836 Journal ofthe American Academy of Religion Ross, A.C. 1989 Sarric, Greg, 1993 it, Theresa S. 1995 Stover, Dale 1997 2000 ‘Weaver, Jace 1998 Mitakuye Oyasin. Ft, Yates, ND: BEAR Keeping Slug Woman Alive: A Holistic Approach to American Indians Texts. Berkeley: University of Califor: nia Press, The Island of the Anishnaabeg: Thunderers and Water Monsters in the Traditional Ojibwe Life-Weorld, Moscovs, ID: University of Idaho Press. “Eurocentrism and Native Americans.” Cross Currents 47/3: 390-397. “A Postcolonial Reading of Black Blk.” In The Black Elk Reader, 127-144, Bd. by Clyde Holles. Syracuse: Syra- cause University Press “From I-Hermeneutics to We-Hermeneutics: Native ‘Americans and the Post-Colonial” In Native Ayeri- can Religious Identity: Unforgotten Gods, 1-28. Bd. by Jace Weaver. New York: Orbis Books Ochun: (N)Either the (M)Other of All Cubans (n)or the Bleached Virgin Miguel A. De La Torre ‘The Cuban Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre/Ochin has the potential to inspite a theology of reconciliation for the Cuban community of Miami, Florida, and La Habana, Cuba. To ignore Ochiin disregards the religious contribation to reconciliation that can be made by Cuba's most mar- inalized communities. Although La Virgen de la Catidad/Ochan can serve asa catalyst for reconciling the two Cubas, She also serves as awit- ness against the dominant white Cuban elite who reconstruct Her image in a way that masks theis own power and privilege. ] GREW UP as a practitioner of Santeria in a home where both parents were santero and santera, {wos an hijo de Ellegua (child of Bleywa) des- tined to be initiated as a babalawo.! Yet J went to Blessed Sacrament, a Catholic elementary school in Queens, New York. I took my first com- smunion, participated in weekly confession, and was confirmed at that church. On nights, however, crowds would visit our apartment to con- sult the quasi deities known as the orishas. Because my parents were un- able to communicate in English, I would serve as interpreter for those “seekers” wha did not speak Spanish, There was never any confusion in my mind, my parents’ minds, or those of their “house congregation” 2s, to the difference between what was done at the Irish church down the street Migutl 4 De La Tonte is Assinans Profesor of Rigion at Hope College, Holland 9 49422900, Tih w thank Steve Soum-Predges Las D, Leb, and John Raines for thes vlusbe eed back and roggertions on sar versions of thie atc, " Satalawoin the ‘ater of myer” high plestin Santeria not to be confused witha zntea/ ‘who series as ries. The sanferalo is consecrated fa specific onsha, becoming repretenav of ‘ha ape divine force. Thiele the era when dhe inhabitants ofeach Yoruba cyst seed poles (0 # tle otha, the one who protected that individual iy Jura of the American Acaderny of Religion December 2001, Vol. 68, No.6 5. 637-86 ot The Aaerican hada of Religion038 Journal ofthe American Acaderay of Religion and what was done in our apartment. My parents explained to me from an early age that the rituals we participated in could nat be revealed ta los cuuras y monjas (the priests and nuns) because they are “confused” about hhow God works, and if they found out that we had el conocimiento (the knowledge), I would be expelled from the school. When I asked what we ‘were, without hesitating, as if by rote, they would reply, “Somos cat6licos romanos, y apostélicos, creemos a nuestra manera” {We are apostolic Roman Catholics, we believe in our own way]. Those of us raised in this spiritual environment survived our alienation in this country because of the shared sacred space created by the tension existing between Christian- ity and Santeria, While there was no confusion among those practicing Santeria concerning the difference between them and las curas y monjas, still an ambiguous religiosity developed fusing the elements of these di- vesse traditions in order to resist what was perceived to be the danger af assimilating into the dominant Euro-American ethos. From this socioreligious location, reverence toward our virgensita (little virgin) flourished. She became a sacred symbol of immense spiri- tual importance to most Cubans. Catholics know Her as La Virgen de la Catidad del Cobre. In 1926 the Catholic Church, the dorninant religion in Cuba, officially recognized la virgensita as the patron saint of the is- land. Yet this same image is venerated by the practitioners of Santerfa, the repressed religion of Cuba, as Ochiin, brought to the island by African slaves. Historically, these two diverse communities, separated by power and privilege, were bound together by this religious space, constructed for the whole Cuban community. As “the Mother of all Cubans,” this symbol has represented the po- tential of reconciliation for the Cuban people, an important task consid- ering the present estrangement existing between the communities of La Habana and Miami, Florida. As symbol, it remains layered by contradic tory religious thoughts, normalizing intra-Cubas racial oppression. While La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochin can serve as a catalyst for reconciliation among Cubans on both sides of the Florida Straits, She also serves as a ‘witness against the dominant white Cuban elite, who re-create Her image in order to mask their own dominant social position. Because of racism Santeria has historically been alien to many white Cubans; yet, paradoxically, it is part of, if not central to, the Cuban iden- tity as a whole. As such, Cubans have yet to come to terms with this Aftican-based Teligion reformulated within the depths of their awa cul- ture. In Santer‘a there are rich resources for understanding Cubans that provide a healing response to the rupture existing between the commu- nities in Miami and La Habana. If this healing is to happen, Santeria can- not continue its colonial subordination to European Christianity or to the De La Torre: Ochtin 39 African Yoruba faith: It isa distinct reality with an equal voice in any dia- logue for reconciliation. This article will attempt to explore this possibil- ity by first briefly discussing the emergence of Santeria, specifically