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JARXXX10.1177/0743558415584011Journal of Adolescent ResearchKubicek et al.
Article
Journal of Adolescent Research
2016, Vol. 31(2) 143175
Young Men Who The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/0743558415584011
Experiences With jar.sagepub.com
Intimate Partner
Violence
Abstract
Research estimating the prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) among
men who have sex with men (MSM) and other sexual minority populations
is limited. However, existing research indicates rates similar to heterosexual
women. This mixed-methods study was designed to inform intervention
development and provides a description of the types of IPV experienced
by young MSM (YMSM) within their dating and intimate relationships.
Data collected include 101 surveys with YMSM aged 18 to 25 and 26
semi-structured qualitative interviews. YMSM experienced high levels of
psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion both as
victims and perpetrators. The study also found that there were high rates of
mutual perpetration, young men reporting being both victim and perpetrator
of partner violence. Qualitative data provide context and descriptions of
these incidents to provide more information about the circumstances and
perceptions of these incidents. The findings indicate that interventions
should be multifaceted and include schools, communities, and families to
Corresponding Author:
Katrina Kubicek, Community, Health Outcomes and Intervention Research Program, The
Saban Research Institute, Childrens Hospital Los Angeles, MS#30, Los Angeles, CA 90027,
USA.
Email: kkubicek@chla.usc.edu
Keywords
intimate partner violence, gay/homosexual, young men who have sex with
men, mixed methods
the research questions that will be addressed in this study include the follow-
ing: (a) What types of IPV do YMSM experience both as perpetrators and
victims, (b) how do YMSM describe these experiences of IPV?, and (c) to
what extent do the qualitative results provide insights into the quantitative
data?
Method
The Young Mens Relationships (YMR) Study consisted of a formative phase
of research and two phases of data collection that were completed between
March and December 2012 in Los Angeles, California. The study used a vari-
ant of the explanatory mixed-methods research design, focusing on the par-
ticipant selection model. This variant is used when one requires quantitative
data to identify and purposefully select participants for a follow-up, in-depth
qualitative study (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007).
The formative phase included the facilitation of 11 focus groups with 86
total participants. To qualify to participate, a participant needed (a) to be 18
to 25 years of age, (b) to be male, (c) to identify as gay/bisexual or report
having sex with a man, and (d) to have been in a primary partner relation-
ship1 with another man within the past 12 months. Participants were recruited
using purposive sampling techniques from gay-identified venues including
service agencies, bars, clubs, and community events. More information on
the recruitment of the sample can be found in other publications (Kubicek
et al., 2015).2
Analysis
Quantitative analysis.Statistical analyses were conducted using SPSS 19.
Because the current study is largely descriptive, results presented are based
on univariate analyses of key variables of interest. Results from frequency
analyses characterized key demographics (e.g., age, ethnicity, employment)
of the study sample. The CTS2 was scored as described above and frequency,
means, and standard deviations were calculated for each item.
Table 1 presents demographic information for the study sample. The mean
age was 21.5 years. A quarter identified as African American/Black, 35% as
Latino/Hispanic, 15% as White/Caucasian, 7% as Asian/Pacific Islander, and
19% identified with more than one race/ethnicity. About half of the respon-
dents (47%) reported living at home with family members. About a third
(34%) reported being in school and being employed; about 16% were neither
in school nor employed. Most (72%) identified as gay or some other same-
sex identity with an additional 27% identifying as bisexual. A little less than
half (43%) had not run out of money for basic needs in the past 3 months,
indicating some level of financial stability.
M (SD)
Age
Range [18, 25] 21.46 (6.16)
n (%)
Age category
18-20 years 39 (39)
21-23 years 38 (38)
23-25 years 24 (24)
Primary ethnicity
Asian/Asian American/Pacific Islander 7 (7)
Black/African American 25 (25)
Latino/Hispanic 35 (35)
White/Caucasian 15 (15)
Multiethnic 19 (19)
Residential status
Family 47 (47)
Own place/apartment 26 (26)
Friends/partner place 18 (18)
No regular place/other 10 (10)
School/work combined
In school 23 (23)
In school, employed 34 (34)
Employed 28 (28)
Not in school, not employed 16 (16)
Sexual identity
Gay/other same sex 72 (72)
Bisexual 27 (27)
Attraction
Men only 69 (69)
Men and women 30 (30)
Women only 1 (1)
Neither/dont know 1 (1)
How often did you run out of money for basic needs in past 3 months
Not at all 43 (43)
About once a month 27 (27)
1-3 times a month 14 (14)
Once a week or more 16 (16)
the work. The codebook was modified as needed, and once finalized, three
members of the research team were responsible for coding the interviews. A
total of 42 codes were developed and defined. To establish the coding system,
15% of the transcripts were double-coded. Differences in coding were dis-
cussed and resolved by the team.
