Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico 1200 B C A D 1400 An Inter Regional Perspective

KIVA
Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History
ISSN: 0023-1940 (Print) 2051-6177 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ykiv20
Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico,

1200 B.C.A.D. 1400: An Inter-Regional Perspective
Ben A. Nelson, Elisa Villalpando Canchola, Jos Luis Punzo Daz & Paul E.
Minnis
To cite this article: Ben A. Nelson, Elisa Villalpando Canchola, Jos Luis Punzo Daz & Paul E.
Minnis (2015) Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico, 1200 B.C.A.D. 1400: An Inter-
Regional Perspective, KIVA, 81:1-2, 31-61, DOI: 10.1080/00231940.2016.1147003
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2016.1147003
Published online: 23 May 2016.
Submit your article to this journal
Article views: 321
View related articles
View Crossmark data
Citing articles: 1 View citing articles
Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ykiv20
Download by: [189.168.42.104] Date: 11 October 2017, At: 16:55

kiva, Vol. 81 Nos. 12, September, 2015, 3161
Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent

West Mexico, 1200 B.C.A.D. 1400:
An Inter-Regional Perspective
Ben A. Nelson1, Elisa Villalpando Canchola2,
Jos Luis Punzo Daz3, and Paul E. Minnis4
1
School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University
Downloaded by [189.168.42.104] at 16:55 11 October 2017
bnelson@asu.edu
2
Centro Regional Sonora, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia
3
Centro Regional Michoacn, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia
4
Department of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma
Northwest Mexico and West Mexico include four to five times as many named
cultural areas equivalent to those known in the US Southwest, all with indepen-
dent yet also connected histories. Together these changing cultures formed the
bridge that connected the US Southwest with Mesoamerica. We review some
aspects of regional diversity and moments of inter-regional relations, beginning
with early agriculture and sedentism in the north. We trace the northward spread
of rising regional centers and the appearance of some of the tangible elements
of connection. This review shows that specialized production was more sparsely
distributed than archaeologists once thought. Cultural identities were gained
and lost; yet material connections persisted, and with the advances of past
decades archaeologists can better characterize their occurrences, if not yet
the mechanisms that produced those connections.
El Noroeste y el Occidente de Mxico incluyen cuatro o cinco veces ms

reas culturales equivalentes a los que se conocen en el Suroeste de los
EUA, por ejemplo Hohokam; todas independientes pero interconectas
entre s. El conjunto de estas culturas ha formado el puente que interco-
nect Mesoamrica con el Suroeste de los EUA. Aqu revisamos aspectos
de la diversidad cultural as como los intercambios inter-regionales, ini-
ciando con surgimiento de la agricultura, centrndonos en el desarrollo
de centros regionales y los elementos tangibles que los conectan. Esta revi-
sin nos muestra que la produccin especializada fue ms escasamente
distribuida de lo que los arquelogos alguna vez pensaron. Las identidades
culturales de estos pueblos se consolidaron y se perdieron en el tiempo. No
Copyright 2016 Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society. DOI 10.1080/00231940.2016.1147003

All rights reserved.
32 BEN A. NELSON ET AL.
obstante las conexiones persistieron. El avance en las investigaciones

arqueolgicas de las ltimas dcadas nos permiten caracterizarlas de
mejor manera, sin embargo entender los mecanismos que las produjeron
es an una tarea por hacer.
keywords Archaeology, Long distance exchange, Connectivity, US southwest
Introduction
In 1980 and earlier, archaeologists studied Northwest and West Mexico (Figure 1)
primarily in terms of their intermediary roles in relations between Mesoamerica
and the US Southwest. Since then, we have found that these regions were not
passive intermediaries, but included diverse cultural subregions with their own his-
tories. Such diversity does not eliminate the question of long-distance interaction. To
illustrate, we (a) review the origins of agriculture and sedentism in Sonora and
figure 1. Regions by which discussion is organized (not strictly cultural areas). Ben
A. Nelson.
PREHISPANIC NORTHWEST AND ADJACENT WEST MEXICO, 1200 B.C.A.D. 1400 33
Chihuahua; (b) shift to the Lerma-Santiago Basin to examine the emergence of

regional centers; (c) proceed to the Pacific Coast to discuss the Aztatlan phenom-
enon; and (d) revisit the north for the rise of late ceremonial centers there. This
initial circuit follows key developments. We then discuss inter-regional variation
in in local production and exchange; cultural identities and inter-regional relation-
ships, collapses, abandonments, and reorganizations. Finally we make observations
on the role of the regions in MesoamericanUS Southwest interaction.
Jimnez Moreno (1959) and Armillas (1964) identified the Rio Lerma-Santiago as
a boundary of Mesoamerica. Regions to the north are more arid and less densely
populated than those to the south, and later to develop social complexity.
Changes in the US Southwest followed or were synchronized with those in other
regions north of the Lerma-Santiago. For us, the boundary between Northwest
and Northeast Mexico lies between the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Sierra
Madre Oriental. Our treatment ends at the international boundary.
We identify several key patterns. Sonora and Chihuahua were front-runners in the
adoption of maize agriculture relative to most other regions north of Mesoamerica.
That precedence also applies to early sedentism, as marked by the earliest trincheras
sites in Chihuahua ca. 1000 B.C. In these senses, the international Four Corners area
was an island of accelerated, early demographic and economic change. Those early
developments, however, did not entrain the region symbolically with Mesoamerica.
Not until ca. A.D. 875, after the gradual spread of regional centers from the Rio
Lerma-Santiago northward, was there a full-length continuum of cultures overtly
sharing styles, objects, and symbols. This important engagement, coincident with
the beginning of the Mesoamerican Early Postclassic period, coincided in West
Mexico with the advent of the Aztatlan tradition.
Early Agriculture in Sonora and Chihuahua

The Sonoran portion of the Northwest Mexico (Figure 2) has long had ample evi-
dence of Paleoindian occupation, and has seen dramatic recent advances (Copeland
et al. 2012; Cruz y Cruz et al. 2014; Garca Moreno 2008; Sanchez et al. 2014,
2015), which we unfortunately lack the space to discuss. Chihuahua has not wit-
nessed important work on this time period.
Before the 1990s, Late Archaic populations in Sonora and Chihuahua were gen-
erally viewed as classic mobile foragers to whom agriculture did not become signifi-
cant until the beginning of the Christian era. Agriculture was thought to have been
limited to mountainous areas until drought-adapted varieties evolved or irrigation
technology was introduced. New dates from the US Southwest challenged these
assumptions. Research in Chihuahua at Cerro Juanaquea, a trincheras (hilltop)
site (e.g., Hard and Roney 1998, 2005; Hard et al. 2015; MacWilliams et al.
2008) compelled further reevaluation. Cerro Juanaquea is composed of 550
stone terraces with 99 rock rings, the latter presumably the remains of structures,
in two areas covering about 10 ha. Building these terraces required an effort equiv-
alent to that of building a 550-room pueblo. The density of artifacts, significant cul-
tural deposits, and substantial remains of maize and possibly cultivated amaranth,
point toward a more sedentary and farming-dependent community by 1200 B.C.,
figure 2. Cultural areas and sites in Northwest Mexico. Ben A. Nelson. Site names: (1)
Cerro Juanaquea, (2) La Playa, (3) Huatabampo, (4) Cerro de Trincheras, (5) Paquim, (6)
Chaco Canyon, (7) Convento, (8) Ojo de Agua, (9) San Jose Bavicora, (10) Buyubampo,
(11) navas: El Cementerio.
far earlier than anticipated. Work at Cerro Juanaquea and other early trincheras
sites in Chihuahua and Arizona documents variability of early farming in the North-
west. Some early farming likely was nonintensive whereas in other locations, it was
more intensive and undertaken by aggregated and semisedentary groups.
Sonora, too, had an important role; La Playa, with its irrigation system, hundreds
of hornos, tons of fire cracked rocks, and thousands of artifacts (among them marine
shell in the form of ornament-manufacturing debris), displays the productivity of
early Sonoran Desert farmers (Carpenter et al. 2002, 2007, 2008). More than
350 inhumations provide evidence of changing social personae, health status,
mobility, and social violence ca. 800 B.C.A.D. 800 (Watson 2008a, 2008b; Watson
and Stoll 2013).
How did maize and other cultigens move to the northern regions beyond Mesoa-
merica? Were the crops adopted by local groups or did farming communities
expand, or both (e.g., Merrill et al. 2009)? Haury (1962), argued that early maize
spread through the Sierra Madre Occidental from subtropical Mesoamerica, but
was restricted to high elevations until new varieties appeared, with better tempera-
ture tolerance and lower moisture needs. Surprisingly, no evidence of early maize has
been found in the dry caves of the Sierra Madre Occidental. Data from Chihuahua to
address these questions is currently inadequate. For Carpenter and colleagues, the
early dispersion of maize relates to Proto Uto-Aztecan speakers who acquired agri-
cultural knowledge while living in high-elevation refuge regions in the western Sierra
Madre during the Altithermal (Carpenter et al. 2002; Mabry et al. 2008). When
more favorable conditions developed, they repopulated the desert regions, bringing
maize agriculture to empty niches in the floodplains of Sonora and Sinaloa 3000
1000 B.C. (Carpenter and Snchez 2013; Carpenter et al. 2002:246). Observing
Alvarezs (1985:73) dates on maize and beans at Huatabampo (180 B.C.A.D.
950), Carpenter et al. (2002:253) suggest that southern Sonora played a significant
role in the diffusion of agriculture from West Mexico to the US Southwest and
Northwest Mexico. They urge work in the Serrana region, where they expect evi-
dence of maize prior to 25002000 B.C.
Rise of Regional Centers in Lerma-Santiago Basin, Jalisco

We shift the geographic focus to emerging ceremonial centers in the Rio Lerma-
Santiago drainage and adjacent tributaries and basins (Figure 3). There is very
little information in these regions about the Paleoindian or Archaic periods.
An intriguing antecedent to the early ceremonial centers was Capacha pottery, a
style with incised and punctate decoration on forms such as stirrup-spout and
gourd-shaped vessels (Kelly 1980). Kelly proposed that these ceramics might date
as early as 1800 B.C. They occurred in the absence of village settlements. Mountjoy
(1989) revises the dating of Capacha to 1200800 B.C.; however, outside our region
in Colima, Olay et al. (2010) report Capacha materials above and below a volcanic
mantle dated ca. 1500 B.C.
Precursors to regional centers in the Lerma-Santiago Basin clusters of shaft tombs
(Long 1966; Noguera 1971) dated ca. 200 B.C.A.D. 400. Only recently have
definitive associations between shaft tombs and residences been established, for
example at Huitzilapa (Ramos de la Vega and Lpez Mestas Camberos 1996).
Some had vertical shafts up to 16 m deep, connected to room-sized chambers
(Corona Nuez 1955; Long and Taylor 1966; Schndube and Galvn Villegas
1978).
Though superficially similar to the shaft tombs of Early Formative period (1200 B.
C.A.D. 100) at El Opeo, Michoacn, those in Jalisco and Nayarit were deeper and
had different styles of artifacts. By 1980 archaeologists had observed that they
formed an arc of distribution in the two states (Kan et al. 1970). Now we
know that this shaft-tomb tradition extends outside the arc (Ramos de la Vega
figure 3. Cultural areas and sites in adjacent West Mexico. Ben A. Nelson. Site names:
(1) Huitzilapa, (2) El Opeo, (3) El Pin, (4) San Sebastin and La Florida, (5) El Tel, (6) Ixt-
pete, (7) El Grillo, (8) Ixtln del Ro, (9) Amapa, (10) Alta Vista, (11) Nayar, (12) Cerro Mocte-
huma, (13) Ferrera, (14) La Quemada, (15) Tula, (16) Teotihuacan, (17) Las Ventanas, (18)
Cerro del Huistle, (19) Guasave.
and Lpez Mestas Camberos 1996; Solar Valverde 2010a). For example, El Pion,
San Sebastin La Florida (Cabrero Garca 1989), and El Tel (Solar Valverde 2010b)
are north and east of the previously defined range. Excavations near Mascota
(Mountjoy 2012) and in the Sayula Basin (Valdz 1994; Valdez et al. 2005) reveal
tombs with very short shafts, or none. Some are Middle Formative; others are
coeval with the shaft tombs and belong to a different social stratum than did the
deeper shaft tombs.
By ca. 150 B.C., aboveground monuments appeared in the form of circular cer-
emonial structure complexes Weigand (1974). Known locally as guachimontones,
these sites had patios formed by groups of 4, 8, 12, or 16 rectangular structures on a
circular banquette, surrounding a circular altar. First estimated to date ca. A.D. 200
900 (Weigand 2000), these monuments are now understood to span the Late Forma-
tive through Classic periods, 150 B.C.A.D. 500 (Beekman 2010; Jimnez Betts and
Darling 2000). The major guachimontn centers seem to have been built in the Late
Formative period; those built during the succeeding and final phase (ca. A.D. 200A.
D. 500) are considerably smaller (Beekman and Weigand 2010).
A turning point came ca. 500/600, when the independent West Mexican shaft-
tomb tradition and circular architecture was replaced by Mesoamericanized
material culture, upon which West Mexico reversed its tendency to be left out of
general Mesoamerican change (Schndube 1980). Sites such as Ixtpete and El
Grillo (Schndube and Galvn Villegas 1978), and Ixtln del Ro (Gifford 1950) fea-
tured rectangular sunken patios surrounded by houses and temple structures, often
with central altars, similar in many ways to Chalchihuites settlements described
below. In coastal Jalisco and Nayarit rectangular structures were made of earth,
wood, and thatch, e.g., Amapa, Nayarit (Meighan 1976).
Rise of Regional Centers in Zacatecas and Durango

