Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
1
"
The social life of things
Commodities in cultural perspective
Edited by
ARJUN APPADURAI
University of Pennsylvania
""'~''''' CAMBRIDGE
::; UNIVERSITY PRESS
CHAPTER 1
This essay has two aims. The first is to preview and set the context
for the essays that follow it in this volume. The second is to propose
a new perspective on the circulation of commodities in social life. The
gist of this perspective can be put in the following way. Economic
exchange creates value. Value is embodied in commodities that are
exchanged. Focusing on the things that are exchanged, rather than
simply on the forms or functions of exchange, makes it possible to
argue that what creates the link between exchange and value is politics,
construed broadly. This argument, which is elaborated in the text of
this essay, justifies the conceit that commodities, like persons, have
social lives. J
Commodities can provisionally be defined as objects of economic
value. As to what we ought to mean by economic value, the most
useful (though not quite standard) guide is Georg Simmel. In the first
chapter of The Philosophy of Money (1907; English translation, 1978),
Simmel provides a systematic account of how economic value is best
defined. Value, for Simmel, is never an inherent property of objects,
but is a judgment made about them by subjects. Yet the key to the
comprehension of value, according to Simmei, lies in a region where
"that subjectivity is only provisional and actually not very essential"
(Simmel 1978:73).
In exploring this difficult realm, which is neither wholly subjective
nor quite objective, in which value emerges and functions, Simmel
suggests that objects are not difficult to acquire because they ~re val
uable, "but we call those objects valuable that resist our desire to
possess them" (p. 67). What Simmel calls economic objects, in partic
ular, exist in the space between pure desire and immediate enjoyment,
with some distance between them and the person who desires them,
which is a distance that can be overcome. This distance is overcome
in and through economic exchange, in which the value of objects is
determined reciprocally. That is, one's desire for an object is fulfilled
by the sacrifice of some other object, which is the focus of the desire
of another. Such exchange of sacrifices is what economic life is all
3
4 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities
about and the economy as a particular social form "consists not only Even if our own approach to
in exchanging values but in the exchange of values" (p. 80). Economic the view that things have no mea
value, for Simmel, is generated by this sort of exchange of sacrifices. transactions, attributions, and m(
Several arguments follow this analysis of economic value in Simmel's thropological problem is that th
discussion. The first is that economic value is not just value in general, the concrete, historical circulation
but a definite sum of value, which results from the commensuration the things themselves, for their m
of two intensities of demand. The form this commensuration takes is their uses, their trajectories. It i~
the exchange of sacrifice and gain. Thus, the economic object does trajectories that we can interpret
not have an absolute value as a result of the demand for it, but the lations that enliven things. Thus,
demand, as the basis of a real or imagined exchange, endows the of view human actors encode th
object with value. It is exchange that sets the parameters of utility odological point of view it is the tr
and scarcity, rather than the other way round, and exchange that is human and social context. No sc
the source of value: "The difficulty of acquisition, the sacrifice offered analyst is an economist, an art 1
in exchange, is the unique constitutive element of value, of which avoid a minimum level of what
scarcity is only the external manifestation, its objectification in the tishism. Thismethodological feti~
form of quantity" (p. 100). In a word, exchange is not a by-product things themselves, is in part a cor:
of the mutual valuation of objects, but its source. sociologize transactions in thing:
These terse and brilliant observations set the stage for Simmel's Firth has recently noted (l983:8 c
analysis of what he regarded as the most complex instrument for the Commodities, and things in gel
cond uct of economic exchange - money - and its place in modern life. several kinds of anthropology. Tl
But Simmel's observations can be taken in quite another direction. the last resort of archeologists. Th
This alternative direction, which is exemplified by the remainder of which unites archeologists with :
this essay, entails exploring the conditions under which economic ogists. As valuables, they are at t
objects circulate in different regimes of value in space and time. Many and, not least, as the medium (
of the essays in this volume examine specific things (or groups of exchange theory and social anthl
things) as they circulate in specific cultural and historical milieus. What perspective on things represents
these essays permit is a series of glimpses of the ways in which desire vived, semiotically oriented inter
and demand, reciprocal sacrifice and power interact to create eco marked and exemplified in a sp'
nomic value in specific social situations. But commodities are not of fune
Contemporary Western common sense, building on various histor ogists. They also ,constitute a tc
ical traditions in philosophy, law, and natural science, has a strong economic historians, to art histo:
, tendency to oppose "words" and "things." Though this was not always mists, though each discipline mig]
the' case even in the West, as Marcel Mauss noted in his famous work Commodities thus represent a s
The Gift, the powerful contempmary tendency is to regard the world have something to offer to its ne
of things as inert and mute, set' in motion and animated, indeed about which it has a good deal t(
knowable, only by persons and their words (see also Dumont 1980:229 The essays in this volume covel
30). Yet, in many historical societies, things have not been so divorced conceptual ground, but they do
from the capacity of persons to act and the power of words to com tionship of culture to commodit
municate (see Chapter 2). That such a view of things had not dis anthropologists, an archeologist,
appeared even under the conditions of occidental industrial capitalism omists or art historians are repn:
is one of the intuitions that underlay Marx's famous discussion, in by no means ignored. Several m;:
Capital, of the "fetishism of commodities." (notably China and Latin Americ
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 5
