced
31 many rebels and critics (:–). Furthermore, he has stressed that, con-
32 trary to received popular belief, some of the more progressive forces of the
33 era were on Mrs. Grundy’s side, including some secularists who otherwise
34 opposed Victorian religiosity.
35 In some measure the work of Mayhew and Hemyng that we considered in
36 the last chapter illustrates the cogency of Mason’s argument. It is obviously
37 “Victorian” in its morality. Nonetheless, the discussion of prostitution is not
38 devoid of sympathy, nor is it totally lacking in prurience. It is a work of
39 journalism and is commonly said to be a founding work of social science.
1 It is an exemplary illustration of Michel Foucault’s most compelling argu-
2 ment: rather than simply repressing sexual discourse, as the bourgeois so-
3 ciety that succeeded the great th-century revolutions is supposed to have
4 done, various agencies of th-century society required that a great deal of
5 sexual information be made public. Public disclosure was required not only
6 in order to bring the sexual behavior of women, children, patients, church
7 members, and private citizens under the control of agents of authority (hus-
8 bands, doctors, teachers, courts, etc.) but also to aid in the legitimation of
9 that authority by providing, as a major justification of the hierarchy upon
10 which it was based, evidence of a dangerous sexual depravity among the
11 lower ranks (Foucault ). Granted, there was reticence about sex in some
12 quarters, but it coexisted with noisy (Foucault would argue compulsory)
13 discourse in others. There were indeed newlywed brides who were ignorant [52], (2)
14 of basic physiology, while in both Britain and the United States there were a
15 number of publications about the dangers of masturbation and how to pre-
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16 vent it (see Barker-Benfield :–). However, the tracts that warned
17 against unsanctioned forms of sexuality by their very nature required some ———
18 discussion of the topic. 0.0pt P
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19 In this chapter we discuss a variety of anthropological writings that ap-
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20 peared between the years and . It is our contention that these
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21 writings do not fail to reflect the social debates and issues of the time. These
22 included the controversial Contagious Diseases Acts passed between
23 and , which empowered authorities in port towns to inspect prostitutes [52], (2)
24 for venereal disease and to confine noncompliant women in lock hospitals.1
25 This body of legislation did not address the responsibilities of the prosti-
26 tutes’ clients and was seen by Victorian feminist critics such as Josephine
27 Butler as a reinforcement of the double standard. Coventry Patmore’s fa-
28 mous paean to the “angel in the house,” the sequestered, pampered, but
29 disempowered middle-class antithesis of the “madwoman in the attic” and
30 the “woman of the streets,” was written in the s. In the late s a sex
31 scandal led to the fall of Sir Charles Dilke, a prominent British politician.
32 Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant faced prosecution in for pub-
33 lishing Charles Knowlton’s pamphlet, The Fruits of Philosophy, which
34 advocated barrier methods of contraception – condom, sponge, pessary,
35 and so forth.
36 Despite such legal interference, contraceptive knowledge began to spread
37 to all classes. In the s a furor erupted over the white slave trade. Scandal
38 also ensued from a police raid on a homosexual bordello in Cleveland Street
39 that was frequented by a number of aristocrats, including, so rumor had
A
part from Charles Staniland Wake, whose book The Development
13 [73], (1)
of Marriage and Kinship achieved instant obscurity on publication
14 and only received any real regard after its republication in , no
15 major evolutionary theorist regularly participated in the meetings of Dr. Lines: 0 to 1
16 James Hunt’s Anthropological Society of London (). Edward Tylor, J.
17 ———
F. McLennan, Sir John Lubbock (who was active in the rival Ethnological 13.0pt Pg
18 Society as well as in the later Anthropological Institute), and Henry Summer ———
19 Maine all published major works for a much wider audience. They were, Normal Pag
20
to varying degrees, members of the Victorian establishment. Maine was a * PgEnds: Ejec
21
law professor; Lubbock a banker, popular writer, and politician; McLennan
22
a somewhat unsuccessful lawyer; and Tylor a respectable, wealthy Quaker
23 [73], (1)
writer who became an academic. Their lives were, as far as we know, un-
24
tainted by scandal. McLennan’s disciple, William Robertson Smith, was, in-
25
deed, the subject of scandal because he dared to apply McLennan’s theories
26
27 to the study of Old Testament religion and linked the Hebrew patriarchs
28 to Australian savages. This, however, was an intellectual and not a personal
29 scandal (see Beidelman ). The American Lewis Henry Morgan was a
30 deist and a willing subject of puritanical restraint by his wife and the Rev-
31 erend Joshua McIlwaine, a family friend (see Stern :; Lyons :,
32 ). Johann Jakob Bachofen, the Swiss jurist, may have received some im-
33 proper family preferment in his public career (Campbell :xli) but was
34 otherwise blameless. None of these men belong to Steven Marcus’s category
35 of “Other Victorians.” Any reader who picked up Maine’s Ancient Law or
36 Tylor’s Primitive Culture in search of salacious or titillating detail would be
37 grimly disappointed.
38 Within these parameters, however, there was still considerable room in
39 the writings of these scholars for the conscription of real or imagined sav-
1 ages into Victorian conversations about sexual morality. With all this in
2 mind, let us turn to some well-known remarks by Sir Edmund Leach:
3
The British nineteenth-century evolutionist anthropologists were
4
mostly [sic] Presbyterian Scots, soaked in a study of the classics and
5
sharing, as far as one can judge, most of the paternalist imperialistic
6
values characteristic of the English ruling class of the period. Their
7
theories reveal a fantasy world of masterly men who copulated in-
8
discriminately with their slave wives who then bore children who
9
recognized their mothers, but not their fathers [see also McLennan
10
:chap. ]. This fantasy had some indirect resemblance to features
11
of American chattel slavery, but it bears no resemblance whatever to
12
the recorded behavior of any known species of animal. (:) [74], (2)
13
14 Given the quintessential respectability of the scholars we have just men-
15 tioned (only two of whom were Presbyterian Scots) and the less than fan-
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16 tastic nature of so much of their writing, what substance is there in Leach’s
17 provocative remarks? ———
18 Leach was clearly not referring to Maine, who believed that patriliny and 0.0pt P
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19 patriarchy had existed from the earliest times and that the family was the
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20 primal nucleus around which the gens had been built, nor to Darwin, who
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21 was inclined to doubt the truth of his friend Lubbock’s assertion of the
22 existence of primitive promiscuity on the basis of the sparse but signifi-
23 cant evidence of the behavior of higher primates (, vol. :). He was [74], (2)
24 alluding to the theories of McLennan, Robertson Smith, Lubbock, Morgan,
25 the Australian writers Lorimer Fison and A. W. Howitt, and Bachofen, who
26 believed that the original human society was one that practiced virtually
27 indiscriminate promiscuity. In Morgan’s work we read of the “consanguine
28 family” (:, , ), in Bachofen’s of “hetaerism” (:, ), and
29 in Fison and Howitt’s of the “undivided commune” (:). Morgan
30 (:), McLennan (:), and Bachofen (:) believed that de-
31 scent in the female line occurred when the paternity of children could not
32 be definitely determined.
33 All these writers believed that morality had evolved and that many primi-
34 tives were in a less evolved state. There was assumed to have been a particular
35 improvement in the status of women. McLennan () and Lubbock ()
36 believed that primitive promiscuity was succeeded by a stage of marriage by
37 capture, which survives in a symbolic form as a reminder of the brutal past.
38 It was also contended that prostitution in more developed societies may be
39 a survival of earlier hetaerism (Lubbock :–).
Several feminist scholars have noted that theories of the evolution of
T
23 he period we are now to examine is one in which anthropology [100], (1)
24 is institutionalized in the United States (the American Anthropo-
25 logical Association is founded) and is taught in universities for the
26 first time in the United States and Great Britain, ethnography in the true
27 sense is first written, Australian kinship studies mature, and Durkheim’s
28 school flourishes in France. This is the time when the British imperium in
29 Africa is solidified, and at home the welfare state is making its first tentative
30 appearance during a period of class struggle. It is the period of jingoism,
31 the Spanish-American War, the Boer War, and World War I. The eugenics
32 movement flourished on both sides of the Atlantic, in the academy and in
33 the halls of power. Psychoanalysis was born, and there also appeared several
34 works of sexology or, as Michel Foucault would say, scientia sexualis. These
35 included Richard von Krafft-Ebing’s Psychopathia Sexualis (); Das Weib
36 by Hermann Ploss (); John Gregory Bourke’s Scatologic Rites of All Na-
37 tions (); Havelock Ellis and John Addington Symonds’s Sexual Inversion
38 (); Ellis’s The Evolution of Modesty (), Analysis of the Sexual Impulse
39 (), and Sex in Relation to Society (); Edward Westermarck’s The
1 History of Human Marriage () and The Origin and Development of Moral
2 Ideas (–); Sigmund Freud’s report of his analysis of “Dora” (); and
3 Ernest Crawley’s The Mystic Rose (). Crawley’s Studies of Savages and
4 Sex () is a posthumous work that re-creates the Zeitgeist of the world
5 preceding Mead and Malinowski. 1
6 According to Foucault, discourse in this period validated and naturalized
7 the status of the heterosexual, procreating couple and created a buzz around
8 the figures of the perverse adult, the masturbating child, the Malthusian
9 couple, and the hysterical woman (:). In Britain there was doubtless
10 less stigmatization of the Malthusian couple than in France, but contracep-
11 tive advice remained a matter of controversy. Foucault did not consider a
12 fifth sexual Other, “the differently sexed savage,” nor did he examine the
13 place of the anthropologist in the structures of knowledge and power he so [101], (2)
14 famously elaborated. In this chapter we shall attempt, among other things,
15 to undertake these tasks.
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16 Anthropologists’ representations of the sexuality of primitives underwent
17 radical changes in the years between and the Great War. Ellis, Wester- ———
18 marck, and Crawley did more than anyone else to revise widely held opin- 0.0pt PgV
———
19 ions on such matters. Andrew Lang and Northcote Thomas also made their
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20 contributions. Evolutionary fantasies about primitive promiscuity, mar-
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21 riage by capture, and exotic forms of sexual abuse were already suspect by
22 the time the first classics of modern ethnography were written, though we
23 have long since learned not to expect any simplistic replacement of fantasy [101], (2)
24 by “truth.” Historians of social anthropology have dealt relatively little with
25 the circumstances that led to the disappearance of these illusions. To a
26 degree, the works of these three thinkers were informed by new data, but
27 they were also fictions of the fin de siècle, refractions of ideas concerning
28 racial and sexual difference, sexual freedom, and restriction. Furthermore,
29 the late Victorian and Edwardian eras saw a series of attacks on the familial
30 institutions and gender concepts of the mid-Victorian era. It is our con-
31 tention that those attacks, which came from both the advocates of social
32 purity and the proponents of sexual liberty, paralleled a refashioning of the
33 images of primitive strangers so that such images could continue to serve as
34 foils for a new generation.
35 The reader of textbooks in anthropology, whether they are historical
36 compendia or introductory surveys, will learn little of these five thinkers,
37 whose contributions have been largely obliterated from our collective mem-
38 ory. Ellis, the author of the seven volumes of Studies in the Psychology of Sex,
39 which originally appeared between the s and the s, is regarded as
A
12 ustralia may have been seen as the zero point of cultural evolution,
13 but Africa did not cease to be a locus for the stigmata of alterity. [131], (1)
14 The British encounter with Africa was characterized by a number
15 of prevailing stereotypes of “African” sexuality and such linked matters as
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16 sensual, even feral, ritual dances and the failure of Africans to benefit from
17 education and civilization, even to be “spoiled” by it. Many of these tropes ———
18 come together in a remarkable report of a ceremony in Elele, southern Nige- 7.217pt P
———
19 ria, in , prepared for his superiors by E. M. Falk, a district commissioner
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20 in the British colonial service:
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21
22 (among the semi civilized)
23 A party of local drummers and singers with native made instruments [131], (1)
24 then relieved the exhausted school band, a fire of logs blazed up in the
25 darkening compound and a mass of villagers crowded around them,
26 and commenced what is called a “play”, more correctly described as
27 a frenzied shuffle dance, known in Europe commonly as la danse du
28 ventre. The most conspicuous feature of it is the prominence not of
29 the stomachs but of the reverse portions of the performers’ anatomy.
30 The sexes dance separately, round and round in circles moving in op-
31 posite directions or in spirals to the rhythm of the drummers and cho-
32 rus. Every muscle of the dancer vibrates. Many swing lighted lamps
33 in their hands, and this and the fitful firelight made an indescribable
34 impression of weirdness, a real witches’ sabbath. A large crowd of
35 spectators clad in every imaginable garment from the factories and
36 old clothes dealers stores of Manchester throngs around. Gaudy loin-
37 cloths jostle khaki breeches, tweed caps are cheek by jowl with brilliant
38 silk handkerchieves tied around the heads of the fair, a dandy in im-
39 maculate white ducks ogles a dusky beauty naked to the waist, and
1 youths disport themselves in nothing but a ragged singlet and scant
2 waistcloth. Such are the costumes of holiday makers in this part of
3 Africa. (Falk Papers)
4
5 In Falk’s narrative one can hear the echoes of countless conversations on
6 the verandah after dinner during which colonial officials and their wives
7 enunciated the stereotypical opinion of Africans, that they are sensual, over-
8 sexed, not very intelligent, and childish and that they ineptly imitate their
9 European superiors. These motifs in colonial writings about Africa have, of
10 course, been noted by other writers. Philip Curtin (), Dorothy Ham-
11 mond and Alta Jablow (), and Gustav Jahoda () are among those
12 who have alluded to such images. Brian Street () and Marianna Tor-
13 govnick () have paid particular attention to these and related themes in [132], (2)
14 literature. Implicit in Falk’s narrative is the old racist adage: “Take away the
15 veneer of civilization and they’re back in the bush.” We heard it as recently
as from an oil company employee who was seated next to us on a flight Lines: 19
16
17 from Lagos to London. ———
18 As we shall see, Falk’s opinions on the capacity of Africans to benefit from 6.5pt P
———
19 civilization, especially where matters of sex and gender were concerned,
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20 had more consequences than similar attitudes held by many other colonial
administrators, as he happened to be in charge of the district of Calabar PgEnds: T
21
22 in at the time of the Igbo Women’s Rebellion, an event that brought
23 British attitudes to African sexuality and gender relations into sharp relief. [132], (2)
24 This episode also increased demand for government anthropology in British
25 Africa, though the divergence between administrators’ and anthropologists’
26 attitudes helps both to explain the temporary nature of such demands and
27 to dispel any simplistic conceptions of anthropologists in Africa as hand-
28 maids of colonialism.
29 At the outset, we must note that authors of fiction, journals of explo-
30 ration, and government documents commonly used tropes similar to Falk’s
31 to describe African sexuality and intelligence, but in many cases such im-
32 agery was countered by remarks that sought some sympathetic understand-
33 ing of Africans. Indeed, this is true of some writings much earlier than
34 Falk’s, particularly ones that presented some kind of ethnographic view-
35 point. Travel narratives, missionary journals, popular fiction, administra-
36 tors’ reports, and some early ethnography are less far apart than we were
37 taught in the last days of functionalism, as Mary Louise Pratt () has
38 made us well aware. 1 Accordingly, racist stereotypes are sometimes juxta-
39 posed with a kind of protorelativism in writings about Africa produced
I
12 n The Sexual Life of Savages in Northwestern Melanesia () Bronis-
13 law Malinowski derides th-century sensationalism concerning prim- [155], (1)
14 itive sexuality and emphasizes the stable marital relations that succeed
15 youthful promiscuity among Trobrianders. 1 His work appealed greatly to
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16 Havelock Ellis and Bertrand Russell, who were endeavoring to develop the
17 foundations of a new secular sexual morality. This chapter discusses the uses ———
18 made of anthropological data by the pioneering advocates of companionate 0.0pt PgV
———
19 marriage, contraceptives, and sex education and assesses the degree to which
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20 their views were shared by Malinowski. It also explores the limits of any new
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21 “objectivity” concerning “primitive” sexuality.
22 Malinowski, in a witty essay written during the s but not published
23 until years after the author’s death, remarks upon the tendency of an- [155], (1)
24 thropologists to report data concerning primitive behavior in such a way
25 as to transform primitives into models of “an ideal human state” (:).
26 In this essay, which was intended as a statement of the role scientific an-
27 thropology might play in debates of the s concerning sexual reform,
28 Malinowski dismisses as “junk” attempts to assimilate psychology and be-
29 havior to modes of existence advocated by apologists for diverse ideolo-
30 gies (:–). He gave as an example the discovery of a “puritanically
31 chaste” primitive by Father Wilhelm Schmidt, Elliot Smith, and William
32 J. Perry, while W. H. R. Rivers had “advanced Socialism in England be-
33 cause he imagined that Melanesian savages were Communists” (Malinowski
34 :). “One or two quite intelligent writers on feminism,” Malinowski
35 chides, “have based their reformatory conclusions on the fact of primitive
36 mother right, while . . . [f]ree love has been advocated for the last fifty years
37 all over the world by pious references to primitive promiscuity” (:–
38 ).
