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Estudio monográfico sobre los orígenes de la Iglesia Cristiana. Se analiza como el primitivo movimiento nazareno evolucionó, luego de varias rupturas y luchas internas, en parte gracias a la influencia de la filosofía griega, al cristianismo moderno.
Estudio monográfico sobre los orígenes de la Iglesia Cristiana. Se analiza como el primitivo movimiento nazareno evolucionó, luego de varias rupturas y luchas internas, en parte gracias a la influencia de la filosofía griega, al cristianismo moderno.
Estudio monográfico sobre los orígenes de la Iglesia Cristiana. Se analiza como el primitivo movimiento nazareno evolucionó, luego de varias rupturas y luchas internas, en parte gracias a la influencia de la filosofía griega, al cristianismo moderno.
eden Et Mead eta!
Peete eee
SICLIES POE MOGI SLT
Ce eae iISBN go 04 04215 6
90 04 042199
Copyright 1975 by E, J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands
All rights reserved, No part of this book may be reproduced or
sranslated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche
cor any other means without written permission from the publisher
PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDSTABLE OF CONTENTS
JUDAISM AFTER 70
Redactional Techniques in the Legal Traditions of Joshua ben
Havatish: . . a ewee cs is WBE Ge ss BS
‘Wixitiam Scott GREEN, University of Rochester
The Artificial Dispute: Ishmael and ‘Aqiva ........ 18
Gary G. Portox, University of Illinois
Form-Criticism and Exegesis: The Case of Mishnah Ohalot
21 a 30
Jacos Nevusner, Brown University
Two Traditions of Samuel: Evaluating Alternative Versions . 46
Barucu M. Boxser, University of California, Berkeley
R. Abbahu of Caesarea... 1... pgs ee SG
Lee I. Levine, Hebrew University, Jerusalem
“Conjecture” and Interpolation in Translating Rabbinic Texts
Illustrated by a Chapter from Tanna debe Eliyyahu. . . . « 7
Wit G. Braupe, Providence, Rhode Island
OTHER _GRECO-RoMAN CULTS
Iconoclasm among the Zoroastrians . . 1... sss 93
Mary Boyce, University of London
Quellenprobleme zum Ursprung und Alter der Mandaer. . . 112
Kurt Ruporpn, Karl-Marx-Universitat, Leipzig
The Religion of Maximin Daia . 2... 1... ee ee 143
Rosert M. Grant, University of Chicago
Dositheus, Jesus, and a Moses Aretalogy ........ ~ 167
STANLEY IssER, State University of New York, Binghamton
BiBLioGRAPHY
A Bibliography of the Writings of Morton Smith, to December
501073 6 ee ee eee ERO ee 191
A. THomas KraaseL, University of Minnesota
Index of Biblical and Talmudic Ref
General Index... . 2 2 1 12... 2 12. 2 220vi TABLE OF CONTENTS
Part OnE
NEW TESTAMENT
Foreword
New Testament Introduction. A Critiq
Hevmut Kosster, Harvard Universit
Good News Is No News: Aretalogy and Gospel... ss ss =
JONATHAN Z. SurtH, University of Chica
Witttam R. Farmer, Southern Methodist University
Blasphemy: St. Mark’s Gospel as Damnation History... 5 5.
T. A. BURKILL, University of Rhodesia
From Isaiah 61 toLuke 4g . ..) ee e teee
James A. Saxners, Union Theological Seminary
Luke 12, 13-14, Tradition and Interpretation... .. . ss. +
21
39
5r
73
107
Tyitze BAARDA, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
“Am Ta Jew ?”—Johannine Christianity and Judaism... 2...
Wayne A. Mezks, Yale Unive
The Kinship of John and Acts... 2... ee eee eee
Prerson Parker, The General Theological Seminary
A Foreword to the Study of the Speechesin Acts... ss...
‘Max Wr.cox, University College of North Wales, Bangor
L’hymne christologique de Col i, 15-20. Jugement critique sur I’état des
recherches 2. ove te eee
Prerre Benotr, 0.p., Keole biblique et archéologique frangaise
Jérusalem
Paul and his Opponents: Trends in Research . 2... 2 ee
E, Earte Ettis, New Brunswick Theological Seminary
The Present State of Scholarship on Hebrews... ss ss ss
GkORGE WESLEY BUCHANAN, Wesley Theological Seminary, Was-
hington
Parr Two
EARLY CHRISTIANITY
The Earliest Christian Communities as Sectarian Movement... . «
Rosin Scrocas, Chicago Theological Seminary
Power through Temple and Torah in Greco-Roman Palestine... .
‘SHELDON R. ISENBERG, University of Florida
Réflexions sur le Judéo-Christianisme . . .. +... ss es
“Mace Simon, Université de Strasbourg
Asia Minor and Early Christianity
‘SuERMAN E. Jounson, Church Divinity School of the Pacific
Peter in Rome. A Review and Position... 2-0. + ss es
D. W. O'Connor, St. Lawrence University
Une allusion de I’Asclepius au livre d’Hénoch , 2... 2. eee
‘Marc PHiLonsnxo, Université de Strasbourg
Christ in Verbal and Depicted Imagery: A Problem of Early Christian
Teonography . 2 te tee
S. G. F, Brannon
163
187
206
226
264
299
ag.
53
72
146
161TABLE OF CONTENTS vu
Das Thema “‘Vertreibung aus dem Paradies" in der Katakombe der Via
Latina und sein jiidischer Hintergrund . .. 1. se 173
‘Kurt and Ursuta Scuusert, Universitat Wien
Vox Populi Voluntas Dei and the Election of the Byzantine Emperor. . 181
Mitton V. ANastos, University of California, Los Angeles
Hypatius of Ephesus on the Cult of Images... . oie: Seis cs aR
‘STEPHEN Gero, Brown Universit
Contemy Ecclesiastical Approaches to Biblical Interpretation:
Orthodoxy and Pseudorthodoxy ... 1... .+.++.-s 217
“Spanner S. Frenicus, Brown Universi
Part THRE
JUDAISM BEFORE 70
Investitures in the Midrash in the Light of Neo-Babylonian Royal
esc ee
Yocuanan Murrs, The Jewish Theological Seminary of America
On the Origins of the Aramaic Legal Formulary at Elephantine . . . . 37
Barucu A. Levine, New York University
Myth and Midrash: Genesis 9:20-29 . . ss... sss. 55
Apert I. BAUMGARTEN, faster Universit
‘The Jewish Historian Demetrios...) ss 2
E, J. Bickerwan, Columbia Universi
‘The Tales of the Tobiads. 1... sete. 85
JoNaTHAN A. GOLDSTEIN, University of Iowa
The Acta pro [udaeis in the Antiquities of Flavius Josephus: A Stud
in Hellenistic and Modern Apologetic Historiography . ..... . . 124
~ Horst R. Mognrinc, Brown University
‘The Archangel Sariel. A Targumic Parallel to the Dead Sea Scrolls . . 159
Gxza VerMes, University of Oxford
mran and Tran: The State of Studies... .......... 167
icHarD N. Frye, Harvard Universi
The Multiform Jewish Heritage of Early Christianity ....... 175
Rosert A. Krarrt, University of Pennsylvania
A Note on Purification and Proselyte Baptism... 2... 200
R. J. Zwr WeRsLowsky, Hebrew University Jerusalem
Sadducees versus Pharisees: The Tannaitic Sources... . 2... 206
Jack Licutstone, Brown University
Masada: A Critique of Recent Scholarship... 1... 2... 218
Louis H. FEtpwan, Yeshiva Universita
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book4 WILLIAM SCOTT GREEN
are unclear. Are they exempt from the entire penalty or merely
from the fine of the Added Fifth? The answer will come from an
analysis of F-I.