articular social form "consists not only Even if our own approach to things is conditioned necessarily by
~ exchange of values" (p. 80). Economic the view that things have no meanings apart from those that human
1 by this sort of exchange of sacrifices. transactions, attributions, and motivations endow them with, the an
s analysis of economic value in Simmel's thropological problem is that this formal truth does not illuminate
nomic value is not just value in general, the concrete, historical circulation of things. For that we have to follow
hich results from the commensuration the things themselves, for their meanings are inscribed in their forms,
fhe form this commensuration takes is their uses, their trajectories. It is only through the analysis of these
gain. Thus, the economic object does trajectories that we can interpret the human transactions and calcu
a result of the demand for it, but the lations that enliven things. Thus, even though from a theoretical point
II or imagined exchange, endows the of view human actors encode things with significance, from a meth
1ge that sets the parameters of utility odological point of view it is the things-in-motion that illuminate their
Ither way round, and exchange that is human and social context. No social analysis of things (whether the
ulty of acquisition, the sacrifice offered analyst is an economist, an art historian, or an anthropologist) can
Institutive element of value, of which avoid a minimum level of what might be called methodological fe
lanifestation, its objectification in the tishism. This'methodological fetishism, returning our attention to the
a word, exchange is not a by-product things themselves, is in part a corrective to the tendency to excessively
ects, but its source. sociologize transactions in things, a tendency we owe to Mauss, as
.servations set the stage for Simmers Firth has recently noted (1983:89).2
; the most complex instrument for the Commodities, and things in general, are of independent interest to
- money - and its place in modern life. several kinds of anthropology. They constitute the first principles and
I be taken in quite another direction. the last resort of archeologists. They are the stuffof "material culture,"
ch is exemplified by the remainder of which unites archeologists with several kinds of cultural anthropol
le conditions under which economic ogists. As valuables, they are at the heart of economic anthropology
gimes of value in space and time. Many and, not least, as the medium of gifting, they are at the heart of
:xamine specific things (or groups of exchange theory and social anthropology generally. The commodity
fic cultural and historical milieus. What perspective on things represents a valuable point of entry to the re
,f glimpses of the ways in which desire vived, semioticaHy oriented interest in material culture, recently re
ice and power interact to create eco marked and exemplified in a special section of RAIN (Miller 1983).
ltuations. But commodities are not of fundamental interest only to anthropol
mon sense, building on various histor ogists. They also constitute a topic of lively interest to social and.
aw, and natural science, has a strong economic historians, to art historians, and, lest we forget, to econo
:i "things." Though this was not always mists, though each discipline might constitute the problem differently.
arcel Mauss noted in his famous work Commodities thus represent a subject on which anthropol()gy may
lorary tendency is to regard the world have something to offer to its neighboring disciplines, as we'll as one
set in motion and animated, indeed about which it has a good deal to learn from them.
heir words (see also Dumont 1980:229 The essays in this volume cover much historical, ethnographic, and
eties, things have not been so divorced conceptual ground, but they do not by any means exhaust the rela
) act and the power of words to com tionship of culture to commodities. The contributors are five social
It such a view of things had not dis anthropologists, an archeologist, and four social historians. No econ
~ions of occidental industrial capitalism omists or art historians are represented here, though their views are
nderlay Marx's famous discussion, in by no means ignored. Several major world areas are not represented
nmodities." (notably China and Latin America), but the spatial coverage is ilever
6 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities all
theless fairly wide. Though an interesting range of goods is discussed modern, capitalist societies), and th
in these essays, the list of commodities not discussed would be quite gence between Marx and Simmel c
long, and there is a tilt toward specialized or luxury goods rather than The most elaborate and thought
"primary" or "bulk" commodities. Finally, most of the contributors of the commodity appears in Vol
stick to goods rather than to services, though the latter are obviously though the idea was widespread in
important objects of commoditization as welL Though each of these political economy. Marx's own rean
omissions is serious, I shall suggest in the course of this essay that was a central part of his critique 0
some of them are less important than they might seem. a fulcrum for the transition from
The remaining five sections of this essay are devoted to the following cially Marx 1973) on capitalism to '
tasks. The first, on the spirit of commodity, is a critical exercise in Today, the conceptual centrality 0
definition, whose argument is that commodities, properly understood, way to the neoclassical, marginali!
are not the monopoly of modern, industrial economies. The next, on word "commodity" is used in neo(
paths and diversions, discusses the strategies (both individual and a special subclass of primary goo
institutional) that make the creation of value a politically mediated analytic role. This is, of course, not
process. The subsequent section, on desire and demand, links short in economics and sociology, or wil
and long-term patterns in commodity circulation to show that con as those of Piero Sraffa), where tl
sumption is subject to social control and political redefinition. The plays a central theoretical role (Sr
last substantive section, on the relationship between knowledge and But in most mode.rn analyses 0
commodities, is concerned with demonstrating that the politics of the meaning of the term com modi
value is in many contexts a politics of knowledge. The concluding part of the heritage of Marx and
section brings the argument back to politics as the mediating level is, in most contemporary uses, cor
between exchange and value. ufactured goods (or services), whit
modes of production and are thtl!