39 Despite this vociferous rejection of distortions of the data to fit ideo-
1 logical requirements, Malinowski does not refrain from offering his con-
2 temporaries a number of very specific prescriptions for sexual reform. The
3 “stratified morality” advocated by Malinowski would involve the retention
4 of marriage, said to be universal among primitives, as a central social in-
5 stitution. Those married couples who willingly and responsibly take on the
6 role of parents are to be suitably rewarded with both the “greatest human
7 happiness” and “special social privileges.” Bachelors and spinsters are to
8 be tolerated, even permitted sexual expression, but might be subjected to
9 deterrents imposed by the system of taxation (Malinowski :). Ho-
10 mosexuals, Malinowski suggests, should be provided with some “arrange-
11 ments” by which they may gratify their desires without risk of persecution
12 and without the danger that they might “infect” others (:). In the
13 article, which was published under the title “Aping the Ape” (although the [156], (2)
14 draft copy in the Yale University library indicates that he had not selected
15 a title for it), Malinowski mentions a number of contemporary advocates
Lines: 15
16 of sexual reform as persons who have been misused by defenders of free
17 love and argues that their positions are really more compatible with his ———
18 own. These figures include Havelock Ellis, Bertrand and Dora Russell, and 0.0pt P
———
19 Judge Ben Lindsey, an American famous at the time for his advocacy of
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20 “companionate marriage.” Marie Stopes, the English birth control crusader,
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21 is not mentioned by name but figures in the essay as “The Sensible Woman
22 (Birth Control Expert).” Malinowski further argues that the true facts of
23 primitive sexuality are much closer to the state of affairs he advocates than [156], (2)
24 to the ways of life championed by either traditionalists or advocates of free
25 love. Thus, Malinowski believed, the reforms he proposed were dictated not
26 by utopian vision but by objective science.
27 It is perhaps unfair to hold a scholar to opinions expressed in an article
28 he chose not to publish during his lifetime. We shall, however, attempt in
29 this essay to demonstrate that “Aping the Ape” is merely an unusually clear
30 and forthright statement of positions taken by Malinowski elsewhere in
31 published sources and public statements, a statement particularly valuable
32 because it is explicit in its acknowledgment of the common ground shared
33 by Malinowski with leading sexual reformers of his day. We hope that by
34 examining Malinowski’s work, especially The Sexual Life of Savages, in the
35 context of the ideas of some of these thinkers, particularly Ellis and Russell,
36 we can understand better the importance of contemporary political and
37 social debate in shaping the thinking of this staunch advocate of empiricism.
38 Michel Foucault argued that sexuality is an area in which scientific dis-
39 course can be seen with particular clarity to have been shaped, indeed neces-
T
24 he regime of professional authorities on sexuality, as Foucault un-
25 derstood it, had the effect of constructing sexuality so that incidents
26 that might otherwise be defined as isolated fantasies, sensations, or
27 behaviors were deployed to fit those who experienced them into reified
28 categories. These included the heterosexual adult, the hysterical woman, and
29 the homosexual. People were persuaded to perceive themselves as possess-
30 ing single identities and consistent sexual desires. It remained only for the
31 incentive of “cure” to be put forward for these sexual “subjects” to partici-
32 pate in their own ranking and the ranking of others according to standards
33 of “health” and “normalcy” that reflected the needs and conditions of the
34 culture that produced and rewarded the experts. As we have argued so far,
35 a parallel process of reification of the sexual subject took place when entire
36 races and whole cultures or even categories of cultures were ranked by ex-
37 perts not according to the sexual natures of individuals but according to the
38 supposed sexualities of entire groups.
39 Foucault suggests that the monogamous, heterosexual, reproducing cou-
1 ple, essential both to the stability of the labor force and to the orderly trans-
2 mission of capital, was little studied by sexual scientists. He argues that this
3 was the one silence the new discourse of diagnosis allowed and that this
4 absence of scrutiny privileged heterosexual reproductive marriage as the
5 only locus of sexual expression that did not require explanation. We have
6 seen thus far that heterosexual, reproducing couples in primitive societies
7 were studied, though in ways that focused upon their “difference” from the
8 norm – the bourgeois European or North American married couple. In fact,
9 even in studies of primitives, the fascination with “primitive promiscuity”
10 meant that the data under scrutiny were often drawn from the behavior of
11 the unmarried, whether authors were aware of this or not.
12 If ever there was, in the popular mind, an “expert” on sex, it was, for
13 more than a generation, Margaret Mead. Many of the facts about Mead’s [186], (2)
14 life are well known, from biographies, autobiographies, and published let-
15 ters (see Howard ; Bateson ; Grosskurth ; Lapsley ; Mead
Lines: 27
16 , ). Margaret Mead was born in Philadelphia in and died in
17 New York in . She received her bachelor of arts from Barnard College ———
18 in and her doctorate from Columbia University in . Her anthro- 0.0pt P
———
19 pology professor at Barnard, Franz Boas, had part of his contract bought
Normal P
20 out cheaply by the women’s undergraduate college of Columbia because his
PgEnds: T
21 disagreement with the racist, anti-immigrant sentiments prevailing in the
22 United States in the s made him appear, to the president of Columbia
23 University, a dangerous radical not to be entrusted with the molding of [186], (2)
24 young men who were to be America’s future leaders (see Rosenberg
25 for a discussion of this episode). Thus, anthropology, somewhat unusually
26 for the time, acquired a generation of notable female scholars, the most
27 famous of whom was undoubtedly Margaret Mead. A recent article notes
28 that Columbia produced male and female anthropology doctorates
29 before , a period during which Harvard graduated no women with a
30 doctorate in anthropology and the University of Chicago but two (Wallace
31 :).
32 In the decades since Mead died her work has been the subject of much
33 controversy, most notably, that which followed the famous attacks by Free-
34 man (, ) on her Samoan ethnography. There have been symposia
35 centered on those attacks (Brady ; Caton ) as well as restudies of her
36 field sites (for Samoa, see Holmes ; Côté ) and of her field materials
37 (Orans ; Grant ). It is not our intention to review this voluminous
38 literature here, still less to reinvent the wheel and start afresh on all of the
39 issues raised by previous authors. What we hope to do is to offer some ideas
A
29 t the beginning of a discussion of sexuality in Tikopia that, all told,
30 occupies nearly a quarter of a lengthy book, Sir Raymond Firth
31 commented on the history and the prospects for the anthropolog-
32 ical study of sexuality. His remarks about the paucity of monographs until
33 the late s must be taken in context. He was referring to ethnographic
34 writing in the modern sense and not the Victorian and Edwardian modes
35 of writing we have already discussed. His hope that his work would be
36 a precedent for future publications on sexuality was not to be realized.
37 Significantly, Daryll Forde’s review of We, the Tikopia does not mention
38 the section on sexuality, concentrating entirely on Firth’s detailed data on
39 kinship, economics, and various aspects of ritual (:–).
1 There is a common consensus that sex retreated from the center stage of
2 anthropology sometime during the s. It was more than years before
3 it reemerged as a major concern. We are hardly arguing that nothing about
4 sex appeared for an entire generation. In fact, quite a bit of useful, probably
5 more or less correct factual information can be gleaned from the ethno-
6 graphies of this period. However, anthropologists did not make sexuality as
7 such a subject of grand theory as it showed signs of becoming in the late
8 s. Sexuality did not so much disappear as become subsumed in other
9 discourses: kinship and marriage, child socialization, gender and aggres-
10 sion, even environmental adaptation. A few monographs appeared that did
11 feature sexuality as a major theme, but the discipline tended to treat these
12 discussions as sidelines. Only a minority of anthropologists wrote about sex
13 at all during this period, and most of them limited their remarks to a few [217], (2)
14 paragraphs. As late as Robert Suggs and Donald Marshall remarked
15 upon “the suppression of a good deal of information on sexual behavior
Lines: 21 to
16 which will remain forever locked in the heads (and in some personal field
17 notes) of anthropological investigators” (a:). ———
18 The “silence” about sex in anthropology as well as the things that were 0.0pt PgV
———
19 said about the topic were almost certainly overdetermined. In these four
Normal Pag
20 decades the discipline underwent accelerated professionalization on both
PgEnds: TEX
21 sides of the Atlantic. As Henrika Kuklick () has emphasized, most of
22 the new generation of anthropologists were no longer upper class or up-
23 per middle class in origin. Until the s jobs were hard to find. Anthro- [217], (2)
24 pologists avoided publications that might detract from their professional
25 status or that of an insecure discipline. Despite changes in societal atti-
26 tudes that occurred during the era of sexual reform, sex was still not en-
27 tirely respectable as a topic of serious scientific study. The Great Depres-
28 sion, World War II, and the onset of the cold war presented “progressive”
29 thinkers with issues for discussion that seemed to be far more pressing than
30 sex.
31 Theoretical developments within anthropology played their part in di-
32 recting attention away from sex. Radcliffe-Brown’s Durkheimian anthro-
33 pology made individual motivation a forbidden topic of discussion for
34 many British and South African social anthropologists, including some for-
35 mer students of Malinowski such as Meyer Fortes and Evans-Pritchard
36 (Stocking :–). The Durkheimian program excluded biological
37 and psychological data from its agenda. Inasmuch as sex was personal and
38 individual or universal and natural, it was not pertinent to sociology, though
39 its transformations in institutions such as marriage and the family were of
S
12
13 theorizing, leading to the widespread perception that anthropology [277], (1)
14 has, in fact, “rediscovered sex.” In anthropology, as in the wider intel-
15 lectual culture, the notion of “sex,” along with the related category “gender,”
Lines: 0 to 1
16 has been subject to scrutiny and redefinition. “Commonsense” definitions
17 of “man,” “woman,” “homosexual,” and “heterosexual” have been contested ———
18 and reformulated within and outside of anthropology. The social context 0.0pt PgV
———
19 of this revived theoretical focus has included much flux and debate with
Normal Pag
20 regard to sexual mores as well as a renegotiation of the relationship both
PgEnds: TEX
21 between men and women and between the peoples who in other times
22 were called “primitive” and “civilized.” Anthropology itself has undergone
23 considerable dislocation as a result of these debates, much of it reflected in [277], (1)
24 recent formulations about sex and gender.
25 Although at least a formal adherence to the precepts of relativism has
26 characterized contemporary anthropological discussion of sex, gender, and
27 sexuality, variants of many of the stances we have described earlier may be
28 discerned within current debates. There are echoes of specific discussions
29 of bygone eras. There remains a tension between a simple desire to set the
30 “record” straight by including fresh data on human sexual behavior and
31 sexual meanings and the continued conscription of constructions of others’
32 lives in the service of Western political and academic agendas. It is per-
33 haps impossible to divorce them. Such agendas include those of feminists
34 and their opponents, different wings within the feminist movement, pro-
35 ponents of emergent “gay” understandings of sexuality, sociobiology and
36 its constructionist opponents, Freudians and anti-Freudians, heterosexual
37 libertarians and conservatives, defenders of extreme relativism who are op-
38 posed by universalists, and, at the outer fringes of anthropology, those who
39 wish to revisit old debates about the relationship between race, sex, and
1 intelligence. In recent years ethnographers have often turned their attention
2 away from the sexuality of “primitive Others” to participant observation in
3 sexual subcultures in Western societies. Indeed, the nature and degree of
4 ethnographers’ participation in near and distant sexual fields, once a subject
5 of silence and gossip, has become a focus of discussion and examination.
6 The notion that human sexuality is primarily a social construct appeared
7 for a while to be on its way to dominance in contemporary cultural an-
8 thropology. Feminist anthropologists and “queer theorists” have sometimes
9 fostered this position and sometimes argued against it. Recently, there has
10 been something of a revival of interest in “essentialist” interpretations of
11 human sexuality, a project akin to Ellis’s search for “the real, natural facts”
12 about sex. Although some scholars working in this vein take the familiar
13 heterosexual couple, with a dominant male, as the “normal” outcome of [278], (2)
14 human evolution, by no means all do so. Indeed, one current line of ar-
15 gument suggests that the widespread recognition of “third genders” may
Lines: 13
16 indicate that such social categories and sexual variation in general have a
17 natural basis. A minor revival (mostly outside anthropology) of theories ———
18 that link sexual to racial determinism has made many suspicious of the 0.0pt P
———
19 naturalist trend, but naturalism continues to appeal to those who would
Normal P
20 defend anthropology’s position as a “scientific” discipline. Whether they
PgEnds: T
21 argue for essentialism or constructionism, for the constraint of facts or
22 the positional nature of “truth,” contemporary anthropologists continue,
23 in significant ways, to construct the sexuality of the “Other” in images that [278], (2)
24 mirror contemporary debates.
25 Present discourse on the anthropology of sex also includes topics that
26 might be recognized as descendants of “applied anthropology,” as Mali-
27 nowski envisaged it. Ritual alteration of the sexual organs was the subject of
28 an attempt by Malinowski to reconcile reform with cultural sensitivity. De-
29 bate on this topic continues, but issues of health and female empowerment
30 are more likely to provide the stimulus for discussion than the theological
31 considerations that engaged Malinowski’s audience at High Leigh.
32 While the issue of sexually transmitted diseases informed important de-
33 bates in the history of European and North American sexuality, it was not
34 an issue that anthropologists tended to examine in field situations. The
35 prevalence of among some populations traditionally studied by an-
36 thropologists as well as among gay men in the West has made that disease an
37 important focus of medical anthropology. Medical anthropology is a field
38 rife with issues of power, knowledge, and relativism, all of which must be
39 balanced against a deceptively simple concern to promote human health.
I
12 n the introduction to this book we remarked that a mere absence of
13 knowledge did not suffice to prevent scholars and “experts” in Western [324], (1)
14 countries from forming strong opinions about non-Western forms of
15 sexuality. Sex as an issue was always laden with a lot of baggage. Our exten-
Lines: 0 t
16 sive review of literature covering more than two centuries clearly demon-
17 strates that anthropologists have perhaps learned a little about sexuality ———
18 in other cultures in the last years of intensive fieldwork and extensive 0.0pt P
———
19 ethnographic writing, and we can thus dispel some of the myths of earlier
Normal P
20 eras. However, we too are positioned as players and not merely observers in
PgEnds: T
21 the events we describe and as involved interlocutors in ideological dialogue.
22 Most assuredly, there is a lot we still do not know or understand about
23 sexuality in our own and other societies. In the last chapter, we noted the ap- [324], (1)
24 pearance of much new literature on homosexualities in non-Western as well
25 as Western societies as well as the relative dearth of literature dealing with
26 heterosexuality. Ethnographic studies that consider both together are even
27 rarer, despite a few notable exceptions, like Levy’s Tahitians and Parker’s
28 Bodies, Pleasures, and Passions. Is that so simply because there is nothing
29 much to relate (a position we don’t endorse), or are there other reasons for
30 relating little or nothing? Perhaps an anecdote will provoke some argument.
31 Our first foray into this area was in the years – before we were dis-
32 tracted by an opportunity to do a study of mass media in Nigeria in –.
33 An article Harriet Lyons wrote on clitoridectomy () was the springboard
34 for our project, and we organized a session on anthropology and sexuality
35 for the meetings of the American Anthropological Association. At the
36 session one learned commentator was clearly discomfited by the explicitness
37 of some of the papers. Back at the university where we both taught, a senior
38 administrator who had heard of Harriet Lyons’s article on clitoridectomy
39 snickered and smuttily remarked that many colleagues would protect their
1 crotches when she walked into the room. From all this we learned that work
2 on sexuality still carried a risk of marginalization within the academy and
3 even within anthropology, one of the most liberal of academic disciplines.
4 Even a noted figure such as Foucault addressed sexuality after he had se-
5 cured a reputation by writing about other subjects and did not publicize
6 the fact that he had written articles for the Advocate, a gay newspaper.
7 Although in this writing Foucault had used the symbolism of consensual
8 sadomasochism to explore the relationship between sex and power, this fact
9 was unknown to most readers of his philosophical work. The invisibility of
10 these articles could be maintained only because few readers of the Advocate
11 were particularly eager to invite speculation concerning their own interest in
12 this paper. When Foucault’s homosexuality became more generally known,
13 we heard several conversations that indicated that for some scholars, at least, [325], (2)
14 his whole oeuvre was now tainted as “homosexual apologetics.” Outside the
15 academy, in Reagan-era Middle America, intolerance thrived. On the March
Lines: 13 to
16 night in when we completed a short lecture tour, one of our closest
17 friends who was gay and a former anthropologist was brutally murdered ———
18 in St. Louis. The police conducted only a cursory investigation. They told 0.0pt PgV
———
19 one of our friends, “A lot of those people die that way.” On our lecture
Normal Pag
20 tour, during which we discussed some of the data included in this book, a
PgEnds: TEX
21 senior member of a major anthropology department accused us of engaging
22 in “titillating” research. We reminded him that titillation was a perceptual
23 category. [325], (2)
24 Our temporary abandonment of this work was caused by what we saw as a
25 last, belated chance to do “real” anthropology, having both written historical
26 and theoretical dissertations. Although we are pleased with our Nigerian
27 work, it is obvious that a whole set of institutional rewards, punishments,
28 and values made us see our historical work on anthropologists’ attitudes
29 toward sexuality as less “real” than our field study abroad.
30 During the past years, some of the work we discussed in our last chapter
31 may have made our own interest in sexuality seem more acceptable within
32 the anthropological community. The courage of a small group of gay an-
33 thropologists has had a lot to do with whatever change in values there may
34 have been. In their work homosexualities and genders have been problema-
35 tized, and hidden histories have been made visible. Writers like Weston,
36 however, have issued an invitation to anthropologists at large, which few
37 have yet accepted, to return sexuality to a more visible position in our disci-
38 pline, a position it has not held since the s, if it can be said to have held
39 it even then.