Overall, the rise of ceremonial centers in Zacatecas and Durango postdated that of
Jalisco by many centuries. Early work at Alta Vista by Gamio (1910), and by Mason
(1937) and Brand (1971) elsewhere in the 1930s identified the Chalchihuites culture.
Because of its public architecture, iconography, ceramic and lapidary production,
and extensive mines, many archaeologists consider Chalchihuites to be the most
northern Mesoamerican tradition. Alta Vista was the most vigorous of the Chalchi-
huites centers in elaborateness of construction, craft production, and long-distance
exchange.
A pre-Chalchihuites manifestation called Loma San Gabriel occurs by ca. 300 B.
C. in northern Zacatecas and by A.D. 1 in Durango (Foster 1978; Kelley 2002).
Small groups settled on hilltops in sets of square rooms, some in enclosures, with
a simple material culture that included distinctive plain ware ceramics. Hers
(1989) strongly questions the existence of this culture; however, recent stratigraphic
excavations at Nayar in the Guadiana Valley reveal plain ware ceramics and other
materials radiocarbon dated to 50 B.C.A.D. 90 (Punzo et al. 2011), affirming the
presence of pre-Chalchihuites groups.
By ca. A.D. 550, occupants of Alta Vista had built a large platform and staked out
the Hall of Columns (Aveni et al. 1982). Eventually embedded in the floor of were
offerings of pseudo-cloisonn vessels decorated with the eagle-serpent motif (Gamio
1910) and a multiple burial identified as a Tezcatlipoca impersonator (Holien and
Pickering 1978). The Temple of the Skulls had more than 30 sets of skulls and long
bones suspended inside (Kelley 1978), and the adjacent Pyramid 1 contained a log
crypt with burials and rich offerings (Kelley and Kelley 1980). Outdoors behind
the pyramid was a serpent wall made of evenly spaced pylons (Aveni et al. 1982).
The site also includes an observatory oriented to a horizon calendar and a structure
decorated with Teotihuacan-like merlons. The Mesoamerican character of the
material culture is unmistakable (Medina Gonzlez and Garca Uranga 2010).
The Suchil Branch Chalchihuites occupation dates from ca. 200 to A.D. 950 and
the Guadiana branch from A.D. 600 to 1350 (Foster 1995; Punzo 2013a, 2013b);
changes that Kelley (1985) proposed for the Guadiana branch chronology have
been invalidated and the new dates are very near to those of Kelley and
Abbotts (1964) original proposal. Around A.D. 800, there were three main Chalchi-
huites centers: Alta Vista and Cerro Moctehuma in the Suchil branch, and Ferrera
100 km to the northwest in the Guadiana branch.
The Malpaso Valley occupation centered on La Quemada had over 200 villages
and hamlets (Trombold 1991). Some argue that it is taxonomically Chalchihuites
(Hers 1989); certainly it bears many similarities architectural, astronomical (Lelge-
mann 1996), ceramic (Strazicich 1998), and mortuary. The site is most noted for its
spectacular hilltop fortress features, extensive road system (Medina 2000; Trombold
1991), and massive bone deposits (Gmez Ortz et al. 2007; Nelson and Martin
2015; ONeill 1995; Pijoan and Mansilla 1990). Weigand (Weigand 1978;
Weigand et al. 1977) initially placed La Quemada in the Early Postclassic (A.D.
9001100/1150), because its colonnaded hall recalled those at Tula. Now La
Quemada is known to be principally an Epiclassic (A.D. 600900) center (Hers
1989; Jimnez Betts 1989; Nelson 1997; Trombold 1990), making its apogee con-
temporary with that of Alta Vista (Kelley 1985).
As Schndubes (1980) term Incipient Postclassic for the period A.D. 600900
suggests, West Mexico had Postclassic traits earlier than the rest of Mesoamerica.
Colonnaded halls appear in Epiclassic Alta Vista and La Quemada but not till Early
Postclassic (A.D. 850/9001150) at Tula in Central Mexico; copper metallurgy
comes in the (very) Early Postclassic, as opposed to the Late Postclassic in Central
Mexico. The list of innovations goes on in ceramics and other artifacts (Braniff
1999). West and Northwest Mexico were dynamic and innovative agents.
Postclassic sites (i.e., A.D. 9001530) farther south along the Malpaso-Juchipila
and parallel streams were scantly documented prior to 1980 (Jimnez Betts and
Darling 2000). Currently a long-term project at El Tel is taking advantage a very
long occupational sequence to explore the expansion of the shaft-tomb tradition
out of the Lerma-Santiago, connections between West Mexico and Teotihuacan
(manifested in earring styles), the Epiclassic network embodied in pseudo-cloisonn
imagery of eagles and serpents, and the Postclassic occupation, about which so little
is currently known in Zacatecas (Jimnez Betts 2013; Solar Valverde and Padilla
Gonzlez 2013). INAH has conducted as yet unpublished excavations at two
other sites with Postclassic components, Las Ventanas and Cerro Tepizuasco.
Cabrero (1989, 1991, 2005, 2012; Cabrero and Lpez 1997, 2010; Cabrero
and Ruvalcaba 2013) has defined a sequence in the Bolaos valley spanning the
Late Formative-Early Classic (ca. A.D. 1500 through the Early Postclassic
(5001120 A.D.) periods extending upstream from the Teuchitln area toward
Chalchihuites. The sites contain mortuary evidence of hierarchical organization.
The mainly Classic period site of Cerro del Huistle (ca. 550950) (Hers 1989,
1990, 2000) also has individuals one a child buried with elaborate grave
goods.
Aztatln Centers in Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa

On the Pacific coastal plain of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa, archaeologists have
documented the advent of the Aztatln tradition, ca. A.D. 8001350. A material
culture pattern that implies proliferating craft specialties and social differentiation
is found from the Ro Tomatln to the Ro Sinaloa, with centers located typically
midway between the coast and the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental. The
Ortelius Map, of 1570 identifies the coastal part of the Aztatln region as an indi-
genous cultural area, and Sauer and Brand (1932) and Kelly (1938, 1945, 1948,
1949) worked to define it archaeologically and chronologically (Grosscup 1964;
Kelley and Winters 1960; Meighan 1976).
The Late Classic period (ca. A.D. 600900) in this region is represented by
red-on-buff ceramics; sites are collections of house mounds representing platforms
that had structures atop (Mountjoy 2000). This red-on-buff development is not dis-
cussed further here. However, coeval early antecedents to the Aztatln style can be
found in the area of Chametla, Sinaloa (Kelly 1938; Smith and Heath-Smith 1982)
represented by flamboyant polychrome designs and engraving.
The Aztatln center of Amapa, Nayarit (Meighan 1976), 1 km2 in area, was built
of earth, wood, and thatch, so that its former magnitude easily escapes notice. Of
over 50 rectangular, long, vertical mounds, the largest was about 16 120 m at
the base and 7 m high. The mounds constituted four well-defined plazas and
other groupings, and included curvilinear house, trash, and burial mounds. A
small clay model matches details of the mounds and depicts an impressive temple
structure (Meighan 1976:Plate 12).
Aztatln ceramics featured remarkable technical sophistication and striking ico-
nography. Red-on-buff, incised polychrome, white ware, and Plumbate wares of
fine pastes were highly polished and high-fired; motifs included feather bundles,
headdresses, and dancers or priests, one of which Mathiowetz (2011) interprets as
Xocihipilli or the Young Sun God, a deity whom he traces from Central Mexico
through West and Northwest Mexico to the US Southwest.
Copper objects included not only bells but also 12 other forms. Artisans fashioned
clay into earspools, pipes, decorated spindle whorls, beads, figurines, whistles, and
stamps. They made obsidian into prismatic blades and other stone materials into
labrets, beads, and pendants and sell into bracelets.
Aztatln sites are also found along the Rio Santiago-Lerma drainage system,
notably at Ixtln del Ro (Gifford 1950), with Early (A.D. 9001300) and Late Post-
classic (A.D. 13001529) components. Masonry temple or palace structures were
wide and shallow with colonnaded entrances.
Ramrez Urrea (2006) identifies an intrusive Aztatln occupation in the Sayula
Basin in a few sites amidst a persisting local tradition. For Ramrez Urrea, the adoption
of the style is a material means of legitimizing the power of an interconnected regional
elite and occurred in two steps. First was the use of the early Aztatln style and some
associated sumptuary goods; secondly the later iconographic style presented
narratives obviously centered on elite personages. Smith and Heath-Smith (1982)

identified the early and late styles in their critique of Mixteca-Puebla style, which
includes Aztatln. Making the useful distinction between style and iconography,
their approach allows us to see style changing independently of iconography. This sep-
aration makes it possible to recognize southern Sinaloa and northern Nayarit as the
original creators of the Early Postclassic religious style, and also to see increasingly
overt messaging about leadership as in the fascinating Sayula example.
In Durango, abundant Lolandis Red Rim pottery (Kelly 1948), especially at Ferrera
[Schroeder] (Hedrick et al. 1971), led to the inference that potters from the coast were
present at Ferrera. A recent petrographic study shows that the Lolandis ceramics were
made both on the Pacific coast and in the Guadiana valley (Vidal 2011).
Carpenter (1996, 2008) has restudied the large, linear burial mound at Guasave,
Sinaloa, excavated by Ekholm (1942). New radiocarbon dates extend the known
period of occupation into the fifteenth century. Ekholm characterized Guasave as
a Mesoamerican outpost; Carpenter shows that many of its characteristics, even

the construction of burial mounds, have antecedents in the earlier Huatabampo
period. While the site is clearly Mesoamerican in character, the evidence does not
support the hypothesis of intrusive colonization.
Late Regional Centers in Sonora and Chihuahua