The open coding process included identifying text segments that matched
the predefined codes (e.g., physical violence, sexual violence, and emotional
violence) as well as adding to and refining codes based on the data. These
codes were then imported into network maps that helped the team visualize
the relationships between codes and text segments. For this article, the team
pulled codes related to different types of violence (e.g., emotional violence,
respondent as victim, respondent as perpetrator, physical violence, sexual
coercion), experiences of IPV (e.g., onset of IPV, emotional reaction to IPV,
sources of conflict), relationship characteristics (e.g., relationship back-
ground, cycle of violence), and codes related to attitudes toward violence
(e.g., definition of IPV, attitudes) to include in the current analysis. This pro-
cess led to the structure of the present study, which provides data on the
prevalence of different types of IPV within this sample as well as qualitative
descriptions of each type of violence.
Results
Psychological Aggression/Verbal Abuse
Quantitative results. As shown in Table 2, respondents reported a variety of
different types of verbal abuse or psychological aggression. The most com-
mon of these behaviors were shouting at ones partner (71% as a perpetrator,
77% as a victim), insulting or swearing (66% as perpetrator, 71% as victim),
and doing something to spite ones partner (52% as perpetrator, 55% as vic-
tim). When examining mutual perpetrationthat is the respondent reported
being both a victim and a perpetrator of a specific behaviorthe same behav-
iors were the most common, with 65% reporting being both victim and per-
petrator of insulting or swearing, 69% shouting, and 44% doing something to
spite their partner (or vice versa). Table 3 presents data on the chronicity of
violence using CTS2 subscales. On average, respondents reported perpetrat-
ing about 27 acts of psychological aggression (SD = 35.4) and being the
recipient of about 29 acts (SD = 36.3) in the past year.
Table 3. Past Year Chronicity of IPV: Revised Conflict Tactics Scale Subscale
(N = 101).
Perpetrator Victim
Minimum, Minimum,
Type of violence M (SD) Maximum M (SD) Maximum
Psychological aggression 27.24 (35.37) 0, 160 29.17 (36.29) 0, 175
Physical assault 16.47 (27.71) 0, 152 16.07 (28.96) 0, 181
Sexual coercion 10.66 (15.20) 0, 84 10.93 (18.69) 0, 110
Injury 3.33 (8.89) 0, 68 3.95 (11.81) 0, 72
He would just be mean to me maybe like about image things, I wasnt attractive
. . . I wasnt smart enough, like that I couldnt understand some of these issues
and emotions that I had because I wasnt smart enough. And then when he was
just getting mad he would just throw it all out, like he would combine it, hell
like breakdown my character and make it so negative. Hes like, I dont even
know why Im with you and stuff like that.
Generally, the data indicate that these types of verbal abusive behaviors
occur relatively early on in YMSMs relationships (within the first couple of
months) and are typically a precursor to other forms of IPV. Young men usu-
ally described a trajectory where they spent time getting to know their part-
ners. After this initial period (which could be anywhere from a couple of
weeks to a few months), some of these verbal and emotionally aggressive
behaviors may appear.
For some young men, these early relationships were opportunities to share
troubling or difficult situations they experienced with their family; for many,
this was the first time they had an opportunity to share these experiences. For
example, one young man reported being raised by his mother who did not
accept the fact that I like boys, and she essentially acted as if I wasnt her
kid. When the respondent did anything wrong, she would snap and
become verbally and physically abusive to him. This young man reported that
he held in his feelings about his home life until he started dating his first
boyfriend. During the first month of their relationship, this boyfriend wit-
nessed some of these instances of abuse and the respondent confided in him
his feelings and fears. The respondent felt that because his boyfriend knew
what was going on and knew my deep thoughts, he would use those against
me. Thats when it [the abuse] started . . . The boyfriend would say hurtful
things, making the respondent feel even worse about his situation. He
lamented that when you expect someone to be there you dont expect them
to bring you down as well.