In F the hallal-priest is offering sacrifices at the altar when his
true status is revealed. Eliezer's rule, which fully states the issue,
is that all his previous sacrifices are retroactively invalid. He was
never qualified to serve at the altar. Joshua's position, which re-
sponds to Eliezer's in G, but not to F, is that the past sacrifices
are valid. This can only mean that he regards the fallal-priest as
a legitimate priest, at least until the point that his status is made
known. If the hallal-priest is judged fit to offer sacrifices so long
as his status is assumed to be proper, he is also fit to consume
Heave-offering in the same period. It follows that the exemption
of E means that the priest, as well as the slave and the woman,
is free from any penalty whatever.? What is striking is the im-
plication that self-perception determines actual status. Objectively,
the hallal-priest was always disqualified from eating Heave-offering
and offering sacrifices, but while he was perceived by himself and
others to be a legitimate priest, he is regarded as such in fact.
Part I treats the problem of the blemished priest. Although it
is difficult to imagine the case of a blemished priest who did not
know of his ritual infirmity while others did, the language of I and
the context in which it appears suggest that this is the situation
envisioned, But here no disagreement is reported.
Mishnah Terumoth 8:2 J-L deals with the problem of what to
do if the person is in the midst of eating Heave-offering when his
status is changed. It seems clear that the “And in all cases” of J
is intended to apply to A, B, and C. Eliezer’s rule permits the
person to swallow what he is eating. Joshua's position is that he
must spit out the Heave-offering. The principle behind Joshua's
rule seems clear. So long as the woman, slave, and hallal-priest are
unaware of their true status, they are regarded as fit to consume
Heave-offering, and he may offer sacrifices. Once they become aware
of their disqualification, however, they must stop what they are
doing. To continue in light of the new information would constitute
a deliberate transgression. But Eliezer’s rule is problematic in this
context. For if he regards the hallal-priest’s sacrifices as retroac-
i , on What basis does he permit the defective priest to
ing? If the sacrifices never should have been offered,
tively inva
continue e
? Cf. Bartinora, Tiferet Yisrael here.a
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book8 WILLIAM SCOTT, G
the law of Firstfruits, only wine and oil may be consecrated as
Heave-offering. Therefore, the only liquids made from Heave-
offering fruit which may be regarded as Heave-offering are wine
and oil.
We may, however, discern different reasons for the masters’
positions from the redaction of the superscription, A. Mishi
Terumoth 11:3 states in part:
1. They do not make dates [of Heave-offering into] honey, nor
apples fof Heave-offering into) cider, nor winter grapes (of Heave-
offering into] vinegar.
2. And they do not alter the natural condition of any (KL) other
fruits of Heave-offering or Second Tithe, except for olives (= oil)
and grapes (= wine) alone
11:3 1 and 2 are two independent statements of law which have
been placed next to one another. 11:2 A contains both the specific
items listed in 1 of 11:3 and the language of 2 of 11:3 (“‘all other
fruits of Heave-offering”), but in 11:2 A the problematic status of
these items is assumed, not explained. The reason for the ambigious
status of Heave-offering fruit juice is provided by 1 and 2 of 11:
and this suggests that A of 11:2 has been drawn from them. Date-
honey, etc. should not be made from Heave-offering fruit. We are
not told what happens if this is done, but only what happens if
such produce is consumed by a non-priest. Obj y, the juice
has been made from consecrated produce. Eliezer, therefore, regards
it as consecrated and requires the full penalty. From the perspective
of Joshua’s rule, however, although the juice was made from Heave-
offering, it should not have been. So the man who consumed it
had no reason to suspect that he had done anything improper and
is therefore exempt from the penalty.
We observe that B-C of 11:3 appear verbatim in D-E of Mishnah
Terumoth 8:1. There, as we saw, Joshua's exemption meant that
although the priest objectively was unfit to offer sacril
Heave-offering, so long as he assumed he was behaving correctly
he had commited no wrong. Here the same tradition may be seen
as demonstrating the same principle, although in a different case.
Although the date-honey, etc. actually come from Heave-offering,
the man may assume, for good reason, that it does not, In each
case the actual status of the act is determined by the perception
a
ul Lieberman, Tosefta Kifshutah, Zera‘im, Part I (New York
1955) PP. 455a
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book12
WILLIAM SCOTT GREEN
H. He said to them, “We find that the limb from a living being is
like a whole corpse. Just asan olive’s bulk of flesh which separates from
the corpse is unclean, so an olive’s bulk of flesh which separates
from the limb of a living being should be unclean.”
I, They said to him, “No! If you have declared unclean an olive's
bulk of flesh which separates from the corpse, since indeed you have
declared unclean a barleycorn’s bulk of bone which separates from
it, will you dectare unclean an olive’s bulk of flesh which separates
from the limb of a living being, when indeed you have declared clean
a barleycorn’s bulk of bone which separates from it?”
J. They said to R. Nehunya, “On what basis do you declare
unclean the barleycorn's bulk of bone which separates from the
limb of a living being?
K. He said to them, “We have found that a limb from a living
being is like a whole corpse, Just as a barleycorn’s bulk of bone which
separates from a corpse is unclean, so the barleycorn’s bulk of
bone which separates from a living being should be unclean.”
L. They said to him, “No! If you have declared unclean the
barleycorn’s bulk of bone which separates from a corpse, you have
also declared unclean an olive’s bulk of flesh which separates from it.
But will you declare unclean a barleycorn’s bulk of bone which
separates from the limb of a living being, when indeed you have
an olive’s bulk of flesh which separates from it ?
id to R. Eliezer, “For what reason did you divide your
rules? Either declare unclean in both cases or declare clean in
both cases.”
N. He said to them, “The uncleanness of flesh is more virulent
(MRWBH) than the uncleanness of bones, for (the uncleanness of]
flesh applies both to carrion and to creeping things, which is not the
case with bones.”