1 in, , , ; disciplinary boundaries armchair anthropology, , , , , . See
2 of, –, ; Durkheimian, –, ; also Frazer, E. Franklin; Hartland, Edwin
3 evolutionary, , –, , , ; Sidney; Thomas, Northcote W.
feminist, , , ; and “fictions,” , , Arnhem Land, –, ; abuse of women
4
, , ; fin de siècle, ; foundational in, ; adultery in, ; conception beliefs
5 texts of, ; functionalist, , , , of, , n; homosexuality in, ; and
6 , , , –, –, –, – image of oversexed savages, , ; mar-
7 , –; gay, , , –, , , riage in, , ; marriage by capture in,
8 ; government, , , , ; and –; moral code in, , ; premarital
9 the Great Depression, –; history of, promiscuity in, , ; and regional sex-
, , , , ; and homoeroticism, ual differences, , n; sexual discourse
10
; of homosexuality, , , ; Kinsey in, ; sexual license in, ; women’s
11 Report attack on, ; liberal, ; and rights in, . See also Australian Aborigines
12 marginalization, , ; medical, –, Arnold, Matthew,
13 ; modernist, , n; and th-century artificial insemination, [387], (3)
14 debates, , ; physical, , , , , Arundell (Burton), Isabel. See Burton, Isabel
15 , ; and pornography, , , –; Arunta, –, ; Lang on, ; Thomas on,
postmodern, ; professionalization of, –, – Lines: 114 to
16
, , , , , , , ; processual, Asama Island, ———
17 , , , ; “queering,” –; and atavism,
18 0.0pt PgV
questionnaires, , –; and racism, ; Atkinson, J. J.: and Andrew Lang, ; patri- ———
19 and rediscovery of sex, , , , ; and archal theory of, –; theory of primal
Normal Pag
20 relativism, , , , , –, ; roots horde,
of, ; as science, , , ; of sexuality, Augustine, * PgEnds: Ejec
21
22 , , , , –, , , –, Aunger, Robert V.,
, –, , , , ; and silence Australia, , ; as living kindergarten,
23 [387], (3)
on sexuality, –, –, –, , –
24 ; structural, –, , ; symbolic, Australian Aborigines, , , , –; and
25 , –, ; as therapy, , , – adultery, ; Burton on, ; and conception
26 , ; as voyeurism, ; women in, . by spirits, ; elopement among, ; and
27 See also applied anthropology; fieldwork; exogamy, ; Fison and Howitt on, –
28 participant observation; psychoanalytic ; Freud on, ; and genital operations,
anthropology; symbolic anthropology , , ; and group marriage, –, ,
29
Anthropology Research Group on Homosex- ; and incest, –; and infanticide, ;
30 uality, kinship terms, –; Lang on monotheism
31 anthropometry. See body measurement of, ; and marriage, , –, –, ,
32 “anthroporn,” ; and marriage by capture, , , , ,
33 anti-Semitism, , ; of Burton, ; and matrilineal descent, ; on mod-
34 “Antler” tribe. See Omaha esty, ; morality of, , , , ; and
anxiety, , , , , , ; male sexual, nescience of maternity, ; and nescience
35
, –, of paternity, –, , –; polygyny
36 applied anthropology, , , –, , of, , , ; and primitive promiscuity,
37 , , , ; and racial ranking, –, ; and
38 Arabs, ; Burton on, , –, sexual communism of Lubbock, ; and
39 Arapesh, –, , sexual license, , –, ; stereotypes
1 Australian Aborigines (cont.) ; on creativity, ; on Dakota, ; on
2 of, ; Thomas on, –; and totemism, Dobuan as “paranoid,” ; and Gorer, ;
, , , –, n; as zero point of on homosexuality, –, ; on infantile
3
cultural evolution, . See also Arnhem sexuality, ; on Japan, ; Kardiner and,
4 Land; images; Spencer, Baldwin , n; and Kinsey Report, ; on
5 Aveling, Edward, Kwakiutl as “paranoid,” ; language of
6 Azande. See Evans-Pritchard, E. E.; Zande pathology in, ; lesbianism of, ; on
7 life cycle, ; on love, ; and Mead, ;
Bachman, John, relativism of, , , ; and “safety-
8
Bachofen, Johann Jakob, , –, , ; valve” theory, , ; on sexual object
9 admired by Morgan, , n; on the choice, ; on trance, ; on Zuni as
10 family, ; and feminism, ; on homosex- “Apollonians,” ,
11 uality, ; Howitt on, ; oblivious to class, Benga, Féral,
12 –; on matriarchy, –; on matriliny, Benin,
13 ; on race, – [388], (4)
berdache, , , , –, –, , –
Baden-Powell, Robert,
14 ; among Basongye, ; among Dakota,
Baiga people, , –; love among,
15 ; and homoeroticism, ; and Kroeber,
Bailey, Robert C., Lines: 159
; Mohave, –; as not synonymous
16 Baker, Frank. See Burton, Sir Richard F.
with homosexuality, , ; as patho- ———
17 Baker, Samuel White, , –,
logical, ; “safety-valve” theory of, ; 0.0pt P
18 Baldwin, James,
sexual techniques of, ; and sodomy, ; ———
baloma spirits, –
19 suppression of, –; Whitehead on, ;
Bancroft, Hubert Howe, Normal P
20 among Zuni, . See also cross-dressing;
Banks, Joseph, * PgEnds: E
21 gender crossing; “two spirit”
Barker, Pat,
22 Bernadin de Saint-Pierre, Jacques Henri,
Barnes, R. H.,
Berndt, Ronald M., and Catherine H. Berndt,
23 Barrow, John, [388], (4)
–, –, , n; and colonialism,
24 “Bartmann, Sarah,” . See also Saat-Jee
Barton, Roy Franklin, ; functionalism of, –; and image of
25 oversexed savages, , ; and missionar-
Basden, G. T.,
26 Basongye people, ies, ,
27 Bateson, Mary Catherine, –, Besant, Annie, , , ,
28 Beach, Frank A., , , . See also Ford, Besnier, Niko, –
Clellan S., and Frank A Beach; Kinsey bestiality, , , , ,
29
Report Bettelheim, Bruno,
30 Bible, , , ,
beard, ; African, ; Native American, ,
31 , . See also hair Bimin-Kuskusmin people, –
32 Beauvoir, Simone de, – Bingham, Hiram,
33 Bedborough, George, , , biology,
34 Beddoe, John, birth control. See contraception
Behar, Ruth, Birth Control Review, ,
35
behaviorism, bisexuality, –
36 blacks: and biological difference, ; fiction
Behn, Aphra,
37 Benedict, Ruth, , , , , ; on of sex between “orangs” and, –; intelli-
38 American sexual culture, ; on berdache, gence of, . See also Africans, Negroes
39 , –; and configurationism, , – Blainville, Henri de,
1 “blaming the mother,” –, –, , , , –, ; on ignoble savage, ;
2 monogenism of, , ; on “race,”
Bloch, Iwan, bukumatula,
3
Blumenbach, Johann Friedrich, , , n; Bunting, Percy,
4 Bunyoro,
monogenism of, , ,
5 Board of Study for the Preparation of Mis- Bureau of American Ethnology,
6 sionaries, Burton, Edward,
7 Boas, Franz, , , , , –, –, Burton, Isabel (née Arundell), , , , ,
8 , , n , , n
Boddy, Janice, – Burton, Sir Richard F. (Frank Baker), , ,
9
body measurement, , , ; Ellis on, . , –, , , , , , n; on
10 African sexuality, –; anti-Semitism of,
See also penis: size
11 bogadi, ; and the , –, ; on constrictor
12 Bolton, Ralph, –, vaginae muscle, ; and critique of Vic-
13 Bonaparte, Princess Marie, torian family, ; and critique of Victorian [389], (5)
Borneman, John, morality, –; and critique of Victorian
14
Bougainville, Louis Antoine de, –, sexuality, , ; on genital mutilation,
15 –; on heterosexuality, –; on ho-
bourgeoisie, Lines: 262 to
16 mosexuality, –, ; and Jews, –;
Bourke, John Gregory, ———
17 Boy Scouts, ,
on marriage, –; misogyny of, , ; on
18 monogamy, ; on phallic worship, , , 0.0pt PgV
Bradlaugh, Charles, , , , ———
19 , n; on polygamy, , , –, ;
brain development: and African intelligence,
on polygyny, , , ; on prostitution, Normal Pag
20 , ,
–, , ; racism of, , , –, ; PgEnds: TEX
21 Brandes, Stanley, –
and Reade, ; sexual exploits of, –;
22 Brazil, ,
and Sufism, , n
breasts, , , , , , , , , ,
23 Busama people, , , – [389], (5)
, , , , ; and intelligence, ;
24 Bushman. See San
missionaries and, ; size and, , –
butch-femme: cultures internationally, ;
25 bride-price, ,
roles, , –; persecution as insufficient
26 bridewealth, , ,
explanation for cross-cultural similarity,
27 Briffault, Robert, , , n; Ellis on, ;
28 and Malinowski, , n; Russell on, Butler, Josephine, , , , ,
British anthropology. See under anthropology Butler, Judith, ,
29
British Archaeological Society,
30 British Association ( meeting), Caffrey, Margaret M.,
31 British East India Company, Calabar, , , –
32 British Medical Association, Caldwell, John,
33 British Social Hygiene Council, Caldwell, Pat,
34 British soldiers, ; and native wives and Camões, Luis de,
mistresses, Cancian, Francesca M.,
35
Broca, Paul, , cannibalism, , ; African, –, –,
36 Brown, Isaac Baker, ; in Marquesan myth, ; and Mohave
37 Bry, Theodor de, alcoholism, ; Native American,
38 Buckle, Henry, Cape Verde,
39 Buffon, Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de, Cape York peoples,
1 capitalism, , children: and desire, ; and fieldwork, ;
2 Caribs, Manus as civilized, . See also adoles-
3 Carlyle, Thomas, cence; pederasty
Carpenter, Edward, –; on Christian- Christianity, –, , , , , , ,
4
ity and Judaism, –; friendship with , , ; Carpenter on, –; and
5 Ellis, , ; homosexuality of, ; on confession, ; conversion to, , ;
6 homosexuality, –, –; on military Crawley’s, , ; Evangelical, –, ;
7 pederasty, ; and Symonds, ; on West- and the family, ; and initiation camps,
8 ermarck, – ; morality of, , , , ; as phallic
9 Casas, Bartolomé de Las, – religion, –; Protestant, ; Russell on,
case histories: Dora, ; Devereux’s, ; ; Samoan, ; Tahitian, ; Wake on,
10
Elwin’s, ; in Kinsey Report, , ; ; Westermarck on, . See also Anglican
11 Malinowski’s work as psychiatric, Church, Catholic Church; Dutch Reformed
12 castration, Church; High Leigh conference; Lambeth
13 categories, , –, , –, –, Conference, Livingstone House conference; [390], (6)
14 ; arbitrariness of “male” and “female,” missionaries
15 ; desire and social, ; of disease, Cipriani, Lidio,
Catholic Church: and confession, –; circumcision, ; Australian, , , n; Lines: 380
16
and Malinowski, ; and New Guinean Burton on, ; Hall on, ; as index of ———
17 initiation, –n primitivity, ; Jewish, ; th century
18 0.0pt P
Catlin, George, and, –; as phallic rite, ; among Turu, ———
19 Caucasian: term (Blumenbach), . See also female circumcision; genital
Normal P
20 Cayapa people, mutilation; genital operation
celibacy: Elwin and, , ; Russell on, . class, , , –, , , –, ; Ba- PgEnds: T
21
22 See also chastity chofen oblivious to, –; bourgeoisie,
Central States Anthropological Association, , ; colonial, ; Foucault and, –
23 [390], (6)
; Kinsey on, ; lesbian working, ,
24 Cesara, Manda (Karla Poewe), –, ; lumpen proletariat, –; Mead
25 chastity, , , ; among Africans, ; oblivious to, –, ; middle, , ,
26 among Busama, ; Crawley on, , , , , , , , ; ruling, ,
27 ; Ellis on, ; feminists and male, ; , , ; and Victorian debates, –;
28 Hemyng on, ; Kgatlan, ; Malinowski working, , , , , , ,
on, , ; among Manus, ; among clitoridectomy, , , ; Boddy on, ;
29
Muria, ; among Native Americans, Burton on, –; in Nigeria, ; among
30 ; among New Zealanders, ; among Turu, ; in Victorian era, . See also
31 Samoans, , ; among Tikopians, . female circumcision; genital mutilation;
32 See also celibacy genital operation
33 Cheyenne, cold war, , ,
34 Cherry Grove. See Fire Island collective representations, ; and ed-
Chesser, Eustace, ucation, ; of beliefs, ; of the colonial
35
child abuse, class, ; of homosexuality and “natural-
36 childhood: pathologization of, ; sexuality, ization,” ; of primitive sexuality, ;
37 and sex, , ; of sexuality and spiritual-
38 “childhood determinism,” ity, ; trope of oversexed savage in,
39 child marriage, , , –, , – colonialism, , , , , –, –, ,
1 ; in Africa, –; and alcoholism, ; ghotul, ; and nescience of maternity, ;
2 and the Berndts, ; and Elwin, ; and and nescience of paternity, , –, –
3 gender balance, –; imagery in, , , , , , –, , , , ,
–; and installation of bureaucracies, n, n, –n. See also abortion;
4
; and Malinowski, –, ; neo-, virgin birth
5 ; and Pax Britannica, ; and the pe- “conceptional totemism” (Frazer), –
6 riphery, , –, –, , , ; and concubinage, , . See also prostitution
7 power, ; and “race suicide” (Linton), ; Condon, Richard G., n
8 representations of, ; resistance to, –, confession: among Manus, ; primitive, ;
9 ; and Schapera, ; and women’s issues, among Samoans,
confessional mode, ; and anthropology,
10
Colonial Office, , –; and anthropol- –, , ; in Foucault, ; and Mali-
11 ogy, , ; and divorce, –; and Igbo nowski, –; and participant observation,
12 Women’s War, . See also government –. See also Foucault, Michel
13 anthropology configurationism (Benedict), , – [391], (7)
14 color bar: and gender balance in colonies, Congo, , , ,
15 , ; transcended by Thomas, . See Congo Free State,
also racial hierarchies; racial inequality; “consanguine family” (Morgan), –, , Lines: 441 to
16
racism conscription, –, –, , , , – ———
17 “coming out”: narratives, ; workshops, ; and , , , –; and alterity,
18 0.0pt PgV
Commerson, Phillibert, –, –, , ; and discourses, ; of ———
19 Committee on Lesbian and Gay History, homosexuality, , ; and Mead, –,
Normal Pag
20 “communal marriage,” , , ; of Marquesans, , ; and moral
communism, . See also primitive commu- relativism, ; of Muria, ; negative, , * PgEnds: Ejec
21
22 nism; sexual communism; “social commu- ; by neo-Freudians, ; by Nigerians of
nism” Westerners, ; positive, ; of primates,
23 [391], (7)
communitas, ; and racism, ; of Samoans, –, ;
24 communities: lesbian, , , n of sexuality of the periphery, ; silence
25 companionate marriage, , , –, –, as, ; and social engineering, ; and
26 –, , , , ; Ellis’s advocacy of, transgressive use of other sexual cultures,
27 –, –, , ; Lindsey’s advocacy ; virgin birth debate as,
28 of, , , –, ; and lesbian roles, constructionism, , , –, –;
; Malinowski’s advocacy of, , , , critiqued by Wieringa, ; and debates
29
–, , , ; Parson’s advocacy of, with essentialism, , –, , ; and
30 , ; Russell’s advocacy of, , , – determinism, ; and homosexuality, ,
31 , ; Westermarck’s advocacy of, , ; and multiple genders, , –;
32 comparative: anthropology, ; method, and sex and sexual desire,
33 , , , , ; racial anatomy, ; Contact of Modern Civilizations with An-
34 sexuality, , ; zoology, – cient Cultures and Tribal Customs con-
“compulsory heterosexuality,” , ference (Livingstone House conference),
35
Comte, Auguste, –
36 Comstock, Anthony, Contagious Diseases Act (), –, ,
37 conception, , , , –, –, , , , n
38 n; and birth of heroes, ; European Contemporary Review,
39 knowledge and belief on, –; and contraception: advice on, , , –;
1 Contraception (cont.) (),
2 advocates persecuted, –; and , ; criminology,
Ellis on, –, , , ; and eugeni- cross-cultural research,
3
cists, , –; and knowledge, , , Cross-Cultural Survey (Yale),
4 cross-dressing, , , , , , , ;
, ; and Lindsey, –; Malinowski
5 on, , , , , , , , , ; in India, ; Marshall on, ; among
6 Mead on, , ; and reaction, ; Rus- Mohave, , , ; in South and Cen-
7 sell on, , ; Spencer and Gillen on, ; tral America, ; in Tahiti, . See also
8 Stopes and, , berdache
Cook, Frederick, Cueva people,
9
Cook, James, –, Cultural Anthropology,
10 cultural critique, n; anthropology as, –
Cooper, James Fenimore,
11 Coote, William A., –
12 Coréal, François, culture and personality: and Gorer, ;
13 Corriere della Sera, and Kardiner, ; and Linton, ; and [392], (8)
cosmology, , , , , , Malinowski, , ; and Mead, , ;
14