This type of behavior, seen as betrayal by many young men, was relatively
common among our sample. Another respondent reported that his boyfriend
would say really hurtful things, almost, where you tell somebody a secret
and you want them to keep it in confidence and they use it against you.
By far, the most common reason given for instances of psychological
aggression/verbal abuse was jealousy. Young men described being jealous
because their partner looked nicer than them; other instances of jealousy
occurred when talking with other menwhether they be friends, ex-boy-
friends, or strangers. Technology and social media seem to play an important
role in these instances of jealousy. Young men described seeing text messages
on their boyfriends phones, reading emails, or seeing Facebook updates or
pictures that created tension or caused conflicts in their relationships. One
young man reported seeing text messages on his boyfriends phone from
another guy. After seeing this and while stopped at a gas station he got out
of the car and then I took his phone and smashed it in his car. At times,
young men reported talking to other men or similar behaviors as a way to hurt
their partners for something they had done.
When we were mad at each other we would try whatever to spite each other as
much as, like it has to hurt. That was the whole point, whos gonna make who
hurt more. So I was texting my ex-boyfriend behind his back. And I did it on
purpose so he can find out, because he hurt me so much that I was just like you,
youre gonna pay for this.
And then Facebook got in the way. He had a picture of his body. To me
personally its like, if youre going out with somebody you shouldnt have
something so indecent on something so public. So I asked him to take it
down[he said] No. And then I asked him for his Facebook password and
he didnt want to give it to me, I said why? So, pretty much it started from
Facebook, from not giving me the password, from him calling me a bitch, and
Im no good, that I have loose screws in my head, just stuff like that. It just
escalated to him choking me and then me socking him, giving him a black eye.
It was just dumb, I guess.
I get fired from this job, whats gonna hurt me is you stop my money from
coming. And thats what he tried to do it, in dumb ways like calling my job . . .
and tell them they should random drug test me. Or he used to call my house and
tell my grandparents the reason I dont want to come out to them is because Im
scared they gonna cut me off andhe would go into sex with my grandparents.
Like talk about our sex life to my grandparents.
In general, the young men in this study reported high levels of psychologi-
cal/emotional aggression in their relationships. In many instances, these
behaviors were accompanied by other types of violence including more phys-
ical violence. Jealousy was cited as one of the most common sources of con-
flict. Social media and text messaging in particular were often blamed for
these conflicts as the young men often had access to more private information
about their partners through these media. Young men also related instances of
fearing they would be outed by their partners to family or othersa factor
that is unique to sexual minority populations such as YMSM and one that
should not be overlooked when examining partner violence within these
relationships.
Qualitative results. Qualitative data also found that the physical forms of IPV
initiated as some of the less severe forms as indicated by the survey data. Of
After that, he was like, I cant believe you fucking hit me. I am all, I cant
believe you fucking told me that. No oneI have never had to get to that
place. Ever since that thats when more violence started going on.
The qualitative data indicate that young men oftentimes minimize some of
the less severe forms of violence as being a normal part of their relation-
ships: little pats and slaps and stuff like that, I wouldnt consider that crucial
[violence]. However, while these types of behaviors may be seen as some-
what common place in their conflicts, many respondents reported believing
that these conflicts can quickly escalate into more severe forms of violence.
It starts off really small and it escalates into bigger problems. Bigger beatings.
It starts with a slap. Next time maybe itll be a punch. Or push you down the
stairs. Break your arm for no apparent reason. Ive noticed that its like an
escalator. It goes up and up.
This was a common perception, with many of the young men describing a
similar trajectory. Most of the time, respondents were not able to describe
how or why their fights escalated so quickly. They also usually admitted that
what started as a particular fight typically was something dumbbut
something would happen to quickly spiral the situation into violence.
He was just joking aroundhe was watching this gay video on TV . . . he was
messing around about how he would love to fuck that one, and that one. I just
had a really bad day and I just wasnt having it, so I just threw a plate and it hit
his head and then we started fighting.