O. Another matter: A limb which has the appropriate amount of
flesh renders unclean through carrying, through contact, and in a
Tent; if it lacks flesh, it is (still) unclean; if it lacks bones, it is clean,
P. They said to R. Nehunya, ‘Why have you divided your rules ?
Either declare unclean in both cases or declare clean in both cases.”
Q. He said to them, “The uncleanness of bones is more virulent
than the uncleanness of flesh, for the flesh which separates from
the living being is clean, but a limb which separates from it, which
is in its natural state (KBRYTW), is unclean.”
R. Another matter: An olive’s bulk of flesh renders unclean by
contact and by carrying and in the Tent, and the greater part of the
bones render unclean by touching, by carrying, and in the Tent.
If the flesh is lacking, it is clean. If the greater part of the bones is
lacking, even though it is clean so far as the Tent is concerned, it
renders unclean through contact and carrying.
S. Another matter: All flesh of the corpse which is less than an
olive’s bulk is clean. The greater part of the corpse's bulk and mem-
bers, although they are not a quarter {gad), are unclean.a
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bookTHE ARTIFICIAL DISPUTE: ISHMAEL AND ‘AQIBA 25
testicles. C indicates how one discovers whether or not the sack
contains a testicle. The sayings of Ishmael and ‘Aqiba do not re-
spond to each other or to the supposed superscription. Dispite the
the fact that all three statements deal with the testicles of an animal,
they do not belong in the same context. The fact that none of the
comments responds to the other sayings in the passage proves that
this is not a real dispute. The form has been employed to juxtapose
three originally independent lemmas on the same general topic.
2.
A. What would they do with the remainder of the surplus [of
the money in) the Temple treasury?
B. “They would) buy wines, oils, and fine flours with them
{and would sell these products to those who came to make private
offerings], and the profit [from these sales would go) to the Temple”
=the words of R. Ishmael
C. R. «Aqiba “They [would] not engage in a business
transaction (MSTKRYM) with what belongs to the Temple or (W)
to the poor.””
(M. Sheqalim 4:3)
Comment: M. Sheqalim 4:2 delineates what was done with the
money from the treasury and what was done with the surplus:
“The [Red] Heifer, the Scapegoat, and the crimson thread were
bought with the teramah from the treasury. The causeway for the
[| Red) Heifer, the causeway for the Scapegoat, the thread between
its horns, {the upkeep of the] water-channel, the city walls and its
towers, and the city’s needs were provided for from the surplus of
the (funds) in the treasury.
Our mishnah discusses the money was used which remained
after all the needs mentioned in M. Sheqalim had been satisfied.
Ishmael’s answer, B, responds directly to A; it specifies how the
money was used. ‘Aqiba’s saying, C, is a general observation which
indirectly refutes B. Ishmael is incorrect, for “they would not en-
gage in a business transaction with what belonged to the Temple
or to the poor.” It is significant that ‘Aqiba’s comment only in-
directly refutes B. In a true dispute, ‘Aqiba would have listed items
which were purchased with the money, or he would have negated
Ishmael’s comment directly. It is also noteworthy that C does not
respond to A, for the former does not explain what they would do
with the funds. In fact, C does not directly refer to the funds
mentioned in A.
‘Aqiba’s remark is awkward in this context. First, it is a generala
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bookTHE ARTIFICIAL DISPUTE: ISHMAEL AND ‘AQIBA 29
sayings were not preserved in order to degrade him or to invalidate
his rulings, They were preserved simply because Ishmael’s sayings
were important to the redactor(s) of the Tannaitic traditions. The
fair manner in which Ishmael was treated by the ‘Agiban redactors
argues for the reliability of the situation represented in the texts.
That is, Ishmael’s sayings were joined to those of ‘Aqiba because
the men actually debated many issues. The fact that in several
instances unrelated comments of the two sages were placed in the
same context also suggests the authenticity of the implied relation-
ship between the two rabbis. The fact that unrelated comments
were placed in the same context and were not changed so that they
would appear to be closer together argues for the conservative
nature of much of the tradition. Clearly a limited number of forms
were employed by the editors of our material. The forms necessi-
tated that two sages be placed in the same context. While we
surely do not have the actual words of these sages, we do have
some evidence that once they were fixed, the sayings of the sages
were not altered. They were placed in the form of a dispute even
when they were inappropriate in this form. The fact that our ex-
amples are drawn from the earliest stratum of material suggests
that the forms had been selected by the end of the Tannaitic
period. The evidence further testifies to the conservative nature of
the tradition at a relatively early period.
49 My teacher Professor Jacob Neusner and my colleagues Professors
William S. Green, Baruch Bokser, David Goldblatt, Robert Goldenberg,
Shammai Kanter, and Mr, Jack Lightstone, Joe! Gereboft and Charles
Primus offered many valuable insights into the matters discussed above;
their help is gratefully acknowledgeda
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book4o JACOB NEW
One thing seems clear: both T.’s Judah's and M. Ed.’s versions
falsely claim to have a dispute between the Houses. The dispute
has to concern a single issue. M. Ed. therefore is impossible. Its
Shammaites argue about whether the corpse-matter has to come
from a single corpse or may come from several. The Hillelites then
should rule it has to come from a single corpse—as do the sages
of M. 2:2/:
M. Ed.’s Hillelites tell is that we require a quarter-gad of bones,
of one kind or another. What now can be the contrary opinion?
than a quarter-gab of bones may
produce the same effect, that is, T.’s Shammaites. But
inion alerts us to another possibility. Since he says, “even from
a single bone,” the issue may concern the contents of the quarter-
gab. Accordingly, the Hillelites will hold that the quarter-gab com-
posed of either the larger part of the bone structure or the greater
majority of the number of the bones renders unclean in the Tent.
What can the opposite opinion be? I see two possibilities
Either (1) “a quarter-gab of bones, even not the greater part in
frame or number, renders unclean,” the words of the House of
Shammai, Shammai then rules in a still more extreme way than
his House: “Even a single bone which fills quarter-gab produces the
same effect:
Or (2) less than a quarter-gab of bon
amma
s, if constituted by the
greater part of the frame or the majority of the bones, renders
unclean in the Tent. Shammai now rejects the position of his House
and follows the theory of the House of Hillel, but in a still more
extreme way. The quarter-gab measure is decisive. Even a single
bone—without relationship to frame or number of bones—which
fills a gab suffices for the contamination of a Tent. So M. 2:1 B
combines the opinions of the two Houses, Hillel’s, then Shammai’s.
Since one tendency of Shammai’s lonely opinions is to repudiate
his House and join the House of Hillel, Tam inclined to prefer the
second of these two possibilit
Let us now test our theory of the two distinct Houses’ disputes
against Joshua's “reconciliation” of T. 3:5. First, we shall treat
the pericope as a unitary saying assigned to Joshua:
G. Said R, Joshua, “I can make the words of the House of Sham-
and the words of the House of Hillel one:
H. “From the shoulders and from the thighs are found the greater
part [of the body-frame] in size.a
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bookHSMYM, BYN-
MSNYM BYN MSLSH:
Quarter-gab of bones,
whether of the bones
from two or from three
{corpses) [conveys un-
cleanness by overshad-
owing].