Despite its Archaic prodigiousness, major regional centers did not emerge in North-
west Mexico until ca. A.D. 1200. One might expect the Aztatln development to
have incorporated Sonoran centers, but it did not. Prior to 1980, Sonoran develop-
ments were traditionally explained in terms of two models, either as southern affili-
ates of the Hohokam or Mogollon (Haury 1976) or Mesoamerican centers for trade
or military control (DiPeso 1983). Half of the sites recorded in northeastern Sonora
were classified as peripheral to Casas Grandes, which in turn was considered periph-
eral to the Pueblos, and the only regional center of Northwest Mexico (Pailes
1976:118). Sonora was seen as an empty space between Mesoamerica and the
Southwest. The concept of a Greater Southwest was created to incorporate North-
west Mexico into the cultural space, but with a connotation of marginality to both
great regions.
Riley (1987) proposed the attractive concept of statelets to partly fill this void
and explain the Ro Sonora tradition. Riley envisioned small, vigorous, semi-
urbanized, trading-oriented polities, connecting Mesoamerica and the US South-
west. He saw each as mid-range in complexity with a central settlement surrounded
by smaller villages. For Braniff (1985:86), two settlements in the middle Ro Sonora
were potential regional centers. Doolittle (1984, 1988) documented a hierarchy in
site size, but inferred that site distribution was determined by subsistence concerns,
in contrast to Pailes (1978, 1980) contention that trade was the main determinant.
Actually, it now seems certain that none of those sites had the characteristics that
would be expected of regional centers (Pailes 2015).
The Cerro de Trincheras Mapping Project in 1991 (McGuire and Villalpando
1997) had the goal of sustaining or refuting hypotheses about the hilltop site type
that marks the landscape of the Sonoran Desert. These hypotheses suggested that
Cerro de Trincheras culture was either a southern rural expression of Hohokam

(Haury 1976), or that the Cerro de Trincheras site supplied the US Southwest
with shell jewelry (DiPeso 1983). Studies of relations and interactions at different
scales have concluded that Cerro de Trincheras was the regional center for the agri-
cultural communities in the middle Magdalena River in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries (McGuire and Villalpando 1997, 2007, 2011; ODonovan 2002, 2004).
Some 1500 inhabitants constructed more than 900 terraces with trails, ramps,
and stairs, built rooms, and nondomestic architecture; had astronomical obser-
vation; carved rock art; and manufactured marine shell ornaments.
Cerros de trincheras with summit compounds and adjoining villages occurred in
the middle Magdalena and Altar valleys of Sonora, as early as the eleventh century
(Fish and Fish 2004, 2007; McGuire and Villalpando 1993). Somewhat confusingly,
Trincheras decorated pottery predates the emergence of the regional center called Cerro
de Trincheras, which has two dominant plain pottery types, one formed by the
coil-and-scrape technique and other by paddle-and-anvil. These dual technological

styles may be explained in terms of womens mobility, particularly if the paddle-and-anvil
type equates to the Hohokam Sells type. The evidence from Cerro de Trincheras contra-
dicts the perception that prehispanic remains in Sonora were poor and simple in com-
parison to the great settlements of Mesoamerica (Villalpando 2014).
The Joint Casas Grandes Expeditions (JCGE), with fieldwork conducted 1958
1961, was one of the most massive and comprehensively reported projects in North-
west Mexico (Contreras Snchez 1985, 1986; DiPeso 1974b, 1974c). The bountiful
remains uncovered at Paquim astonished archaeologists and reinforced Charles Di
Pesos interpretation that the site had been a Mesoamerican trading outpost that
controlled a large area.
Several post-1990s projects revised our understanding of the origin and structure
of Paquim (Minnis and Whalen 2015a). The Medio period apogee is now dated A.
D. 12001450. Di Peso (1974b) interpreted the Viejo period (ca. A.D. 7001200) as
a time of small villages not unlike parts of Northwest Mexico and the US Southwest.
Mesoamerican traders then stimulated the rise of Paquim by organizing the com-
munity to move goods between Mesoamerica and the US Southwest. Lekson
(1999) proposes a different nonlocal stimulus, the emigration of elites from the post-
Chacoan San Juan Basin. Whalen and Minnis (2001, 2009) argue that the rise of
Paquim was a result of local actors mobilizing a large and largely local population.
Paquim was superbly located for farming, with an unusually wide flood plain and
abundant water for irrigation. Minnis and Whalen (2015b) have argued that this
advantage facilitated surplus production that helped fuel the quest for power and
alliance building by its aspiring elite.
Currently, our understanding of the Viejo period is largely based on the JCGEs
excavation at the Convento site just north of Paquim (DiPeso 1974b; DiPeso
et al. 1974b), substantial research at the Viejo sites quite far south of the Paquim
by Kelley et al. (2012) and Kelley and Searcy (2015), and some mostly survey
data from around Paquim (Whalen and Minnis 2001; Whalen and Pitezel 2015).
There are substantial Viejo villages in some areas and substantial variability
between Viejo occupation around Paquim and in southern Chihuahua; we are
still quite far from having a clear understanding of the Viejo period.
Di Peso (1974b) argued that Paquim was a very large community with 2000
rooms and a population of around 5000 and that it strongly dominated a large
area. Whalen et al. (2010a) argue that the site was roughly half as large with
about 1000 rooms and a population of no larger than 2000. Whalen and Minnis
(2001, 2009) working closest to Paquim, argue that it dominated only communities
within about a days walk of the center. Others document how Paquims influence
extended into Sonora, Arizona, New Mexico, and far west Texas (e.g., Douglas and
MacWilliams 2015; Whalen and Pitezel 2015) with some shared cultural (Rakita
2009), religious (VanPool and VanPool 2007, 2015), and material cultural common-
alities (Douglas and MacWilliams 2015). These studies imply that the center had less
impact regionally than Di Peso envisioned.
Production and Exchange

Certain studies (Weigand 1968, 1982; Weigand and Harbottle 1992; Weigand et al.
1977) captured intriguing evidence of mineral and metallurgical activity in West
Mexico. These findings allowed visions of intensive, specialized production through-
out the region following pioneering studies at sites such as Paquim, Alta Vista, and
Amapa. Weigand (1982) characterized northern Zacatecas in particular, but also
Northwest and West Mexico in general, as a rare resource zone exploited by
distant powers. Current evidence suggests that based on the accumulated evidence,
intensive production, while certainly present, was more scattered in time and space
than one might have thought.
Early agricultural period components at La Playa, possibly as early as 800 B.C.
A.D. 200 (Villalpando and Pastrana 2003, 2011), had remarkable quantities of
marine shell transported from the Gulf of California (Carpenter et al. 2007, 2008;
Villalpando and Pastrana 2003). Huatabampo participated heavily in this tradition
connecting West Mexico and Sonora (lvarez 1985, 1990; Braniff 1992).
Some shaft-tomb burials in the Late Formative-Early Classic period of the Lerma-
Santiago Basin, ca. 200 B.C.A.D. 400, have large quantities of shell. A shroud
made of many thousands of perforated shell beads adorned the central individual
(N1) at Huitzilapa (Lpez Mestas Camberos 1998). The same individual had jade
earspools, beads, pendants, nose rings, earrings, shell bracelets, and conch shells
with pseudo-cloisonn decoration. Large, hollow figurines accompanied the dead
in shaft tombs (Aronson 1993; Furst 1965; Galvn Villegas 1991; Graham 1998;
von Winning and Hammer 1972). No firm evidence exists as yet about the manufac-
turing locations of these objects.
Formal mines are abundant near Alta Vista, in the Suchil Branch of the Chalchi-
huites area (Weigand 1968). By comparing the spoil material with the consolidated
conglomerate that the miners excavated, Weigand inferred that they were taking
weathered chert, useful for carving pendants and the like. Eighteen radiocarbon
dates from the mines place this activity in the Epiclassic period, ca. A.D. 600900
(Schiavitti 1994, 1995). Mines are not known elsewhere. Cabrero (1991) views
the occupation of the Bolaos drainage as colonization from the Teuchitln area
to acquire and control the movement of Chalchihuites mineral resources.
Copper artifacts occur at many sites throughout North and West Mexico. DiPeso
et al. (1974a) and Meighan (1976) believed that Paquim and Amapa produced
copper. Hosler (1994), however, argues places production along the Ro Balsas in
Michoacn and Guerrero. Apparently an active distribution system emerged in
the Early Postclassic. We are skeptical of Hoslers beginning date of A.D. 600 for
copper production. This date is based on two insecure stratigraphic contexts and
contradicts all other regional evidence, which argues for an initial date around A.
D. 875. Copper artifacts circulated from then till ca. A.D. 1450.
Obsidian was both produced locally and obtained over long distances (Darling
1993; Jimnez Betts and Darling 2000). Prehispanic occupants of the Chalchihuites,
Bolaos, Malpaso-Juchipila, and Teuchitln areas, used local sources for everyday
tasks and rare, more distantly acquired sources for special functions. Prismatic
blades of Pachuca green obsidian, although rare, demonstrate that the north and
west Mexican centers were linked to Central Mexico.
Turquoise was abundant at Alta Vista; Weigand (1982) reports 17,000 turquoise
pieces. UV ray fluorescence and X-ray fluorescence studies of samples from Suchil
branch sites by Crdova and Martinez (2006) confirm the presence of great
amounts of chemical turquoise and a smaller proportion of amazonite (Melgar
Tisoc et al. 2014). However, Alta Vista now appears to be one of very few Northwest
or West Mexican production centers for blue-green stones. Nelsons excavations at
La Quemada, for example, have turned up only a handful of pieces of chemical tur-
quoise. Hers (2013) notes that while turquoise was found at the Ferrera site, else-
where in Durango amazonite, another blue-green stone, was used instead. Of the
many other regional centers, only Paquim had significant quantities, which
occurred as beads, pendants, and mosaics (DiPeso 1974c). Important here is that
Tula and Teotihuacan, once thought to have driven turquoise trade, each have
only a single mosaic of turquoise.
Evidence of shell-ornament production (debitage, preforms, and manufacturing
failures) is present in practically all recorded sites from the Huatabampo, Central
Coast and Trincheras traditions, and in each instance indications point to local man-
ufacture based on variation in manufacturing techniques (lvarez 1985, 1990;
Braniff 1992; Fish and Fish 2004; Gallaga 2004; McGuire et al. 1999; McGuire
and Villalpando 1993; Vargas 2004; Villalpando 2001).
McGuire (1986) argued that elite in Northwest Mexico and the US Southwest
gained and maintained their sociopolitical status by manipulating the exchange of
high-value goods. Elite actors achieved and maintained power by controlling
access to certain goods that could only be acquired through external exchange
(McGuire 1986:251). Polychrome vessels from Casas Grandes recovered in funerary
contexts at Cerro de Trincheras may be examples of such luxury goods, as may the
copper bells recovered at Ojo de Agua (Braniff 1992), Cerro de Trincheras or San
Jos Bavicora (Punzo and Villalpando 2015).
At Paquim, the enormous quantities of Mesoamerican exotic artifacts, especially
shell, macaws, and copper, led Di Peso to suggest substantial workshops and guild-
like production. These goods were then destined for export markets that helped fund
Paquimes splendor. The general consensus now is that these goods were more for
consumption at Paquim and its nearby contemporaries and that the shell and
copper were produced in West Mexico, not at Paquim (Bradley 1996; Rakita and
Cruz 2015; Vargas 1995; Whalen et al. 2010b). That leaves macaws as the best evi-
dence for the production of exotica at Paquim. They likely were bred at Paquim
(Somerville et al. 2010), and were ritually used at Paquim and nearby communities.
The scale of production may indicate that birds and feathers were also important
trade items.
Cultural Identities and Inter-Regional Relationships