the central and oppositional role it plays in creating Cuban ethnic identity. ‘Next, I will discuss how La Virgen occupies a religious-social space that reveals Her potential for intra-Cuban reconciliation, even though that space is often constructed to mask the power and privilege of the domi- nant white Cuban elite. Finally, I examine how La Virgen de la Caridad/ Ochiin opens a shared cultural space and a liberative mandate for intra- Cuban reconciliation, CREATING A RELIGION OF RESISTANCE “Sorcery and magic,” according to Bourdieu, are the disqualifying znames imposed on the religions of those who are oppressed, while those who do this naming use the legitimating term religion to refer to their own brand of “sorcery and magic” (12). For white Cubans, Santeria isthe “sor- cery and magic” of Cuba's most marginalized communities, a religious expression whose roots are African. In reality, four African religious- cultural structures live within the overall national Cuban culture: the palo monte of Kongo origin; the regla Arard of Ewe-fon origin; the Abakud Secret Society containing Bjagham, Efik, Bfut, and other Calabar roots; and the regla de Ocha of Yoruba. The latter, as Santeria, is the most popu- Jar among Cubans. Santerfa, also known as the Lucumi religion, is the product of a religious space created by those who were subordinated to the arbitrary exercise of power imposed by Catholic Spaniards on their African slaves, Specifically, Santerfa's components consist of a European Christianity shaped by the Counter-Reformation and Spanish “folk” Ca- tholicism blended together with African orisha worship as practiced by the Yoruba of Nigeria and as modified by nineteenth-centusy Kardecan spiritualism, which osiginated in France and wes later populitized in the Caribbean Santerfa recognizes the existence of a supreme God. Olodumare, the supreme being, isa transcendent world force or “current” known as ashe. This sacred energy becomes the power, grace, blood, and life force ofall reality, embracing mystery, stcret power, and divinity. Ashe is absolute, illimitable, pure power, nondefinite and nondefinable. It is what has been called a nonanthropomorphic form of theism (Verger: 36-39). Orishas, on the other hand, are quasi deities serving as protectors and guides for every human being, regardless of the individual's acknowledgment, They were the first to walk the earth, and from them all humans are descended. Hence, the orishas ate the first ancestors. Created by the supreme God,840 Journal ofthe American Academy of Religion Olodumare, they ate the specific parts, forces, or manifestations within Olodumare. They govern certain parts of the universe, for Olodumare is an absentee ruler. Because the universe is 50 vast, Olodumare has no time to become dicectly involved in the affairs of humans. Consequently, when an animal ig sactificed to the arisha Babalu-Aye (who governs the sphere of illness), the practitioner is worshiping the part of Olodumare exem- plified in this particular orisha, Olodumare created the orishas to allow the divine will to be manifested to humanity via nature, Although the ‘Yoruba system lists over 1,700 orishas, only a few became renowned within Cuban culture. In some instances, when the entire population of a van- guished African village was brought to Cuba, it ended the worship of a particular orisha in Africa while installing a new one with a large Cuban following. The elaborate belie system of the Yoruba became part of the Cuban experience when colonial Cuba began to import enslaved Africans to de- velop the urban centers and work the mines and sugar estates. These Afri- «ans were noble patricians and priests who had been disloyal to the ascen- ancy of new rulers, specifically in the kingdoms of Benin and Dahomey and the city-states of Yoruba, The vicissitudes of monarchic power struggles resulted in those opposing the new hegemony becoming enslaved and expatriated, Captives of war were routinely enslaved, but slavery was also imposed as a debt payment for a period of time or as judicial decision for committing a legal infraction (Brandon: 19). Tragically torn from their ordered religious life, Africans were compelled to adjust their belief sys- tem to the immediate challenges presented by colonial Cuba. This transi- tion created a new space for Santeria, where the Yoruba ethos survived by manifesting itself through Spanish Catholicism. Santerfa is legally recognized as a legitimate religion in the United States. On 11 June 1992 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the practi- tionets of Santeria had a constitutional right to sacrifice animals in con- nection with their rituals. Although it is impossible to document the ex- act number of orisha worshipers, scholars estimate that about five million inthe United States are identified with the religion of Santeria (Gonzdlez- Wippler 1989: 9), And while there are no official numbers, it is believed that on the island there are more than 4,000 resident Guban babalawos, in contrast to about 250 Roman Catholic priests. According to a study done by the Catholic Church of Cuba in 1954, one out of every four Catho- lics occasionally consulted a santera/o (Agrupaciba Catélica Universiaria 37). Even when Cubans reject Santeria and insist on their Christian or- thodony, they stil observe the adage, “Tenemos que respetar los Santos” [We have to respect the Saints]. Clearly, Santerfa can be classified as Cuba’s “popular religion” and, as such, cannot be ignored. De La Torre: Ochiin sar ‘When defining popular religion, Orlando Espin rejects the term popt- lar as referring to popularity, indicated by the widespread practice of a religion, Instead, he focuses an its sociohistavical reality. The religion is “popular” because the disenfranchised are responsible for its creation, ‘making it a religion of the marginalized. The emphasis is on cl pueblo as opposed to the elites. Popular religion becomes the expression of the popular classes’ creativity rather than the “true” Christianity of the “offi- cial” Church (Espin: 65-67). Santeria, then, can be classified as a “popu- Jar religion” because it is both widespread