The spirit of the commodity has penetrated. Thus even in cun
ization (see, for example, Perlin 1
Few will deny that a commodity is a thoroughly socialized thing. The modi ties are associated with
definitional question is: in what does its sociality consist? The purist organizational and technical forms
answer, routinely attributed to Marx, is that a commodity is a product of European origin. Commoditie
intended principally for exchange, and that such products emerge, terial representations of the cap
by definition, in the institutional, psychological, and economic con they are classified as petty and th
ditions of capitalism. Less purist definitions regard commodities as Yet it is cle,ar that this is to dra'
goods intended for exchange, regardless of the form of the exchange. understanding of the nature of t1
The purist definition forecloses the question prematurely. The looser commodity in the first hundred c
definitions threaten to equate commodity with gift and many other of the most difficult, contradictc
kinds of thing. In this section, through a critique of the Marxian corpus. It begins with an extren
understanding of the commodity, I shall suggest that commodities ("A commodity is, in the first pia
are things with a particular type of social potential, that they are by its properties satisfies human
distinguishable from "products," "objects," "goods," "artifacts," and then moves dialectically through
other sorts of things - but only in certain respects and from a certain initions, which permit the gradl
point of view. If my argument holds water, it will follow that it is approach to use value and exch
definitionally useful to regard commodities as existing in a very wide lence, the circulation and exchar
variety of societies (though with a special intensity and salience in of money, It is the elaboration 0
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 7
.n interesting range of goods is discussed modern, capitalist societies), and that there is an unexpected conver
mmodities not discussed would be quite gence between Marx and Simmel on the topic of commodities.
:I specialized or luxury goods rather than The most elaborate and thought-provoking discussion of the idea
dities. Finally, most of the contributors of the commodity appears in Volume 1, Part I, of Marx's Capital,
services, though the latter are obviously though the idea was widespread in nin:teenth-century discussions .of
ditization as well. Though each of these political economy. Marx's own reanalysIs of the concept of commodIty
suggest in the course of this essay that was a central part of his critique of bourgeois political economy and
tant than they might seem. a fulcrum for the transition from his own earlier thought (see espe
; of this essay are devoted to the following cially Marx 1973) on capitalism to the full-fledged analysis of Capital.
t of commodity, is a critical exercise in Today, the conceptual centrality of the idea of commodity has given
;that commodities, properly understood, way to the neoclassical, marginalist conception of "goods," and the
lern, industrial economies. The next, on word "commodity" is used in neoclassical economics only to refer to
;ses the strategies (both individual and a special subda~s .of primary goods and no. longer plays a central
creation of value a politically mediated analytic role. ThiS IS, of course, not the case wIth MarXian approaches
.ion, on desire and demand, links short in economics and sociology, or with neo-Ricardian approaches (such
)mmodity circulation to show that con- as those of Piero Sraffa), where the analysis of the "commodity" still
control and political redefinition. The plays a central theoretical role (Sraffa 1961; Sedd?n 1978).
le relationship between knowledge and But in most modern analyses of economy (outSIde anthropology),
N'ith demonstrating that the politics of the meaning of the term commodity has narrowed to reflect only one
politics of knowledge. The concluding part of the heritage of Marx and the ea.r~y political ~con?mists. That
back to politics as the mediating level is, in most contemporary uses, commoditIes are speCIal kmds of man
ufactured goods (or services), which are associated only with capitalist
modes of production and are thus to be found only where capitalism
Ilmodity has penetrated. Thus even in current debates about proto-industrial
ization (see, for example, Perlin 1982), the issue is not whether com
ity is a thoroughly socialized thing. The modities are associated with capitalism, but whether certain
lat does its sociality consist? The purist organizational arid technical forms associated with capitalism a:e solely
o Marx, is that a commodity is a product of European origin. Commodities are generally seen as typICal ma
lange, and that such products emerge, terial representations of the capitalist mode of production, even if
::mal, psychological, and economic con they are classified as petty and their capitalist context as incipient.
lrist definitions regard commodities as Yet it is clear that this is to draw on only one strand in Marx's own
regardless of the form of the exchange. understanding of the nature of the commodity. The treatment of the
es the question prematurely. The looser commodity in the first hundred or so pages of Capital is arguably one
e commodity with gift and many other of the most difficult, contradictory, and ambiguous parts of Marx's
m, through a critique of the Marxian corpus. It begins with an extremely broad definition of commodity
)dity, I shall suggest that commodities ("A commodity is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing that
type of social potential, that they are by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another"). It
:ts," "objects," "goods," "artifacts," and then moves dialectically through a series of more parsimonious def
Iy in certain respects and from a certain initions, which permit the gradual elaboration of the basic Marxian
~nt holds water, it will follow that it is approach to use value and exchange value, the problem of equiva
I commodities as existing in a very wide lence, the circulation and exchange of products, and the significance
N'ith a special intensity and salience in of money. It is the elaboration of this understanding of the relation
8 Arjun Appadurai ., Introduction: commodities;
ship between the commodity form and the money form that alll~ws .~: reference to the problematics of !