Notwithstanding the above heterogeneity, at times social networks appear to have
fostered connectivity among regions. These episodes are of interest in the search
for specific conditions and mechanisms that may explain MesoamericanUS South-
western interaction.
Before 1980 archaeologists considered identity at a large scale, linking the West
and Northwest Mexican regional centers with distant cities, then thought of as
seats of empires. Some saw the regional centers as a succession of castle-towns
(Armillas 1964) or imperial outposts (Kelley 1971, 1976; Weigand 1968, 1978;
Weigand et al. 1977). Braniff (1974) and Kelley (1971) traced the arrival of
incised-engraved and red-on-buff ceramics, which came along with new architec-
tural forms ca. 550 B.C., to Central Mexico; to these scholars such links represented
the arrival of Mesoamerican peoples in the frontier zone. The earth monster, Venus,
lightning, eagles, serpents, and other icons indicated a connection with wider
Mesoamerican ideology.
More recently archaeologists have specified a sequence of interaction spheres of
changing geographic scope. The Capacha ceramic style, which Mountjoy (1989)
places ca. 1200800 B.C., suggests a very wide interaction sphere involving Michoa-
cn, central Mexico, coastal Veracruz, and Machalilla in Ecuador (Kelly 1980;
Mountjoy 2010). The circular monuments of Teuchitlan, ca. 200 B.C.A.D. 400,
establish a later, smaller, and differently oriented sphere (Weigand 1985) centered
on Jalisco. A dynamic northern interaction sphere in turn succeeded that tradition
(Jimnez 1989, 1992, 1995; Jimnez and Darling 2000). This sphere incorporated
the Chalchihuites, Malpaso-Juchipila, Bolaos, and other neighboring regions ca.
A.D. 400900. The northern sphere includes what Armillas (1964) and Kelley
(1971) had described as the expanded northern frontier of Mesoamerica. Most of
this development took place during the interregnum between Teotihuacan and
Tula, leaving little room for the notion of imperial forces as drivers (Nelson 1997).
Regional histories diverged in the Chalchihuites, Malpaso, and Bolaos areas
after their Epiclassic to Early Postclassic period occupations, variously ca. 900
1100. For example, the cultural identities expressed in material culture at La
Quemada and Alta Vista were no longer distinguishable locally after abandonment.
Elsewhere, such as in the Guadiana Branch of Chalchihuites, occupation continued
but in changed forms.
Ca. A.D. 900, the Aztatln tradition supplanted older networks of interaction,
particularly along the Pacific Coast, from the Tomatln Valley (Mountjoy 2000)
to far north as Buyubampo, Sinaloa (Carpenter and Snchez 2014). This network
emphasized elite, prestige, or ritual goods, suggesting an intensified network

among people of special social roles, who were likely ritual specialists and political
authorities. Many of the goods that characterize Aztatln (elaborate polychrome
and incised polychrome pottery decorated in Postclassic religious style, cylindrical
vessels, copper artifacts, prismatic obsidian blades, Mazapan figurines) are very
rare and are mostly found in special mortuary contexts. However, in some of the
affected places, domestic material culture, particularly pottery, was widely
transformed.
Collapses, Abandonments and Reorganizations

Of course, societal collapse and reorganization occurred throughout prehispanic
times in North and West Mexico. Along the southern river valleys, groups surround-
ing regional centers remained autonomous from one another and collapsed auton-
omously, unlike the groups conquered and merged by the Purpecha to form the
Tarascan Empire to the south and east (Schndube 1980). After the collapses of
Malpaso and Chalchihuites centers, refugees may have joined the inhabitants of
the Sierra Madre Occidental, as groups there became todays Cora, Wixrika, and
Tepehuan. Archaeologists have demonstrated continuities in iconography and
ritual reaching back 1200 or more years (Coyle 2000; Kantor 2015; Medina Gon-
zlez 2000; Medina Gonzlez and Garca Uranga 2010; Nelson 2015; Rodrguez
Zarian 2009). To the south, the bellicose Caxcan controlled the Tlaltenango and
lower Juchipila valleys (Baus Czitrom 1985). Other groups too numerous to name
were in the Santiago and along the Pacific Coast in Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa.
In the territories previously belonging to the Teuchitlan, Bolaos, Malpaso, Chalchi-
huites, and Aztatln areas or traditions, inhabitants spoke more than 40 languages
at the time of contact (Longacre 1967).
Berrojalbiz and Hers (Berrojalbiz 2012; Berrojalbiz and Hers 2013) question
Kelley and Kelleys (1971) longstanding proposal that the Tepehuan are descendants
of the original, pre-Chalchihuites Loma San Gabriel culture. They argue that the
Tepehuan were Sonoran immigrants who arrived after A.D. 1350. Punzo (2009)
proposes a final Bajikam phase for the Guadiana valley, and also reviews evidence
for sixteenth and seventeenth century reorganization of groups in the Sierra
Madre Occidental and Guadiana Valley (Punzo 2013b).
Braniff (1985:89) assumed that the dwellers of prehispanic Sonoran towns and
villages dispersed into smaller units that the Spaniards labeled rancheras. Reff
(1981), however, identified towns encountered by Cabeza de Vaca. Later Braniff
(1992), following Di Peso (1974a:774775) and others, considered it crucial to
reconstruct the routes of sixteenth century explorers in order to connect prehispanic
occupations with colonial history. Most scholars assumed that Spanish-introduced
epidemics caused a protohistoric population collapse (Reff 1991).
McGuire and Villalpandos (1993) Altar Valley survey data show that following
the twelfth-to-thirteenth-century population peak, the scale of occupation returned
to that of the villages in the previous centuries. The Altar Valley was part of the
Trincheras tradition until the Altar phase but part of southern Arizona Oodham
tradition in the later prehispanic period. Santa Teresa phase (A.D. 14501690) sites
in the area can be attributed to Sobaipuri groups. The Oquitoa phase (A.D. 1690
1840) was the period when the Jesuits concentrated the Sopa Oodham population
into missions, where they were slowly replaced with Tohono Oodham brought from
north and west.
Carpenter and Sanchez (2014:135136) note that southern Sonora and northern
Sinaloa largely resisted the Spanish intrusion. Epidemics reduced the population, but
survivors moved to more strategic locations without cataclysm. The authors argue for
continuity in this region between the Aztatlan tradition and the Cahitan Tahue popu-
lation. Historic texts document thousands of people living in towns, growing abundant
food crops and cotton. Some met the intruders armed with shields, lances, and clubs,
profusely ornamented with feathers, shell and stone belts, bracelets and anklets, and
dressed in cotton garments. Prehispanic ceramic styles also continued into historic times.
Di Peso inferred that Paquim met a violent end at the hands of its enemies
(DiPeso 1974b). Casserino (2009) found no corroboration of this in his analysis

of Paquim skeletal remains. Whalen and Minnis (2012) suggest that elite super-
structure ended but nonelite populations continued living in the region. The end
of Paquim remains a largely open question (Phillips and Gamboa Carrera 2015),
on which Whalens recent post-Medio excavations may shed light. Paquim may
be one of the best agriculturally buffered areas in Northwest Mexico or the South-
west US (Minnis and Whalen 2015b), so droughts likely had less impact on cultural
change and population relocation than elsewhere, such as on the Colorado Plateau.
The Tarahumara, Tepehun, Guarijo, and other groups now inhabit southern Chi-
huahua. Unfortunately, many other groups, especially in northern and northeastern
Chihuahua, such as the Suma, Jocomes, Manso, and Janos, were led to extinction
shortly after Spanish conquest, although surviving individuals may have joined
other groups.
Roles of the Regions in MesoamericanUS Southwest Interaction

The formation of regional centers in a widening area, A.D. 2001400, stimulated
inter-regional sharing of cultural practices, symbols, and valued goods. Demo-
graphic and sociopolitical changes first seen in the Lerma-Santiago Basin, leading
to the construction of monumental places, were replicated in different forms in
that rivers tributaries, along the eastern side of the Sierra Madre Occidental, and
along the Pacific coastal plain west of the Sierra Madre. These changes were built
on a bed of initial connections forged during the diffusion of maize agriculture
and associated ritual (Nelson et al. 2016). The overarching pattern consisted of
several important moments of change, often fueled by sociopolitical intensification
(Carpenter 2002; Solar Valverde 2010a).
The grand moment was the advent of the Aztatln tradition, possibly as early as
A.D. 800 at Amapa (Mountjoy 2000). The Aztatln phenomenon is important for
four reasons. First, as Ekholm (1942) recognized, this network forms something
of a bridge between Mesoamerica and its cultural peninsula, the US Southwest,
especially the Hohokam. Second, in their aggregate, participating sites contain
many of the artifacts which, when found in US Southwest contexts, mark
Mesoamerican interaction. Such items include copper bells, pseudo-cloisonn

pottery (though it ceases to be made soon after A.D. 900), macaws, plaques and
mirrors, shell bracelets, and shell trumpets. Third, current evidence suggests that
some of these items appeared in the US Southwest and West Mexico almost simul-
taneously. Copper bells at Amapa (Meighan 1976), for example, are very close in
time to their earliest appearance at Snaketown (Haury 1976). Fourth, as recognized
by Mathiowetz (2011) and McGuire (2011), some key Aztatln iconographic
elements are incorporated into Southwestern pottery and mural styles after A.D.
1200, though not in the codex style that characterizes Late Aztatln. The beginning
of the Aztatln period was the moment when the US Southwest snapped together
with Mesoamerica, with distant partners embracing some key objects, symbols,
and practices and rejecting others. Kelley (2000) and Mountjoy (2000) include tur-
quoise in these items, although as noted above, it does not seem that the turquoise
was exchanged as widely as previously suggested (Weigand and Harbottle 1992).
Related observations can be made at smaller scales. For example, the groups along
the eastern side of the Sierra Madre appear to have played limited but significant
roles in the connections. La Quemada was abandoned ca. A.D. 900, never partici-
pating in the Aztatln tradition. Occupation at Alta Vista in the Chalchihuites
Suchil Branch continued till ca. A.D. 1050 and at sites in the Guadiana Branch till
ca. A.D. 1300. The connections implied by the impressive mining activity and anom-
alous amount of turquoise in the Suchil Branch need to be further understood in this
regard. These sites also appear to have had some role in transmitting certain ceramic
motifs that occur on Hohokam Red-on-buff pottery (Carot 2001).
Beyond the Chalchihuites region in southern Chihuahua Brooks (1971) documen-
ted archaeological remains, mostly small ranchera settlements and small hilltop
enclosures, but no aggregated villages or substantial architecture. Hard et al.
(2015) argue that the 300 km gap of large settlements between the Casas Grandes
and Chalchihuites regions was due to the viability of a dispersed settlement
pattern based on rain-fed farming. There are substantial differences between
Mesoamerican villages (such as village organization) and material culture (such
as ceramic types) as far north as Durango and villages that appear more Southwes-
tern as far south as central Chihuahua, so much so that we believe that southern
Chihuahua can be viewed almost as a boundary between Northwest Mexico-US
Southwest and Mesoamerica.
In contrast, nearly every main valley along the western side of the Sierra Madre
appears to have been connected to some degree. Recent findings at Buyubampo (Car-
penter and Snchez 2014), including a copper bell, obsidian prismatic blades, a cylind-
rical seal, Aztatln spindle whorls, and Aztatln and Casas Grandes sherds, suggest an
important role in the network for that northern Sinaloan town. The Yaqui Valley
(Gallaga 2007; Garcia 2011) has produced additional evidence of interaction. At
Onavas, Watson and Garca (2016) excavated El Cementerio, dated A.D. 943
1481. Among more than 100 human inhumations, 57 presented fronto-occipital
cranial deformation and 15 had dental mutilation, especially men and children.
Some inhumations were ornamented with bracelets, necklaces, earrings, of marine
shell and blue stones (turquoise or azurite). These features indicate possible relation-
ships with coastal Sinaloa and Nayarit in West Mexico, prior to A.D. 1200.
One valley in the far north that does not appear to have had a role in north-south
interactions is the Rio Altar with the key site of Cerro de Trincheras. Today attention
is focused on the east-west connections forged by late prehistoric movement of styles
and items between people of the Casas Grandes area of northern Chihuahua and the
Trincheras area, with little evidence for connectivity with the Hohokam area to the
north (McGuire et al. 1999; Punzo and Villalpando 2015; Watson et al. 2015). It
appears that by A.D. 1250, the Hohokam and the Trincheras communities were cul-
turally distinct groups at war with one other (McGuire and Villalpando 2007,
2008).
Conclusion
Echoing an earlier call (Haury 1945), McGuire (1980) made a persuasive plea for more
field research in North and West Mexico. Some of that work has occurred; the accumu-
lating evidence has of course changed our perceptions in unanticipated directions. In