and a product of Cuba’s most marginalized community. Throughout Cuba's history santera/es faced religious persecution, Official Christianity portrayed the Afro-Cuban religions as the principal cause for Cuba’s problems, according to post-1886 studies. Slavery was a curse, not because ofits maltreatment of Africans but because it contami- nated whites with the barbarism of Ham's descendants. Prostitution, la- ziness, superstition, and criminality were said to have originated with Cuba's blacks. Cuban whites legitimated thelr religious practices by le- beling Christianity a religion while disqualifying the black Other's beliefs as syncretistic and superstitious, if not demonic. Fanon says it tellingly: “Sin is Negro as virtue is white” (139). While Santer‘a is seen as an authentic search on the part of the be- lever to grasp the reality of God, the Catholic priests’ role is to correct the santera/o so that she or he can enter the official faith of the Church, ‘Others voice harsher criticism, claiming that Santeria adulterates the tus (mostly white) form of Catholicism. For Evangelicals, specifically Pente- costals, Santeria is a Satanic cult. For exilic Cubans, especially those who are upwardly mobile and are attempting to assimilate into Euro-American culture, Santeria is a source of embarrassment, appearing both backward and primitive. Similarly, a movement known as “Yoruba Reversionism” exists among African Americans who attempt to extract Spanish Catholi- cism from Santeria (Sdwards and Mason: v). While such an undertaking may help elucidate Santeria’s genesis, it hinders understanding it as 2 present-day transcultural phenomenon. As a genuinely Cuban religion rooted in the violent contact of separate religious faiths, it contributes to a Cuban worldview on its own terms, As its own defined conceptual, physical, and sacred space, the veracity of Santeria cannot be compre- hended or communicated through ideological paradigms but must be recognized as a unitary phenomenon bound to cultural life through sts historical development. But such truths have been obscured by white Cuban Christians who often portray Santerfa as the dialectical product of the Yoruba’s belief system and Iberian Roman Catholicism, in which a “confused” and idio-2 Journal of the American Academy of Religion syncratic merging of the saints with the orishas has occurred. The official Cuban Church places itself above the Other’s religion through rhetoric designed to reduce Santeria to a sphere of ignorance and impurity. Power is exercised in the way the subject “sees” the object. We (read: white Catho- lic subjects) operate from doctrinal knowledge; they (read: objects) are confused. Our beliefs are pure; theirs are impure. Our task, as subjects, is to correct their confusion. Seeing the Other as “confused” rélegates Santeria to an inferior social position while elevating Catholicism to an authorita- tive location from which paternal correction can originate. Yet the santera/o Other is not “confused” int her or his beliefs. I agree with Pichardo, the santero whose church led 10 the 1992 U.S. Supreme Court decision, when he states that Santerfa is not the product af con- fused imagery. Distinctions between the santera/o’s religion and Catholi- cism have always been recognized (Pichardo: 14). Practitioners under- stood the need for placing Spanish masks over the black faces of the orishas s0 as to defend themselves from religious repression. This is possible be- cause of the ecumenical nature of ashe. Everything that exists contains ashe, thus creating a universality of the Yoruba faith allowing the orishas to ‘manifest themselves in other religions, a type of “anonymous Santeria” Jike Kar] Rahner's anonymous Christianity. Santerfa’s internal structure allows for the incorporation and assimilation of new deities. According to Pichardo, when a *seeker” is unable to comprehend a concept because she or he lacks a Catholic background, the santera/o may substitute for & saint a compatible icon of the seeker’s own religious tradition (22). For ‘example, if the “seeker” were Roman Catholic, the creator of the world, Obatalé, could cross-dress as the Virgin Mary, the Mother of God (Our Lady of Mercy), and the war orisha, Oggiin, could cross-dress as St. Peter. However ifthe “seeker” were Hindu, then Obatalé could easily cross-dress as Brahma, the creator, and Oggtin, as Shiva the destroyer. According to santeri/os the seeker is enlightened by a newet and deeper understanding of the original faith and a knowledge of how to manipulate its spiritual power. Throughout Cuba's history Santeria was linked in the minds of the white elite to antisocial behavior and was thus persecuted. During 1919 (seven years after the 1912 race massacres) a brujo (witch doctor) craze "Anonymous Chistian” aconding to Kat! Rabner, understands non-Chustian ligions not sc elaed decent msi acepting theteue™ ith from God but ae dhe revelation of God {work inal non-Christian rlgioat- Al religions contain God's grace gatutou gi on a oun of Christ Ergo, + non-Christian religions should be recognized ars lawl religion thas {lepying the error or deprvity that may contain (Rahver 119-123) De La Torre Othin a swept the island.” Mass lynchings occurred fueled by rumors of santera/ ¢s kidnapping white children in order 10 use their blood and entrails in religious practices. These reports began to circulate after a white girl was found dead, presumably cannibalized by brujos. White mobs descended on blacks with “righteous indignation.” One newspaper, E] Dia, praised the lynchings, commending their violence as a “step forward that we take toward civilization,” Midale- and upper-class blacks abandoned Santeria and internalized the myth that racism did not exist in Cubs, while disas. sociating themselves from the lower-class masses in order to assimilate into the white mainstream. Fernando Ortiz, the famed Cuban sociologist, conducted ethno- graphic research under the rubric of racial theorizing and attempted to prove the moral inferiority of blacks to whites during the early decades of the twentieth century, The assumption of blacks’ malefaction is evi- dent in the