M. Ed. 1:7
3. And the House of
of Hillel say RB‘
‘SMWT MN HGWYH,
MRB HBNYN WRMB
HMNYN Quarter-gab
of bones form a {single}
corpse), [from bone:
which are the greater
part in bulk and in
number.
4. Shammai says,
2PYLW MSM HD.
Even [a quarter-qab]
from one bone
M. Ed. has and (W). Tos. Ah.
the exact words of the Hill
inclusion of or (*W) in place of
M. Oh, act
3. RBS SMWT
MKB HBNYN
2W MRB
HMNYN
ruling; now we are told that even |
(if it is from a single corpse).
>WPW replaces BYN/BYN, not an important change. b. )
JACOB NEUSNER
2. RWBS «SMW
HGWYH MRWB
HBNYN °W MRWB.
HMNY
RWB BNYYNW
WRWB MNYD
SL MT ?P «L PY SYN
BHN RWB«
MN 2. RWBt‘SMWT
Tos. Ak. 3:4 b. Naz. sab
3 3. And the House
of Hillel sa
RWB OM
HGWYH, MRWB
HBNYN OW
MRWB HMNYN
[4. See below,
no. 0.]
has Judah assign to the Shammaites
sin M, Ed., no. 3, except for the
and; 2° contradicts the foregoing
ss than a gab will be sufficient
2 of b. Naz, is nearly exact;
az., NO.
4 follows M. Ed. in specifying from the corpse, which M. Oh. leaves
out, but it preserves or (’W) of )
stantive,
to the
ings of Joshua:
Tos, Ah. 3:4
5. R. Joshua said,
6. 1 can make the words of the
House of Shammai and the words of
the House of Hillel one.
7. MSWOYM WMYRKYM_ NM:
RWB BNYNW BGWDL WH
RWB MNYNW °YNN MSTRPYN.
From the shoulders and from the
thighs are found the greater part of
the larger bones in quantity. And
half the greater part of the larger
ones and half the greater part of the
number do not join together.
. Oh. Since that difference is sub-
b. Naz. no. 4 seems closer to M. Oh. than to M. Ed. As
7. For the House of Shammai say
MSNYM >W MSLSH OW
SWOYM WYRK °HD °W MSNY
YRKYYM WSWOQ ?HD, HWY.
WRWB GWBHW SL ?DM MGWBH
(From two or three—either from two
shoulders and from one thigh or from
two thighs and one shoulder since
this is the major part of a man's
structure in height).a
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book48 BARUCH M, BOKSER
them into such forms for the sake of transmission.’ The following
pages present two cases, for which such considerations help explain
diverse formulations of traditionso f Samuel. It shows, how, in these
cases, the words attributed to Samuel have been changed,
II
We will present and analyze the version of the tradition in the
PT and then turn to its parallel in the BT.
A. TNY Fire and hybrids even though they were not created
during the six days of creation, nevertheless were considered (LW
BMHSBH) from the six days of creation.
B. Fire.
C, Rabbi Levi in the name of Rabbi Nezira, “The light that
was created on the first day the light God created and then
stored away for the righteous for the time to come] * served thirty
six hours, twelve on Sabbath eve, twelve on Sabbath night, and
twelve on the Sabbath. ince the light did not cease, the entire
world began to sing, . .. As soon as the Sabbath departed it started
to get dark. Man became frightened and said, . .. .
i id Rabbi Levi, “At that very hour God prepared for him
(ZYMN LW) two flints, and he struck them against each other, and
from them came out fire, as it is written “And the night [will be)
light about me (Ps. 139:11).” And he said over it the blessing
“Who has created the light of the fire.”
E. Samuel said, ‘Therefore (LYPKK), we say a blessing over
the fire [The Vatican Ms. and several early citations, following
SRAG, p. 85—see Ratner, p. 188,--read “over it”) on the end of the
Sabbath since it (SHY? was the beginning of its creation.”
*, RK. Hunain the name [SRAG, p. 85, and Gn. R. # 11, p. go,
add “of Rav’) Rabbi Abbahu in the name of R. Yohanan, “Even
(?P) at the end of Yom Kippur one says the blessing over it, since
the fire rested that whole day.”
(y. Ber. 8:5; p. 2b)
The pericope consists of several parts. It explains the initial
baraita, A, Rabbi Levi presents the remarks of Rabbi Nezira, C,
and then adds his own comment, D. Then PT cites the statements
amuel and Yohanan. Samuel connects the origin of the blessing
night with this supposed etiology. Yohanan
of
over fire said Saturd:
* Of course, certain “forms” may be editorial constructions, For an
example, see Weiss Halivni, op. cit., pp. 569-70.
* This is the reading on the margin of the Leiden Ms., in the text of the
Vatican Ms., and in the text of R. Sirillio’s commentary. The text of the
Leiden Ms., on the other hand, has “’The light for the first Sabbath ...,”
which is erossed out, The reading, however, is discernible.a
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book52 BARUCH M, BOKSER
must assign the added words of emphasis in Babli’s version either
to Judah or to the arranger of the pericope. There the tradition
serves a purpose in the context and was shaped by redactional
considerations.
Thus both Talmuds attest to Samuel’s saying concerning the
blessing for fire which is said Saturday night.
UL
For the following tradition of Samuel, we will first present both
versions of the saying and then examine them together. One version
appears in a pericope commenting upon M. Ber. 5:1.
And even if a snake is clinging to his heel, he should not stop
(L? YPSYQ) [from saying the Shema‘.
(M. Ber. 5:
A. Said R. Isaac the son of Judah,** “If he saw oxen, he stops
(PWsQ).”
B. For teaches (DTNY) R, Hoshaia, “One removes oneself
toa distance (MRHYQYN) from a fam (= an ox not known to have
previously gored three times} ™ 50 cubits, and a mu‘ad {a ‘warned’
ox, i. ¢., one known to have already gored) as far as one can see
ML? «YNYW).”
C. Said Samuel, “In these situations (HNY MYLY): With a
black ox and in the days of Nisan, (M. and P, Mss, and Rid, add:
when it is coming up from the marsh,) because the devil (HSTN)
dances between his horns.”
D. It was taught (TN?) in the name of R. Meir, “A head of an ox
in the fodder basket [i.e., eating)—ascend to the roof and throw
down) the ladder from behind you.
The printed text presents D before C.)
(b. Ber. 33a)
“And
A’. Four things our holy Rabbi commanded his son, *.