This young man described one of his first relationships and how it became
violent in its first few months.
The first time something happened was he called me a slut and I told him shit
and he smacked me and I slapped him backand he slapped me again. I was
like, What the fuck? This bitch, who does he think he is hitting me? So, after
that he just kept thinking that he could overpower me. He would hit me. He
would tell me shit. One time I was sleeping and he choked me. It was really,
really bad. That day, he was choking me and I was on the floor. I ended up
pushing him off. I just started hitting him and I just like ran out of the house that
day.
When asked whether there was ever any discussion about these violent
fights, respondents usually said they were not discussed. Some respondents
would avoid their partners for a few days and then would try to get back to
normal. Another common outcome was for these instances of violence to be
followed by a honeymoon phase where the primary perpetrator would
apologize profusely and try to make amends: I would take him somewhere
and get him something real nice and just try to make, try to make it better.
One young man described his relationship as having multiple instances of
jealousy sparked by seeing each others text messages or email. After a day
of fighting, the respondent described this scenario:
He [boyfriend] was in the shower and I had a glass of wine, and I poured a glass
of wine on his head when he was in the shower. Im thinking its funny . . . So
I ran out of the restroom laughing, thinking oh its cute, trying to break the
mood from the night before. And he runs out of the shower, and he throws a
bottle at me. Busted my whole arm open. It was huge, really big. And I was
bleeding so much it was so scary. And I got stitches and stuff.
After this fight, the respondent reported that his boyfriend treated him
really good for about the next month: He would call me a lot more, texted
me, he used to bathe me cause I couldnt move [my] arm, cause [the stitches]
would rip out. He cooked for me . . . it was just really nice.
Many of the young men reported their relationships involving both partners
perpetrating violence, although in most instances there was one partner who
they saw as the primary perpetratorthe one who initiated the physical
violence. For some respondents, the mutual physical violence would occur
after the first instance of violencetit for tat as one young man explained.
For others, there was often a build-up to mutual perpetration over time, such
as this young man who was involved with a physically violent partner for 2
years before he too turned to physical violence:
I used to tell him to keep his hands off me. I used to be like, man thats not good
for us. Like its only gonna help me resent you in the long run. And it did. Like
after a while, I started to really resent him. Like dude, thats not right. I dont
believe in hitting the person that you love . . . And then when I finally started
putting my hands on him, like when I was hitting him, I really felt like every
time he hit me, I had to go with the punch. [I: How often would that happen?
Either him hitting you or you hitting him?] Once or twice a week. Yeah, thats
crazy.
I guess I threw the first punch or I pushed him. I dont know how it started. But
I started hitting him. At first I felt like he wasnt trying to hit me. He was just
trying to like pin me down, but I was getting more mad. And then he put me in
a headlock and then I started punching him. We just went at it. He started
hitting me back. I think he was just defending himself at that time.
Another factor that young men discussed when describing physical vio-
lence in their relationships is the role that alcohol played in these fights. For
some young men, they felt that alcohol tended to escalate their arguments: if
I wasnt drinking that wouldnt have happened. When asked to explain these
types of statements, respondents would report that when sober, they would
more than likely ignore cutting remarks or other troubling behaviors.
However, after drinking, young men felt that they often became much more
volatile.
Thats pretty much how the last one started. Cause I was drunk. And he called
me a bitch . . . And thats when I pushed his head, I didnt push it hard but I put
a little bit of effort to move his head. Thats when he jumped up on me, started
choking me and told me that I was gonna be nothing, Im worthless and just die
already or stupid stuff like that. I was like, oh my God, is this really freaking
happening? And I just remembered, I was so scared . . . I swung twice. I didnt
know I gave him a black eye. He was just holding his eye. It just started
swelling up, and I just broke down on the floor and I was crying and crying, and
crying . . . I was like oh my God, did I really just sock himlike [in the first
times of violence] I would slap him. I would never use a closed fist and then
this time was a different story. It was just like, oh my God, Im turning into my
mother, thats what I thought.
Sexual Coercion/Violence
Quantitative results.As shown in Table 2, respondents reported relatively
high levels of sexual coercion. The most common of these behaviors were
insisting on anal or oral sex (35% as perpetrator, 35% as victim) and insisting
on sex without a condom (29% as perpetrator, 37% as a victim). With regard
to mutual perpetration of sexual coercion or violence, 28% reported being
both victim and perpetrator of insisting on sex without a condom and 26%
reported being both victim and perpetrator of insisting on anal or oral sex.