title of his book, which primarily deals with criminality by focusing on Santeria, complete with police mug shots: Los negros brujos: Apuntes para un estudio de etnologia criminal—The Black Witches: Notes for a Study on Criminal Ethnology. Ortic insists that African immorality ‘was “in the mass of the blood of black Africans,” a contamination af- fecting lower-class whites, The fetishism of Santeria had to be eliminated; hence he suggests the lifelong isolation of its leaders, The movement away from “African fetishism” (and its white form, i.e., palm reading and spititualism) and toward scientific reasoning could be accomplished by providing a solid scientific education for all blacks and also for low- income whites. Expressions of African culture (ie., African festival Aer the wat fr independence a attempt wat made bythe Cuban Afican commit to pa ticipate in the eeation oft newe society. By 1930 black mabe (exbans wh ough tne lege ence) were mobilizing to petition the goveenmnentfor thet rights through the tein of Paro Independiente de Color (the Independent Paty of Colo) ElPardo served ss the pola vehicle ‘o fice the government 10 consider seiouly Is thetic of racial equality and provi egal oP. Porites in power, employment and series. El Partido didnot advocate back separtisns rates {caled for iteration, specifcally the elimination of racial discrimination and equal sci toverament jobs. The Coban govesament responded by outawig Et Partido. Blacks openy pro tested in 1912, mediate leading the power Succes abe ie pots the beginning of 4 ehce ‘war between “white civilization” and "black barbarian." The 1912 “race wai gencaly ignored inthe official remembering called Cuban history, Thowrands of back Cubans, mostly armed, ‘sere deliberately butchered by white Cubans, mostly for “resting arr” (a Latin American ev phemism for dhe assassination of captured prisoners), Yet no trace of the amoned upg cold be found, no cache of arma was ever discovered, no demonstration occurred outude te province ‘of Oriente, no white woman was eve raped or eanniblized (contrary to neepeper acount), td no deruttion of valaable property accured Eve oy thousands of white Cuban voluntees were leven arms and paid by the government to fore seross the nation puting down the feral Way posible (Helg 177-215).oa Journal of the American Academy of Religion dances) had to be heavily policed to prevent inciting lust, encouraging immorality, and encouraging the (stereotyped) “black rapist.” As a con- gressman during the 1919 brujo craze, Ortiz. proposed legislation out- lawing superstitious practices deemed antisocial. ‘Until 1940 Santesfa was a punishable crime in Cuba and a source of ridicule by the general populace. Persecutions resumed in 1962. Degraded as “folklore” rather than religion, Santeria became subject to a growing number of restrictions, including bans against practicing the rituals oF participating in the festivals. In the mid-1960s santera/os were arrested, imprisoned, and in at least one case executed. Authorization from the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (an adjunct of the State Police) was needed to celebrate any ceremony, even though such authori- zation was routinely denied, Lack of official authorization for worship re- sulted in arrest. Catholics needed no such authorization. The final declara- ‘tion ofthe first National Congress on Education and Culture in 1971 stated that juvenile delinquency was partially caused by “religious sects, especially of African origin” (Moore: 100-102), It is reminiscent of the days when Cu- ‘ban anthropologist Ortiz stressed the “criminality” embedded in Santerfa During the 1980s persecutions began to soften. An increased interest in Santeria developed because of the numbers of black Cuban soldiers returning from Angola and because of the 1985 publication of Castro's bestseller Fidel y a religién (Fidel and Religion). Added to this was the 1987 vist by his Majesty Alaiyeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade Olubuse II, the Coni of Ife. The Ooni isthe spiritual authority of the Yoruba of Nige- ria and all who worship the orishas in the Americas. The Castro regime found value in the folklore of Santerfa. Santerfa as the bizarre and dan- gerous cultural Other was domesticated and commodified to produce tourist dollar. Hence, the government initiated an unprecedented cam- paign to court the practitioners of Santeria, and by 1990 the Religious Affairs Department provided economic and political support to state friendly santera/os, The development of Santerfa on Cuban soil has made it an intrinsic expression of Cuban culture. Cuban ethos cannot be complete without an understanding of the formidable social farce of this religion. Santeria is an active ingredient in the Cuban ethos that cannot be relegated to an alien element in need of Christianization and sycreticization in order to “whiten” its African foundation. The contribution of Santexia isin no way subordinate to European Christianity or the African Yoruba faith. It is a sepotate realty with the cight to an equal voice in any Cuban dialogue. Intra-Cuban reconciliation should be based not solely on Christian prin- ciples but also on duty to the orishas in maintaining harmony with the environment, De La Torre: Ochi 5 Santerfa carmot be understood by solely examining its tenets, rituals, or beliefs. Unlike many western religions, Santeria isan amorphous, prac. tical, and oral tradition that promises wisdom and power in dealing with life's hardships. The focus is not on understanding the sacred forces, like the orishas. Rather, it is concerned with how these universal forces can be used for the betterment of humans, As a distinctive and definitive Cuban way of being and living, Santeria is an indigenous symbol of cultural re- sistance. If we attempt to explain Santeria theologically, we reduce the religion to a “worldview” rather than a way of sarvival—gurvival by way of resistance to a dominant culture bent on destroying its indigenous African presence. But, as Foucault argues, where there is power, there is resistance (95). Every oppressed group creates ftom its sociological