Côté, James E., movement, , –, , ; and sexual-
15 ity, –; and Whiting, , n
countertransference: Devereux on, –; in Lines: 502
16 Curr, Edward Micklethwaite,
fieldwork, –; Kinsey Report on, – ———
17 Counts, Dorothy Ayers, –; on Kaliai,
Curtin, Philip M.,
18 Cuvier, Georges, , 0.0pt P
– ———
19 couvade,
Dahomey, , , , , Normal P
20 Coward, Rosalind,
Dakota, PgEnds: T
21 cranium: and intelligence, , ; size and
dala, ,
22 regular gradation,
Damascus,
craniometry. See body measurement; cra-
23 dance: Falk on African, –; in ghotul, [392], (8)
nium; intelligence
24 ; Johnston on African, –; Lehner
Crawley, Ernest, , , –, –, ; on Busama, ; Reade on African, –;
25 Anglicanism of, , ; on celibacy, , Samoan, ; as trope, –,
26 ; and Ellis, ; and Malinowski, , , Dapper, Ofert,
27 ; on marriage, , ; on marriage Darwin, Charles, , , –; on primitive
28 by capture, ; on McLennan, ; on promiscuity, ; and sexual selection, ,
menstruation, ; nonrelativism of, ; . See also evolutionary theory; evolu-
29
on origin of sexual restraint, ; on peri- tionism
30 odicity, , , ; and primitive sexual Darwinism, ; of Ellis, , ; ends debate
31 excess, ; and “patriarchal” theory, ; over species, ; model of courtship, ;
32 and representations of primitive sexuality, post-, , ; of Westermarck, –, ,
33 ; on savage intelligence, ; on sexual , –. See also evolutionary theory;
34 morality, ; on taboos, , ; on under- evolutionism
development of sex organs, Davenport, John,
35
creation (Genesis), , Davis, Madeline D., , –
36 Crewe, Robert Offley Ashburton, debate over species, –
37 “criminal” anthropology, degeneration, , , , ; and Africans, ,
38 Criminal Law Amendment Act (), , –; and Native Americans, ,
39 Criminal Law Amendment White Slavery Bill “Demetrian principle” (Bachofen), –
1 “desexualization” of sexuality, , , , – heterosexuality, –. See also Foucault,
2 , , –, – Michel; medicalization of sexuality; therapy
3 desire, , , –, , ; alterity and, Diáz, Bernal del Castillo,
, ; of Arnhem Land children, ; Dictionary of National Biography,
4
female, , , ; Freud on incestuous, Diderot, Denis, –, ,
5 ; homoerotic, ; homosexual, , ; Dieri, , –, ,
6 male, , , ; of Malinowski during difference: biological, –; gender, ; racial,
7 fieldwork, , ; “natural” human, ; , ; sexual, . See also alterity
8 in New Guinean homoerotic initiation, diffusionism: in British anthropology, ,
9 ; primate, ; silence on heterosexual ; of Hartland, ; Malinowski rejects,
female, ; and social categories, ; as Dilke, Charles,
10
social construction, ; and subjectivity, discourses, –, , , , ; and dis-
11 , , –n; and theories of race, tancing, ; and alterity, ; anthropolog-
12 ; and transgendered identity, ; as ical, , –, –, , ; in Arnhem
13 unhealthy, Land, ; of “blaming the mother,” – [393], (9)
14 determinism: biological, , , ; and ; of cannibalism, ; on companionate
15 constructionism, ; cultural, –, , marriage, ; and conscription, ; and
, ; and Ortner and Whitehead, ; construction of sexuality, ; of evolution, Lines: 598 to
16
racial, , ; relativism and, ; fin de siècle, , ; of homosexuality, ———
17 Devereux, George, –; on alcohol, – , n; inequality and Samoan, ;
18 0.0pt PgV
, , –, ; on anal fixations, , of Kinsey, ; th-century sexual, –, ———
19 –; on anal sex, –; and berdache, , –, , , ; on phallic worship,
Normal Pag
20 –; on countertransference, –; ; polygenist, –; racialized, –; of
and diagnosis, , , ; and discourse reform, ; and silence on heterosexuality, * PgEnds: Ejec
21
22 of social engineering, ; and Freudian –; of social engineering, ; and
interpretations, ; Freudian stages of social movements, –; scientific, –
23 [393], (9)
development in, –; and Gorer, ; ; Trobriand sexual, , ; and women’s
24 on heterosexuality, , , ; on ho- experience,
25 mosexuality, –, ; ignores social divorce: among Alor, , ; colonial elites
26 context, , –; on masturbation, on, –; Lindsey on, ; Mead on, ,
27 , –; on Mohave sexuality, , , ; among Muria, ; Russell on, , ;
28 –; and morality, ; pathologizes among Trobrianders,
homosexuality, , ; on pederasty, – disease: homosexuality as, . See also ;
29
; on practical joke, ; on relativism, diagnosis; medicalization of sexuality;
30 ; reports social problems as normative, venereal disease
31 –; and “safety-valve” theory, , ; Dobuan people,
32 on transvestism, , , Dollard, John, ,
33 deviance, , ; of women, ; of working dominance: female, ; male, , , , ;
34 class, mother,
de Waal, Frans B. M., Draper, Patricia, –
35
diagnosis, , , ; and alterity, – dreams,
36 , , n; of desire as unhealthy, ; Duban people,
37 Devereux and, , , ; discourses of, Du Bois, Cora, , ; on Alor, –; on
38 ; Mead and, , –, , –, Alorese gender roles, –; collaboration
39 –, ; and silence of discourses on with Kardiner, , ; critiqued, ; and
1 Du Bois, Cora (cont.) bation, , ; on menstruation, , ;
2 culture-bound syndromes, ; and devel- on modesty, –, , , ; and the
opmental periods, ; on economics and National Council for Public Morals, –
3
sexual practices, ; on marriage, ; on ; Nazis burn books of, ; on origin of
4 “modal personality,” ; pathologization of sexual restraint, ; on periodicity, , ,
5 Alor by, , –, ; on primitive promiscuity, ,
6 Du Chaillu, Paul, ; on prostitution, ; and primitive
7 Duchet, Michèle, sexuality, –, ; on rape, ; and
8 Durkheim, Émile, , , , , –; on Russell, ; on secular morality, ; and
Atkinson, ; on gender differentiation, sex education, , , ; and sexual
9
; on nescience of paternity, n reform, –; and science, –; so-
10 Dutch Reformed Church, cialism of, ; on taboos, ; theory of
11 Dykes, Eva Beatrice, neoteny of, ; on underdevelopment of
12 dysphoria, sexual, –, sex organs, –; and Westermarck, ,
13 dystopia: and Alor, ; and Marquesas, ; ; Wieringa on, ; on women’s status, [394], (10
and Native America, ,
14
15 Elliston, Deborah A., n; critique of Herdt
Eddystone, Lines: 645
on “ritualized homosexuality,” –
16 Edo, –
Elwin, Verrier, , , –; on Baiga, , ———
17 Edwardian period, , , ,
–; on conception, ; and conscrip- 0.0pt P
18 Egypt, , , , ,
tion, ; critique of, –; on homosex- ———
Elele,
19 uality, –, ; on marriage, –;
Elgin, Suzette Hayden, – Normal P
20 on Muria, –; primitivism of, ; on
elopement: among Australian Aborigines, ; PgEnds: T
21 racism, ; sexual ignorance of,
Kgatlan, ; among Muria, ; Samoan,
22 empiricism, –
endogamy, , ,
23 Ellis, Edith (née Lees), , , [394], (10
Engels, Friedrich, ,
24 Ellis, Havelock, , , , , –, –,
–, , , , n; on adultery, Enlightenment, , –, , , , , n
25 environmental deprivation,
; on Briffault, ; and Carpenter, ;
26 on chastity, ; on companionate mar- environmentalism, ; in American an-
27 riage, –, –, , , ; on thropology, ; in Baker, ; in Buffon,
28 contraception, –, , , ; and ; in Burton, , –; in Ellis, ; in
Crawley, ; on criminals, ; Darwinism Malinowski, ; and monogenism, , ;
29
of, , ; and environmentalism, ; in Stanley, . See also “sotadic zone”
30 equality: gender, , , , , –, ;
and eugenics, –, –; and “facts,”
31 , ; on the family, ; and feminism, racial, , , ; sexual, ; social,
32 , –; and Freud, , ; friendship Erikson, Erik, , , –
33 with Carpenter, , ; friendship with Eskimo. See Inuit
34 Sanger, ; friendship with Marie Stopes, essentialism, , , –, –, , ,
; friendship with Symonds, , – –n; and debates with construction-
35
; on homosexuality, , –, ; on ism, , –, , ; in Levy,
36 ethics: Elwin’s alleged breach of, ; and
intelligence, ; and Kinsey Report, ;
37 and Malinowski, , , , –, ; fieldwork,
38 on marriage by capture, ; marriage to Ethiopia,
39 Edith Lees, , , , ; on mastur- ethnoanthropologies,
1 “ethnocartography” of sexuality (Weston), Eyre, Edward, ,
2 , –,
ethnography, ; colonial foundation for, ; fa’afafine,
3
of heterosexuality, –; of homosexuality, “facts,” , , , , –, , ; Ellis on,
4 , ; and , ; narratives presented
; of “systems” of sexuality and gender,
5 as, ; scientific, ,
6 ethnohistory, , – Falk, E. M., –, , –, ; and Igbo
7 Ethnological Society, , , Women’s Rebellion, , –; report on
ethnology: romantic, ; and sexual reform, African dance ceremony, –
8
ethnopsychiatry, , Falk, Mrs. E. M., –
9 family, , ; in Atkinson, ; Bachofen
Eton,
10 on, ; Burton on, ; and capitalism, ;
eugenicism, ; of Stopes,
11 eugenics movement, , –; and the Christian, ; eugenicists on, ; Ellis on,
12 family, , –; Russell on, ; in evolutionary theory, –, –
13 ; feminists on, ; Freeman on, ; in [395], (11)
Evangelical Christianity, –,
Freud, –; Kardiner on, ; Malinowski
14 Evans-Pritchard, E. E., ; on Mead, ;
on, , ; in matriarchal theory, , –
15 support for Rentoul, ; on Zande sexual-
, ; nuclear, ; in patriarchal theory, Lines: 715 to
ity, ,
16 –; Russell on, –; social purity
evolution, ; and atavism, , ; Dar- ———
17 movements on, ; Victorian, ,
winian theory of, ; discourse of, ; gender 0.0pt PgV
18 Farmer, Paul, , ,
differentiation and, ; of sexuality in ———
Fawcett, Millicent,
19 psychoanalysis, ; social, , , , ,
female circumcision, , –; in diaspora, Normal Pag
20 ,
–; emic perspective on, –; and PgEnds: TEX
21 evolutionary anthropology, , –, ,
sex education, ; and sexual response,
22 ,
; Sudanese, ; term as political choice,
evolutionary theory, , –, , , ,
23 –. See also clitoridectomy [395], (11)
, , –, n; and anthropology’s
24 female dominance,
roots, . See also Darwin, Charles; Darwin- feminism, , , , , , , , , –
25 ism; Rushton, J. Phillippe ; and advocacy around genital mutila-
26 evolutionism: of Briffault, ; and gen- tion, –; and “claiming a voice,” ,
27 der and class, ; and group marriage, n; Ellis and, , –; on the family,
28 , n; of Hall, –; Lang on, , ; First Wave, ; gay, ; Kardiner
; and morality, ; of Morgan, , ; on, ; lesbian, ; Malinowski on, ;
29
th-century, , , , , ; and poly- and mother right, , ; and nescience
30 genism, ; reification in, ; of Rivers, ; of paternity debate, ; of Ortner and
31 of Russell, ; and totemism, ; th- Whitehead, ; and prostitution, ;
32 century, ; of Tylor, ; of Wake, ; of Second Wave, , ; and social purity
33 Westermarck, . See also Darwin, Charles; movements, , ; Victorian, , –;
34 Darwinism Westermarck’s, –,
excision, , n. See also female circumci- feminist anthropology, , ,
35
sion; genital mutilation; genital operation feminist historians,
36 existentialism, Ferguson, Adam,
37 exogamy, , , , ; Burton on, ; Fison Fernández-Alemany, Manuel,
38 on, ; Lang on, , ; McLennan on, Fernando Póo, ,
39 , , ; as problem in Freud, Ferrero, Guglielmo,
1 fertility: and Australian myth, , ; Ba- Forde, Daryll,
2 chofen on, ; breast size as index of, ; Forster, Georg, –,
3 Frazer on, , ; Montagu on delayed, ; Fortes, Meyer, , , ,
Sellon and, Fortune, Reo F., , , n
4
fiction. See Victorian literature Foucault, Michel, , –, –, , –,
5 “fictions,” , , , , ; around anal , –, , –, , , , ,
6 penetration, ; and countertransference, , , , , n, n; challenged
7 ; of sex between blacks and “orangs,” by Murray on homosexuality, ; on
8 – confessional mode, ; on discourses of
9 fieldwork, , , , , , , , , reform, ; on Ellis, ; on homoeroti-
; and conscription, ; countertransfer- cism as definitive of homosexuality, ;
10
ence during, –; and ethics, , –, Malthusian couple of, , , , , –
11 ; and funding, ; rape during, ; sex ; th-century public discourse, –,
12 during, –, –. See also participant ; omissions in theory, –; and race, ;
13 observation on reification, –; on scientia sexualis, [396], (12
14 Fiji, , , –; on surveillance, . See
15 fin de siècle, ; anthropology, ; and com- also confessional mode; panopticon; power;
panionate marriage, –; discourses, ; sexology Lines: 787
16
images, , – Frazer, E. Franklin, ———
17 Fire Island, –, ; and communitas, ; Frazer, James G., , ; as armchair anthro-
18 0.0pt P
Lévi-Strauss on, – pologist, , ; on Arunta, ; corn god in, ———
19 First International Congress on Sexual Ques- ; evolutionism of, ; on fertility, , ;
Normal P
20 tions (Berlin), on nescience of paternity, –, ; on
Firth, Sir Raymond, , , –, ; and totemism, –, n PgEnds: T
21
22 conscription, ; on marriage by capture, free love, , , ,
–, ; relativism of, Freeman, Derek, , , , , ; on
23 [396], (12
Fison, Lorimer, –, ; on Australian Marshall, . See also Mead-Freeman
24 kinship terms, –; on evolution of the controversy
25 family, , ; morality in, ; on primitive Freeman, Henry Stanhope,
26 promiscuity, ; on totemism, freethinkers, ,
27 Florentine Museum, French Army Surgeon (Jacobus X): in Ellis,
28 “Flynt, Josaiah,” ; in Rushton, ,
foil: primitives as, ; sexuality as, , ; Freud, Sigmund, , , , , , , ,
29
Tahitians as, ; and American anthropology, ; and
30 folklore, –, , , , ; of , Devereux, –; and Ellis, , , ;
31 , –; of anthropology, ; love and and gender identity, ; and Malinowski,
32 Manu’a, ; Zuni, , ; and the Oedipus complex, –,
33 Folklore Society, , ; theory of totemism of, –, –
34 Ford, Clellan S., and Frank A. Beach, , ; recapitulation hypothesis in, ,
, –, ; on childhood sexuality, Friedan, Betty, –,
35
; comparative zoology, –; on Friedl, Ernestine,
36 homosexuality, ; on masturbation, , Frye, Marilyn,
37 ; on premarital sex, –; relativism functionalism, , –, –, –;
38 of, ; on universals in sexual behavior, and African representations, ; in British
39 . See also Kinsey Report anthropology, , , –; in Devereux,
1 ; of Evans-Pritchard, ; of Firth, – gender crossing: Native American, ;
2 , ; of Malinowski, , –, , Samoan, . See also berdache
–, ; of Radcliffe-Brown, ; of gender equality, , , , ; and bachelor
3
Schapera, huts, ; among Hottentot and San, ;
4 “functional substitution,” among Muria, –
5 Fundamentalists, gender hierarchies, . See also matriarchy;
6 mother right; patriarchy
7 Gabon, , gender identity,
Gallagher, Catherine, gender roles, ; anxiety concerning, ;
8
Galton, Francis, , – Benedict on, –; Burton on, ; and
9 Gambia, conscription, ; Du Bois on, –;
10 Gandhi, Mahatma, , female, ; Levy on, ; Mead on, –
11 Ganowanian kinship terminology, –, , ; Native American and alternative, ; as
12 performance, , –; in Tahiti,
13 Gason, Samuel, , [397], (13)
gender studies,
Gauguin, Paul,
14 General Medical Council,
gay: activists, ; history, ; liberation, ,
15 genital cutting, . See also female circumci-
; men and , ; man murdered, Lines: 851 to
sion
16 ; natives and berdache tradition, ;
genitalia: and constrictor vaginae, ; in ———
17 promiscuity, ; rights, , ; sex in
debate over species, ; exaggerated, ; 0.0pt PgV
18 field,
gradation in female, ; and hair, ; as ———
gay anthropology, , , , , , ;
19 index of degeneration among Africans, ,
and gay political issues, – Normal Pag
20 ; as index of primitivity, , ; Hotten-
gay ethnohistory, , – PgEnds: TEX
21 tot and San women’s, –, , ; large,
Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (),