Respondents reported low levels of using force or being forced to have sex.
Table 3 presents the frequency of sexual coercion and shows that on average,
young men perpetrated about 10.7 acts of sexual coercion (SD = 15.2) and
were the recipient of about 10.9 acts (SD = 18.7) in the past year.
Qualitative results. The qualitative data provide some additional insight into
these behaviors. In general, instances of sexual partner violence were mini-
mally discussed. While some young men recognized that being involved in a
violent relationship could contribute to ones ability to negotiate protected
sexwell since they are already abusing them . . . they want to do it without
a condom I guessmost felt that this would happen only in those relation-
ships in which sexual violence was occurring.
Young men in the study described instances of sexual coercion that
occurred most often when respondents were younger and exploring their first
intimate relationships. For example, one young man described his first boy-
friend as a quarterback on the varsity team and much bigger than the 54
respondent. The boyfriend tried to tell me I was a bottom . . . And me not
having a lot of experience, I would kind of believe it. The boyfriend would
kind of try and force himself onto me but physically he was too big for me,
so we never had sex. Another respondent reported that he found his first
boyfriend on the mobile phone application Grindr; he described himself as
someone who had morals, and I told him Im a virgin and I do not want to
have sex until weve been dating for like, one or two months. After dating
for a couple weeks, he reported that they did have sex, but it was not
consensual:
He came over . . . and he was drinking and, I dont know, maybe he had like
four, five shots of alcohol and we were just like messing around and then he
kind of like turned me over and kind of like forced himself on me and I kept
telling him, No, no, Im not ready. No, Im not ready. And hes like No,
come on, come on. Its okay, its okay. He just like kept ignoring me.
all of a sudden he just pushes me against the wall and starts making out with me
and then throws me on the ground and then just gets on top of me and starts
touching me and Im just like, Wow, like what are you doing? Calm down, Im
trying to push him off of me. He just kind of forcing, you know, on me. But
then, of course I was drinking too, so I just kind of gave up on, you know, trying
to get him off of me.
While the respondent indicated that this is what I wanted, he also sensed
that both partners were out of control, and the situation would likely have not
occurred or been different had they not been drinking. Another respondent
who was using methamphetamines with his partner at the time reported there
were multiple times when we would be high and personally I didnt want to
have sex and it would be kind of be forced. He described his partner as
someone who wanted control over someone. This respondent also did not
feel he could call these instances rape as described below:
Discussion
This study is the first to provide context and descriptions of YMSMs experi-
ences of violence in their intimate relationships. Prior research with this pop-
ulation has been limited in its use of inconsistent definitions of IPV and
reliance on survey data to provide a description of the types of violence expe-
rienced within young mens relationships. This study provides additional
context to these behaviors and a glimpse of how these behaviors are described
by YMSM. Survey data found high prevalence rates of all types of IPVas
both victim and perpetratoras measured by the CTS2. While it should be
noted again that some of the highest reported rates involved behaviors that
one might categorize as less severe, rates of the more severe types of vio-
lence, including injuries resulting from IPV, were still higher in this popula-
tion than what has been documented in other studies including one using the
same scale with an older population of MSM as well as rates reported by the
developers of the scale (Stephenson et al., 2010; Straus et al., 1996).
It should also be noted that while relatively high prevalence of different
violent behaviors were reported, these rates have large standard deviations and
range when examining the chronicity of IPV, which indicates a very heteroge-
neous sample of YMSM with a variety of different relationship experiences.
The survey data therefore describe a sample of young men who have experi-
enced severe forms of IPV as well as those with less severe forms and those
with little to no IPV behaviors. The qualitative data provide narrative to
describe these instances for a better understanding of the issue. The narratives
presented here may appear to focus on those more extreme instances of IPV;
however, that may also be a result of the use of eliciting narrative accounts in
qualitative work where respondents may be more likely to recount the more
dramatic instances in their relationships. More research on this topic that
specifically elicits both severe and less severe instances of IPV in YMSMs
relationships is important to make sure we understand the full spectrum of
behaviors. The survey data indicate there are a range of behaviors that can be
considered violent, and future research should delve into each of these to
provide a clearer understanding.