location what James Scott terms a “hidden transcript,” representing a collective critique af, power, These “hidden transcripts” are usually expsessed openly, though disguised so that the oppressors are kept in the dark (Scott: 51), In this ‘way Santerfa meets the psychological need of naming and addressing power from within a relatively powerless milieu, While the practitioner 's impotent, his or her orishas possess the power to protect the marginal. ized and also to humble the powerful. Santerfa is essentially a resistance teligion whose rituals critique the dominant power structures, For ex- ample, 2 white decapitated dove found on the front steps of the “Chie. sian” slaveholder serves as a sign of forthcoming disaster. The master might, in turn, change his previous treatment of the slaves to elicit a re- versal ofthe “spell.” The powerful were in effect given a warning that their behaviors and attitudes toward those they oppressed were more grievous shan could be tolerated. Another example of resistance can be found in the bembe, or trance- state dance, in which the participant is mounted by the orisha.‘ This form of spiritual possession creates a sacred space where one is given opportu nity to express one’s hostility toward the oppressors. Under normal con- ditions such outbursts would not be tolerated, Yet the voiceless can openly protest their existential locations by creating a “hidden transcript” of ex. Pression within the safe outlet of the possession. The protest comes not from the subordinate individual but, under the cloak of possession, from the powerful orisha, ‘As o catalyst for resistance Santeria has always played a role in the political development of Cuba. In summer 1958 Fulgencio Batista, Cuba's See Tavera and Coto,ee Journal of the Arterican Academy of Religion fig. 1. This representation of Ochin reveals Fier sensuality, To “see” the AGvcas element of the Cuban culture isto introduce lust tothe discourse. This depiction accompanies Goneilez-Wippler’s stories concerning Ochin (1994: 50. De Us Tarre: Ocha a9 well as domesticity, sewing, and keeping house, Like life, She represents different aspects She becomes a sacred space providing metaphorical value within which Miami and La Habana can attempt to reconcile into one cubartidad (Cuban commranity). There is a pasaki that recounts the plight of Oggtin, who became weary of the folly and bloodshed of humanity and chose to live as a hermit in the forest, All the other orishas jailed to bring him out of the forest, yet Ochiin succeeded through the power of love, represented as Ochiin’s off (honey). She embodies the civilizing force of humanity. Both exilic and resident Cubans have followed Oggtin, who protects those who work with iron (the militia). But the two Cubas have chosen fo live in separate forests. Maybe itis time for Ochiin to lead them out of their iso- lation and to seek reconciliation, ‘As Catholic saint, She also signifies hope for the Cuban people. Sev- eral conflicting stories of La Virgen de la Caridad exist. According to the traditional Catholic version, around 1610 two Taino Native American brothers, Juan and Rodrigo de Hoyos, along with a ten-year-old black slave boy named Juan Moreno (whose last name means “person of colar”) went rowing on Nipe Bay in search of salt. Nipe Bay is not far from the copper ines of Cobre on the northwestern tip of the isand, At about 5:30 in the morning, while rowing their cane, they came upon a carved statue of the Virgin Mary foating on a piece of wood. Miraculousty, the statue was dry. ACits feet was inscribed “I am the Virgin of Charity.” She was, in effect, la primera balsera (the frst rafter) to be rescued. During the time of the apparition there were approximately 20,000 inhabitants on the island of Cuba. This was a population in flux, com- posed of Spaniards, Amerindians, and Africans. The decimation of the Amerindians had reduced that group fo less than 2,000 individuals, while the African population, at 5,000, was increasing because of the expansion of the slave trade. The Spaniards, constituting the rest of the population (about 13,000), came to Cuba in search of fortune and glory, reany only stopping over on their way to more exploitable lands on the continent, specifically Mexico (Pérer: 45-47}, European women made up less than 10 percent of the population, an imbalance persisting throughout the seventeenth century. This skewed European male-female ratio Jed to the rape of the indligenous and slave populations by Spaniards, giving birth to the Cuban ethos. Cobre was mining town where innungerable Amerindians dled tun- neling for copper. African slaves were beginning to replace them as they approached extinction. While two peoples ofthe Cuban ethos suffered grave oppression, La Virgen de la Caridad appeared to the “least” of Cuban soci- ty. Her apparition accomplished two tasks. Fits, She symbolized the birth350 Journal ofthe American Academy of Religion of Cuban identity, the birth of cubanidad. Cuba’s patron saint ceased being a Eusopean white figure. Instead, the Divine appeared in the form of a bronze-colored woman, a color symbolizing death (the color of the mined copper responsible for the death of Amerindians and Africans) as well as life (the color of the Cuban new race). Second, to the oppressed She gave dignity. Rather than appearing to the white Spaniard religious leaders, She identified with the economic and racial outcasts, appearing in the color of ‘oppressed Cubans. biracial virgen severs the bond between inferiority and nonwhiteness, for the Divine is represented as colored. Her ptesence allowed the two Juans and Rodrigo and, with them, all Cubans to become compatieros companions) with the Divine, Not surprisingly, la virgen’s earliest devo- tees were the slaves working in the copper mines, Fora time, the statue was housed in a slave hospital adjacent to the shrine at Cobre, Also, it was in Cobre where slaves were first emancipated. ‘Yet a close examination of popular modern icons of la virgen reveals 4 white blond-haired virgensita, Also, one of the Amerindians has been replaced with a balding, bearded, and white-haized Spaniard. (See figure 