22 n; underdevelopment of, –. See
Gebhard, Paul H., , ,
also breasts; circumcision; clitoridectomy;
23 Geertz, Clifford, [397], (13)
genital mutilation; genital operation; penis
24 Gell, Simeran M. S.,
gender, , , , , –, –, ; size; steatopygia
25 genital mutilation: bans of, ; Burton on,
ambiguity among Bimin-Kuskusmin, –
26 ; categories, –; classification as non- –; female, ; feminism and advocacy
27 dualistic, ; as cultural construction, ; around, –; and racial hierarchies,
28 cultural variability in, –; differentiation ; and relativism, , , , n. See
and evolution, –; hierarchies, , , also circumcision; clitoridectomy; female
29
; ideologies, ; identity, ; and circumcision; genital operation
30 genital operation, , , ; and beauty,
Igbo Women’s rebellion, ; multiple, ,
31 –; “naturalness” of, ; “patterns” , ; female, , –, , , , , ,
32 of, , ; as performance, , –; , , –; male, , , , , ;
33 redefined in non-sexual terms, ; among and Malinowski, ; and relativism, ,
34 Sambians, ; as sense of “sex,” , ; as , n; and stigmatization, . See
35 social construction, ; “system,” , ; also circumcision; clitoridectomy; genital
and transgendered identity, ; Victorian mutilation
36 Ghana, ,
ranking of, ; Victorian system of, , ,
37 –. See also “third gender” ghotul, –; wife,
38 gender balance: in colonies, , ; and Gillen, F. J. See Spencer, Baldwin
39 gender crossing, Gilman, Sander L., , , –,
1 Ginsburg, Faye, Hamitic hypothesis,
2 Gisu people, Hammond, Dorothy,
Gobineau, Arthur, comte de, –, n Hankey, Fred,
3
Goldenweiser, Alexander, – Haraway, Donna J., , , , –
4 Goldfrank, Esther Schiff, Harris, Frank,
5 Gordon, Deborah A., Harris, Helen, , ,
6 Gorer, Geoffrey, , –, , , , , Hartland, Edwin Sidney, , –, ; as
7 n; on African dances, –; as neo- armchair anthropologist, ; and pederasty,
8 Freudian, ; and primitive nescience of paternity,
gorillas. See primates –,
9
Gosse, Edmund, Hawaii,
10 Gosselin, Claudie, Heald, Suzette,
11 Goulaine de Laudonnière, René, health: sexual, –, , –, , –,
12 government anthropology, , , , ; –, ; women’s, –. See also ;
13 and Igbo Women’s Rebellion, , ; and sex education; venereal disease [398], (14
Elwin, ; and Thomas, Heape, Walter,
14
gradualism, hegemony: and heterosexuality, ; Western
15 Grant, Nicole J., – sexual, Lines: 924
16 Great Chain of Being, , , , ; Ne-
High Leigh conference (Hoddesdon, UK), ———
17 groes and orangutans as equivalent in,
–, –,
18 Great Depression, –, ; and functional 0.0pt P
hemaneh, ———
19 anthropology, –
Hemyng, Bracebridge, –,
Greece: ancient, , , , , –, , , Normal P
20 Henry, Jules,
; and military pederasty, , , PgEnds: T
21 Herdt, Gilbert, , , , –, , ;
Green, Margaret M.,
22 and , ; on colonialism, ; “cultural
Greenberg, David F., ,
hygiene” rebuttal to critics by, ; neo-
23 Gregor, Thomas, , [398], (14
Freudianism of, ; and Turnerian models,
24 Griffiths, Alison,
. See also Sambians
group marriage, –, –, –, , ,
25 hereditarian theory,
; Briffault on, n; and incest taboos,
26 ; in India, ; Morgan on, –, ;
hermaphrodites, ,
27 Herodotus, , ,
Thomas on, –, –; Westermarck on,
28 . See also jus primae noctis; marriage Hesiod,
Grosskurth, Phyllis, “hetaerism,” , ,
29
Gruenbaum, Ellen, heterosexuality: Burton on, –; “compul-
30 sory,” , ; denial of homosexuality as
31 Haddon, A. C., freedom for, ; Evans-Prichard on, ,
32 Haggard, H. Rider, , ; Foucault on, , –; and hege-
33 hair, –, –. See also beard mony, ; and homosexuality, ; Mead
34 Haiti, , , on, –; and primitive sexuality, ; as
Hall, G. Stanley: on adolescence, –, ; problem for study, , , ; silence on,
35
on circumcision, ; evolutionism of, – –, ; among Zande, , . See also
36
; and Mead, –, ; on motherhood, homoeroticism, homosexuality
37 ; and recapitulation, hierarchies: gender, , , ; evolution-
38 Haller, John and Robin, , ary, , ; in Mayhew and Hemyng, ;
39 Hallpike, Christopher, monogenism and racial, ; moral, ; and
1 th-century discourse, ; polygenism and and Beach on, , ; Goldenweiser on,
2 racial, , ; racial, , , , –, , , –; and heterosexuality, ; Hogbin
3 , –, , –, , ; of sexual on, –; and homoeroticism, ; and
practices, ; social, , homophobia, , ; Human Relations
4
hijras, , Area Files on, ; and identity, , ; in
5 Hinduism, India, ; in “Inis Beag,” –; and initi-
6 Hinton, James, , ation, , , , –; institutionalized,
7 Hirschfeld, Magnus, , , , ; and Japanese, ; Kardiner
8 history of anthropology, , , , , on, ; and Kinsey Report, , , ;
9 . See latent, –; among Lepcha, ; Lévi-
Hobhouse, Leonard, Strauss on, ; Malinowski on, , ,
10
Hogbin, H. Ian, , , , –; on , , , ; among mammals, ;
11 morality, among Mangaians, ; Marquesan, ;
12 Holmberg, Allan R., –; and food drive, Marshall on, ; Mead on, , , –
13 , , –, , , , ; and the [399], (15)
14 Holmes, Lowell D., military, , , , , n; among
15 “hominterns” (Marshall and Suggs), Mohave, , , –, ; among
homoeroticism (behavior, practice), ; Muria, –; among Native Americans, Lines: 1034
16
among ancient Greeks, ; among Andalu- , , , , , –; “naturalization” ———
17 sians, –; and berdache, ; “ethnocar- of, ; in New Guinea, , –; no
18 0.0pt PgV
tographic” phase of study of, –; and such thing as, ; among Omaha, ; ———
19 Keraki initiation, ; and Melanesian ini- among Ontong, –; Ortner on, ;
Normal Pag
20 tiation, ; Native American, ; as often pathologization of, , , , , –
defining factor for “homosexuality,” ; as ; among primates, ; reification of, ; PgEnds: TEX
21
22 resistance, ; and Sambian initiation, , “safety-valve” theory of, , , , ;
; as transgressive performance, , among Sambians, –, , , n;
23 [399], (15)
homophobia, , , , , , , , among Samoans, , , –, ;
24 , –n; and , Schapera on, ; silence around, , ;
25 homosexuality, , , , , , ; among social roots of, ; and the “Sotadic zone,”
26 Africans, ; and alterity, ; anthropol- –; Symonds on, –; in Tahiti, ;
27 ogy of, , , ; in Arabia, ; among as threat, ; among Tikopians, –;
28 Arapesh, ; in Arnhem Land, ; Ba- among Trobrianders, , , ; tropes of
chofen, ; Benedict, –; Burton on, tolerance toward, ; in Victorian society,
29
–, ; among Busama, ; among ; Voltaire on, ; Westermarck on, ,
30 Capaya, ; Carpenter on innovators –; Whitehead on, –; among Wo-
31 and, –, –; configurationism and, geo, ; Zande, , . See also berdache,
32 , –; conscription of, , ; and lesbianism
33 constructionism, , ; and Contagious Hopkins, Ellice, ,
34 Diseases Act, , ; and creativity, – Hoppius (Christian Emanuel Hoppe),
; criminalized, ; cross-cultural studies Horney, Karen,
35
of, –; among Cueva, ; denials of, Hotten, John Camden,
36 , ; Devereux on, –; as disease, Hottentot (Khoi), –; egalitarianism of,
37 ; as disturbance in gender identity, ; ; images of, , ; monochordism,
38 Ellis on, , –; Elwin on, –, ; , n; steatopygia among, , , ;
39 ethnographic literature on, –; Ford women, –
1 Hottentot apron, –, positive, ; of primitives, , , , , ,
2 “Hottentot Venus,” , , –; of primitives as childlike, , ;
3 Houghton, Lord (Richard Monckton Milnes), of primitive sexuality, –, , , ,
; of primitive women, , ; of pros-
4 Howitt, A. W., , –, ; on Bachofen, ; titutes, , , ; of seductive women,
5 on Dieri marriage, –; on evolution of ; of sexual alterity, –, –, , ;
6 the family, ; on group marriage, –; teratological, , ; of undersexed savages,
7 on Maine, ; on Kurnai marriage, ; on , , , , –, –, , , ,
8 McLennan, ; Thomas on, . See also , , ; of white male sexual inepti-
Fison, Lorimer tude, ; of women, . See also collective
9
Human Leopard Society, representations; primitive promiscuity;
10 human nature, , , , representations; stereotypes; tropes
11 Human Relations Area Files, , ; on Imperial Bureau of Ethnology,
12 homosexuality and masturbation, Incas,
13 human sacrifice, incest, , –, , , , , ; and [400], (16
Hunt, James, , Alor, ; deeroticized by Lévi-Strauss, ;
14
Hunter, John, –; monogenism of, in Dieri myth, ; Freud on, –, ;
15 Huron, – and London poor, ; Mead on, , ; Lines: 107
16 hwame’, , –,
Morgan on, –, ; in Voltaire, ———
17 incest taboos, , , , , ; Devereux on,
18 Ibibio, 0.0pt P
; in Diderot, ; evolutionary theory on, ———
Ibn Battuta,
19 ; Freud on, ; and group marriage,
Ibo, Normal P
20 ; Lévi-Strauss on, –
Ifugao people, PgEnds: T
21 India, , –, , , , , –;
Igalwa,
22 homosexuality in, ; and miscegenation,
Igbo, , , –
; and prostitution, , , ; and third
23 Igbo Women’s Rebellion, , – [400], (16
genders, ; and women, –. See
24 ignoble savage, , –
ignorance of paternity. See conception: and also Elwin, Verrier; Lepcha people; Muria
25 people; Sindh
nescience of paternity
26 images: of African American matriarch, ; inequality, ; racial, , ; sexual,
27 of Africans, –, , –, , –, infanticide, , , –, ,
28 ; of animality, , , , , , , , infant sexuality, , , , ,
, ; of Australian Aborigines, ; of infibulation, , –; Burton on, . See
29
colonial periphery, –; of degeneration, also clitoridectomy; female circumcision;
30 genital mutilation; genital operation
, –; th-century, ; fin de siècle,
31 –; of ignoble savagery, , –; of Ingram, Bishop Winnington,
32 innocence, ; male modal savage, ; of initiation ritual, , , , –, , ,
33 marriage, ; of menstruation, ; and , n; Christian camps for, ; and
34 miscegenation, ; of Native Americans, enlargement of labia in Hottentot, ; and
, , , ; of noble savagery, –, – eroticism among Sambians, –, ;
35
; of oversexed savages, , , , , , and homoeroticism in Keraki, ; and ho-
36 moeroticism in Melanesia, ; and homo-
, , , –, , , , , ,
37 , , , , –, , , ; of sexuality in New Guinea, , –, ,
38 oversexed Westerners, ; of Polynesia –n; among Kaliai, . See also ritual
39 and Tahiti, –, , , , , , ; “Inis Beag” (Ireland), –
1 Institute for Sex Research (Kinsey Institute), Jordan, Winthrop D., , ,
2 , , , Journal of the American Medical Association,
intelligence, , , ; African, , , ,
3
, , , , , , ; and African Judaism (Mosaic), –
4 brain development, , , ; Australian jus primae noctis, , , , nn, n.
5 Aborigines and, ; breast size and, ; See also group marriage
6 Burton on, ; Crawley on savage, ;
7 in debate over species, , –; Ellis Kahn, Susan,
on women’s and men’s, ; Indian, ; Kaliai people,
8
Jefferson on black, ; Johnston on Negro, Kamilaroi, –, ; totemism among,
9 Kant, Immanuel,
; Native American, ; penis size and, ,
10 –; primitive, , , , , ; Rushton Karachi,
11 on, ; of women, , , , , . See Kardiner, Abram, , ; on Alorese, –
12 also neoteny ; anti-relativism of, ; on “basic per-
13 “intermediate sex” (Carpenter), sonality structure,” –; on Benedict, [401], (17)
“intermediate types” (Westermarck), – ; and “blaming the mother,” –;
14
International African Association, conscription by, ; collaboration with Du
15 International African Institute, Bois, , ; on cultural patterns, ; Lines: 1144
16 International Association of the Congo, ecology of, –; on the family, ; on
17 International Encyclopedia of the Social feminism, ; on homosexuality, ; on ———
18 Sciences, Marquesans, –; and pathologization 0.0pt PgV
Inuit, , , , n of Alorese, ; and projective systems, , ———
19
“invention” of kinship, ; psychoanalytic theory of, –; on Normal Pag
20 race, ; seminar group of, , , n;
inversion. See homosexuality * PgEnds: Ejec
21 Iroquoian kinship terminology. See Ganowa- and working mothers, –
22 nian kinship terminology Kennedy, Elizabeth Lapovsky, , –
23 Iroquois, , , , ; pairing marriage, Kent, Susan Kingsley, [401], (17)
24 Islam, , , , , , , , Kenya, , ,
Ismail, khedive of Egypt, Keraki people,
25
Kgatla: Schapera on, , –; Suggs on,
26 Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, n
27 Jaenen, Cornélius, Khoi. See Hottentot
28 Jaga, Killick, Andrew P.,
29 Jahoda, Gustav, , , Kingsley, Maria Henrietta, –
jankhas, Kinsey Institute (Institute of Sex Research),
30
Jankowiak, William, ; on love as universal, , , ,
31 –, n Kinsey, Alfred C., , –; on marriage,
32 Jefferson, Thomas, ; on morality, ; and sex education,
33 Jews, –, ; and reproduction, ; , . See also Kinsey Report
34 as “threat,” . See also anti-Semitism;, Kinsey Report, , , , –, , –
35 Judaism , –, , , ; on anxiety, ;
Johnston, Harry Hamilton, –, ; attack on, –; and Benedict, ; case
36
on African dances, –; and colonial histories in, , ; and critique of an-
37 officials, ; gradualism of, ; Hamitic thropological studies, ; ethical issues of,
38 hypothesis in, – ; and Ellis, ; and Gorer, ; on ho-
39 Jong, Erica, , mosexuality, , , ; impact of, ;
1 Kinsey Report (cont.) ; on Australian nescience of pater-
2 on infant sexuality, ; and Linton, ; nity, –; evolutionism of, , ; on
and Malinowski, , ; on mammalian exogamy, , ; patriarchy in, ; on
3
sexual behavior, ; on masturbation, , totemism,
4 ; and McCarthyism, –; and Mead, language: of anthropology, ; of educated
5 , , , ; on morality, , –; classes, ; of Elwin, , ; Ford and
6 on premarital sex, –; on prostitution, Beach on, ; Hottentot and Khoisan,
7 –; and psychoanalysis, –, ; re- , ; kinship and, , ; of love, ;
8 jects countertransference, –; relativism of Malinowski, , ; Mead and, ,
of, , ; and Schapera, , ; and , –, , , ; of mental illness
9
sexual liberation, ; and statistics, , and psychoanalysis, ; of passion, ;
10 ; and variation in nature, . See also of pathology in Benedict, ; primate, ;
11 Kinsey, Alfred C. and race, ; Tahitian, ; Trobriand, ;
12 kinship terminologies and theory, , – women and, –, –
13 , n; and desexualization, ; in fin Lapps, , [402], (18
de siècle anthropology, ; and Firth, Lapsley, Hilary,
14
; and Fison and Howitt, –, –; Laqueur, Thomas,
15 “invention of,” ; and McLennan, –; lata, Lines: 123
16 and Morgan, –; and Rivers, –
Lawrence, D. H., , ———
17 Kirghiz,
Leach, Edmund, , –; and nescience
18 kiteshas, 0.0pt P
of paternity, , , ; on primitive ———
19 Knauft, Bruce M., –n
promiscuity, , ; on psychosexual
knowledge: and power, , Normal P
20 universals,
Knowlton, Charles, , PgEnds: T
21 Lees, Edith. See Edith Ellis
Knox, Robert,
22 Lehner, Stephen, –
Krafft-Ebing, Richard von, ,
Leith-Ross, Sylvia,
23 Kroeber, Alfred, , ; and berdache, ; [402], (18
Legba,
24 and kin terms,
Le Moyne, Jacques,
Kuklick, Henrika,
25 Lentswe, king of the Kgatla,
kula,
26 Kulick, Don,
Leonardo, Micaela di,
27 Leopold II, king of the Belgians, ,
Kunandaburi,
28 Kuper, Adam, Lepcha people, –, ; absence of love
Kurnai, , –, among, ; aggression among, –
29
Kwakiutl, ; Benedict on, Leprosy Relief Commission,
30 Lepowsky, Maria,
31 labial elongation, , . See also genital lesbian communities, , , n
32 mutilation; genital operation; Hottentot lesbianism, , , –, ; of Benedict,
33 apron , , ; and feminism, ; of Mead,
34 Ladies Association of Nigeria, , ; among Native Americans, ; and
Lafitau, Père Joseph, rights, ; working-class, , –, .