‘A ‘tam’ is an oxe which has not injured a person",
Cf. the commentary of Abraham Ashbili, printed in M, Herschler, ed. Ginze
Rishonim (Jerusalem, 1967), p. 378—see fn, or, there. Cp. Sefer Hameorot,
ed. M. Y. Blau (Brooklyn, 1964), p. 106. If B supports A, the reference to
fam and mu‘ad must encompass ail oxen. Accordingly, the definition of
“tam” common in cases of torts, ‘an ox that has injured one time’, is in-
appropriate. Thus Rashi defines “tam” here as he does. Hoshaia, though, may
have meant “fam” in the usual sense. Yet the one who cited the text un-
doubtedly uses it to refer to all oxen, not only those suspected to be gorers.
Either way, Hoshaia’s text clearly refers to oxen all year long and is far
closer to a universal principle than a statement applying only to animals
when in heat.
2 See DS, p. 345, fn. 20.a
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bookR. ABBAHU OF CAESAREA
LEE I, LEVINE
Hebrew University, Jerusalem
Halakhic discussions and homiletical discourses dominate rabbinic
literature and have engaged the interest of scholars for generations;
the personality and activities of individual rabbis have merited
little, if any, attention. Rabbinic sages display a wide range of
interests, attitudes, habits and beliefs. Some boasted expertise and
renown in a particular profession or trade, others barely eeked out
a living. Intellectually and religiously, there were those of conserv-
ative and liberal proclivities, some open to the influences and
demands of their age, others who studiously avoided any such
confrontation.!
R. Abbahu of area is one of the most fascinating of the
rabbinic figures.? As a leading religious authority, he was conver-
sant with all aspects of Jewish law, and his teachers, colleagues and
students comprised the mainstream of Palestinian rabbinism for
almost a century. The unique aspects of R. Abbahu’s career lay
1 CES. Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine (New York, 1942), pp. 1;
FE. E. Urbach, “The Rabbinical Laws of Idolatry in the Second and Third
Centuries in the Light of Archaeological and Historical Facts”, EJ, 1X (1959),
149 £., 229 £
¥ The most useful collections of traditions on R, Abbahu remain G, Perlitz,
“Rabbi Abbahu", MGW J, XXXVI (1887), 60-88, 119-126, 269-274, 310-320;
W. Bacher, Aggadot Hatannaim o'Amovaim, U1, 1 (Tel-Aviv, 1926), 84-13
> CL A. Hyman, Sefer Toldot Tannain v'Amoraim (3 vols.; Jerusalem,
1964), I, 62-71. R. Abbahu was presumably an extraordinarily wealthy man,
In preparation for the Sabbath, he would sit on an ivory stool (B Shabbat
trga) and on Saturday night he would have a three year old calf slaughtered,
eating only its kidneys, @ practice found wasteful by his son, Abimi (ibi
t19b; Midrash Hagadol - Exodus, ed, Margoliot, p, 331). His rather lavish
eating habits are further reflected in an account of his visit to Bestra, One
Jose (ef. Bacher, Aggadot, p. 88, n. 7) prepared an assortment of delicacies
for him, while lamenting the inadequacy of the meal (Lamentations Rabba
UL, 17, ed. Buber, p. 65b). R. Abbahu once undertook to provide a feast for
the rabbis of Caesarea when his student, R. Ze‘ira, recovered from an illness
(B Berakhot 46a), and when teaching, he would hold in his hands a di plomata-
rion (3imopxréeiov), a box for valuable objects (J Beca I, 7, 6oc, ed. Fran-
cus, p. 105; B. Ratner, Ahavat Zion ve Yerushalaim, p. 10. Cf. also Deuterono-
my Rabba XXVIT, ed. Lieberman, p. 28; J Ta‘anit 11, 6, 65d). ‘Gothic*
attendants are mentioned in connection with R, Abbahu and his visit to thea
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book60 LEE 1. LEVINE
the world who sit in theaters and circuses. “And I am the song of
the drunkards.” After they have sat eating and drinking and become
intoxicated, they sit and talk of me, scoffing at me saying, “We
have no need to eat carobs (food for the poor) as the Jews do!”
They ask one another, ‘How long do you wish to live?” To which
they reply, ‘As long as the shirt of a Jew which is worn on the
Sabbath!” They then bring a camel into their theatres, put their
shirts on it, and ask one another, “Why is it in mourning?” They
reply, “The Jews observe the law of the Sabbatical year and they
have no vegetables; so they eat this camel’s thorns, and that is
why it is in mourning!” Next they bring a mime with a shaven
head into the theater, and ask one another, “Why is his head
shaven?” They reply, “The Jews observe the Sabbath, and whatever
they earn during the week they cat on the Sabbath. Since they
have no wood to cook with, they break their bedsteads and use
them as fuel; consequently they sleep on the ground and get covered
with dust, and anoint themselves with oil, which is very expensive
for that reason! " (After a while they can no longer afford the oil and
have to shave their heads).*7
We have here an example of sermonic technique at its best: a
current issue (the scorn of gentiles), presented in dramatic fashion,
drawn from the immediate experience of his listeners. Undoubtedly
this depiction derived from a mime presented in the theater of
sarea. In what way R. Abbahu developed this theme has not
been preserved, yet it is not difficult to imagine that the sermon
was intended to defend and explain Jewish rituals and practices in
the wake of gentile mockery. The very fact that R. Abbahu addressed
himself to such an issue reflects his concern for problems besetting
the community at large. It is little wonder then that people would
flock to hear him speak, Once when travelling with R. Hiyya b.
Abba, he delivered a sermon, while R. Hiyya discoursed on a halakhic
matter. According to this account, the townspeople came to hear
R, Abbahu, leaving his colleague both insulted and humiliated.
® Lamentations Rabba, Prologue 17. ed. Buber, p. 7b. Poor Jews were also
singled out by the satirists of Rome; cf. H, Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome
(Philadelphia, 1960), pp. 234-235; J. Le Studies in Jewish Hellenism
(Hebrew) (Jerusalem, 1960), pp. 197-203. In Alexandria, a burlesque of the
Jewish king Agrippa was presented at the local theater in 38 C.E. leading
ntually to widespread disturbances; cf, Philo, Im Flaccum, 33 . For other
examples of the mockery of Jews by Alexandrians in their theaters; ef, V.
‘Teherikover, Corpus Papyrorwm Judaicarum (3 vols; Cambridge, 1957-64),
Tog: HHL, 118.
® B Sota goa. In one instance, an audience laughed at one of R. Abbahu’s
teachings, upon which he appealed to an older authority (Genesis Rabba,
XXX, 9, p. 275)a
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book64 LEE 1, LEVINE
And Mar said: "The beauty of R. Kahana is like the beauty of R.
Abbahu, the beauty of R. Abbahu is like the beauty of father
Jacob, the beauty of father Jacob is like the beauty of Adam".
The Hellenization of R. Abbahu, however, went far deeper than
an acquaintance with Greek culture and practice. It affected in turn
his halakhic decisions and personal behavior. It was R. Abbahu,
for example, who quoted older authorities to justify writing the
Bible in Greek,** and when necessary, reading the Scroll of Esther
in a language other than Hebrew.?