Marx to make his famous distinction between two forms of circu atlon . i~.. other regarded the movement t(
of commodities (Commodities-Money-Commodities and Money-Com- l: tionary, unidirectional, and histor
modities-Money), the latter representing the general formula for cap- f; exist or do not exist, and they ar,
ita\. In the course of this analytic movement, commodities become of these assumptions requires me
intricately tied to money, an impersonal market, and exchange value. Despite these epistemic limitati
Even in the simple form of circulation (tied to use value), commodities fetishism of commodities, Marx
are related through the commensuration capabilities of money. To Capital, that the commodity doe:
day, in general, the link of commodities to postindustrial social, fi product under bourgeois prodw
nancial, and exchange forms is taken for granted, even by those who an early date in history, though
in other regards do not take Marx seriously. characteristic manner as nowad.
Yet in Marx's own writings, there is the basis for a much broader, outside the scope of this essay t
more cross-culturally and historically useful approach to commodities, own thought on precapitalist, no
whose spirit is attenuated as soon as he becomes embroiled in the might note that ~arx I~ft .t?e d
details of his analysis of nineteenth-century industrial capitalism. By modities. at least III a pnmltlve f
this earlier formulation, in order to produce not mere products but The definitional strategy I pn
commodities, a man must produce use values for others, social use gels's emendation of Marx's broa,
values (Marx 1971 :4t5). This idea was glossed by Engels in a paren of use value for others, which co
thesis he inserted into Marx's text in the following interesting way: exchange as the source of econc
"To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, that a commodity is any thing in!
whom it will serve as a use-value, by means of an exchange" (Marx from the exclusive preoccupatic
1971 :48). Though Engels was content with this elucidation, Marx and the original or dominant intI
proceeds to make a very complex (and ambiguous) series of distinc us to focus on the dynamics of e
tions between products and commodities, but for anthropological pur then, the question becomes not
poses, the key passage deserves quotation in full: "What sort of an exchange is e
Every product of labour is, in all states of society, a use-value; but it is only part of the effort to define com
at a definite historical epoch in a society's development that such a product two kinds of exchange that are
becomes a commodity, viz. at the epoch when the labour spent on the pro modity exchange. The first is b,
duction of a useful article becomes expressed as one of the objective qualities exchange), and the other is th(
of that article, i.e., as its value. It therefore follows that the elementary value barter.
form is also the primitive form under which a product of labour appears Barter as a form of exchange
historically as a commodity, and that the gradual transformation of such
products into commodities, proceeds pari passu with the development of the man (1980) in an essay that, "
value-form. (Marx 1971 :67). Marx's own analysis of the rei a!
commodity exchange. Combin
The difficulty of distinguishing the logical aspect of this argument tions of barter (including Chap
from its historical aspect has been noted by Anne Chapman (1980). the exchange of objects for on
whose argument I will return to shortly. In the above passage from and with maximum feasible re(
Capital, the shift from product to commodity is discussed historically. personal transaction costs. The
But the resolution is still highly schematic, and it is difficult to specify from commodity exchange in 1
or test it in any clear way. from gift exchange by virtuall)
The point is that Marx was still imprisoned in two aspects of the Chapman is right that, insoJ
mid-nineteenth-century episteme: one could see the economy only in seriously, his treatment of bart
Introdnction: commodities and the politics of valne 9
'rm and the money form that allows C rence to the problematics of production (Baudrillard 1975); the
tion between two forms of circulation rele r regarded the movement to commod'Ity pro d '
uctlon as evoIu
oney-Commodities and Money-Com ot' he ry unidirectional and historical. As a result commo d"Itles elt
'h er
esenting the general formula for cap tiona " ,
exist or do not exist, and they are products of a partICular sort. Each
tic movement, commodities become :~ of these assumptions requires modification. ..
ersonal market, and exchange value. Despite these epistemic limitations, in his famous diScussion of t~e
.ation (tied to use value), commodities fetishism of commodities, Marx does note, as he does elsewhere In
nsuration capabilities of money. To Capital, that the commodity does not emerge wh?le-cloth from ~?e
1modities to postindustrial social, fi producL under bourgeois productio~, but makes Its app:ar~nce at
aken for granted, even by those who an early date in history, though not 10 the same predommatmg ~n?
lrx seriously. characteristic manner as nowadays." (Marx 1971 :86). Though It IS
lere is the basis for a much broader, outside the scope of this essay to explore the difficulties of ~arx's
:ally useful approach to commodities, own thought on precapitalist, nonstate, nonmonetary economies, we
on as he becomes embroiled in the might note that Marx l~ft .t?e door open for the existen~e of com
nth-century industrial capitalism. By modities, at least in a pnmltlve form, 10 many sorts of socIety.