The qualitative data provide insight into the contexts of these violent
behaviors and also provide a sense of the trajectory of violence in these young
mens lives. For those young men experiencing the more severe forms of
violence, they typically described an escalation of violence in their relation-
ships, with less severe forms of emotional and physical violence occurring
before the more severe forms. This supports the need for earlier intervention
for these young men to help them recognize the early signs of IPV and
develop stronger coping and anger management skills. In addition, similar to
studies of IPV in other populations, the young men in the study identified
alcohol and illicit substances as contributing to the violence in their relation-
ships. One young man even acknowledged that alcohol likely exacerbated
one of his fights, and without the alcohol, it likely would not have gotten to
the level it did. The relationship between IPV and alcohol is well documented
but continues to be an issue (Abramsky et al., 2011; Kelly, Izienicki, Bimbi,
& Parsons, 2011; Smith, Homish, Leonard, & Cornelius, 2012; Tran et al.,
2014). This indicates that programs need to continue to focus on the use and
misuse of alcohol and other substances and promote more responsible use
among emerging adults.
Research with adolescents and young adults has generally found higher
rates of IPV in these younger populations than their older counterparts (Wolfe
et al., 2003). This has generally been thought to be related to issues of low
self-esteem, limited experiences in relationships, and lack of conflict resolu-
tion skills (Offenhauer & Buchalter, 2011). The developmental phase of
emerging adulthood may be a particularly vulnerable period for YMSM and
other sexual minority youth due to their comparatively limited dating oppor-
tunities in early adolescence. The young men in this study oftentimes described
partner violence being a part of their earlyif not firstrelationships.
Therefore, providing intervention opportunities early on, before YMSM begin
with numerous other health issues including substance use (Tyler & Melander,
2012; Wong et al., 2010), cancer, coronary heart disease (Exner-Cortens,
Eckenrode, & Rothman, 2013), and mental health (e.g., anxiety, suicidality,
depression; Campbell, 2002; Wolitzky-Taylor et al., 2008). Prior research has
shown that sexual minority populations experience higher rates of mental
health issues than heterosexual populations (Cochran & Mays, 2006;
DAugelli, 2002; Kipke et al., 2007). In addition, the syndemics theory asserts
that as the number of psychosocial issues one experiences in their life
increases, so too does their risk for other issues such as HIV (Stall et al., 2003).
Given the high rates of both mental health issues and IPV among YMSM,
addressing IPV through primary and secondary intervention programs may
also be an effective means of addressing HIV/sexually transmitted infection
(STI) risk in this population as well as other potential comorbidities.
Related to this idea of a syndemic among YMSM are some of the external
factors that may contribute to IPV in YMSMs relationships. Qualitative data
hinted at some of these issues such as familial abuse, fear of being outed to
family members, and losing support as well as a sense that violence between
two men is more accepted by society. Prior research has been found that fac-
tors such as these influence power dynamics within YMSMs relationships,
which in turn influence involvement in IPV (Kubicek et al., 2015). Prior
work has also suggested that factors related to minority stress may also exac-
erbate involvement in IPV among sexual minority populations (Kelly et al.,
2011; Stephenson et al., 2013). Further exploration into these factors and
other external factors may be unique to sexual minority relationships and
should be considered in intervention development.
Research also indicates that those who are victims of violence are more
likely to become perpetrators and/or revictimized later in life (Chiodo et al.,
2012). Data from this study do indicate that after being the victim of emo-
tional or physical violence, many young men do become perpetrators of vio-
lence. By providing young men tools to develop safe and healthy intimate
relationships, we may have the opportunity to curb future instances of IPV.
Prior research has found that victims of IPV may not have the ability to
advocate for protected sex (Houston & McKirnan, 2007; Mustanski et al.,
2007; Relf, Huang, Campbell, & Catania, 2004). While young men in this
study did not discuss at great length their experiences involving sexual coer-
cion such as insisting on sex without a condom or when one partner did not
want to have sex, the survey data indicate that these behaviors occur rela-
tively frequently. Young men also seemed to struggle with what to call these
types of behaviors, as they felt that because they occurred with a known part-
ner, it was not necessarily rape. The young mens narratives presented here
seem analogous to those of young women in the 1980s and 1990s when the
idea of date rape was first openly discussed. This points to the need to extend
the date rape conversation to young men and sexual minorities to ensure they
are included in the conversations. This uncertainty about what constitutes
sexual violence or coercion within intimate relationship may also be one rea-
son these instances were not discussed at length during the interviews.