R. Abbahu’s liberal tendencies, avoided by some colleagues, are
strikingly portrayed in one source, Archeological discoveries have
shown that synagogues at this time were often decorated with stone
reliefs, mosaics and even paintings. These practices are only occa-
sionally reflected in rabbinic sources.“* One exception to this almost
total silence is preserved by the Palestinian Talmud when discus-
sing the verse, “And you shall not place a figured stone in your
land, to bow down to it” (Lev. 26:1).
Rav commanded the house of R. Aha and R. Ami commanded his
own household not to bow down as is customary when they go
(to the synagogue) on a fast day (so as not to appear to be bowing
to the images decorating the synagogue). R. Jonah bowed sideway
as did R. Aha. R. Samuel said: “I saw R. Abbahu bow as usual”,
R. Jose said: “I asked R. Abbahu: ‘Is it not written, “And a
figured stone (you shall not place in your land to bow down upon
it Leviticus 26:1)".’" It should be solved (by applying this verse to
situation) where one has a fixed place (in the synagogue) for bowing
(P'nei Moshe—on or near the stone itself).
R. Abbahu was thus not troubled by bowing in a decorated syna-
gogue, as were other rabbis, The above passage is illustrative of
the tolerance engendered in this Caesarean rabbi by his Hellenistic
acculturation
R. Abbahu's acquaintance h mysticism has been treated else-
where in the general context of Caesarean Jewish mystical specu-
B Bava Mezia 84a; B Bava Batra 58a.
“ B Megilla ob.
7 J Megilla I, 1, 73a.
Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, IV, 11 £; Urbach, “Rabbinical Laws of
Idolatry”, pp. 154 £.
J ‘Avoda Zara 1V, 1, 430. It is doubtful whether R. Abbahu offered the
concluding explanation for his actions. The term ‘it should be solved’ (WNBA)
is usually used by theeditor of the Palestinian Talmud to resolve an apparent
contradiction,a
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book68 LEE I, LEVINE
of his Amora,* the latter bitterly complained that her husband, no
less learned than R. Abbahu, had to stand before him and bend
down in his presence (in order to hear his words). The only reason
for this, she added, was ‘respect for the house of Caesar’.** Finally,
when R. Hiyya travelled with R, Abbahu, he was wont to accom-
pany the latter to his lodgings before retiring to his own, once
again, in ‘respect for the house of Caesar’.*
Ancient sources contain several parallels to the phrase ‘of the
house of Caesar’. It is used several centuries earlier in connection
with Agrippa I. In narrating the Alexandrian pogroms of 38 C.E
Philo refers to Agrippa as ‘a member of the house of Caesar’ (x1
Ov ex vig Kaiougos olxinc). At that time Agrippa, enjoying close
ties with the emperor Gaius, had been appointed ruler over the
territory of Philip and, in fact, was en route to Palestine to assume
his post. Again, in the third and fourth centuries, a group of Im-
perial officials are called caesariani (‘those of the house of Caesar’),
an exact translation of the title used with respect to R. Abbahu.®
In these two parallels, Agrippa and the caesariani, we find two
rather different meanings of the title. With regard to Agrippa, the
title is unofficial: ‘House of Caesar’ refers to one on intimate terms
with the emperor, eating at his table and enjoying his companion-
ship. R. Abbahu’s activities in Caesarea bear some resemblance to
Agrippa’s at Rome. Just as Agrippa had been approached to inter-
cede on behalf of the Jews against the Alexandrians,® so eminent
rabbinic authorities appealed to R. Abbahu to intervene on their
behalf with the Roman government. This is well illustrated in the
‘Tamar incident cited above.
The functions of the caesariani were altogether different. Their
positions were more defined and they served as lower officials in
the Imperial bureaucracy by helping to administer the emperor's
lands and collecting revenues.”” We have no way of determining
“A functionary of the academies, who stood next to the sage and repeated
his words for all to hear; cf, Jewish Encyelopedia, 1, 527-528; Encyclopedia
Judaica, 11, 363 6
* B Sota goa.
Ibid.
* Philo, Flaccus, #35.
* Codex Theodosianus,
Xx,
1X, 42,4: %,
1, 5. On the esteem in which so
lestiastical History. VUIL, 1,
Philo, Gaius, #266 f.
Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real Encyelopadie, 1, 5,
5-1296; A. H. M, Jones,a
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book72 LEE I. LEVINE
If then you wish to ask a question on religious matters (lit. from the
Torah), there is R. Isaac b. R. Eliezar in the Maradata synagogue in
Caesarea. ‘And God is in his Holy Temple, be silent before him’
(ibid. v. 20), (this refers to R. Isaac) who is like God in his Holy
‘Temple."*
Even assuming the tendentiousness of our sources, reflecting as
they do the attitudes and thoughts of the rabbis, the impression
remains that the Patriarchs enjoyed far less religious and intellec-
tual authority at that time than their predecessors.
Rabbinic literature has preserved several accounts of Patriarchs
turning to various sages for consultation.
A ducenarius presented R. Judah (II) Nesiah with a basketfull of
denarii, He took one of them and returned the others, He (R. Judah)
then asked Resh Lakish (about the one he retained), The latter
said: “Throw it away (lit. take this favor to the Dead Sea)... R.
Abbahu said: “A similar situation happened to me. Rabban Gama-
liel (IV), son of Rabbi (Judah Nesiah) asked: ‘Is it permissible for
me to go to the fair (in Tyre)’, and I forbade him”, ... How might
one explain the two situations? Rabban Gamaliel was of inferior
stature and R. Abbabu attempted to restrict him; R. Judah Nesiah
was of great stature and Kesh Lakish tried to restrict (the use of) the
object.
It was not uncommon for the Patriarch of the third and fourth
centuries to turn to the sages for advice on ritual matters.*® These
two instances, however, are unique. In each case the sage invelved
adopted a strict position in replying to the Patriarch. Whereas in
the former incident Resh Lakish only restricted use of a particular
object, he was nevertheless dealing with a prominent figure. Thus
his ability to command the latter’s respect is of significance. In the
¢ of Rabban Gamaliel and R. Abbahu, the riarch was a less
nportant figure, yet R. Abbahu regulated his personal behavior.
This last account leaves no doubt that the Patriarch was asking
% Midrash Samuel VII, 6, 34b. €
3, 65d, as well as comments of
also B Sanhedrin 7b; J Bikkirim M11,
Lieberman, “Palestine in the Third and
VI (1946), 362; G. Allon, Studies in Jewish
History (Hebrew) (2 vols. ; Tel-Aviv, 1958), TL. 45 £
MJ “Avoda Zara I, 1, 39b. Cf. also B ‘Avoda Zara 6b.
% Ik. Mani was queried by R. Judah IV or V, as to whether he was allowed
to vat just before the onset of the Passover holiday (J Pesahim X. 1, 37b).