r to produce not mere products but The definitional strategy 1 propose is a return to a version of En
uce use values for others, social use gels's emendation of Marx's broad definition involving the production
~a was glossed by Engels in a paren of use value for others, which converges with SimmeI's emphasis on
~xt in the following interesting way: exchange as the source of economic value, Let us star~ with the idea
:fuct must be transferred to another, that a commodity is any thing intended for exchange. This gets us away
e, by means of an exchange" (Marx from the exclusive preoccupation with the "product," "productio~,"
content with this elucidation, Marx and the original or dominant intention of the "producer" and permits
:x (and ambiguous) series of distinc us to focus on the dynamics of exchange. For comparative purposes,
nodities, but for anthropological pur then, the question becomes not "What is a commodity?" but rather
quotation in full: "What sort of an exchange is commodity exchange?" Here, and as
ites of society, a use-value; but it is only part of the effort to define commodities,better, we need to ~eal with
dety's development that such a product two kinds of exchange that are conventionally contrasted wIth com
)()ch when the labour spent on the pro
xpressed as one of the objective qualities
is
modity exchange. The first barter (sometime~ referred to as dir~ct
exchange), and the other is the exchange of gifts. Let us start with
refore follows that the elementary value
der which a product of labour appears
barter.
lat the gradual transformation of such Barter as a form of exchange has recently been analyzed by Chap
s pari passu with the development of the man (1980) in an essay that, among other things, takes issue with
Marx's own analysis of the relationship between direct exchange an?
commodity exchange. Combining aspects of several current defin~
g the logical aspect of this argument tions of barter (including Chapman's), I would suggest that barter IS
~n noted by Anne Chapman (1980), the exchange of objects for one another without reference to money
, shortly. In the above passage from and with maximum feasible reduction of social, cultural, political, or
commodity is discussed historically. personal transaction costs. The former criterion distinguishes barter
chematic, and it is difficult to specify from commodity exchange in the strict Marxist sense, and the latter
from gift exchange by virtually any definition. .
ill imprisoned in two aspects of the Chapman is right that, insofar as Marx's theory of value IS taken
~: one could see the economy only in seriously, his treatment of barter poses insoluble theoretical and con
10 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities
ceptual problems (Chapman 1980:68-70), for Marx postulated that which the circulation of things is
barter took the form of direct exchange of the product (x use value or cultural norms. Yet wherever
A = Y use value B), as well as direct exchange of the commodity (x nation of what may be bartered,
commodity A y commodity B). But this Marxist view of barter, as of what drives the demand for
whatever problems it may pose for a Marxist theory of the origin of affair. There is a deep tendency
exch~nge value, has the virtue of fitting well with Chapman's most largely negative matter, so that t
persuasive claim - that barter, as either a dominant or a subordinate earlier periods is frequently regal
form of exchange, exists in an extremely wide range of societies. relation between communities rat!
Chapman criticizes Marx for inserting the commodity into barter and is, in this model, held to be in .
wishes to keep them quite separate, on the grounds that commodities foreign trade, by extension, is se
assume the use of money objects (and thus congealed labor value), (Sahlins 1972). But there are goo
and not just money as a unit of account or measure of equivalence. sons to question this view.
Commodity exchange, for Chapman, occurs only when a money object The notion that trade in nonm
intervenes in exchange. Since barter, in her model, excludes such generally regarded as antisocial f
intervention, commodity exchange and barter are formally completely communities and thus was fre(
distinct, though they may coexist in some societies (Chapman 1980:67 strangers has as its close counte
68). gift and that of the commodity a
In her critique of Marx, it seems to me, Chapman takes an unduly exchange and commodity exch;
constricted view of the role of money in the circulation of commod and mutually exclusive. Thougl
ities. Though Marx ran into difficulties in his own analysis of the recent attempts to mute the exa~
relationship between barter and commodity exchange, he was right Mauss (Hart 1982; Tambiah 1
to see, as did Polanyi, that there was a commonality of spirit between modalities of exchange as fundal
barter and capitalist commodity exchange, a commonality tied (in this feature of anthropological discou
view) to the object-centered, relatively impersonal, asocial nature of gory 1982; Sahlins 1972; Taussi:
each. In the various simple forms of barter, we see an effort to ex The exaggeration and reificat
change things without the constraints of sociality on the one hand, commodity in anthropological wr
and the complications of money on the other. Barter in the contem are the tendency to romanticize
porary world is on the increase: one estimate has it that an estimated value (in Marx's sense) with ge
$12 billion a year in goods and services is bartered in the United States tendency to forget that capitalisl
alone. International barter (Pepsico syrup for Russian vodka; Coca cultural designs; the proclivity t(
Cola for Korean toothpicks and Bulgarian forklifts are examples) is culative, impersonal and self-ag
also developing into a complex alternative economy. In these latter societies. These tendencies, in tUl
situations, barter is a response to the growing number of barriers to view of the opposition between rv
international trade and finance, and has a specific role to play in the (1982) has suggested, misses im]
larger economy. Barter, as a form of trade, thus links the exchange between them.
of commodities in widely different social, technological, and institu Gifts, and the spirit of recipr
tional circumstances. Barter may thus be regarded as a special form which they are typically exchang.