2.) Oneof the Amerindian brothers, Rodrigo, was transfigured into a white Spaniard named Juan, creating los tres Juanes (the three Johns)—one whice, one black, and one Amerindian. It is unlikely that a white Span- iard would have accompanied slaves on such an arduous and demeaning journey. He probably would have been too busy increasing his wealth, through managing the mines. This bearded patriarchal figure rewrites itself into tradition, inserting and incorporating the oppressor into the drama and presenting him as an equal, thus masking the power relation existing at this time. During the nineteenth-century wars for independence Mary became cial symbol, Latin American leaders credit her as an effective weapon n theit struggle for autonomy. She became the protector of numerous independence movements. The wars for Cuban independence were no different. These struggles elevated la virgen’s prominence among all Cu- bans. Freedom fightets wore images of la virgen on their clothes, while their families sought protection for them by making promesas (vows). For yher intervention in Cuba's struggle for independence, veterans petitioned the pope officially to declare her the Patron of Cuba, On i0 May 1926, Pope Benedict XV honored their request. Nevertheless, exlic Cubans, who are tragically separated from the land of their birth because of the 1959 Castro revolution, felt that they lost their virgensita, who has always been tied to Cuban soil. In 1973, in order to rectify this separation, exilic Cubans built on Biscayne Bay in Miami a tent- like shrine for La Virgen de la Caridad to serve as both a political and a sacted space (see figures 3 and 4) She faces the ocean, a beacon for those De La Torre: Ocha 851 Fig. 2, This representation of La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre is common among the ‘exile Cuban community. The depiction revels “whitened” Virgin and child with blond hair, contrary to their original darker representation. Similarly, one ofthe original Amerindian rowers is bleached and given Spaniard features. Tie paticultillstation appeared on a Christmas card produced by Gibson Greetings Inc, for the exlic cOmmmunity’s consuraption and was immediately hung on my patente home alasLa Torre: Ochin Fig 4. picture of the statute of La Virgen dela Caridad used by the Shrine to Our Lady of Charity. Religion and politics merge in embossing the Cuban nati Virgin's white gown. Also of interest isthe white Christ854 Journal ofthe American Academy of Religion who cross over to the United States. According to a pamphlet entitled “Our Lady of Charity Shrine,” which is distributed there, “|The shrine} is situ. ated with its back toward Cuba so that prayers may be offered by the faith- ful looking toward Cuba.” Besides praying to Cuba, Saturday evening ‘masses are broadcast 10 the island on Sundays via Radio Marti, Along the left exterior ofthe shrine appears the Cuban flag within a flowerbed, con structed of blue, red, and white stones." Upon this sacred ground exilic (Cubans construct the image of a nation while living in a foreign land. This substitute shrine, imtereroven with Cuban patriotism, is lJustrated by the mural behind the altar and icon, This impressive mural, painted by exilic Cuban Teok Carrasco, merges religious and patriotic emotions. The mural, entitled “The History of Cuba in a Glance,” retells the history of Cuba beginning with Columbus (hence history begins with European netration) and ending with the exile (hence ignoring the events that have taken place on the island since the exilic Cubans’ departure). Besides ig- noring the Other (Amerindian and resident Cubans), it also ignores the effects of Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism: (the Statue of Lib- erty appears as a symbol of hope). The image of la virgen occupies the central position as Cuban history swirls around, Jose Marti (father of Cuban independence) also occupies a prominent spot (directly to la virgen's right), ensuring the bond between nationalism and the sacred, Forgotten are Mart’s sharp critiques of the Catholic Church. His re-creation as a child of the Church is crucial in the construction of la Cuba de ayer (the Cuba of yesterday) myth (see figure 5). This mural provides a vision of nationhood that can only be tealized with the return of the exiles to the island, Standing in the shrine, one can simultaneously occupy space in Doth la Cuba de ayer and the Miami of today. This illusion, created by the physical presence of the Cuban shrine of Cobre reproduced on USS. soil, provides the exilic Cuban with the temporary and illusory luxury of avoid- ing the realty of exilic status, % lone Known as oer ate the primary alias or fetishes of any sacra, The exsence of the oni oeated within otanes Without these consecrated stone the santera/o« powers woul! bempofeat. The stones nat wht is worshiped: rater, the “anima” within i sated. The ake ves Se substance ofthe tone life and power Scattered among ordinary stones inthe Forest Ere thore sounding wih the resonating ade ofthe aha, The devotee mt “stent i onde to ind the soner hat are alive" The orca fd the blood ofthe sacrificial Wek wes 's poured onthe camer These ane aes important that when the Yoruba wee deported to Cubs ‘ome would swallow otanes to ensure the orsha presence at thei new destination. While on the ‘ne and the Cathlic Church repudiates Ochi worshipers for venerating the otha atthe shrine ‘arteraoscannot mas ne dovona pls of yo colored stones (yellow ithe color of Ochi encircling the shrine left exteror im Miamal However, uring eu teen tip tte shrine, [November 1998, the eones had been removed, De La Torte: Ochin 38 Fig. 5, Behind the shrine’s alas is exilc Guban Teok Carrasco's mural ent Hiory of Cubs ina Glance.” Cuban histofy swills around lavirgensta Moser from history are the legecies of Spanish colonialism and North American imperialissn His tory ends with a depiction of exlic Cubans attempting to reach the shores ofthe United States, One countryman lies dead from the jourey toward freedom. titled "The256 Journal ofthe American Academy of Religion The shrine not only reflects the sacred, it coms into being in