1980 North and West Mexico looked like an undifferentiated distant region to many
Southwestern US archaeologists. The view was further homogenized because Southwest
archaeologists tended to focus on aspects of the archaeological record of most interest to
them, such as trade goods. Perceptions have changed markedly with more research and
with international collaboration. Recent work has made it clear that Northwest Mexico
is a diverse region with four to five times as many local, named traditions as the US
Southwest, taxonomically parallel to the Hohokam, Mogollon, etc. In time they reor-
ganized, combined, or vanished, as in the US Southwest, the surviving groups maintain-
ing both autonomy and connectivity. Clearly not all centers in the Norte and Occidente
were intermediaries in MesoamericanUS Southwest interaction, nor was their partici-
pation identical. Some regional centers may have participated in the distant connections
by specializing in the production of particular goods or resources that were important to
the regions overall ritual economy.
The issues of MesoamericanUS Southwest relations obviously deserve continued
pursuit with Northwest and West Mexican case material fully considered. Even today,
the mechanisms of transmission are uncertain. Better questions continue to develop
regarding relationships between the U.S. Southwest and Mesoamerica, and Northwest
and West Mexico will continue to be fertile regions for understanding ancient history.
Acknowledgments
We thank Henry Wallace, Peter Jimnez, Andrea Torvinen, and two anonymous
reviewers for critical comments and Christopher Schwartz for maps and other
thoughtful assistance.
References Cited
lvarez, Ana Mara
1985 Sociedades agrcolas. In Historia General de Sonora, Tomo I, pp. 225260. Gobierno del Estado de
Sonora, Hermosillo.
1990 Huatabampo: Consideraciones sobre una comunidad agrcola prehispnica en el sur de Sonora.
Noroeste de Mxico 9.
Armillas, Pedro
1964 Condiciones ambientales y movimientos de pueblos en la frontera septentrional de Mesoamrica. In
Homenaje a Fernando Marquez-Miranda, pp. 6282. Publicaciones del Seminario de Estudios
Americanistas y Seminario de Antropologa Americana, Universidades de Madrid y Sevilla.
Madrid, Spain.
Aronson, Meredith A.
1993 Technological Change: West Mexican Mortuary Ceramics. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Arizona.
Aveni, Anthony F., Horst Hartung, and J. Charles Kelley
1982 Alta Vista (Chalchihuites), Astronomical Implications of a Mesoamerican Ceremonial Outpost at the
Tropic of Cancer. American Antiquity 47:326335.
Baus Czitrom, Carolyn
1985 The Tecuexes: Ethnohistory and Archaeology. In The Archaeology of West and Northwest
Mesoamerica, edited by M. S. Foster and P. C. Weigand, pp. 93115. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.
Beekman, Christopher S.
2010 Recent Research in West Mexican Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological. Research Published
online September 2009.
Beekman, Christopher S., and Phil C. Weigand
2010 La secuencia cronolgica de la tradicin Teuchitln. In El sistema fluvial Lerma-Santiago durante el
Formativo y el Clsico Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y dinmicas culturales, edited by L. Solar
Valverde, pp. 243264. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
Berrojalbiz, Fernando
2012 Paisajes y fronteras del Durango prehispnico. Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico
City.
Berrojalbiz, Fernando, and Marie-Areti Hers
2013 La ocupacin Chalchihuitea en el Valle de Guatimap. In Historia de Durango: poca antigua. Vol. 1,
edited by J. L. P. a. M.-A. Hers, pp. 246241. Instituto de Investigaciones Histricas, Universidad
Jurez del Estado de Durango, Durango, Mexico.
Bradley, Ronna Jane Earthman
1996 The Role of Casas Grandes in Prehistoric Shell Exchange Networks Within the Southwest.
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe.
Brand, Donald
1971 Geography and Archaeology of Zape, Durango. In The North Mexican Frontier, edited by J. C. Kelly,
pp. 2149. Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale, IL.
Braniff, Beatriz
1974 Oscilacin de la frontera septentrional de Mesoamrica. In The Archaeology of West Mexico, edited
by B. Bell, pp. 4050. West Mexican Society for Advanced Study, Ajijic, Jalisco.
1985 La frontera protohistrica Pima-pata en Sonora, Mxico: Proposiciones arqueolgicas prelimi-
nares, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad Autnoma de Mxico.
1992 La frontera protohistrica Pima-pata en Sonora, Mxico. Proposiciones arqueolgicas prelimi-
nares. Coleccin Cientfica. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
1999 Morales, Guanajuato, y la Tradicin Tolteca. Serie Arqueologa. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa
e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
Brooks, Richard Howard
1971 Lithic Traditions in Northwestern Mexico, Paleo-Indian to Chalchihuites. Unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado.
Cabrero Garca, Mara Teresa
1989 Civilizacin en el norte de Mxico. Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City.
1991 Cultura arqueolgica de Bolaos (Zacatecas y Jalisco): Una frontera cultural. Ancient Mesoamerica
2:193203.
2005 El hombre y sus instrumentos en la cultura Bolaos. Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolgicas,
Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mxico, D.F.
2012 Arqueologa mesoamericana: presencia de la cermica seudo-cloisonn en la cultura Bolaos, Jalisco
y Zacatecas. Arqueologa Iberoamericana 16:1124.
Cabrero Garca, Mara Teresa, and Carlos Lpez Cruz
1997 Catlogo de piezas de las tumbas de tiro del Can de Bolaos. Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones
Antropolgicas, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City.
2010 La cultura Bolaos durante el perodo de tumbas de tiro, 1 a 440 A.C. In El sistema fluvial
Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico Temprano, edited by L. Solar Valverde, pp.
167179. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
Cabrero Garca, Mara Teresa, and Jos Luis Ruvalcaba Cil
2013 Cascabeles de cobre en la cultura Bolaos, Jalisco. Arqueologa Iberoamericana 19:2436.
Carot, Patricia
2001 Le Site de Loma Alta, Lac de Zacapu, Michoacan, Mexique. Paris Monographs in American
Archaeology 9, BAR International Series 920. Archaeopress, Oxford, UK.

Carpenter, John
1996 El Ombligo en la Labor: Differentiation, Interaction and Integration in Prehispanic Sinaloa, Mexico.
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona.
2002 Of Red Rims and Red Wares: The Archaeology of Prehispanic Sinaloa. In Boundaries and Territories.
The Archaeology of the U.S. Southwest and Northern Mexico, edited by E. Villalpando, pp. 143
153. Arizona State University Anthropological Research Papers Series 54. Department of
Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe.
2008 El conjunto mortuorio de El Ombligo: anlisis e interpretaciones. In Excavaciones en Guasave,
Sinaloa, Mxico, edited by C. Zazueta Manjarrez and C. Guerrero Astorga, pp. 149181. Once
Ros (Siglo XXI)/INAH/Colegio de Sinaloa, Culiacn.
Carpenter, John, and Guadalupe Snchez
2013 El Holoceno Medio (Altitermal) y los inicios del Holoceno Tardo: la diversificacin del
Yuto-Aztecano y la difusin del maz. Dilogo Andino 41:199210.
2014 Continuidad cultural en la periferia sur del Noroeste/Suroeste: el periodo protohistrico en el sur de
Sonora y el norte de Sinaloa. In Building Transnational Archaeologies/Construyendo Arqueologas
Transnacionales, edited by R. H. McGuire and E. Villalpando, pp. 3752. Arizona State Museum
Archaeological Series 209. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Carpenter, John, Guadalupe Snchez, and Elisa Villalpando
2002 Of Maize and Migration: Mode and Tempo in the Diffusion of Zea mays in Northwest Mexico and
the American Southwest. In Traditions, Transitions, and Technologies: Themes in Southwestern
Archaeology, edited by S. Schlanger, pp. 245258. University of Colorado Press, Boulder.
2007 El Periodo de Agricultura Temprana en Sonora. In Memoria del Seminario de Arqueologa del Norte
de Mxico, digital edition, edited by C. Garca and E. Villalpando, pp. 5978. Coordinacin
Nacional de Arqueologa/Centro INAH Sonora, Hermosillo.
2008 Prehispanic Environmental and Cultural Dynamics on the Southern Periphery. In Fragile Patterns:
Perspectives on Western Papaguera Archaeology, edited by J. Altschul and A. Rankin, pp. 287
308. SRI Press, Tucson.
Casserino, Christopher M.
2009 Bioarchaeology of Violence and Site Abandonment at Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, Mexico.
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene.
Contreras Snchez, Eduardo
1985 Antigua ciudad de Casas Grandes Chihuahua (Paquim): tecnologa aplicada a la construccion de
edificios habitaciones. Cuadernos de Trabajo 1. Direccin de Monumentos Prehispnicos Instituto
Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
1986 Paquim: Zona arqueolgica de Casas Grandes. Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Chihuahua
City.
Copeland, Audrey, Jay Jay Quade, James T. James, T. Watson, Brett Brett McLaurin, and E. Villalpando
2012 Stratigraphy and Geochronology of La Playa Archaeological site, Sonora, Mexico. Journal of
Archaeological Science 39:29342944.
Crdova, Guillermo, and Estela Martnez
2006 Proyecto arqueolgico valle del Ro Suchil, Zacatecas y Durango, informe de la tercera de campo,
julio agosto del 2006 octubre de 2006, edited by Archivo Tcnico de la Coordinacin
Nacional de Arqueologa, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia.
Corona Nuez, Jos
1955 Tumba de El Arenal, Etzaln, Jalisco. In Informes. Vol. 3. Direccion de Monumentos Pre-Hispanicos,
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico City.
Coyle, Philip E.
2000 To Join the Waters: Indexing Metonymies of Territoriality in Cora Ritual. Journal of the Southwest
42(1):119128
Cruz y Cruz, Tamara, Guadalupe Snchez, Sergey Sedov, Elizabeth Solleiro Rebolledo, Alejandro Terrazas
Mata, and John Carpenter