of commodity exchange, one in which, for any variety 'of reasons, profit-oriented, self-centered, ar
money plays either no role or a very indirect role (as a mere unit of culation of commodities. Furthe
account). By this definition of barter, it would be difficult to locate and embed the flow of things
any human society in which commodity exchange is completely ir modi ties are held to represent
relevant. Barter appears to be the form of commodity exchange in cultural constraints - of goods f
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value II
1980:68-70), for Marx postulated that which the circulation of things is most divorced from social, political,
ct exchange of the product (x use value or cultural norms. Yet wherever evidence is available, the determi
1S direct exchange of the commodity (x nation of what may be bartered, where, when, and by whom, as well
ty B). But this Marxist view of barter, as of what drives the demand for the goods of the "other," is a social
)se for a Marxist theory of the origin of affair. There is a deep tendency to regard this social regulation as a
ue of fitting well with Chapman's most largely negativ<: matter, so that barter in sn:all-scale socie.ties and in
r, as either a dominant or a subordinate earlier periods IS frequently regarded as havmg been restncted to the
an extremely wide range of societies. relation between communities rather than within communities. Barter
inserting the commodity into barter and is, in this model, held to be in inverse proportion to sociality, and
)arate, on the grounds that commodities foreign trade, by extension, is seen to have 'preceded' internal trade
~ects (and thus congealed labor value), (Sahlins 1972). But there are good empirical and methodological rea
: of account or measure of equivalence. sons to question this view.
apman, occurs only when a money object The notion that trade in nonmonetized, preindustrial economies is
:e barter, in her model, excludes such generally regarded as antisocial from the point of view of face-to-face
lange and barter are formally completely communities and thus was frequently restricted to dealings with
cist in some societies (Chapman 1980:67 strangers has as its close counterpart the view that the spirit of the
gift and that of the commodity are deeply opposed. In this view, gift
seems to me, Chapman takes an unduly exchange and commodity exchange are fundamentally contrastive
)f money in the circulation of commod and mutually exclusive. Though there have been some important
) difficulties in his own analysis of the recent attempts to mute the exaggerated contrast between Marx and
md commodity exchange, he was right Mauss (Hart 1982; Tambiah 1984), the tendency to see these two
here was a commonality of spirit between modalities of exchange as fundamentally opposed remains a marked
ity exchange, a commonality tied (in this feature of anthropological discourse (Dumont 1980; Hyde 1979; Gre
relatively impersonal, asocial nature of gory 1982; Sahlins 1972; Taussig 1980).
:onns of barter, we see an effort to ex The exaggeration and reification of the contrast between gift and
mstraints of sociality on the one hand, commodity in anthropological writing has many sources. Among them
[ley on the other. Barter in the contem are the tendency to romanticize small-scale societies; to conflate use
se: one estimate has it that an estimated value (in Marx's sense) with gemeinchaft (in Toennies's sense); the
f services is bartered in the United States tendency to forget that capitalist societies, too, operate according to
Jepsico syrup for Russian vodka; Coca cultural designs; the proclivity to marginalize and underplay the cal-
md Bulgarian forklifts are examples) is culative, impersonal and self-aggrandizing features of noncapitalist
lex alternative economy. In these latter societies. These tendencies, in turn, are a product of an oversimplified
;e to the growing number of barriers to view of the opposition between Mauss and Marx, which, as Keith Hart
ce, and has a specific role to play in the (1982) has suggested, misses important aspects of the commonalities
form of trade, thus links the exchange between them.
ferent social, technological, and institu Gifts, and the spirit of reciprocity, sociability, and spontaneity in
may thus be regarded as a special form which they are typically exchanged, usually are starkly opposed to the
~ in which, for any variety'of reasons, profit-oriented, self-centered, and calculated spirit that fires the cir
r a very indirect role (as a mere unit of culation of commodities. Further, where gifts link things to persons
)f barter, it would be difficult to locate and embed the flow of things in the flow of social relations, com
commodity exchange is completely ir modities are held to represent the drive - largely free of moral or
)e the form of commodity exchange in cultural constraints - of goods for one another, a drive media'ted by
12 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities a
money and not by sociality. Many of the essays in this volume, as well things"; "market exchange" versus
as my own argument here, are designed to show that this is a simplified oppositions parody both poles an
and overdrawn series of contrasts. For the present, though, let me cially. One symptom of this proble,
propose one important quality that gift exchange and the circulation conception of the commodity, as .
of commodities share. restricting the debate to the matte
My view of the spirit of gift exchange owes a good deal to Bourdieu is. But, in trying to understand w
(1977), who has extended a hitherto underplayed aspect of Mauss's exchange, it does not make sense t,
analysis of the gift (Mauss 1976:70-3), which stresses certain strategic barter on the one hand, or from t
parallels between gift exchange and more ostensibly "economic" prac As Simmel (1978:97-8), suggests, j
tices. Bourdieu's argument, which stresses the temporal dynamics of dimension in all these forms of e
gifting, makes a shrewd analysis of the common spirit that underlies form and intensity of sociality ass!
both gift and commodity circulation: to characterize commodity exchani
manner.