R. Judah IL also asked R. Ami about the possibility of reusing pagan vessels
(B ‘Avoda Zara 33b), but there is no indication that this was anything but a
theoretical question, and on several occasions R. Ami offered advice to the
Patriarch on customs of fasting (B Ta‘anit r4b, 25b).a
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book84 WILLIAM G, BRAUDE
then as he rests on the Sabbath, he forgets all the vexation he had
previously had. Such is the nature of man—the day of rest brings
about his forgetting of evil, and a day of trouble brings about his
forgetting of good. The nature of man being what it is, the Holy
One said to Israel: My children have I not written for you in My
Torah This book of Guidance shall not depart out of thy mouth (Josh.
1:8)? Although you must labor all six days of the week, the Sabbath
is to be given over completely to Torah.® Accordingly it is said
that a man should rise early to study on the Sabbath and then go
to the synagogue or to the academy where he is to read Scripture
and meditate upon the Prophets. Afterwards, he is to go home and
d drink to fulfill the command Eat thy bread with joy, and
drink thy wine with a merry heart (Eccles, 9:7). (Thus the man who
avails himself of the Sabbath to make his peace with his fellows
at the same time is making his peace with God], For the content-
ment of the Holy One comes only from those who are busy with
Torah, as is said For the sake of all these things—{the ordinances and
laws of Torah|—hath My hand made |the world) ® (Isa. 66:2)
From this very verse in Isaiah (which goes on to say, The man
Thave regard for ... trembles in his anxiety (to grasp the exact meaning
of My word), the following is inferred: When a man reads [a text]
he should have so good a grasp of it that no shame or embarrass-
ment will overcome him when he is told ‘Stand up and set forth
in proper fashion the Scripture you read,” or when he is told,
“Stand up and set forth in proper fashion the Mishnah you recited.”
The point is made plain by David, king of Israel, in post-Mosaic
Scripture: O Lord, in the morning mayest Thou be pleased to hear
my voice; in the morning I am at once ready to set forth in proper
fashion the words which are Thine—indeed I look forward {to having
‘men ask me questions about Thy words] (Ps. 5:4).22
In another interpretation, the verse Among the days that were to
be fashioned, one of those days was to be wholly His (Ps. 139:16) is
taken to mean that God provided Israel with the Day of Atonement,
eal
® And if given over, God will regard the precept in Josh, 1:8 as kept.
Thus study one day puts out of mind the work done on’ the other si
PR 23:0[Y 1, 490-91)
4 The preceding verse—Isa, 66:1—asks Where is the place that may give
Me contentment ?
® So Landau. JV: O Lord, in the morning shalt Thou hear my voice, in the
morning will 1 order my prayer unto Thee, and will look forward.a
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book86 WILLIAM G, BRAUDE
holder who hired workmen and kept his eye on them to see which
of them did their work faithfully, as is said The eyes of the Lord ..
yun to and fro through the whole earth (Zech. 4:r0). The one who
did his work faithfully and the one who did not do his work faith-
y—what each one has coming to him will be ready at “the
-” 8(On the day of Gog], accordingly, the nations of the world,
because they put forth their hand against Israel and Jerusalem and
against the Temple, will be sentenced to be swept away, to perish
from the world, and go down to Gehenna. And the proof? You can
see it for yourself. When Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, came
and encompassed Jerusalem, the nations of the world spoke up,
saying with one voice: Why should we have ever considered that
we would have to reckon with Him whose city and Temple we are
about to capture so easily ? 2° Thereupon the holy spirit responded,
saying to them: “You cocksure fools, until this hour you had not
been condemned to go down into Gehenna. Now, it is of this very
hour that Scripture speaks, saying to you Your mother shall be sore
ashamed, she that bore you shall be confounded” (Jer. 50:12).
Even as the Chaldeans and other nations gathered into many
armies who came to help themsel to the possessions of Israe
so the Holy One will gather Gog and his allies upon the mountai
of Israel to wreak harsh vengeance upon them, because they did
not hearken to Torah’s commands, and afflicted Israel. Thus God
is quoted as saying J am very sore displeased (Zech. 1:13); and so
T will execute vengeance in anger and fury upon the nations, because
they hearkened not (Micah 5:14); then, when The day of the Lord
cometh (Zech. 14:1), 1 will gather all nations against Jerusalem to
battle (Zech. 14:2); and at once I, The Lord, shall go forth and fight
against those nations (Zech. 14:3).
[But why does God put off the day of vengeance against Gog
and his allies? Listen]: One day as I was walking through a great
city of the world, there was a roundup and I was roughly seized
and brought into the king’s house where I saw divans lavishly
2(YJS, 13, 2, 44)
8 In the two preceding verses it is said Chatdea shail be a spoil ... because
you rejoiced, O ye that plundered My heritage.
3 Instacd of folam, “the world”, Chanoch Albeck suggests the reading of
‘evlam, “Elam” (Zunz, had-Dérasot, 56). Hence “the greatest city in
probably Ctesiphon, capital of the Sassanids, See Jacob Mana, “Date and
Place of Redaction of Seder Eliyyaht Rabba and Zutta", HUCA, 4, 302a
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book88 WILLIAM G, BRAUDE,
ought to be deemed as important as cattle, as beasts, at least as
important as the variety of reptiles and creeping things which T
created upon the earth.” At once He fei me measure of con-
tentment and resolves not to annihilate mankind. And so you see
that reptiles and creeping things were created in the world as a
means of mankind’s preservation.
Then the magus brought up another matter saying: You assert
that fire is not God. Yet is it not written in your Torah frre elernally
34 (Lev. 6:6) ? I replied: My son, when our forebears stood at Mount
Sinai to accept the Torah for themselves, they saw no form resem-
bling a human being, nor resembling the form of any creature, nor
resembling the form of anything that has breath which the Holy
One created on the face of the earth, as is said Take ye therefore
good heed unto yourselves—for ye saw no manner of form on the day
that the Lord spoke unto you in Hore (Deut. 4:15): they saw but
one God—He is God of gods and Lord of lords (Deut. 10:17)—whose
kingdom endures in heaven and on earth as well as in the highest
heavens of heavens. And yet you say that God is fire! Fire is no
more than a rod to be used upon men on earth, Its use is be to
understood by the parable of a king who took a lash and hung it
in his house, and then said to his children, to his servants, and to
the members of his household: “With this lash I may strike you
may smite you, may even kill you""—threatening them, so that
penitence they would turn away from sin. If they do not repent,
do not turn back, then God says, “I may have to strike them with
the lash, may have to smite them, may even have to kill them.”
This is what Scripture means by fire eternally and by the words
For by fire will the Lord threaten judgment (Isa. 66:16).