2014 Spatial Variability of Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene Soil Formation and its Relation to Early
Human Paleoecology in Northwest Mexico. Quaternary International 365:135149.
Darling, J. Andrew
1993 Notes on Obsidian Sources of the Southern Sierra Madre Occidental. Ancient Mesoamerica 4:245
253.
DiPeso, Charles C.
1974a Casas Grandes: A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca, Vol. 3-2. The American
Foundation, Dragoon.
1974b Casas Grandes: A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca, Vols. 13. The American
1974c Casas Grandes: A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca, Vols. 48. The American
1983 The Northern Sector of the Mesoamerican World System. In Forgotten Places and Things:
Archaeological Perspectives in American History, edited by A. E. Ward, pp. 1121. Center for
Anthropological Research, Albuquerque.
DiPeso, Charles C., John B. Rinaldo, and Gloria J. Fenner
1974a Casas Grandes: A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca 7. The American Foundation,
Dragoon.
1974b Casas Grandes: A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca 4. The American Foundation,
Dragoon.
Doolittle, William E.
1984 Settlements and the Development of Statelets in Sonora, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology
11(1):1324.
1988 Pre-Hispanic Occupance of the Valley of Sonora, Mexico. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Douglas, John E., and A. C. MacWilliams
2015 Society and Polity in the Wider Casas Grandes Region. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes
World, edited by P. M. a. M. Whalen, pp. 12617. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Ekholm, Gordon F.
1942 Excavations at Guasave, Sinaloa. Anthropological Papers 38, Part 2. American Museum of Natural
History, New York.
Fish, Paul, and Suzanne K. Fish
2004 In the Trincheras Heartland: Initial Insights from Full Coverage Survey. In Surveying the Archaeology
of Northwest Mexico, edited by G. E. Newell and E. Gallaga, pp. 4763. University of Utah Press,
Salt Lake City.
2007 Regional Heartlands and Transregional Trends. In Enduring Borderlands Traditions: Trincheras
Sites in Time, Space, and Society, edited by S. K. Fish, P. R. Fish and M. E. Villalpando, pp. 165
194. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Foster, Michael S.
1978 Loma San Gabriel: a Prehistoric Culture of Northwest Mexico. University of Colorado at Boulder,
Boulder.
1995 The Chalchihuites Chronological Sequences: AView from the West Coast Mxico. In Arqueologa del
norte y occidente de Mxico: Homenaje al Dr. J. Charles Kelley, edited by D. B. Dolores, pp. 6792.
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolgicas, Universidad Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City.
Furst, Peter
1965 West Mexican Tomb Sculpture as Evidence for Shamanism in Prehispanic Mesoamerica.
Antropolgica 15:2980.
Gallaga, Emiliano
2004 A Spatial Distribution Analysis of the Shell and Polychrome Ceramics at the Cerro de Trincheras Site,
Sonora. In Surveying the Archaeology of Northwest Mexico, edited by G. E. Newell and E. Gallaga,
pp. 4763. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
2007 The Pre-Hispanic Communities of the Onavas Valley: New Archaeological Research in the Middle
Yaqui River Valley, Sonora, Mexico. Kiva 72(3):329344.
Galvn Villegas, Luis Javier
1991 Las tumbas de tiro del Valle de Atemajac, Jalisco. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia,
Mexico City.
Gamio, Manuel
1910 Los monumentos arqueolgicos de las inmediaciones de Chalchihuites, Zacatecas. In Anales del
museo nacional de arqueologa, historia, y etnografa, tercera poca, II, pp. 469492, Mexico City.
Garcia, Cristina
2011 Arqueologa en Batacosa. In Memorias de la XXIX Mesa Redonda de la Sociedad Mexicana de
Antropologa. Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Benemrita Universidad Autnoma de Puebla,
Puebla, Mexico.
Garca Moreno, Cristina
2008 El complejo San Dieguito en el noroeste de Mxico. Premios INAH. Instituto Nacional de
Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
Gifford, E.
1950 The Surface Archaeology of Ixtln del Ro, Nayarit, pp. 183302. University of California
Publlications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. Vol. 32, No. 2, Berkeley.
Gmez Ortz, Almudena, Abigaid Vzquez de Santiago, and Juan Ignacio Macas Quintero
2007 Evidencias de prcticas rituales en La Quemada, Zacatecas: anlisis de un osario. Estudios de
Antropologa Biolgica XIII:431446.
Graham, Mark Miller
1998 The Iconography of Rulership in Ancient West Mexico. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and
Archaeology of the Unknown Past, edited by R. H. Townsend, pp. 191203. Thames and
Hudson, New York.
Grosscup, Gordon L.
1964 The Ceramics of West Mexico. University of California, Los Angeles.
Hard, Robert H., and John R. Roney
1998 A Massive Terraced Village Complex in Chihuahua, Mexico, 3000 Years Before Present. Science
279:16611664.
Hard, Robert J., William L. Merrill, A. C. MacWilliams, John R. Roney, Jacob C. Freeman, and Karen R. Adams
2015 Rain-Fed Farming and Settlement Aggregation: Reflections from Chihuahua, Mexico. In Traditional
Arid Lands Agriculture: Understanding the Past for the Future, edited by S. E. Ingran and R. C. Hunt,
pp. 237272. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Hard, Robert J., and John R. Roney

2005 The Transition to Farming on the Rio Casas Grandes and in the Southern Jornada Mogollon Region.
In The Late Archaic Across the Borderlands: From Foraging to Farming, edited by B. J. Vierra, pp.
141186. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Haury, Emil W.
1945 The Problem of Contacts Between the Southwestern United States and Mexico. Southwestern Journal
of Anthropology 1:5574.
1962 The Greater American Southwest. In Courses Toward Urban Life, edited by R. J. Braidwood and G.
R. Willey, pp. 106131. Aldine, Chicago.
1976 The Hohokam: Desert Farmers of the American Southwest. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Hedrick, Basil C., J. Charles Kelley, and Carroll L. Riley (editors)
1971 The North Mexican Frontier: Readings in Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography. Southern
Illinois University Press, Carbondale and Edwardsville.
Hers, Marie-Areti
1989 Los toltecas en tierras chichimecas. Cuadernos de Investigaciones Estticas No. 35. Instituto de
Investigaciones Estticas, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico, D.F.
Hers, Marie-Areti
1990 Los objetos de cobre en la cultura Chalchihuites. In Homemaje a Federico Sescosse: un hombre, un
destino y un lugar, pp. 4560. Gobierno del Estado de Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico.
Hers, Marie-Areti
2000 Zacatecas y Durango. Los confines tolteca-chichimecas. In La Gran Chichimeca: el lugar de las rocas
secas, coordinated by Beatriz Braniff, pp. 113154. Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes,
Mexico, D.F.
Hers, Marie-Areti
2013 Durango y el antiguo camino de tierra adentro. In Historia de Durango: pocaantigua, Vol. 1, edited
by J. L. P. a. M.-A. Hers, pp. 400427. Instituto de Investigaciones Histricas, Universidad Jurez del
Estado de Durango, Durango.
Holien, Thomas, and Robert Pickering
1978 Analogues in a Chalchihuites Culture Sacrificial Burial to Late Mesoamerican Ceremonialism. In
Middle Classic Mesoamerica: A.D. 400700, edited by E. Pasztory, pp. 145157. Columbia
University Press, New York.
Hosler, Dorothy
1994 The Sounds and Colors of Power: The Sacred Metallurgical Technology of Ancient West Mexico.
MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
Jimnez Betts, Peter
1989 Perspectivas sobre la arqueologa de Zacatecas. Arqueologa 5:750.
1992 Una red de interaccin del noroeste de Mesoamrica: una interpretacin. In Orgen y desarollo en el
Occidente de Mxico, edited by B. Boehm de Lameiras and P. C. Weigand, pp. 177204. Colegio de
Michoacn, Zamora.
1995 Algunas observaciones sobre la dinmica cultural de la arqueologi de Zacatecas. In Arqueologa del
Norte y del Occidente de Mxico, edited by B. Dahlgren and M. d. l. D. Soto de Arechavaleta, pp. 35
66. Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico, D.F.
2013 El Noroeste en el Epiclsico y sus vnculos con el Bajo. In Tradiciones cermicas del Epiclsico en el
Bajo y regiones aledaas: cronologa e interaccin, edited by C. Pomedio, G. Pereira and E.
Fernndez-Villanueva, pp. 203209. Paris Monographs in American Archaeology 31, BAR
International Series 2519. Archaeopress, Oxford, UK.
Jimnez Betts, Peter F., and J. Andrew Darling
2000 Archaeology of Southern Zacatecas: The Malpaso, Juchipila, and Valparaiso-Bolaos Valleys. In
Greater Mesoamerica: The Archaeology of West and Northwest Mexico, edited by M. S. Foster
and S. Gorenstein, pp. 155180. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Jimnez Moreno, Wigberto

1959 Sntesis de la historia pretolteca de Mesoamrica. In El esplendor del Mxico antiguo, pp. 1109
1196. Vol. 2. Centro de Investigaciones Antropolgicos, Mexico, D.F.
Kan, Michael, Clement Meighan, and H. B. Nicholson
1970 Sculpture of Ancient West Mexico: Nayarit, Jalisco, Colima. Los Angeles County Museum of Art,
Los Angeles.
Kantor, Loni
2015 Wixrika Landscape Conceptualization and Suggestions for its Archaeological Relevance.
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State
University, Tempe.
Kelley, Ellen Abbott
1978 The Temple of the Skulls at Alta Vista, Chalchihuites. In Across the Chichimec Sea: Papers in Honor
of J. Charles Kelley, edited by C. L. Riley and B. C. Hedrick, pp. 102126. Southern Illinois
University Press, Carbondale.
Kelley, J. Charles
1971 Archaeology of the Northern Frontier: Zacatecas and Durango. In Archaeology of Northern
Mesoamerica, Part Two, edited by G. F. Ekholm and I. Bernal, pp. 768804. Handbook of
Middle American Indians. Vol. 11, Part 2. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1976 Alta Vista: Outpost of Mesoamerican Empire on the Tropic of Cancer. In Las Fronteras de
Mesoamerica: XIV Mesa Redonda, pp. 2140. Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa, Mexico City.
1985 The Chronology of the Chalchihuites Culture. In The Archaeology of West and Northwest
Mesoamerica, edited by M. S. Foster and P. C. Weigand, pp. 269288. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.
2000 The Aztatln Mercantile System: Mobile Traders and the Northwestward Expansion of
Mesoamerican Civilization. In Greater Mesoamerica: The Archaeology of West and Northwest
Mexico, edited by M. S. Foster and S. Gorenstein, pp. 137154. The University of Utah Press, Salt
Lake City.
2002 A Mesoamerican Colonization of Zacatecas Durango: The Loma San Gabriel and Chalchihuites
Cultures. In Homenaje al Dr. John Charles Kelley, edited by M. T. Cabrero, Jaime Litvak, and
Peter Jimnez, pp. 8398. Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolgicas, Universidad Nacional
Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City.
Kelley, Jane H., A. C. MacWilliams, Joe D. Stewart, Karen R. Adams, Jerimy J. Cunningham, Richard D.
Garvin, J. M. Maillol, Paula J. Reimer, and Danny Zborover
2012 The View from the Edge: The Proyecto Arqueolgico Chihuahua (PAC): 1990 to 2010: An Overview.
Canadian Journal of Archaeology 36:82107.
Kelley, Jane H., and Michael T. Searcy
2015 Beginnings: The Viejo Period. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes World, edited by P. Minnis
and M. Whalen, pp. 1740. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Kelley, J. Charles, and Ellen Abbott
1964 The Cultural Sequence on the North Central Frontier of Mesoamerica. XXXVI Congreso
Internacional de Americanistas, Sevilla.
Kelley, J. Charles, and Ellen Abbott Kelley
1971 An Introduction to the Ceramics of the Chalchihuites Culture of Zacatecas and Durango, Mexico.
Research Records, Series 69 M 5A. University Museum, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale.
1980 Sipapu and Pyramid Too: The Temple of the Crypt at Alta Vista, Chalchihuites. Transactions of the
Illinois Academy of Sciences 73(2):6279.
Kelly, Isabel
1938 Excavations at Chametla, Sinaloa. Iberoamericana 14. University of California Press, Berkeley.
1945 Excavations at Culiacn, Sinaloa. Iberoamericana 25. University of California Press, Berkeley.
1948 Ceramic Provinces of Northwestern Mexico. In El Occidente de Mxico: Cuarta Reunin de la Mesa
Redonda de la Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologa, Mxico, Mexico, D.F.
1949 The Archaeology of the Tuxcacuesco Area of Jalisco. Iberoamericana 27. University of California
Press, Berkeley.
1980 Ceramic Sequence in Colima: Capacha, an Early Phase. Anthropological Papers of the University of
Arizona 27. University of Arizona, Tucson.
Kelley, J. Charles, and Howard D. Winters
1960 A Revision of the Archaeological Sequence in Sinaloa, Mexico. American Antiquity 25(4):547561.
Lekson, Stephen H.
1999 The Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest. AltaMira Press, Walnut
Creek, CA.
Lelgemann, Achim
1996 Orientaciones astronmicas y el sistema de medida en La Quemada, Zacatecas, Mxico. Indiana
[Berlin] 14:99125.
Long, Stanley V.
1966 Archaeology of the Municipio of Etzatln, Jalisco. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Los
Angeles.
Long, Stanley V., and Robert E. Taylor
1966 Chronology of a West Mexican Shaft Tomb. Nature 212(5062):651652.