If it is true that the lapse of time interposed is what enables the gift or counter Let us approach commodities
gift to be seen and experienced as an inaugural act of generosity, without
any past or fu~ure, i.e., without calculation, then it is clear that in reducing situation that can characterize ma
the polythetic to the monothetic, objectivism destroys the specificity of all ferent points in their social lives. Tl
practices which, like gift exchange, tend or pretend to put the law of self potential of all things rather than
interest into abeyance. A rational contract would telescope into an instant a distinction between commodities
transaction which gift exchange disguises, by stretching it out in time; and means breaking significantly with t
because of this, gift exchange is, if not the onlymode of commodity circulation view of the commodity and focusi
practiced, at least the only mode to be fully recognized, in societies which, duction, through exchange/distrib
because they deny "the true soil of their life," as Lukacs puts it, have an
But how are we to define the cc
economy in itself and not for itself. (Bourdieu 1977:171.)
the commodity situation in the social
This treatment of gift exchange as a particular form of the circu situation in which its exchangeability (
lation of commodities comes out of Bourdieu's critique not only of thing is its socially relevant feature.
"objectivist" treatments of social action, but of the sort of ethnocentr defined this way, can be disaggreg
ism, itself a historical product of capitalism, that assumes a very re of the social life of any thing; (2:
stricted definition of economic interest. s Bourdieu suggests that thing; and (3) the commodity co
"practice never ceases to conform to economic calculation even when placed. Each of these aspects 0
it gives every appearance of disinterestedness by departing from the explication.
logic of interested calculation (in the narrow sense) and playing for The idea of the commodity ph:
stakes that are non-material and not easily quantified" (ibid: 177). summary way to capture the cen
I take this suggestion to converge, though from a slightly different portant essay in this volume, wher
angle, with the proposals ofTambiah (1984), Baudrillard (1968; 1975; in and out of the commodity stat
1981), Sahlins (1976), and Douglas and Isherwood (1981), all of which biographical approach to things i
represent efforts to restore the cultural dimension to societies that for the moment that things can r
are too often represented simply as economies writ large, and to state, that such movements can be
restore the calculative dimension to societies that are too often simply normative or deviant. 4 Though th{
portrayed as solidarity writ small. Part of the difficulty with a cross (such as heirlooms, postage starn!
cultural analysis of commodities is that, as with other matters in social ticeable than that of some others
life, anthropology is excessively dualistic: "us and them"; "materialist this component is never complete
~nd religious"; "objectification of persons" versus "personification of The commodity candidacy of th
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 13
tany of the essays in this volume, as well things"; "market exchange" versus "reciprocity"; and so forth. These
! designed to show that this is a simplified oppositions parody both poles and reduce human diversities artifi
~trasts. For the present, though, let me cially. One symptom of this problem has been an excessively positivist
:y that gift exchange and the circulation conception of the commodity, as being a certain kind of thing, thus
restricting the debate to the matter of deciding what kind of thing it
exchange owes a good deal to Bourdieu is. But, in trying to understand what is distinctive about commodity
hitherto underplayed aspect of Mauss's exchange, it does not make sense to distinguish it sharply either from
76:70-3), which stresses certain strategic barter on the one hand, or from the exchange of gifts on the other.
~e and more ostensibly "economic" prac As Simmel (1978:97-8), suggests, it is important to see the calculative
I'hich stresses the temporal dynamics of dimension in all these forms of exchange, even if they vary in the
vsis of the common spirit that underlies form and intensity of sociality associated with them. It remains now
ulation: to characterize commodity exchange in a comparative and processual
manner.
nterposed is what enables the gift or counter
Let us approach commodities as things in a certain situation, a
as an inaugural act of generosity, without
calculation, then it is clear that in reducing situation that can characterize many different kinds of thing, at dif
c, objectivism destroys the specificity of all ferent points in their social lives. This means looking at the commodity
ge, tend or pretend to put the law of self potential of all things rather than searching fruitlessly for the magic
~I contract would telescope into an instant a distinction between commodities and other sorts of things. It also
disguises, by stretching it out in time; and means breaking significantly with the production-dominated Marxian
. not the only mode ofcommodity circulation view of the commodity and focusing on its total trajectory from pro
~ to be fully recognized, in societies which,
duction, through exchange/distribution, to consumption.
I of their life," as Lukacs puts it, have an
~If. (BourdieuI977: 17l.)
But how are we to define the commodity situation? I propose that
the commodity situation in the social life of any "thing" be defined as the
ange as a particular form of the circu situation in which its exchangeability (past, present, or future) for some other
out of Bourdieu's critique not only of thing is its socially relevant feature. Further, the commodity situation,
ial action, but of the sort of ethnocentr defined this way, can be disaggregated into: (1) the commodity phase
t of capitalism, that assumes a very re of the social life of any thing; (2) the commodity candidacy of any
nic interest. s Bourdieu suggests that thing; and (3) the commodity context in which any thing may be
3rm to economic calculation even when placed. Each of these aspects of "commodity-hood" needs some
lisinterestedness by departing from the explication.