35
Lambeth Conference (Church of England), See also butch-femme
36 LeVine, Robert A., , , n
37 Lancaster, Roger N., LeVine, Sarah,
38 Landes, Ruth, levirate, ; as survival of group marriage,
39 Lang, Andrew, , , , ; and Atkinson,
1 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, , , –; on ho- Manus, ; Mead on, , , , , –
2 mosexuality, , ; on incest, , ; , –, , ; in Samoa, , , ,
on male couples on Fire Island, –; and –, ; in Tahiti, ; among Turu,
3
racism, ; on totemism, ; and trope ; as universal, –, ; as “work,”
4 Lubbock, John, , –, , –, ,
of the oversexed savage, ; women’s loss
5 of agency in, ; on hetaerism, ; on marriage by
6 Levy, Anita, –, , – capture, –; on sexual communism, ;
7 Levy, Robert I., –, ; on masturbation, Westermarck on, –
8 ; psychoanalytic approach of, , ; Lugard, Lord Frederick, , , , , ;
on transgendered māhū, , – and Malinowski,
9
liberalization: in fin de siècle, lumpen proletariat: equated with degraded
10 primitives, –
liberation, ; black, ; gay, , ; sexual,
11 , , , ; women’s, , lupanars,
12 Liberia, Lutkehaus, Nancy C., ,
13 libertarians, ; sexual, Lyell, Charles, [403], (19)
liminality, , –, n; in th-century Lyons, Andrew P., , –,
14
representation, ; in rituals of reversal, Lyons, Harriet D., –, , , , n,
15 –n; on genital mutilations, , –
Lindenbaum, Shirley, Lines: 1339
16
Lindsey, Ben: on companionate marriage, ———
17 , –, ; on contraception, –;
18 machismo, 0.0pt PgV
on divorce, ; persecution of, ; on sex ———
Macmillan (publisher),
19 education, –; on sexual reform,
“madwoman in the attic,” Normal Pag
20 Linnaeus, , , , n
Mageo, Jeannette, –, – * PgEnds: Ejec
21 Linton, Ralph, , –; and culture and
māhū, , –, n
22 personality, ; errors of fact in, –;
Mailu,
on Marquesans, –; theory of “race
23 Maine, Sir Henry, –; on patriarchy, , [403], (19)
suicide” in,
24 , ,
Littleton, Edward, Malayan kinship terminology, ,
25 Livingstone, David, , , male dominance,
26 Livingstone House conference (“The Contact Mali,
27 of Modern Civilizations with Ancient Malinowski, Bronislaw, , , –, , ,
28 Cultures and Tribal Customs”), – , –, , , , , , ,
lock hospitals, , , , n , , , n; on abortion, ; on
29
Lombroso, Cesare, , adolescence, , , –, –, , ;
30 London Anthropological Society, – on adultery, , , ; and Anglicanism,
31 Long, Edward, , – ; and applied anthropology, –,
32 Lopez, V. F., , ; and Briffault, , n; and
33 love, , , –, , n; absence Catholicism, ; on chastity, , ; and
34 of romantic, , , , , –, , colonial administration, –, , ; on
, , , ; among Africans, – companionate marriage, , , , –,
35
; among Baiga, ; Benedict on, ; , , ; confessional mode in, –;
36 “feminization” of, ; free, , , , , and contraception, , , , , , ,
37 ; among Gisu, ; Hogbin on, ; , , , ; and conscription of sex,
38 among Lepcha, ; Malinowski on, – –, ; and Crawley, , , ; and
39 , ; among Mangaians, –, ; in “desexualization” of sex, –, ; diary
1 Malinowski, Bronislaw (cont.) Westermarck, ; as womanizer, . See
2 of, –, ; dispute with Rentoul, ; also Trobrianders
3 on divorce, ; and Ellis, , , , Malinowski Papers (Yale University), –
–, ; on environmentalism, ; Malthusian couple, , , , , –
4
on the family, , ; on feminism, ; ‘ma:mam relationship,
5 and fieldwork, ; and Firth, , ; mammalian sexuality, , ,
6 and Freud, , , ; functionalism Man, , , ,
7 of, , –, , –, ; and genital Man, E. H.,
8 operations, ; on group marriage, , mana,
9 ; and the High Leigh conference, – Mandela, Nelson,
, –, ; on homosexuality, , , Mandela, Winnie,
10
; in Kinsey report, , ; on Lang, Manderson, Lenore, –n
11 ; liberalism of, ; Leach on, ; and Mandeville, John, , –n
12 the Livingstone House conference, – Manet, Édouard,
13 ; on love, , –, ; on marriage, Mangaians, , –; love among, –; [404], (20
14 , –, , –, , –, , sexual segregation of, ; sleep crawling
15 , –n; on masturbation, ; on among,
matriarchy, , ; on matriliny, –, Manu’a (American Samoa). See Mead, Mar- Lines: 142
16
; and Mead, ; and missionaries, – garet; Samoans ———
17 ; as modernist, , n; on modesty, Manus: Mead on, , –, , , ,
18 0.0pt P
, ; on monogamy, ; on nescience , ; as civilized children, ; and ———
19 of paternity, , , –, , ; conversion to Christianity, ; love among,
Normal P
20 notebook on Ellis of, –, ; on the ; and “tumescence,” , –; as
Oedipus complex, , , ; and partic- undersexed savages, PgEnds: T
21
22 ipant observation, ; on periodicity, , Maori,
; and persecution, n; on polyandry, Marcus, George E.,
23 [404], (20
; on polygamy, ; on premarital sex, Marcus, Steven, , , ,
24 , , ; on primitive promiscuity, , Marett, Robert R.,
25 , ; on primitive sexuality, –, , marriage, , , , , , , ; Af-
26 ; questionnaire of, –; on racism, rican, , , , , –, –, ,
27 ; rejection of primitives as models of , –, –; among Alor, , –
28 human nature by, ; and relativism, ; ; in Americas, ; in Arnhem Land, ,
and Russell, , , , ; and science, ; in ancient Greece and Rome, , –
29
; seminars of, –; on sex education, ; Australian aboriginal, , –, –,
30 , ; on sexual communism, ; sexual ; Bachofen on, –; Burton on, –
31 desires during fieldwork of, , ; on ; among Busama, ; child, , , –
32 sexual license, –, ; and sexual , , –; Christian, ; “communal,”
33 morality, , ; as sexologist, , – ; companionate, , ; Crawley on origin
34 ; and sexual reform, –, , –, of, , ; Darwin on, ; and Diderot,
, , ; and Society for Constructive ; Du Bois on, ; Elwin on, –;
35
Birth Control and Racial Progress, ; European, ; as exchange for Howitt,
36 on Spencer and Gillen, ; on “stratified ; Falk on, , –; in fin de siècle
37 morality,” ; and Stopes, , , , anthropology, ; Foucault on, –;
38 , n; therapeutic intent of work Japanese, ; Jewish, ; Johnston on,
39 of, , , –; on Watson, ; and –; Kgatlan, –; Kinsey on, ;
1 among Lepcha, –; Malinowski on, Martin, Clyde E.,
2 , –, , –, , –, , Martyr, Peter,
3 , –n; among Mangaians, ; Marx, Eleanor, ,
McLennan on, ; Mead on, , , –, Marx, Karl,
4
, , ; among Mohave, ; among masculinity: crisis in fin de siècle, –
5 Muria, –; Morgan on, –; in New Mason, Michael,
6 Guinea, ; origin of, ; Polynesian, , Mason, Peter,
7 ; primitive, ; and prostitution, ; Masson, Elsie,
8 Russell on, ; among Sambians, ; Masters, William, and Virginia Johnson,
9 Samoan, , , –, , , ; masturbation, , , , –, , , ,
Schapera on, –; silence around, ; , , , , –; as dangerous, ,
10
among Sindh, ; Tahitian, , ; Thomas ; and clitoridectomy, ; Ellis on, ,
11 on, ; Tikopian, ; Toda, –; and ; Ford and Beach on, , ; Human
12 totemism, ; Trobriander, , , , , Relations Area Files on, ; Kinsey Report
13 ; among Turu, ; as universal, ; on, , ; Levy on, ; Malinowski on, [405], (21)
14 Victorian, , , , , ; Westermarck ; among mammals, ; Mead on, ;
15 on, –, , , , ; among Wogeo, th-century discourses and, , , ;
; in work of Mayhew and Hemyng, . Rovers and, ; White Cross Society and, Lines: 1464
16
See also companionate marriage; group ———
17 materialism,
18
marriage; jus primae noctis; marriage 0.0pt PgV
by capture; miscegenation; monogamy; Mathew, John, , ———
19 polyandry; polygamy; polygyny Mathews, Hugh, ,
Normal Pag
20 marriage by capture, , , , –; and matriarchal communalism (Briffault),
anthropology’s roots, ; in Arnhem Land, matriarchal theorists, , , –, , , * PgEnds: Ejec
21
22 –; Australian, , , , ; Ellis on, ; Lang’s rejection of, ; and nescience
; as fantasy, –, ; Firth on, – of paternity,
23 [405], (21)
, ; Fortune on, n; Howitt on, ; matriarchy, –, , ; and anthro-
24 Lubbock on, -; McLennan on, , ; pology’s roots, ; Bachofen on, –;
25 Morgan on, ; as stage, ; Tikopian, – Briffault on, n; Howitt on, ; Leach
26 , ; Wake on, , on, ; Morgan on, ; rival schools of, .
27 marriage manuals, , See also matriliny
28 Marquesans, , –, , , ; and matrilineal theorists, ,
ecology, –; gender relations of, – matriliny, , , , ; and anthropology’s
29
; Kardiner on, –, ; Linton on, roots, ; Bachofen on, ; Malinowski
30 –; and negative conscription, , ; on, –, ; Morgan on, , , ;
31 pathologization of, ; sexual freedom of, Wake on, ; Westermarck on, . See also
32 ; Suggs on, –, matriarchy
33 Marshall, Donald: on homosexuality, ; on Maugham, Somerset,
34 Mangaians, , –; on transvestism, Mauss, Marcel, , n
; work as male-centered, . See also Mayhew, Henry, –,
35
Marshall, Donald, and Robert Suggs McCarthyism, , –
36 Marshall, Donald, and Robert Suggs, , McIlwaine, Rev. Joshua,
37 –; homophobia in work of, ; on McLennan, John F., , –, –, –,
38 homosexuality, ; masculine bias in, ; , , ; Crawley’s attack on, ; on
39 sensationalize Ra’ivavae sexuality, – exogamy, , , ; Howitt on, ; on
1 McLennan, John F. (cont.) gender, , ; and periodicity, ; and
2 infanticide, ; on kinship terminologies, perversion, , , ; politics of, –
3 –, ; on marriage, ; on marriage ; and popular advice genres, , ,
by capture, ; and Morgan, ; on mother ; on premarital sex, , –, ;
4
right, , ; on nescience of paternity, , and primitive sexuality, , , ; on
5 –n; on polyandry, ; on totemism, prostitution, , ; and psychoanalytic
6 ; Westermarck on, – theory, ; and race, , ; on rape, ;
7 McLynn, Frank, and relativism, , , ; and Samoan
8 Mead, Margaret, , , –, , , –, sex terms, ; and sex education, , ,
9 , , , , , –, , , – ; and sexual reform, –, ; on
n; on adolescence, , –, , ; sexual technique, , , , –; and
10
on adultery, –, –; and alterity, stigmatization, ; and surveillance, ;
11 , , ; on American culture, , on “tumescence,” , –; on virginity,
12 , , –; on Arapesh, –, , –, –; and Western discourse about
13 n; and Baldwin, ; and Benedict, sex, ; and women’s experience, , [406], (22
14 ; and bisexuality, –; and Boas, –, –, . See also determinism;
15 , –, n; on chastity, , ; and Manus; Omaha; Samoans
configurationism, ; and conscription, Mead-Freeman controversy, , , , , Lines: 152
16
–, , ; and contraception, , –, , ———
17 ; and culture and personality, , ; medical anthropology, –,
18 0.0pt P
and cultural variability in gender roles, medicalization of sexuality: and , – ———
19 –; on determinism, , , ; and . See also diagnosis; Foucault, Michel;
Normal P
20 diagnosis of sexual health, , –, , therapy
–, –, ; on divorce, , ; Meek, Charles Kingsley, PgEnds: T
21
22 on dysphoria, –; and emotions, , Mehinka people,
; and Erikson, , , –; Evans- Melanesia, ; as communist for Rivers, ;
23 [406], (22
Pritchard on, ; and female sexuality, – homoerotic initiation in,
24 , , ; Friedan on, –, ; on Melville, Herman,
25 gender roles, –; and Gorer, ; and men: monorchidism among Khoi, ; primi-
26 Hall, –, ; on hierarchical rank, tive, –; promiscuous working-class, ;
27 , –; hoaxing of, –, ; on middle class, –,
28 homosexuality, , , –, , – Mendel, Gregor, ,
, , , , ; on incest, , ; Menninger, Karl,
29
and infant care, , –, , ; and menstruation, –, , , , , , ,
30 Kardiner, n; and Kinsey Report, , , , , , , , , ; and
31 , , ; and language, , , – male initiation,
32 , –; and lesbianism, , , ; Merriam, Alan P., ; on Basongye berdache,
33 on love, , , , , –, –
34 , , , ; and Malinowski, ; on Merrill, George, –
marriage, , , –, , , ; Messenger, John C.: on “Inis Beag,” –
35
on Manus, , –, , , , , Mill, John Stuart,
36 ; on masturbation, ; on morality, Milnes, Monckton,
37 , ; on motherhood, , , – miscegenation, ; and debate over species,
38 ; on Mundugumor, , ; oblivious , , –; by East Indians and Whites,
39 to class, –, ; on “patterns” of –, n; by Europeans, Blacks, and
1 Indians, ; and images of primitive sex- tion and Australian Aborigines, –;
2 uality, –, ; white-Amerindian, ; and Malinowski, –; and nescience of
3 white-black, , , , –, ; in West maternity, ; and nescience of paternity,
Indies, . See also marriage , ; on racism,
4
misogyny: of Burton, , ; of Mehinaku, morality: African, , –, , , ,
5 , , ; in Arnhem Land, , ;
6 missionaries, , , , , , , , , Australian Aboriginal, , , , ; and
7 , , , , , , , , , , conscription, ; Christian, , , , ;
8 , , , , –, , n, – in debate over species, ; of Devereux,
9 n; Berndts on sexual attractions of, ; Ellis on, ; evolution of, ; and
; and Elwin, ; and the High Leigh fin de siècle society, ; hierarchies of,
10
conference, –, ; and Hogbin, – ; and high status, ; Hogbin on, ;
11 ; and Malinowski, –, –, ideas of decline in, , –, ; Indian,
12 Mitchell, Philip, , , ; Kgatlan, ; Kinsey on, ; Kinsey
13 Mithraism, – Report on, , –; new secular, ; [407], (23)
14 “modal personality” studies, , , Polynesian, ; primitive, , –, , ;
15 modernism, , , , , , n; anti-, and primitive sexuality, ; and relativity,
; Russell on, ; savage, ; sexual, , , Lines: 1565
16
modesty, –, , , , , , , , , , ; Stanley ———
17 moetotolo (sleep crawling), on, ; Stopes on, ; Tasmanian, ;
18 0.0pt PgV
Moffat, Robert, Tikopian, ; Toda, ; Victorian, –; ———
19 Mohave, , , –; and alcohol, – Westermarck and, , ,
Normal Pag
20 , , –; anal sex among, –; Moreno, Eva,
and berdache, –; connections between Morgan, Lewis Henry, , , , –, –, PgEnds: TEX
21
22 sexuality and spirituality, ; heterosexu- , , , ; and Bachofen, , n;
ality among, , , ; homosexuality and the “consanguine family,” –, ,
23 [407], (23)
among, , , –, ; marriage ; on evolution of family, –, , ;
24 among, ; masturbation among, , on gender equality, ; on incest, ; on
25 ; narratives, , –, , ; and kinship terminologies, –, –, ; on
26 rape, , , ; and sex as play, ; group marriage, –, ; on marriage,
27 taboos, ; transvestism among, , , –; on marriage by capture, , ;
28 ; venereal disease among, , ; and as matriarchal theorist, , , –; on
virginity, ; and witchcraft, , matriarchy, ; on matriliny, , , ; and
29
Moll, Albert, McLennan, ; on primitive morality, –
30 “momism” (Wylie), ; on primitive promiscuity, , , ;
31 monogamy, , , , ; Burton on, Westermarck on, –
32 –; European, ; Foucault on, –; Mormons, –,
33 Wake on, ; Westermarck on, , , Morocco,
34 monogenism, , –; and degeneration, ; Morrow, William,
environmentalism and, , motherhood, , , –
35
monorchids: Khoi men as, mother right, , ; Bachofen on, ; Hart-
36 monotheism: of Australian Aborigine reli- land on, . See also matriarchy; matriliny;
37 gion, primitive promiscuity
38 Montagu, M. F. Ashley, –, n; on motoro,
39 adolescent sterility, , ; on concep- M’pongwe,
1 Mugabe, Robert, Nature,
2 mulattoes, , nature-culture, , , , –; and ,
Muller-Lyer, Franz, –
3
Mundugumor, , Nazis, , n
4 Murdock, George Peter, , Negroes: American, , ; on adjacent
5 murdus, rung to orangutans on Long’s Great Chain
6 Muria, –; gender equality among, ; of Being, ; Burton on, ; Ellis on, ;
7 and sexual utopia, ; conscription of, image of, ; Johnston on, –; language
8 The Muria ( film), of, –; “matriarch,” ; and moth-
Murray, John (publisher), ers, ; Reade on, –; and theory of
9
Murray, Stephen O., , , , –, neoteny, . See also Africans; blacks
10 –; challenges Foucault, ; on types neo-Freudian school, , , , , ; and
11 of homosexualities, –; on new an- “childhood determinism,” ; and Kinsey
12 thropology of sex, Report, ; and language of mental illness,
13 myth, , ; Alorese, ; of the Fall, ; [408], (24
Mohave, , –, , ; as projective neoteny, , . See also intelligence
14
system (Kardiner), ; and vagina dentata, nescience of paternity. See under conception
15 ; Zuni, New Guinea, –, , –, , , Lines: 162
16 n, –n. See also Busama people;
17 Nadel, S. F., – Manus; Sambians; Wogeo ———
18 Nanda, Serena, Newton, Esther, –, –, , – 0.0pt P
Napier, Charles, , n ———
19