Longacre, Robert
1967 Systemic Comparison and Reconstruction. In Handbook of Middle American Indians, edited by N.
McQuown, pp. 117160. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Lpez Mestas Camberos, Lorenza
1998 Excavating the Tomb at Huitzilapa. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown
Past, edited by R. H. Townsend, pp. 5369. Thames and Hudson, New York.
Mabry, Jonathan, John P. Carpenter, and Guadalupe Snchez
2008 Archaeological Models of Early Uto-Aztecan Prehistory in the Arizona-Sonora Borderlands. In
Archaeology Without Borders: Contact, Commerce, and Change in the U. S. Southwest and
Northwestern Mexico, edited by L. Webster and M. McBrinn, pp. 155184. University of
Colorado Press, Boulder.
MacWilliams, A. C., Robert J. Hard, John R. Roney, and Karen J. Adams
2008 The Setting of Early Agriculture in Southern Chihuahua. In Archaeology without Borders, edited by
L. D. Webster and M. E. McBrinn, pp. 3554. University of Colorado Press, Boulder.
Mason, J. Alden
1937 Late Archaeological Sites in Durango, Mexico, from Chalchihuites to Zape. In Twenty-Fifth
Anniversary Studies, edited by D. D. Davidson. Vol. I. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia.
Mathiowetz, Michael
2011 The Diurnal Path of the Sun: Ideology and Interregional Interaction in Ancient Northwest
Mesoamerica and the American Southwest. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of
Anthropology, University of California Riverside, Riverside.
McGuire, Randall H.
1980 The Mesoamerican Connection in the Southwest. Kiva 46(12):338.
1986 Economies and Modes of Production in the Prehistoric Southwestern Periphery. In Ripples in the
Chichimec Sea: New Considerations of Mesoamerican-Southwestern Interactions, edited by F. J.
Mathien and R. H. McGuire, pp. 243262. Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale.
2011 Pueblo Religion and the Mesoamerican Connection. In Religious Transformation in the Late
Pre-Hispanic Pueblo World, edited by D. M. Glowacki and S. van Keuren, pp. 2349. University
of Arizona Press, Tucson.
McGuire, Randall H., Elisa Villalpando C., Victoria D. Vargas, and Emiliano Gallaga.
1999 Cerro de Trincheras and the Casas Grandes World. In The Casas Grandes World, edited by C. F.
Schaafsma and C. L. Riley, pp. 134146. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
McGuire, Randall H., and Elisa Villalpando

1993 An Archaeological Survey of the Altar Valley, Sonora, Mexico. Arizona State Museum
Archaeological Series 184. Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson.
1997 Cerro de Trincheras, un sitio arqueolgico en el noroeste de Sonora. Arqueologa 17:4962.
2007 Excavations at Cerro de Trincheras. In Enduring Borderlands Traditions: Trincheras Sites in Time,
Space, and Society, edited by S. K. Fish, P. R. Fish and M. E. Villalpando. University of Arizona Press,
Tucson.
2008 The Hohokam and Mesoamerica. In The Hohokam Millennium, edited by S. K. Fish and P. R. Fish,
pp. 156163. School of Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe, New Mexico.
2011 Excavations at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mxico (2 vols.). Arizona State Museum Archaeological
Series. The University of Arizona, Tucson.
Medina Gonzlez, Jos Humberto
2000 El paisaje ritual del Valle de Malpaso. Tsis de Licenciatura en Arqueologa, Escuela Nacional de
Antropologa, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa y Secretara de Educacin Pblica.
Medina Gonzlez, Jos Humberto, and Baudelina Lydia Garca Uranga
2010 Alta Vista a 100 aos de su descubrimiento. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa y Historia, Mxico,
D.F.
Meighan, Clement W. (editor)
1976 The Archaeology of Amapa, Nayarit. Institute of Archaeology. University of California, Los Angeles.
Melgar Tisoc, Emiliano, Jos Luis Ruvalcaba, Kilian Lactlavetine, Guillermo Crdova and Estela Martnez
2014 Procedencia y manufactura de las turquesas de Pajones, El Bajo y Cerro Moctehuma, Chalchihuites,
Zacatecas. Tiempo y Regin VII:191222.
Merrill, William L., Robert J. Hard, Jonathan B. Mabry, Gayle J. Fritz, Karen R. Adams, John R. Roney, and
A. C. Williams
2009 The Diffusion of Maize to the Southwestern United States and its Impact. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences 106(50):2101921026.
Minnis, Paul E., and Michael E. Whalen (editors)
2015a Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes World. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
(editors) 2015b Ecology and Food Economy. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes World, edited by
P. E. Minnis, and Michael E. Whalen, pp. 4157. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Mountjoy, Joseph B.
1989 Algunas observaciones sobre el desarrollo del Preclsico en la llanura costera del Occidente. In El
Preclsico o Formativo: avances y perspectivas, edited by M. Carmona, pp. 1126. Museo
Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
2000 Prehispanic Cultural Development Along the Southern Coast of West Mexico. In Greater
Mesoamerica: The Archaeology of West and Northwest Mexico, edited by M. S. Foster and S.
Gorenstein, pp. 81106. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
2010 Caracterizacin de la cermica del Formativo Medio y Tardo Encontrada en la costa de Jalisco y
Nayarit y el altiplano adyacente. In El sistema fluvial Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el
Clsico Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y dinmicas culturales, edited by L. Solar Valverde,
pp. 4356. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
2012 El Pantano y Otros Sitios del Formativo Medio en el Valle de Mascota, Jalisco. Secretara de Cultura,
Guadalajara, Jalisco.
Nelson, Ben A.
1997 Chronology and Stratigraphy at La Quemada, Zacatecas, Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology 24
(1):85109.
2015 Desplazamiento ritual en el occidente de Mxico: del pasado al presente. Arqueologa Mexicana
XXII(131):5459.
Nelson, Ben A., Paul Fish, and Suzanne K. Fish
2016 Mesoamerican Connections of the Hohokam. In Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the US
Southwest, edited by B. J. Mills and S. M. Fowles. Oxford University Press, in press, Oxford, UK.
Nelson, Ben A., and Debra L. Martin

2015 Symbolic Bones and Interethnic Violence in a Frontier Zone, Northwest Mexico, ca. 500900 C.E.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112(30):91969201.
Noguera, Eduardo
1971 Nuevas Exploraciones en El Opeo, Michoacn. Anales de Antropologa 8:83100.
ODonovan, Maria
2002 New Perspectives on Site Function and Scale of Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico: The 1991
Surface Survey. Arizona State Museum Archaeological Series 195. University of Arizona Press,
Tucson.
2004 The Role of Cerros de Trincheras Sites in the Northwest Mexican and American Southwest
Landscape. In Surveying the Archaeology of Northwest Mexico, edited by G. E. Newell and E.
Gallaga, pp. 2745. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Olay Barrientos, Ma. ngeles, Sal Alcntara Salinas, and Laura Almendros Lpez
2010 La tradicin Capacha: evaluacin y perspectivas desde el Valle de Colima. In El sistema fluvial
Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y
dinmicas culturales, edited by L. Solar Valverde, pp. 1941. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e
Historia, Mxico, D.F.

ONeill, Christopher
1995 Tratamiento Cultural de los Muertos en La Quemada, Zacatecas. In Investigacin Cientfica, pp. 18
27. Vol. 1. Universidad Autnoma de Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico.
Pailes, Richard A.
1976 Relaciones culturales prehistricas en el Noreste de Sonora. In Sonora: antropologa del desierto.
Coleccin Cientfica 27, edited by B. Braniff and R. S. Felger, pp. 213228. Instituto Nacional de
Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
1978 The Ro Sonora Culture in Prehistoric Trade Systems. In Across the Chichimec Sea: Papers in Honor
of J. Charles Kelley, edited by C. L. Riley and B. C. Hedrick. Southern Illinois University Press,
Carbondale.
1980 The Upper Rio Sonora Valley in Prehistoric Trade. In New Frontiers in the Archaeology and
Ethnohistory of the Greater Southwest, edited by C. L. R. a. B. Hedrick, pp. 2039. Transactions
of the Illinois State Academy of Sciences, Springfield.
Pailes, Mathew C.
2015 Ro Sonora Polities: A Reconsideration of Scale and Organization. Latin American Antiquity, in
press.
Phillips, David A., Jr., and Eduardo Gamboa Carrera
2015 The End of Paquim and the Casas Grandes Culture. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes
World, edited by P. E. Minnis, and Michael E. Whalen, pp. 148171. University of Arizona Press,
Tucson.
Pijoan, Carmen Ma, and Josefina Mansilla
1990 Evidencias rituales en restos humanos del norte de Mesoamrica. In Mesoamrica y norte de Mxico
siglos IX-XII, edited by F. Sodi Miranda, pp. 467478. Vol. 2. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e
Historia, Mexico City.
Punzo, Jos Luis
2009 Los habitantes del valle de Guadiana 15631630: Apropiacin agrcola y ganadera. Instituto de
Investigaciones Histricas, Universidad Jurez del Estado de Durango, Durango.
2013a La poblacin chalchihuitea del Valle de Guadiana. In Historia de Durango, Vol. 1: poca antigua,
edited by J. L. Punzo and M.-A. Hers, pp. 190207. Instituto de Investigaciones Histricas,
Universidad Jurez del Estado de Durango, Durango.
2013b Los moradores de las casas en acantilado de Durango. Rememorando el mundo de la vida de los
grupos serranos en el siglo XVII. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Escuela Nacional de
Antropologa e Historia.
Punzo, Jos Luis, and Elisa Villalpando

2015 Paquim: A Revision of its Relations to the South and West. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas
Grandes World, edited by P. E. Minnis. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Punzo, Jos Luis, Emmanuel Ambrz, Cinthya Isabel Vidal, and Cindy Sandoval
2011 Proyecto de investigaciones arqueolgicas del rea centro oeste de Durango. Informe tcnico parcial
de la temporada 2011. Manuscript. Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
Rakita, Gordon F. M.
2009 Ancestors and Elites: Emergent Complexity and Ritual Practices in the Casas Grandes Polity.
AltaMira Press, Lanham, MD.
Rakita, Gordon F. M., and Rafael Cruz
2015 Organization of Production. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes World, edited by P. E.
Minnis, and Michael E. Whalen, pp. 4157. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Ramrez Urrea, Susana
2006 Relaciones interregionales en la tradicin Aztatln (Postclsico Temprano y Medio). In
Transformaciones socioculturales y tecnolgicas en el sitio de La Pea, Cuenca de Sayula, Jalisco,
edited by C. Liot, S. Ramrez Urrea, J. Reveles and O. Schndube, pp. 435443. Universidad
Autnoma de Guadalajara and Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.

Ramos de la Vega, Jorge, and Lorenza Lpez Mestas Camberos
1996 Datos preliminares sobre el descubrimiento de una tumba de tiro en el sitio de Huitzilapa, Jalisco.
Ancient Mesoamerica 7(1):121134.
Reff, Daniel T.
1981 The Location of Corazones and Seora: Archaeological Evidence from the Ro Sonora Valley. In The
Protohistoric Period in the North American Southwest A.D. 14501700, edited by D. R. Wilcox and
W. B. Masse, pp. 94112. Anthropological Research Papers 24. Department of Anthropology,
Arizona State University, Tempe.
1991 Anthropological Analysis of Exploration Texts: Cultural Discourse and the Ethnological Import of
Fray Marcos de Nizas Journey to Cibola. American Anthropologist 93:636654.
Riley, Carroll L.
1987 The Frontier People: The Greater Southwest in the Protohistoric Period. University of New Mexico
Press, Albuquerque.
Rodrguez Zarian, Nora Nanelly
2009 El conjunto guila-rombo-serpiente en Chalchihuites, Zacatecas. Tesis de Licenciatura, Escuela
Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.
Snchez, Guadalupe, Vance T. Holliday, John P. Carpenter, and E. Gaines
2015 Sonoran Clovis Groups: Lithic Technological Organization and Land Use. In Clovis: On the Edge of
a New Understanding, edited by A. M. Smallwood and T. A. Jennings, pp. 243261. Texas A&M
Press, College Station.
Sanchez, Guadalupe, Vance T. Holliday, Edmund P. Gaines, Joaqun Arroyo-Cabrales, Natalia
Martnez-Tagea, Andrew Kowler, Todd Lange, Gregory Hodgins, Susan M. Mentzer, and Ismael Sanchez
2014 A Human (Clovis)/Gomphothere (Cuvieronius) Association 13,340 cal years BP in Sonora,
Mexico. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111(30):1097210977.
Sauer, Carl O., and Donald D. Brand
1932 Aztatln: Prehistoric Mexican Frontier on the Pacific Coast. Iberoamericana. University of
California, Berkeley.
Schiavitti, Vincent W.
1994 La minera prehispnica de Chalchihuites. Arqueologa Mexicana 1(6):4851.
1995 Organization of the Prehispanic Suchil Mining District of Chalchihuites, Mexico, A.D. 400950.
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Anthropology, State University of New York,
Buffalo.
Schndube B. Otto
1980 Captulo IX: La nueva tradicin. In Historia de Jalisco: desde los tiempos prehistricos hasta fines del
siglo XVII, pp. 214258. Vol. 1. Gobierno de Jalisco, Guadalajara.
Schndube B. O., and Luis Javier Galvn Villegas
1978 Salvage Archaeology at El Grillo-Tabachines, Zappan, Jalisco, Mxico. In Across the Chichimec
Sea: Papers in Honor of J. Charles Kelley, edited by C. L. Riley and B. C. Hedrick, pp. 144164.
Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale.
Smith, Michael E., and Cynthia M. Heath-Smith
1982 Waves of Influence in Postclassic Mesoamerica? A Critique of the Mixteca-Puebla Concept.
Anthropology 4(2):1550.
Solar Valverde, Laura
2010a El sistema fluvial Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico Temprano: Recuento de una
reunin acadmica. In El sistema fluvial Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico
Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y dinmicas culturales, edited by L. Solar Valverde, pp. 117.
Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
2010b Los Complejos Funerarios Tempranos en el Centro y Sur de Zacatecas. In El sistema fluvial
Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y