Analyses related to the relationship between being involved in violent rela-
tionships and engaging in HIV risk behaviors such as unprotected sex are
beyond the scope of this descriptive article (but will be tackled in future
efforts). However, prior research with this population found that victims of
physical IPV are more likely to engage in HIV risk behaviors such as sub-
stance use and unprotected sex (Wong et al., 2010). Given that unprotected
sex is the most common mode of HIV transmission, this is an important area
for intervention.
The use of the CTS2 in this study may be somewhat problematic. For
example, some of the behaviors included in the scale may be representative
of typical issues in relationships such as shouting at ones partner. Scoring the
scale for prevalence is the standard and recommended method for a commu-
nity-based sample such as ours. However, this method may overestimate the
prevalence of IPVin particular psychological aggression. At times, young
men were also at a loss as to how to describe instances of sexual coercion,
and the higher rates of these behaviors in the survey data were not as well
documented in the qualitative data. Therefore, adapting the CTS2 or develop-
ing a new scale for same sexparticularly MSM relationshipsmay be
important for future research efforts. Qualitative data such as those presented
here are integral for scale development, and data from this study identified
additional behaviors that may be common in YMSM relationships such as
manipulating and stalking. Researchers should consider the development and
standardization of an IPV scale for MSM/YMSM relationships in order to
more consistently define and measure IPV in these specific populations. This
would provide better consistency in this nascent field and ideally lead to
more comparable studies.
Finally, this study also found that there are high rates of mutual perpetra-
tion of IPV in this sample. While some research has found similarly high
rates of mutual perpetration among adolescents, this research has often been
limited to describing the behaviors of just one partner in an intimate relation-
ship (Gray & Foshee, 1997). Qualitative data further identified that in some
cases, this may occur because one partner is defending himself from a pri-
mary perpetrator. In other cases, young men reported both partners being
similarly violent toward each othertit for tat as one respondent described
it. Anger management and conflict resolution skills may help address this
issue so that arguments do not escalate into violence, and young men are able
Limitations
There are a number of limitations to this study that should be acknowledged.
These analyses are based on experiences and perceptions of young men
recruited in Los Angeles. Although various recruitment methods were
employed, the majority of young men in our sample were recruited from gay-
identified venues (e.g., bars, clubs, and service providers). The experiences of
our participants may not be reflective of men outside of Los Angeles and/or
young men who do not patronize gay venues. For prevention efforts, future
studies should include data collected in other cities and communities. It should
also be noted that all of the young men in this sample were recruited for a
study that was focused on their relationships and challenges they may have.
While IPV was not explicitly mentioned as part of the study, there may be
some biases in who self-selected to participate based on this description.
While the goal of qualitative data is not to be generalizable to other samples
but rather provide context and depth to specific phenomenon, it should still be
noted that because this was largely a qualitative analysis, the data reported
were derived from a small sample; therefore, attempts at generalizability can-
not be made. In addition, this was a community sample, not a population-
based sample, and thus generalizations cannot be extrapolated to other YMSM.
Also, the findings rely on respondents self-reported behaviors, which cannot
be independently verified. Also, while the data from the CTS2 reported here
specifically ask respondents about behaviors in the past 12 months, qualitative
interviews did not have this time constraint. Thus, some of the narratives pre-
sented here may have occurred much farther in the past and may not be exem-
plary of their current relationships. Additionally, the data reported here are
cross-sectional and therefore, do not contain information about the trajectory
of their IPV perceptions over time. The developmental stage in which these
young men currently reside, emerging adulthood, involves many changes and
transitions, and it is unclear how these behaviors and perceptions may develop
with age (Arnett, 2000). We encourage others to further explore these areas to
better understand the temporal relationships.