national character studies. See “modal per- New York Psychoanalytic Institute, Normal P
20 sonality” studies New York Society for the Suppression of PgEnds: T
21 National Council for Public Morals, Vice,
22 National Council of Women, Nicaragua,
23 nationalism, , Niebuhr, Reinhold, [408], (24
24 National Vigilance Association, , – Nigeria, , , , , –, –, –
Native Americans, ; Burton on, –,
25
; alternative gender roles among, ; “niggers,” ,
26 chastity among, ; as degenerate, ; as noa marriage, –
27 effeminate, ; th-century representations noble savage, –
28 of, –; gay, ; gender categories of, Northeast Frontier Agency,
29 ; homosexuality among, , , , , Nott, Josiah Clark, , n; polygenism of,
, –; as ignoble savages, , ; as
30
innocent, ; and matriliny, ; menstrua- Núñez de Balboa, Vasco,
31 tion among, ; as noble savages, , n; Nunga,
32 pathologizing of, ; and rape, ; sexual “nymphae” (White),
33 honor code of, –; and slavery, ; and
34 status of women, –; as undersexed, , objectivity, , ,
35 , , ; Voltaire on, Oceania, ,
“native ethnographer,” O’Donnell, J. M.,
36
naturalization: of Africans, ; of cultural Oedipus complex, –, , , ,
37 expectations, ; of heterosexuality, ; of Ogilby, John,
38 homosexuality, ; of gender relations, ; Ojibwa,
39 of monogamy, ; of Muria sexuality, Old Testament,
1 Omaha, ; homosexuality among, Pavelka, Mary S. McDonald,
2 Ontong Java people, Payne Knight, Richard,
3 orangs. See primates Pearson, Karl, –
Oriental: in theory of neoteny, pederasty, , , , , , , , –
4 Orientalism, , –n ; military, , ,
5 Orphism, – penis: anomalies in, n; size, , , ,
6 Ortner, Sherry B., –, ; on homosex- n; size and intelligence, , –. See
7 uality, ; on Polynesian permissiveness, also genitalia
8 ; on relativism and determinism, ; performance: gender roles as, , –,
and Shore on sexual inequality, n, –n
9
“Other.” See alterity periodicity, –; Crawley on, , , ;
10 “Other Victorians” (Marcus), Ellis on, , , –, ; Malinowski on,
11 Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo Fernández de, , , ; and Mead, ; in men, ; and
12 menstruation, –, ; Montagu on, ;
13 Oxford House settlements, Westermarck on, – [409], (25)
14 periphery. See under colonialism
paedomorphism,
15 “permissive society,”
paleontology, Lines: 1728
Perry, William J.,
16 Pankhurst, Christabel,
persecution, , , , , , , , ———
17 panopticon, –,
n 0.0pt PgV
18 paradigms,
Perseus, ———
Parents Magazine,
19 perversion,
Parker, Richard G., , Normal Pag
20 phallicism: among Baiga, ; Leach on, ;
Parsons, Elsie Clews, , PgEnds: TEX
21 among Ra’ivavae,
participant observation, , , –; Bur-
22 phallic worship: in Africa, , n;
ton’s version of, ; confessional mode and,
and, –, ; Burton and, , , ,
23 ; Malinowski and, ; Marshall and, ; [409], (25)
n; among Busama, ; and Chris-
24 and participating in sex,
Pasha, Mehmed Emin (Eduard Schnitzer), tianity, –; of Dionysus, ; discourses
25 on, ; in Egypt, ; in India, ; among
26 paternity. See conception: and nescience of Hebrews, ; and myth of the Fall, ;
27 paternity Spencer and Gillen on, n
28 pathologization: of Alor, , ; of ber- phallocentrism,
dache, ; of homosexuality, , , phenotypical characteristics,
29
, , –; of language by Benedict, Philadelphia Psychoanalytic Institute,
30 physical anthropology, , , , , ,
; of Marquesans by Kardiner, ; of
31 Native Americans, ; of personality Pinkerton, Steven D.,
32 characteristics, piraunguru marriage,
33 Patmore, Coventry, , pirauru marriage, –, , , ,
34 “patriarchal” theory, , –; Freud’s ver- Plato, ,
sion of, ; revival of, Pliny the Elder,
35
patriarchy, , , , , , –, ; of Ploss, Hermann H.,
36 Plutarch,
African institutions, ; in Islam, ; as
37 stage, Poewe, Karla (Manda Cesara),
38 patriliny, , Polish Academy,
39 Pauw, Cornelius de, polyandry, , , , –, , –
1 polygamy: among Africans, , , , , grading” to women, ; Polynesian, ;
2 ; among Arabs, , ; Baker on, ; Samoan, , , –, ; in Tahiti, ;
3 Burton on, , , –, ; Malinowski Tikopian, ; Trobriander, , , , ;
on, ; among Mormons, –, ; Westermarck on, , . See also adoles-
4
Reade on, ; in Sindh, ; Westermarck cent promiscuity
5 on, Prichard, James Cowles,
6 polygenism, , –; and evolutionism, ; primal horde: Atkinson on, ; Freud on,
7 fantasies underpinning, –, ; use of –
8 Old Testament, ; plantation folk-, ; primates, –, , , , , , ,
9 and reproductive isolation, ; scientific, , , , n; and Africans, ; and
polygyny: African, , –, –; in Arn- alterity, ; conscription of, , ; and
10
hem Land, ; Australian, , , ; Bur- Kinsey Report, ; Negroes on same rung
11 ton on, , , ; Kgatlan, ; Morgan as in Long’s Great Chain of Being, ; in
12 on, ; Nigerian, ; Westermarck on, species debate, , , –; fiction of sex
13 Polynesia, , , ; alterity of, ; between blacks and, –, [410], (26
14 homosexuality in, , ; permissiveness primitive communism: Briffault on, n;
15 in, ; portrayed by Mayhew and Hemyng, Morgan on, ; in Tahiti, –
–; as sexual paradise, –, , , , primitive confession, Lines: 184
16
, , ; transsexuality in, primitive intelligence, , , , , , , , ———
17 Pomeroy, Wardell B., , , ,
18 0.0pt P
Poole, Fitz-John Porter: on Bimin-Kuskusmin primitive morality, , ; Hartland on, – ———
19 gender ambiguity, – ; Morgan on, –; Westermarck on
Normal P
20 popular advice genres: and “blaming the decline in,
mother,” ; and Mead, , , primitive promiscuity, , , , –, –, PgEnds: T
21
22 pornography: and anthropology, , , –, , , , , , ; and anthropol-
; Victorian, , ogy’s roots, ; and Atkinson, ; Bachofen
23 [410], (26
Porter, Roy, on, –, ; Crawley against, ; criti-
24 positivism, cisms of, , ; Darwin on, ; demise
25 postmodernism, , , of, as fantasy, , –, ; in Dieri myth,
26 poverty: and , , ; Westermarck on ; Ellis on, , ; Fison and Howitt on,
27 homosexuality and, , , ; and free love, ; and Freud,
28 Powdermaker, Hortense, ; Leach on, , ; Maine on, ; Mali-
power: colonial, ; in confessional mode, nowski on, , , ; Morgan on, , ,
29
; excessive female, ; and function- ; and Spencer and Gillen, ; as stage,
30 alism, ; and the Kinsey Report, ; ; and Tylor, ; and Victorian women,
31 and knowledge, , , –, –n; , –; Wake on, ; Westermarck on,
32 male genitals as site of, ; Mehinaku , , –, –, ,
33 envy of female, ; and pleasure, ; and primitive sexuality, , , ; and anthropo-
34 sexuality, , –, , , , ; and logical belief, ; Burton on, ; Carpenter
sexual norms, ; surveillance and, on, ; Ellis on, –, ; images of,
35
Pratt, George, , , , ; Leach on, ; Malinowski
36 Pratt, Mary Louise, on, –, ; Mead on, ; and modern
37 prejudice. See misogyny; racism relativity, ; representations of,
38 premarital sex: among Africans, ; among primitivism, , , , , n; of Elwin,
39 Busama, ; in Carnaval, ; as “de- ; of the elite and ,
1 privacy, Rabinow, Paul,
2 professionalization: of anthropology, – race, , , –, , , –, –, ,
progress, , , , , –, –, , ; and Anthro-
3
promiscuity: adolescent, ; of Victorian pological Society of London, ; Bachofen
4 women, . See also primitive promiscuity oblivious to, –; Buffon on, ; Ellis’s
5 prostitution, , , ; African, ; Athe- theory of neoteny and, ; and fin de
6 nian, ; in Bangkok, ; and Burton, siècle alterity, ; Foucault and, ; John-
7 –, , ; among Busama, ; as ston on, ; Kardiner on, ; and Lévi-
8 community threat, ; and Contagious Strauss, ; and Montagu, ; Rushton
Diseases Act, –; and Criminal Law on, ; and sexualized discourses, ; “suicide”
9
Amendment Act, ; Ellis on, ; environ- (Linton), ; ranking of,
10 mental deprivation and, ; equated with racial determinism, ; Boas’s critique of,
11 primitive peoples, , –, –, , ;
12 and feminism, ; during fieldwork, ; racial equality, , ,
13 Indian, , , ; in Kinsey Report, – racial hierarchies, , , –, –, ; in [411], (27)
; male, ; in Mayhew and Hemyng, Burton, –; and monogenism, ; and
14
–, ; Mead on, , ; in Oman, polygenism, , . See also anti-Semitism;
15 ; among Ontong, ; among Samoans, color bar; racial inequality; racism Lines: 1900
16 –; among Sind, ; South Asian, –
racial inequality, , . See also anti-Semi- ———
17 n; temple, , , –, ; and vene-
18 real disease, , , ; Westermarck on
tism; color bar; racial hierarchies; racism 0.0pt PgV
racialism. See racism ———
19 poverty and,
racial prejudice. See racism
Protestantism, Normal Pag
20 raciology, , –,
psychoanalysis, , –, , , , , PgEnds: TEX
21 racism, –, –, , , , ; advocacy
, , ; and “blaming the mother,”
22 against, ; and , , –; and
–; and conscription, ; and counter-
berdache, ; and Boas, , ; of Bur-
23 transference, –; of Kardiner, –; [411], (27)
ton, , , –, ; in colonial service,
24 Leach on, –; of Levy, , ; and
; Elwin on, ; Malinowski on, ;
the Oedipus complex, –, , , ;
25 Montagu on, ; and negative conscrip-
as processual, ; revisionist (Horney),
26 ; and symbols, . See also Bettelheim,
tion, ; scientific, , –; in Stanley, .
27 Bruno; Erikson, Erik; Freud, Sigmund; neo-
See also anti-Semitism; color bar; racial
28 Freudian school; Spiro, Melford hierarchies; racial inequality
psychoanalytic anthropology, , , . See Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., , –, ;
29
also Devereux, George; Herdt, Gilbert; Levy, structuralism of,
30 Ra’ivavae,
Robert I.; Spiro, Melford
31 Raleigh, Walter,
psychoanalytic movement, , ; and
32 relativism, rape, ; and Africans, , ; and Alorese,
33 psychology, , , ; and “blaming the ; Ellis on, ; during fieldwork, ;
34 mother,” LeVine on, n; in Marquesan myth,
Public Morality Council, ; among Mohave, , , ; and
35
punaluan marriage, Native Americans, ; and Samoans, ;
36 and Tikopians, –; and white women,
pursütpumi ceremony,
37
38 queer theory, , , –; on heterosexual- Rapp, Rayna,
39 ity as problem for study, Ray, John,
1 Raymonde, Natalie, , –, , n; and alterity, ;
2 Raynal, Guillaume Thomas François, of colonialism and sex, ; of primitives,
3 Reade, W. Winwood, –, , ; on ; of primitives as undersexed, ; of
African dance, –; on African penis, ; primitive sexuality, . See also collective
4
on African sexuality, –; on Amazons, representations; images; stereotypes; tropes
5 ; and Burton, ; representations of reproductive isolation, ,
6 Africans, – Renan, Ernest,
7 recapitulation hypothesis, , Rentoul, Alex, ,
8 Redbook, –, repression: and civilization, ; Samoa as free
9 rediscovery of sex, , , , from sexual, ,
Reece Committee, repressive hypothesis (Foucault),
10
“regular gradation,” Rhodes, Cecil, –
11 Rehebother Bastaards, Rhodes House library files (Bodleian, Ox-
12 Reich, Wilhelm, ford),
13 Reichard, Gladys, Rhyne, Wilhelm ten, [412], (28
14 reification, , ; of conventional morality, Rich, Adrienne, ,
15 –; in evolutionist works, ; of “ho- Richards, Audrey, ,
mosexual,” ; of ideologies, ; of sexual ritual, , , –; bleeding, , n; Lines: 196
16
categories, ; of the sexual subject, among Ndembu, ; puberty, ; ———
17 and voodoo, . See also initiation ritual
18
relationship terminologies. See kinship termi- 0.0pt P
nologies and theory Rivers, W. H. R., , , –, , , ; ———
19 relativism, ; and activism, ; and an- and “depopulation of Melanesia,” ; and
Normal P
20 thropology, , , , , –, ; of group marriage, ; on Northcote Thomas,
Benedict, , , ; and conscription, ; on Toda, – PgEnds: T
21
22 ; and determinism, ; Devereux on, Rivet, Paul,
; and gender, ; and genital mutila- roles: gender, , , –, –, , –
23 [412], (28
tion, , , , n; and Kardiner, ; , , , , –, , ; lesbian,
24 of Kinsey Report, , ; of Malinowski,
25 ; of Mead, , , ; and morals, , romanticism, , , ,
26 , , ; and nescience of paternity, , Rome, ancient, , , , –,
27 ; and Ortner and Whitehead, ; and Roosevelt, Theodore,
28 psychoanalysis, ; and racial stereotypes, Roscoe, Will, ,
– Rosenberg, Rosalind,
29
religion, ; African, ; ancient Greek, – Rowbotham, Sheila,
30 ; Aryan, ; Australian monotheistic, Roth, W. E., ,
31 ; and berdache, , ; conflict with Rovers,
32 science, , ; in debate over species, Royal Anthropological Institute,
33 –; genital operations and, , , Rubens, Peter Paul,
34 n; and homosexuality, ; Leach on, Rubin, Gayle,
; Montagu on, ; prejudice toward, ; Rushton, J. Phillippe, , ; on racial differ-
35
primitive, ; psychoanalysis and, –, ; ence and , –; trope of oversexed
36 Tahitian, ; theories of, ; Westermarck savage in, , –, n
37 on, . See also animism; phallic worship; Russell, Bertrand: on adolescence, ; on
38 totemism adultery, , ; on Briffault, ; on
39 representations: accuracy of, ; of Africans, celibacy, ; on Christianity, ; on com-
1 panionate marriage, , , –, ; –; and taupou, , , ; virginity
2 on contraception, , ; on divorce, , among, –, –, –; women and
; on Ellis, ; on eugenics, ; evolu- mana, . See also Mead, Margaret; Mead-
3
tionism of, ; on the family, –; and Freeman controversy
4 Malinowski, , , ; on marriage, ; Samoyeds,
5 and masturbation, ; and science, ; on San (Bushman), –, , ; as noble
6 secular morality, ; on sex education, , savages, n; women, –
7 , ; on sexual reform, –, –, Sandwich Islands,
8 , ; and the Society for Constructive Sanger, Margaret, ,
Birth Control and Racial Progress, ; and Sapir, Edward,
9
Trobrianders, Sappho,
10 Russell, Dora, Schapera, Isaac, , , n; on Kgatla,
11 , –; on Hottentot apron,
12 Saat-Jee (“Hottentot Venus”), , , Schmidt, Wilhelm,
13 Sabine women, [413], (29)
Schneider, Harold K.: on Turu,
“safety-valve” theory of homosexuality, ,
14 Schoepf, Brooke G., , ,
, ,
15 Schreiner, Olive,
sahelis, Lines: 2047
science, , , –, , , , , n;
16 Sambians, –; and anal intercourse,
anthropology as, , , , n; and ———
17 ; and gender categories, ; ritualized
conflict with religion, ; of kinship, ; 0.0pt PgV
18 homoeroticism among, –, , ,
and Mead, ; of sexuality, , . See ———
n
19 also discourse; Foucault, Michel; scientia
same-sex eroticism, , . See also homo- Normal Pag
20 eroticism
sexualis; sexology
scientia sexualis, , , –; Malinowski * PgEnds: Ejec
21 Samoans, , , –; adolescence of,
22 and, –. See also discourse; Foucault,
, , –, , , , ; adultery
Michel; sexology
23 among, –; chastity among, , ; [413], (29)
secrets,
24 and Christianity, ; compared to th-
century England, ; confession among, segregation. See color bar; gender balance;
25 racism; sexual segregation
; conscription of, –, ; discourse
26 and inequality among, ; divorce among, Seligman, Brenda Z.,
27 ; elopement among, ; and fa’afafine, Seligman, Charles, ,
28 ; as free of sexual repression, , ; Sellon, Edward, , –,
Freeman on, ; and gender crossing, ; Seneca,
29
hair symbolism of, –; hierarchical Sepik River, ,
30 sex, , –, –; collective representa-
rank and, , –; homosexuality
31 among, , , –, ; and the image tions and, ; double sense of, ; and
32 of Tahiti, ; and incest, ; and love, , fin de siècle alterity, ; in fin de siècle
33 , , –, , ; and marriage, anthropology, ; and food, , –
34 , , –, , , ; masturba- , ; and gender, –; and gender
tion among, , , ; Mayhew and ideologies, ; as ludic, , , , –
35
Hemyng on, –; Mead on, ; Mead’s , n; and power, , –, , , ,
36 ; premarital, , , , , , , –
conscription of, –; and premarital sex,
37 , –, ; and prostitution, –; and , , , , , , , , ;
38 Protestantism, ; rape among, ; sex Ra’ivavae ritual, ; rediscovery of, ,
39 terms, ; and sexual technique, , , , , ; as social construction, ;
1 Sex (cont.) sexual liberation, , , , , , , ,
2 as term, ; and transgendered identity, ; and Kinsey Report, ; Marshall
3 ; Victorian ranking of, and Suggs on, ; movements, , ; and
sex education: and , , –; Ellis science,