a sacred manner. For example, on 8 September 1961, on Her feast day, a statue of la virgen eft the pedestal of Her parish church in Guanabo Beach in La Habana for Miami, This statute, a replica of the one in Cobre, was smuggled in a suitcase to an awaiting crowd of over 25,000 Cubans congregated at a base- ball stadium. La virgensitaalso becomes an exilic Cuban fleeing Castro's rule. Additionally, under the altar is a molded stone composed of the sol ofall Cuba's provinces and the ocean water retrieved from a raft that sailed to the United States, a voyage that claimed fifteen lives, The six columns sustaining the mantle and the six-sided, golden, cone-shaped roof repre- sent the six Cuban provinces. The priest's chair was made from a Cuban, palm, For older Cubans, this shrine constructs and glorifies a unified and utopian Cuba that never wes and can never be. Yet somehow, by simply worshiping in this space, one can be transported to that mythical place gad time, For those who arived a8 jnfants or children, and who are now busy paying mortgages and climbing career ladders, the shrine is a physi- cal Fepresentation ofthe dreams of thls parent, dreams to which they feel a strong yet fading loyalty. The shrine provides a space where they can safely display this sense of loyalty without having to commit any re quired praxis to make those dreams a reality. For their children, born and raised in the United States, the shrine confirms that their parents’ dreams of the island amount to little more than a fantasy, a relic having little or 1g influence on the actions of the present ‘The presence of Cuba's patraness in the Miami shrine indicates that She too came from Cuba as an exile, ust as in the Bible the Divine left the rightful habitation of the “defiled” Jerusalem to reappear before the exiled Ezekiel, Glory lives in el extio, with humiliated and abandoned people. From exile God begins a new history. This is not the first time She hes been manifested a5 a wandering symbol of Her people. As Ochtin, She journeyed from Africa when Her Alrican children were forced by slave traders to go to Cabs, She consulted Yemnayé, who admitted the orisha’ powerlessaess in preventing this catastrophe."! Because of Ochtin’s love for Her children, She decided to accompany them to Cuba. She first asked Yemayé to straighten Her hair and lighten Her skin to the color of cop- [pets 30 that all Cabans might join together in worshiping Her. Just as the Yoruba slaves found a source of support and comfort in Ochéin when facing the difficulties of colonial Cuba, exilic Cubans today discover the same support and comfort in La Virgen de la Caridad when facing refu- gee status in a foreign land. Ti one pati Yay is presented as Ochn's older sister. In another Pua Yemayk i ue ected 32 Ochs mother Both patabie prevent Years a8 the matsnal ithe the eae, De La Tore: Ochi 857 THE VIRGIN LOVE GODDESS: TOWARD A THEOLOGY OF RECONCILIATION La virgensita is one of the most important icons for Cuba, character- izing the hopes and aspirations of all Cubans. To gaze on Cuba's patron saint in a genuinely Cuban way isto transcend the narrow rationalism and doctrinaire empiricism of the secularist mind-set. To reflect on the mean- ing of Cuba's patron saint is for Cubans to open themselves to the deeper ramifications of Her message, as their minds sort thsough a system of operations that engender structures of commonalities and divergences ‘epresented through language. In Ferdinand Saussure’s main work he defines paradigmatic rapports associatifs) asa term in linguistics denoting the “vertical” property of lan- _goage. For example, a term used in a sentence can be replaced by a mean- ingful related term. A paradigmatic relationship can be contrasted with a “syntagmatic” relationship. Saussure defines syntagmatic(rapportssyntag- tiatiques) as.a\inguistic erm denoting the “horizontal” aspect of language, whereby a segment of speech cén be unfolded into meaningful phrases (170-175). I suggest that we can understand the symbolic meaning of La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochan in the operation of its paradigmatic and syntagmatic relationships. The linguistic terms La Virgen de la Caridad and Oct cease to simply serve as signs linking their separate images to either a Roman Catholic or a Santer‘a concept and instead have becorne interchangeable signs signifying both concepts. Within the ambiguity of the constructed definitions of the symbols used to signify La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin, a sacred space reconciling diverse elements of Cubsn society can be forged, In short, the so-called reality of La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochin can never be understood in purely secular terms. But recognizing that all language is relativeacknowledging linguistic rela- tivism—we can look beyond any arbitrary verbal structure or conceptual system, Hence, this most Cuban symbol as signifier (image) will connote a unique perspective on the transcendental signified (concept), serving 45 a sign and representing the liberative mandate of reconciliation. La Virgen dela Caridad/Ochtin as signifier is ambiguous, She is (neither Catholic (n)or santera, (n)either white (n)or black, (n)either African (n)or Spaniard. Instead, She dismantles the binary opposition between culture as oral tradition (literature) and faith asa way of being (philosophy). Jacques Derrida uses the term hymen to describe this in-besween space occupied by ‘La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochtin, For Derrida, the term hymen arose out of a specific writing in which it rendered a specific function not meant to be imported ot applied elsewhere. However, I find the usage of this concept in association with La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin to be appropriate.358 Journal of he Americas Academy of Religion De La Torre: Ochi 859 La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochtin as hymen connotes that She is an cither/or between an either/or. As hymen, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochin lies beyond the notion of synthesis, Her significance being much