Of course you might attempt to refute me by quoting the words
The Lord thy God is a devouring fire (Deut. 4:24). But a parable
will explain the intent of these words. The children, servants, and
members of the household of a mortal king did not behave prop-
erly. So he said to his children, to his servants, and to the mem-
bers of his household: Because of your ways I will growl yeu
like a bear, roar at you like a lion, seem to be coming at you
like the angel of death. Such is the intent of The Lord thy God ts
a devourin
3* According to one Tradition, the fire seemed to rise from the very altar,
as though the altar itself were aflame, See Lev. Rabbah 7:5 (ed. Mordecai
Margulies, Jeursalem, 5713 [1953], 159.
= CL, Lam. 3:10.Gen. Rabbah TA
HUCA
Landau
MTeh
or
PR
PRKM
R
i.
T
Tovah Sélemah
yJs
Zunz, had-Dérasot
CONJECTURE” AND INTERPOLATION IN RABBINIC TEXTS 89
ABBREVIATIONS
Genesis Rabbah, ed. Julius Theodor [1849-1923] and
Chanoch Albeck (1890-1972), Berlin, 1912-31
Hebrew Union College Annual
Isaac Elijah Landau (1801-76), Ma‘aneh Eliyahu,
commentary on Tanna débe Eliyyahu, Wilno, 1839
Midrash Tebillim, ed, Solomon Buber, Wilno, 1891;
translated by William G. Brande [r907- J, New
Haven, 1959 (YJS, 13)
Max Kadushin, Organic Thinking, New York, 1938
ikta Rabbati, ed. Meir Friedmann (1831-1908)
Vienna, 1880; translated by William G. Braude, New
Haven, 1968 (Y.
Pesikta de-Rab ed. Bernard Mandelbaum
19; ]. 2 vols., New York, 1962; translated by
William G. Braude, Philadelphia, 1975
Vatican MS of the year 1073 upon which TE is based
ed. Solomon Buber, Wilno, 1885
Tanna débe Eliyyahu, ed. Meir Friedmann, Vienna, 1902
Menahem Kasher [1893- _], Compilation of Rabbinic
comments on the Pentateuch and commentary thereon,
Jerusalem, 1927-69
Yale Jud ries
Yom Tob Lippmann Zunz [1794-1886], had-Dérasof bé-
Yisrael, translated by Chanoch Albeck, Jerusalem,
5707/1947
Interpolation made for the sake of clarity or based on a
parallel reading in another source
Insertion made by Meir Friedmann in his e
Tanna débe Rliyyahu
tion ofOTHER GRECO-ROMAN (ICONOCLASM AMONG THE ZOROASTRIANS
MARY BOYCE
University of London
The iconoclastic movement in Christianity has been carefully
studied, as has Islamic iconomachy, but the origins of both still
present problems; and in investigating these consideration should
certainly be given to the fact that Zoroastrianism, ancient and until
the gth century A.D. immensely influential, had an iconoclastic
movement which preceded both, and which may well have played
a part in inspiring them. Zoroastrian iconoclasm has been ignored
for various reasons. The history of the faith is poorly documented
for all periods before the 17th century A.D., and has to be pieced
together (as far as this is at all possible) from sparse and diverse
, therefore, to overlook whole strands in its com-
position. Moreover, the assumption that the cult of temple fires
was original to it, and remained its sole form of public worship, has
obscured this particular issue. That such an assumption has been
generally made is in itself a tribute to the success of the Zoroastrian
iconoclasts, who triumphed so completely that in the end fire was
the sole icon in the temples of their faith, and they and their co-
religionists became known to the world at large simply as ‘fire-
worshippers’.
The fact is that, though veneration of fire is very ancient among
the Iranians, and was of supreme importance in Zoroaster’s teach-
ings, the cult of temple fires appears to have been unknown in early
Zoroastrianism. Indo-Iranian religion had taken shape during mil-
1 This was argued forcefully by S. Wikander, Feuerpriester in Kleinasien
und Tran, Lund 1946, 36 ff; but he obscured a sound case by postulating
that a temple cult of ever-burning fire had existed independently of Zoro-
astrianism and before that faith arose (a supposition unsupported by evi-
dence) ; and that this cult was adopted into Zoroastrianism in the 4th century
B.C, asa part of the worship of Aradvi Sara Anahita, Since this divinity is a
‘yazatd of water, the unlikelihood of such a supposition was apparent, (Note: the
Avestan term yarata, fem. yazatd, Middle Iranian yazat/yazad, ‘being worthy
of worship’ is kept throughout this article rather than being rendered by some
imperfect equivalent which would obscure the characteristic Zoroastrian
doctrine that all beneficent divine beings were created by Ahura Mazda (who
in the beginning alone was), in order to help and serve him in his task of
redeeming the world, Having been created, they are to be worshipped in their94 MARY BOYCE,
lennia of nomadic wanderings on the Central Asian steppes, and its
cult was therefore materially very simple, without temples, altars
or statues. The Iranians, like the Vedic Indians, held tenaciously
to this tradition. The essence of Zoroastrian devotional life was
worship of Ahura Mazda, the Creator, in the presence of his own
creations, namely the sky, water, earth, plants, animals, man and.
fire. The last, held to be the all-pervading element which gave life
and warmth to the rest, was represented visibly both by the sun
on high and by fire on the domestic hearth, which from time im-
memorial was tended with reverent care and never allowed to go
out. In Zoroaster's teachings fire was linked with ASa, the yazata
of righteousness and good order; and his followers were enjoined
to pray either at their hearths or in the open, turned towards the
sun, so that they had fire always before them to help fix their
thoughts on righteousne:
This tradition of worship under the sky or in the home was con-
tinued evidently during the Achaemenian period. The great
sanctuary at Zela in Asia Minor, founded, it is said, in thanksgiving
in the 6th century B.C., consisted of an artificial mound raised on
the plain so that men could go up to offer their veneration there; ®
and at Pasargadae two massive plinths still stand in the open, one
with steps leading up it; and it has been suggested that these were
built so that the king, mounting upon the one, could fix his eyes
on fire set on the other and thus pray in fitting manner before a
great assembly.’ Still in the mid-5th century B.C, Herodotus records
that ‘as to the usages of the Persians ... it is not their custom
to make and set up statues and temples and altars’4 Instead they
climbed high into the mountains to offer sacrifice there, The Western
Iranians were exposed, however, to strong influences from their
alien subjects and neighbonrs—Elamites, Babylonians, Assyrian:
Mannai and others—all of whom used statues and altars in their
worship. Near Hamadan, in Medean territory, a curious tower-like
structure has been excavated, thought to belong to the 8th century
n right, although always as subordinate to him, The Zoroastrian yazata is
thus both more than an angel, and different in his station from the independ-
ent god of a pagan panther
* See Strabo, XL8.4.512
* See D. Stronach, ‘Urartian and Achaemenian tower temples’, JNES 26,
1067, 287; for a detailed account of the plinths see Stronach, Fran TIL, 1965,
24-27 with PL VIL
“Ta3t