4
on, , , ; and female circumcision, sexual license, , , , , ; among
5 ; Kinsey and, , ; Lindsey and, Africans, ; in Arnhem Land, ; among
6 –; Malinowski on, ; Marshall and Australian Aborigines, , –, ; Craw-
7 Suggs on, ; and Mead, , , ; ley on, ; Frazer on, ; Johnston on, ;
8 and reaction, ; Russell on, , , ; Kgatlan, ; Malinowski on, –,
9 Stopes on, sexually transmitted disease. See ; vene-
sexism, . See also misogyny real disease
10
sexology, , –, , , ; “Jew- sexual meanings (Ortner and Whitehead),
11 ish,” ; Malinowski as, , –; and ; study of,
12 Foucault, –, . See also Foucault, sexual morality, , , , , , , ,
13 Michel; scientia sexualis , , [414], (30
14 sex tourism, ; anthropological texts as, sexual orientation, –
15 sexual communism, , , ; Briffault on, sexual periodicity. See periodicity
n; Crawley on, ; Howitt on, ; sexual reform, , , , , , ; dis- Lines: 210
16
Lubbock on, ; Rivers on, ; Wester- courses of, ; Ellis and, –; ethnology ———
17 marck on, . See also primitive commu- and, ; feminism and, ; and Kinsey Re-
18 0.0pt P
nism; social communism port, ; Lindsey and, –; Malinowski ———
19 sexual deviance, ; and th-century dis- and, –, , –, , , ; Mead
Normal P
20 course, and, –, ; in the s, –, ;
sexual dreams, Russell and, –, , PgEnds: T
21
22 sexual dysphoria, –, sexual restraint: origin of, –
sexual excess, , ; and Hottentot, ; sexual revolution,
23 [414], (30
Lévi-Strauss on, sexual segregation: among Mangaians,
24 sexual “health,” – sexual selection, , ,
25 sexual inversion. See homosexuality sexual subject, , , –n; reification
26 sexuality, –, ; African, –, , – of,
27 , , , –, , –; anthro- sexual symbolism, , ,
28 pology of, , , , , –, , , sexual techniques: of berdache, ; Samoan,
–, , –, , , , ; Asian, , , –; Tikopian,
29
; among Baiga, –; comparative, , shame: among Busama, –
30 ; and culture and personality, –; Shaw, George Bernard,
31 “desexualization” of, , , , –, , Shedd, Charles
32 –, –; “ethnocartography” of, ; Shore, Bradd, –; on Polynesian per-
33 and ethnographic research, ; excessive, , missiveness, ; and Ortner on sexual
34 ; as foil, , ; general theories of, ; inequality,
and grand theory, ; history of, ; Mead Showalter, Elaine,
35
and female, –, , ; and power, Sierra Leone, , ,
36 –, , , , ; and science, ; Signs,
37 as social construct, ; and universals in Silberrad, Hubert,
38 behavior, ; Victorian, –, , . See silence, –, –, ; of anthropology
39 also alterity; diagnosis; Foucault, Michel on sexuality, –, –, –, , ;
1 and Benedict, ; as conscription, ; of Spanton, Canon E., ,
2 discourse on heterosexuality, –, ; Sparrman, Anders,
3 Firth on, , ; on heterosexual female species, ; biological concept of, ; debate
desire, ; on homosexuality, , ; on over, –. See also monogenism, poly-
4
marriage, genism
5 Simmel, Georg, Speke, John Hanning,
6 Sindh, Spencer, Baldwin, –, –, –; on
7 Sinus pudoris (Linnaeus). See Hottentot Arunta, –, ; on evolution of the
8 apron family, ; on group marriage, –,
9 Sioux, – , , n; and nescience of paternity,
Siriono, – , ; on phallic worship, n; on
10
skull. See body measurement totemism, , , n
11 slavery, , , , –, , , , , , Sperling, Susan,
12 , , , , ; and the Criminal Law Spiro, Melford, ; and nescience of pater-
13 Amendment White Slavery Bill, ; and nity, [415], (31)
14 debate over species, , ; literature, ; Stanley, Henry Morton, –
15 and miscegenation, , ; white, –, status of women, , ; among Africans,
, –; and Australian Aborigines, ; Lines: 2184
16
Slessor, Mary, Baker on, ; Bimin-Kuskusmin and, – ———
17 Slobodin, Richard, ; divorce and, ; Ellis on, , ; and
18 0.0pt PgV
Smellie, William, evolutionists, ; and morality, ; Native ———
19 Smith, Elliot, , , America and, –; in Polynesia, –;
Normal Pag
20 Smith, Samuel Stanhope, , in Samoa, –; Westermarck on, , –
Smith, Southwood, PgEnds: TEX
21
22 Smith, William, Stead, W. T., ,
Smith, William Robertson, –, , steatopygia, , ,
23 [415], (31)
Smithers, Leonard, , Stern, Pamela R., n
24 “social communism” (Howitt), stereotypes: of abuse of women, , ;
25 socialism, –, African colonial, , –; and ,
26 social hygiene. See social purity movements ; of Asian sexuality, ; of Australian
27 social movements, – Aborigines, ; combating, , ; and
28 social purity movements, –, , , –, female circumcision, . See also collective
; on the family, , ; and prostitu- representations; images; representations;
29
tion, tropes
30 social structure, , , , , , Stevenson, Robert Louis,
31 Society for Constructive Birth Control and St. Hilaire, Geoffroy,
32 Racial Progress, , n stigmatization, , n; and , –,
33 Society for Psychical Research, , , ; and African males, ; and
34 Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists, alterity, ; and bestiality, ; of genital
, operations, ; and Mead,
35
sociobiology, , Stimson, J. Frank,
36 Soemmering, Samuel Thomas von, Stirling, Edward Charles,
37 Solinus, Stirling, Nina,
38 Solomon Islands, – Stocking, George W., Jr., , , ,
39 “Sotadic Zone,” –; definition of, Stolyhwo, Kazimierz,
1 “stone butch,” Lang on, ; Westermarck on, , . See
2 Stopes, Marie, , , , , , n also incest taboos
Street, Brian, Tahiti: adultery in, , ; Christianity
3
Strehlow, T. G. H., in, ; cross-dressing in, ; as hell, ;
4 Strachey, Lytton, institutionalized transgendered identity in,
5 “stratified morality” (Malinowski), –; love in, ; marriage in, , ;
6 structural anthropology, –, , masturbation in, ; premarital sex in,
7 structural functionalism, ; prostitution in, ; as sexual paradise,
8 structuralism: of Levy, ; of Ortner and –, , , , , . See also under
Whitehead, ; political agenda of, ; images
9
post-, , ; of Radcliffe-Brown, ; Tanala people,
10 symbols, psychoanalysis, and, tapu,
11 Sturt, Charles, Tarnowsky, Pauline,
12 subculture: homosexuality as, –; and Tartars,
13 same-sex eroticism, ; Western sexual, Tasmanians, [416], (32
taupou (Samoan ceremonial virgin), , ,
14
subincision: Australian, , ; Burton on, ;
15 Spencer and Gillen on, , n taure’are’a, – Lines: 228
16 subject: desire and the, , , –n;
Tavris, Carol, ———
17 reification of sexual,
Tchambuli,
18 Sudan, , 0.0pt P
Tembandumba, Queen of the Jaga, ———
19 suffragists,
Temple, Richard C.,
Suggs, David N., ; on Linton’s and Kar- Normal P
20 teratology, ,
diner’s Marquesan facts, PgEnds: T
21 Thackeray, William Makepeace,
Suggs, Robert. See Marshall, Donald, and
22 theory: racial, ; Victorian,
Robert Suggs
therapy: anthropology as, , , –, ,
23 supercision, . See also genital mutilation; [416], (32
; Malinowski’s auto-,
24 genital operation
“third gender,” , –; in India, ; in
Supúlveda, Juan Ginés de, –
25 South and Central America,
surveillance, ,
26 suttee,
Thomas, Northcote W., , , , –
27 , , , –; African fieldwork of,
symbolic anthropology, , –,
28 symbolism, ; sexual, , , –, , ; on African marriage, , –; as
–; of hair, –, –; of milk and armchair anthropologist, ; on Australian
29
semen, . See also beards kinship, –; on Australian marriage,
30 –; and government anthropology, ,
Symonds, John Addington, , , ; and
31 , , –; and Malinowski, ; on
Carpenter, ; friendship with Ellis, ,
32 –; homosexuality of, –; on homo- nescience of paternity, ; on rules, –;
33 sexuality, – transcends color bar, ; on Westermarck,
34 Symons, Donald, , n
syndyasmian marriage, Thomas, Wesley,
35
Thurnwald, Richard, ,
36 Tikopians: Firth on, , –; and mar-
taboos, , , , , , , ; Crawley
37 on, , ; Ellis on, ; Elwin on, ; in riage, ; and marriage by capture, –
38 fin de siècle debates, ; incest, , , , , ; and premarital sex, ; sexual
39 , ; Kardiner on, ; Kinsey on, ; techniques of,
1 Tilapoi, ; of sexual freedom, ; of sexually
2 Timacuan people, unimaginative savage, ; of tolerance
Todas: Hartland on, for homosexuality, . See also images;
3
Torgovnick, Marianna, , stereotypes; representations
4 truth, , , , , , ; partial, ,
totemism: in Australia, , , , –,
5 n; “conceptional,” –; Fison on, ;
6 Frazer on, –, n; Freud’s theory of, Tswana people,
7 –; Gason on, ; Lévi-Strauss on, – Tully river blacks: and paternity,
8 ; McLennan on, ; Robertson Smith on, Tunis,
; Spencer and Gillen on, , , n; Turanian kinship terminologies, , ,
9
Victorian theories of, Turner, Edith,
10 Turner, Victor, , , –
transgendered: in Native America, –,
11 –, ; phenomena, ; stigmatiza- “tumescence” (Mead), , –
12 tion of, ; in Tahiti, , – Tupi-Guarani,
13 transsexuality, , ; as transgressive Turu people, [417], (33)
performance, , n Tuzin, Donald, , ,
14
transvestism. See cross-dressing “two-spirit,” , , ; berdache as, ;
15 critique of term, , –
Treichler, Paula A., Lines: 2387
16 Tylor, Edward, , , , ; evolutionism
trial marriage. See companionate marriage ———
17 trickster tales,
of,
18 Tyson, Edward, 0.0pt PgV
Trilling, Lionel, ———
19 Trobrianders, , , , , , ;
Uhombo people, Normal Pag
20 absence of romantic love among, ,
Ulrichs, Karl Heinrich, * PgEnds: Ejec
21 ; adolescence of, , , –, –
unawa,
22 , , ; adultery among, , , ;
“undivided commune” (Fison and Howitt),
baloma spirits of, –; bukumatula, ;
23 , , [417], (33)
and companionate marriage, –; and
24 undersexed savage. See under images; repre-
confessional mode, –; conscripted
sentations
25 by Malinowski, –; and contraception,
universals: psychosexual, ; in sexual be-
26 ; and divorce, ; and homosexuality, havior,
27 , , ; and image of Tahiti, ; and Universities’ Mission to Central Africa,
28 marriage, , , , –, n; as matri- Urning,
lineal, , ; and nescience of paternity, ,
29
, , –, ; Oedipus complex and, utopia, , , , , ; anti-, , ; Muria
30 , ; and premarital sex, , , , ; and sexual,
31 and rank, –; Russell and, ; sexual
32 discourse of, ; sexual knowledge of, vagina dentata,
33 ; and venereal disease, –. See also vaginal introcision,
34 Malinowski, Bronislaw Vaillant, François Le,
tropes, , , , –n; of absence Valentine, Ruth: and Benedict,
35
of love, ; of African inferiority, ; of Vance, Carole, , , , n–
36 African ritual dance, –, ; of African venereal disease, ; Falk on, ; and femi-
37 sexuality and intelligence, ; of African nists, ; and Fire Island, ; and images
38 women, ; of colonial encounter, ; of oversexed other, –; among Mohave,
39 of motherhood, ; in period of silence, , ; and prostitution, , ; and rape,
1 venereal disease (cont.) Westermarck, Edward, , –, –,
2 ; among Trobrianders, –. See also –, –, ; Carpenter on, –
; lock hospitals ; on Christianity, ; on companionate
3
van Gennep, Arnold, marriage, , ; Darwinism of, –,
4 Vespucci, Amerigo, , , –; on Ellis, , ; feminism
5 Victorian feminism, , – of, –, ; on group marriage, ;
6 Victorian marriage, , , , , , on homosexuality, , –; on kinship
7 Victorian monogamy: and Westermarck, terminologies, ; and Malinowski, ,
8 Victorian morality, , –, –, –, ; on marriage, –, , , , ;
Victorian literature, , on modesty, ; on monogamy, ; on
9
Victorian period, , , ; and clitoridec- morality, , , ; on Morgan, –; on
10 tomy, ; and homosexuality, ; images mother right, ; on nescience of paternity,
11 of primitives in, –, , ; and incest ; on origin of sexual restraint, ; on
12 taboos, ; and marriage, ; men and periodicity, –, ; personal life of,
13 women of, –; ranking of race, gender, , ; on polygamy, ; on primitive [418], (34
and sexuality and, ; and sexuality, –, promiscuity, , , –, –, , ;
14
, on prostitution, ; on relativism of moral
15 Victorian theorists, ; on totemism, truths, ; and representations of primitive Lines: 247
16 Victorian women, –, ; as promiscuous,
sexuality, ; on subincision, n; on ———
17 ; and prostitution,
taboo, , ; on women, ; on women’s
18 Virey, Julien, ; polygenism of, 0.0pt P
status, , –, ———
19 virgin birth, ; debate about, –, –
Weston, Kath, , –, –, , ,
virginity: African, , , –, , –; Normal P
20 , ,
and , , –; Bimin-Kuskusmin, PgEnds: T
21 Westropp, Hodder M., ,
; Mohave, ; Samoan, –, –,
22 White, Charles, –, –, ; polygenism
–; Polynesian, ; Wake on,
of, ,
23 Vizetelly, Henry, [418], (34
White Cross Society, ,
24 Voltaire: on homosexuality, ; on Hottentot
Whitehead, Harriet, –, ; on insti-
apron, ; polygenism of, ,
25 tutionalized homosexuality, –; on
von Soemmering, Samuel Thomas,
26 relativism and determinism,
27 Wagley, Charles, Whiting, John, , n
28 Wake, Charles Staniland, , –, , –, Wieringa, Saskia E., –
Wilde, Oscar, , , ,
29
Wales, Prince of, Wilder, Alexander,
30 Williams, Walter, –,
Wallen, Kim,
31 Wallis, Samuel, – Wingate, Reginald,
32 Walton, Jean, , Wissler, Clark,
33 waneng aiyem ser, – Wogeo: male initiation cult, –; people,
34 Wanyamwezi, , , –
Watson, John Broadus, Wolf, Deborah,
35
Webb, Beatrice Potter, women, , ; abuse of, , , ;
36 African, , –, –, –, –
Webb, Sidney,
37 Weeks, Jeffrey, , ; agency of, , –, ; and
38 Weiner, Annette, , alterity, ; anthropologists, ; Australian
39 Wells, H. G., aboriginal, ; and biological difference,
1 ; blamed for pathologized personality women’s studies,
2 characteristics, ; blamed for raised color work ethic, –
bar, ; Burton on, –; Christianity’s World War I, , –, ,
3
degradation of, ; Darwin on, ; and World War II, , , , , ,
4 Worsley, Peter,
deviant sexuality, ; experience of, ,
5 –, –, , ; health of, –; Wright, Thomas,
6 image of seductive, ; Indian, –; Wylie, Philip,
7 intelligence of, , , , , ; issues
xaniths, ,
8 of, , –; Khoi, –; and language,
9 –; and marriage, ; middle-class, , Yahgans,
10 ; and morality, ; as objects of desire, Yerkes, R. M.,
; as oversexualized in Victorian era, Yoruba,
11 [Last Page]
; as passive, , , ; promiscuity of Young, Brigham,
12 Victorian, ; and rape, , , , , ; Young, Robert J. C., , – [419], (35)
13 and resistance to colonial rule, –; San,
14 –; slaves, ; South American, –; Zande, ; boy wives, ; gender categories,
15 and suffrage, ; and theory of neoteny, ; heterosexuality among, , ; homo-
; Trobriand, ; Westermarck on, – sexuality among, , Lines: 2575
16
; working-class, , , . See also Igbo “zero” point: of cultural evolution, ; of ———
17
Women’s Rebellion; status of women evolutionist theory, –; of stories of 230.976p
18 social evolution (Atkinson and Freud),
women’s liberation, – ———
19 women’s magazines: and Mead, , , Zola, Émile, , Normal Pag
20 women’s rights: in Arnhem Land, Zuni: as “Apollonians,” , ; berdache
PgEnds: TEX
21 Women’s Social and Political Union, among,
22
23 [419], (35)
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Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology
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Regna Darnell
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5 The Shaping of American Ethnography: The Wilkes Exploring Expedition, –
6 Barry Alan Joyce
7
Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology
8
Sally Cole
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10 Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge
11 Jerry Gershenhorn
[Only Pag
12
Leslie A. White: Evolution and Revolution in Anthropology [420], (1)
13
William J. Peace
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15 Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of Amer-
Lines: 0 t
16 ican Anthropology
17 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz ———
18 251.20
Irregular Connections: A History of Anthropology and Sexuality ———
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Andrew P. Lyons and Harriet D. Lyons Normal P
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