more than merely the end product of a Catholic thesis and an orisha antithesis, ‘As such, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochin in particular and Santeria in general cease to represent the third element mediating between aspects ofa binary opposition. Her ambiguity, like a hymen, represents (n)either Virginity (n)or consummation, (n)either inner (n)or outer (Derrida: 258— 267). The richness in diversity within the Cuban culture makes the pos- sible loss of this hymen reparable; for, as we already saw in the multiple wundecidability of meanings of La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochin, another hymen will always “pop” into place. To gaze on La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochtin is to witness a drama in which no centeal configuration exists representing any single truth or a polysemay representing many meanings. La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin as ptesemantic (before meaning) becomes indecipherable, refusing to be integrated into (neither Catholicism (n)ot Santerfa. Rather, She is grafted conto each like a mutant branch, causing any reading of this symbol to interreflect within itself, Her meaning (Virgen or Ochtin) asa Cuban sym- bol always depends on Her relationship to what She is not (Ochtin or Virgen). Hence, for Her to mean anything requires the subversion of what ‘She means. (N)Either La Virgen (n)or Ochiin can purge the Other from its domain, for each contains the Other within Herself. La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochtin as subverter has played this role since Her creation on Cuban soil. Because of historical persecution, many practi- ‘ioners of Santeria maintained an outward appearance of Catholicism, in effect cross-dressing as Christian. Also, gender cross-dressing is found in Santeria, in which orishas appearas male or fernale depending on their paths or avatars (ie, Changé, the male warrior, appearsas St. Barbara, and Obata, the father of the orishas, as Our Lady of Mercy), In addition, Santeria dem- onstrates how race and class also play as formative a role as gender. Many of the orishas, all of whom are black, put on white masks to appear European, Moreover, the saints chosen are not the majot ones of the Catholic faith Rather, they represent minor saints, those of the lower class who are closer to the people and hence able to understand the practitioner's dilemmas and effectively communicate them upward. In short, los santos (the saints) fail to fit into any male/female, black/white, or majorfminor category. They inhabit a sacred area where borders are fluid and opposites are subverted and perpetually put in disarray. With time, both the Catholic and the Yoruba faith traditions began to share quite similar sacred spaces. ‘Throughout the Americas the widespread phenomenon of cultural ‘groups simultaneously participating in two diverse, if not contradictory, ‘eligious systems continues to exist. Christianity, when embraced under the context of colonialism ot slavery, creates a new space where the in- digenous beliefs of the marginalized group resist annihilation, Unique hybrids develaped as the religious traditions of Yoruba slaves took root in Caribbean soil. The vitality of the Yoruba belief system found expres- sion through Catholicism as Voudou in Haiti, Shango in Trinidad and ‘Venezuela, Candomblé i Brazil, Kumina in Jamaica, and Santeria in Cuba, Modern examples of orisha worship are not limited to the “syn- thesis” of Catholicism with Yoruba religion. Examples of this African faith combining with Protestantism can be found in the Jamaican groups Re- vival and Pocomania. A similar example can be noted in the Trinidadian group known as Spiritual Baptists or Shouters, in which the Yoruba faith found expression through Christian fundamentalism, Religion need not be the only lens by which to explain Santerfa. Another example is articu- {ated by resident Cuban Magdalena Campos, who finds no coniflict be- tween Santerfa and atheistic Marxism. For her, Santeria expands the fron- tiers of Marxism while enriching it, Furthermore, for Marxism to function ‘in Cuba, it must incorporate Cuban reality as defined by the traditions of Santeria ‘The ambiguousness of Ochéin transcends Her role as solely a religious symbol, for She also identifies with the Cuban exilic existence. Addition- ally, She can help exilic Cubans transcend their physical space in order to begin constructing a Cuban ethical response toward reconciliation with resident Cubans. For exilic Cubans, Ochi represents the Divine who also left Cuba and resides in exile, waiting to return to Her rightful place. Simul- taneously, for resident Cubans, She remains the hope for the marginalized who never left. The orisha discovered by the marginalized Taino brothers and the slave boy can also speak to white middle-class exilic Cubans. By the 1990s the Miami shrine had become the most popular Catholic pil- sgrimage site in the United States, drawing mostly older, white, midle- class Cubans. La virgen has become a new symbol that exists for the en- tire cubsnidad She can be claimed as the Cuban's own sign, white and black, poor and middle class, exile and resident. Long after Castro and Mas Canosa (founder of the Cuban-American National Foundation) are dead and buried, La Virgen de la Caridad/Ochiin will continue to live. In this shared sacred and political space Cubans can begin a dialogue by which to reconcile and rebuild their Cuban house. Santeria is a Cuban national symbol that, as such, is also made sacred in la virgen, Any attempt to Christianize or bleach Her does violence to the Cuban culture, And to ignore Her prevents the construction of a the- ology of reconciliation that can heal the brokenness found in cubanidad, ‘This article advocates the use of Cuban cultural symbols to communicate360 Journal ofthe American Acadery of Religion the liberative message of intra-Cuban reconciliation. This salvation, mani- fested as reconciliation for the Cuban people, can be facilitated as Cuban theologians begin to operate from within Cuban spaces such as these. 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