dinmicas culturales, edited by L. Solar Valverde, pp. 217242. Instituto Nacional de
Antropologa e Historia, Mxico, D.F.
Solar Valverde, Laura, and Adriana Padilla Gonzlez
2013 Cermicas diagnosticas del sur de Zacatecas durante el periodo de apogeo regional, con nfasis en los
valles de Tlaltenango y Can de Juchipila. In Tradiciones cermicas del Epiclsico en el Bajo y
regiones aledaas: cronologa e interaccin, edited by C. Pomedio, G. Pereira and E.
Fernndez-Villanueva, pp. 189202. Paris Monographs in American Archaeology 31, BAR
International Series 2519. Archaeopress, Oxford, UK.
Somerville, Andrew S., Ben A. Nelson, and Kelly J. Knudson
2010 Isotopic Investigation of Pre-Hispanic Macaw Breeding in Northwest Mexico. Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology 29:125135.
Strazicich, Nicola M.
1998 Clay Sources, Pottery Production, and Regional Economy in Chalchihuites, Mexico, A.D. 200900.
Latin American Antiquity 9(3):259274.
Trombold, Charles D.
1990 A Reconsideration of the Chronology for the La Quemada Portion of the Northern Mesoamerican
Frontier. American Antiquity 55(2):308323.
1991 Causeways in the Context of Strategic Planning in the La Quemada Region, Zacatecas, Mexico. In
Ancient Road Networks and Settlement Hierarchies in the New World, pp. 145168. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, UK.
Valdz, Francisco
1994 Tumbas de tiro en Usmajac (Jalisco): hacia una reorientacin de la temtica. Trace 25:96111.
Valdez, Francisco, Ramrez Urrea, Susana, and Catherine Liot
2005 Captulo IV: Los asentamientos humanos en la Cuenca de Sayula. In Arqueologa de la Cuenca de
Sayula, edited by F. Valdez, O. Schndube and J. P. Emphoux, pp. 69124. Universidad de
Guadalajara and y el Institut de Recherche pour la Dveloppement, Guadalajara, Mexico.
VanPool, Christine S., and Todd L. VanPool
2007 Signs of the Casas Grandes Shamans. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
2015 Religion and Cosmology in the Casas Grandes World. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes
World, edited by P. E. Minnis, and Michael E. Whalen, pp. 83102. University of Arizona Press,
Tucson.
Vargas, Victoria
2004 Shell Ornaments, Power, and the Rise of the Cerro de Trincheras. In Surveying the Archaeology of
Northwest Mexico, edited by G. E. Newell and E. Gallaga, pp. 6576. University of Utah Press, Salt
Lake City.
Vargas, Victoria D.
1995 Copper Bell Trade Patterns in the Prehispanic U.S. Southwest and Northwest Mexico. Arizona State
Museum Archaeological Series 187. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Vidal, Cinthya Isabel
2011 El intercambio en el Noroccidente prehispnico: el intercambio entre la rama Guadiana de la
tradicin arqueolgica Chalchihuites y la tradicin Aztatln, entre 6001300 d.C. Unpublished
Licenciatura Thesis. Escuela Nactional de Antropologa e Historia.
Villalpando, Elisa
2001 Las rutas de intercambio en Sonora. In La Gran Chichimeca: el lugar de las rocas secas, edited by B.
Braniff, pp. 251254. Jaca Book/CONACULTA, Mexico City and Milan.
2014 La apertura para visita pblica de Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora. Anales de Antropologa 48(2):97
117.
Villalpando, Elisa, and Mayela Pastrana
2003 La manufactura prehispnica de ornamentos en concha en el sitio La Playa. Noroeste de Mxico
14:3541.
2011 Espirales en el desierto: La manufactura de ornamentos en conchas del Golfo de California en el
Noroeste de Mxico. In Moluscos arqueolgicos de Amrica, edited by A. Velzquez, E. Melgar
and L. Gmez. Universidad de Guadalajara, Guadalajara, Mexico.
Watson, James T.
2008a Changes in Food Processing and Occlusal Dental Wear during the Early Agricultural Period in
Northwest Mexico. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, Supplement 26 135(1):9299.
2008b Prehistoric Dental Disease and the Dietary Shift from Cactus to Cultigens in Northwest Mexico.
International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 18:202212.
Watson, James T., Jessica I. Cerezo-Romn, Nava Maldonado Silvia I., Carlos Cruz Guzmn and Elisa M.
Villalpando
2015 Death and Community Identity in the Trincheras Cremation Cemetery, Sonora, Mexico. In The
Analysis of Burned Human Remains (2nd ed.), edited by C. W. Schmidt and S. A. Symes, pp.
339354. Academic Press, New York.
Watson, James T., and Cristina Garca
2016 Postclassic Expansion of Mesoamerican (Biocultural) Characteristics into Sonora, Northwest
Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology, in press.
Watson, James T., and Marijke Stoll
2013 Gendered Logistic Mobility among the Earliest Farmers in the Sonoran Desert. Latin American
Antiquity 24(4):433450.
Weigand, Phil C., and Garman A. Harbottle
1992 Turquoise in Pre-Columbian America. Scientific American 266:7885.
Weigand, Phil C.
1968 The Mines and Mining Techniques of the Chalchihuites Culture. American Antiquity 33:4561.
1974 The Ahualulco Site and the Shaft Tomb Complex of the Etzatln Area. In The Archaeology of West
Mexico, edited by B. Bell, pp. 120131. Sociedad de Estudios Avanzados del Occidente de Mxico,
Ajijic, Jalisco.
1978 The Prehistory of the State of Zacatecas: An Interpretation, Part II. Anthropology 2(2):103117.
1982 Mining and Mineral Trade in Prehispanic Zacatecas. In Mining and Mineral Trade in Prehispanic
Zacatecas. Special Issue of Anthropology, edited by P. C. Weigand and G. Gwynne, pp. 87134.
Vol. 6. Department of Anthropology, State University of New York, Stony Brook.
1985 Evidence for Complex Societies During the Western Mesoamerican Classic Period. In The
Archaeology of West and Northwest Mesoamerica, edited by M. S. Foster and P. C. Weigand, pp.
4792. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.
2000 The Evolution and Decline of a Core of Civilization: The Teuchitlan Tradition and the Archaeology
of Jalisco. In Greater Mesoamerica: The Archaeology of West and Northwest Mesoamerica, edited
by M. S. Foster and S. Gorenstein, pp. 4358. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Weigand, Phil C., Garman Harbottle, and Edward V. Sayre
1977 Turquoise Sources and Source Analysis: Mesoamerica and the Southwestern U.S.A. In Exchange
Systems in Prehistory, edited by T. K. Earle and J. E. Ericson, pp. 1534. Academic Press, New York.
Whalen, Michael E., A. C. MacWilliams, and Todd Pitezel
2010a Reconsidering the Size and Structure of Casas Grandes, Chihuahua. American Antiquity 75(3):527
550.
Whalen, Michael E., A. C. MacWilliams, and Todd Pietzel
2010b Reconsidering the Size and Structure of Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, Mexico. American Antiquity
75:527550.
Whalen, Michael E., and Paul E. Minnis
2001 Casas Grandes and Its Hinterland: Prehistoric Regional Organization in Northwest Mexico.
University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
2009 The Neighbors of Casas Grandes: Excavating Medio Period Communities of Northwest Chihuahua,
Mexico. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

2012 Ceramics and Polity in the Casas Grandes Area, Chihuahua, Mexico. American Antiquity 77:403
423.
Whalen, Michael E., and Todd Pitezel
2015 Settlement Patterns of the Casas Grandes Area. In Ancient Paquim and the Casas Grandes World,
edited by P. E. Minnis, and Michael E. Whalen, pp. 103125. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
von Winning, Hasso, and Olga Hammer
1972 Anecdotal Sculpture of West Mexico. The Ethnic Arts Council of Los Angeles, Los Angeles.

Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico 1200 B C A D 1400 An Inter Regional Perspective

Cargado por

Información del documento

Título original

Derechos de autor

Formatos disponibles

Compartir este documento

Compartir o incrustar documentos

Opciones para compartir

¿Le pareció útil este documento?

¿Este contenido es inapropiado?

Copyright:

Formatos disponibles

Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico 1200 B C A D 1400 An Inter Regional Perspective

Cargado por

Copyright:

Formatos disponibles

KIVA

Journal of Southwestern Anthropology and History

ISSN: 0023-1940 (Print) 2051-6177 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ykiv20

Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent West Mexico,

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2016.1147003

Published online: 23 May 2016.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 321

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Citing articles: 1 View citing articles

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

Download by: [189.168.42.104] Date: 11 October 2017, At: 16:55

Prehispanic Northwest and Adjacent

El Noroeste y el Occidente de Mxico incluyen cuatro o cinco veces ms

Copyright 2016 Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society. DOI 10.1080/00231940.2016.1147003

obstante las conexiones persistieron. El avance en las investigaciones

keywords Archaeology, Long distance exchange, Connectivity, US southwest

Chihuahua; (b) shift to the Lerma-Santiago Basin to examine the emergence of

Early Agriculture in Sonora and Chihuahua

Rise of Regional Centers in Lerma-Santiago Basin, Jalisco

Rise of Regional Centers in Zacatecas and Durango

Aztatln Centers in Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa

narratives obviously centered on elite personages. Smith and Heath-Smith (1982)

a Mesoamerican outpost; Carpenter shows that many of its characteristics, even

Late Regional Centers in Sonora and Chihuahua

Cerro de Trincheras culture was either a southern rural expression of Hohokam

coil-and-scrape technique and other by paddle-and-anvil. These dual technological

Production and Exchange

Cultural Identities and Inter-Regional Relationships

emphasized elite, prestige, or ritual goods, suggesting an intensified network

Collapses, Abandonments and Reorganizations

(DiPeso 1974b). Casserino (2009) found no corroboration of this in his analysis

Roles of the Regions in MesoamericanUS Southwest Interaction

Mesoamerican interaction. Such items include copper bells, pseudo-cloisonn

lating evidence has of course changed our perceptions in unanticipated directions. In

Archaeology 9, BAR International Series 920. Archaeopress, Oxford, UK.

Mata, and John Carpenter

Hard, Robert J., and John R. Roney

Jimnez Moreno, Wigberto

1966 Chronology of a West Mexican Shaft Tomb. Nature 212(5062):651652.

McGuire, Randall H., and Elisa Villalpando

Nelson, Ben A., and Debra L. Martin

Historia, Mxico, D.F.

Punzo, Jos Luis, and Elisa Villalpando

Autnoma de Guadalajara and Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia, Mexico City.

Lerma-Santiago durante el Formativo y el Clsico Temprano: precisiones cronolgicas y

Mexico. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

También podría gustarte