Conclusion
In spite of these limitations, the data presented here speak to a number of
recommendations for service providers and researchers to develop effective
IPV prevention programs for YMSM. In spite of the high prevalence of IPV
among YMSM and its associated risk, no evidence-based prevention pro-
grams addressing IPV and healthy relationship development have been
developed for YMSM. The research presented here provides some initial
insight into the factors that such programs should address as well as some
considerations for policymakers. Considering how schools can be more
inclusive in their curricula and violence prevention programs is one impor-
tant area for consideration, especially knowing that young people are com-
ing out at an earlier age, and prevention messages need to be promoted
starting in early adolescence. Additionally, with the recent renewal of the
Violence against Women Act (VAWA), sexual minority victims of IPV are
now provided, for the first time, equal protection when reporting IPV and
seeking assistance. Studies such as this can provide direct examples of how
YMSM experience violence and help to consider new policies and programs
that can address the violence in their lives.
Research continues to show that sexual minority individuals experience
more violence and in more contexts than their heterosexual peers (Huebner,
Rebchook, & Kegeles, 2004; Kosciw, Greytak, Bartkiewicz, Boesen, &
Palmer, 2012). Further, research has found that societal homophobia, dis-
crimination, and other external stressors are related to violence and other
stressors in YMSMs lives (Meyer, 1995, 2003), which can lead to the poor
health outcomes that we see across sexual minority group (Meyer &
Northridge, 2007). Thus, it is time that policymakers recognize that IPV is
yet another area in which sexual minority individuals may face inequitable
disparities, and research and programs to address these disparities are desper-
ately needed. Subsequent research should continue to better understand the
contexts in which IPV exists in young mens relationships so that we can
develop theoretically sound models to address this pressing public health
issue.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank the staff members who contributed to the data collection and
analysis for this study including Claudia Barcenas, Heather Reyes, and Luis Salazar.
We would also like to thank Donta Morrison from AIDS Project Los Angeles for his
assistance and willingness to help in our data collection efforts. Finally, the authors
would also like to acknowledge the insightful and practical commentary of the mem-
bers of the Community Advisory Board: Noel Alumit, Asian Pacific AIDS Intervention
Team; Chi-Wai Au, Los Angeles County Department of Health Services; Mary Case,
Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Center; Matt Harwood, AIDS Project Los Angeles;
Susan Holt, Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Center; Dustin Kerrone, Los Angeles Gay
and Lesbian Center; Miguel Martinez, Division of Adolescent Medicine, Childrens
Hospital Los Angeles; and Ricki Rosales, City of Los Angeles, AIDS Coordinators
Office. We are especially grateful to all of the young men who participated in this
study and were willing to share their diverse personal experiences.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by the California
HIV/AIDS Research Program (ID10-CHLA-048). The content is solely the responsi-
bility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the
California HIV/AIDS Research Program.
Notes
1. Potential participants were told to consider a primary partner as someone who
you consider yourself to be in a relationship with, for example, boyfriend, part-
ner, in the last 12 months.
2. Focus groups were conducted to serve as a mechanism for recruitment and iden-
tification of young men who have sex with men (YMSM) involved in intimate
partner violence (IPV). The focus groups were focused on understanding rela-
tionship challenges more generally and how they deal with conflicts in their rela-
tionships. This facilitated recruitment as identifying YMSM involved in violence
through street outreach efforts would be unsafe and likely unproductive.
3. While 86 young men completed focus groups, an additional 15 young men were
not able to attend one of the scheduled groups but were able to come to the proj-
ect offices to complete the survey; thus, a total of 101 surveys were completed.
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Author Biographies
Katrina Kubicek is the program manager of the Community, Health Outcomes and
Intervention Research program at Childrens Hospital Los Angeles. She is the princi-
pal investigator of the Young Mens Relationships Study and is completing her doco-
toral studies in Health Behavior Research at the Department of Preventive Medcine at
University of Southern Californias Keck School of Medicine.
Miles McNeeley is a reseach associate at the Community, Health Outcomes and
Intervention Research program at Childrens Hospital Los Angeles. He holds a
Masters in Social Work and was the project coordinator for the Young Mens
Relationships Study.
Shardae Collins is a research assistant at the Community, Health Outcomes and
Intervention Research program at Childrens Hospital Los Angeles. She contrbuted to
the data collection and analysis for this study.