(in the narrow sense) and playing for The idea of the commodity phase in the social life of a thing is a
nd not easily quantified" (ibid: 177). summary way to capture the central insight in Igor Kopytoffs im
Iverge, though from a slightly different portant essay in this volume, where certain things are seen as moving .
1mbiah (1984), Baudrillard (1968; 1975; in and out of the commodity state. I shall have more to say on this
19las and Isherwood (1981), all of which biographical approach to things in the next section, but let us note
he cultural dimension to societies that for the moment that things can move in and out of the commodity
mply as economies writ large, and to state, that such movements can be slow or fast, reversible or terminal,
ion to societies that are too often simply normative or deviant. 4 Though the biographical aspect of some things
naIl. Part of the difficulty with a cross (such as heirlooms, postage stamps, and antiques) may be more no
es is that, as with other matters in social ticeable than that of some others (such as steel bars, salt, or sugar),
Iy dualistic: "us and them"; "materialist this component is never completely irrelevant.
I of persons" versus "personification of The commodity candidacy of things is less a temporal than a con
14 Arjun Appadurai Introduction: commodities
ceptual feature, and it refers to the standards and criteria (symbolic, prefer to use the term regiws of v(
classificatory, and moral) that define the exchangeability of things in act of commodity exchange prest
any particular social and historical context. At first glance, this feature of assumptions, but rather that I
would appear best glossed as the cultural framework within which be highly variable from situation
things are classified, and it is a central preoccupation of Kopytoffs to commodity. A regime of value,
paper in this volume. Yet this gloss conceals a variety of complexities. very high and very low sharing 0
It is true that in most stable societies, it would be possible to discover ticular commodity exchange. Suc
a taxonomic structure that defines the world of things, lumping some constant transcendence of cultur
things together, discriminating between others, attaching meanings modities, where culture is unde]
and values to these groupings, and providing a basis for rules and system of meanings.
practices governing the circulation of these objects. In regard to the Finally, the commodity context r
economy (that is, to exchange), Paul Bohannan's (1955) account of within or between cultural units,
spheres of exchange among the Tiv is an obvious example of this type didacy of a thing to the commodit
of framework for exchange. But there are two kinds of situations societies, marriage transactions m
where the standards and criteria that govern exchange are so atten women are most intensely, and n
tuated as to seem virtually absent. The first is the case of transactions change values. Dealings with strar
across cultural boundaries, where all that is agreed upon is price commoditization of things that a
(whether monetary or not) and a minimum set of conventions re moditization. Auctions accentuate
garding the transaction itsele The other is the case of those intra jects (such as paintings) in a man
cultural exchanges where, despite a vast universe of shared deeply inappropriate in other co:
understandings, a specific exchange is based on deeply divergent per encourage commodity flows as do;
ceptions of the value of the objects being exchanged. The best ex of such contexts, within and acrOS5
amples of such intracultural value divergence are to be found in the social environment of the con
situations of extreme hardship (such as famine or warfare), when bolic state, As I have already sug e
exchanges are made whose logic has little to do with the commen social matter, may bring together
suration of sacrifices. Thus a Bengali male who abandons his wife to systems who share only the most
prostitution in exchange for a meal, or a Turkana woman who sells conceptual point of view) about til
critical pieces of her personal jewelry for a week's food, 'are engaging about the terms of trade. The so
in transactions that may be seen as legitimate in extreme circumstan the most obvious example of the n
ces, but could hardly be regarded as operating under a rich shared social dimensions of commodity e
framework of valuation between buyer and seller. Another way to Thus, commoditization lies at th
characterize such situations is to say that in such contexts, value and cultural, and social factors. To the
price have come almost completely unyoked. are frequently to be found in the (
Also, as Simmel has pointed out, from the point of view of the ments of commodity candidacy, an
individual and his subjectivity, all exchanges might contain this type they are its quintessential commo
of discrepancy between the sacrifices of buyer and seller, discrepancies most things in a society sometimes
normally brushed aside because of the host of conventions about be said to be highly commoditize,
exchange that are complied with by both parties (Simmel 1978:80). can safely be said that more thin
We may speak, thus, of the cultural framework that defines the com modity phase in their own careers,
modity candidacy of things, but we must bear in mind that some commodity contexts, and the star
exchange situations, both inter- and intracultural, are characterized embrace a large part of the wor
by a shallower set of shared standards of value than others, I therefore societies. Though Marx was there
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 15
to the standards and criteria (symbolic, prefer to use the term regimes oJvalue, which does not imply that every
t define the exchangeability of things in act of commodity exchange presupposes a complete cultural sharing
Irical context. At first glance, this feature of assumptions, but rather that the degree of value coherence may
lS the cultural framework within which be highly variable from situation to situation, and from commodity
s a central preoccupation of Kopytoffs to commodity. A regime of value, in this sense, is consistent with both
; gloss conceals a variety of complexities. very high and very low sharing of standards by the parties to a par
ocieties, it would be possible to discover ticular commodity exchange. Such regimes of value account for the
fines the world of things, lumping SOme constant transcendence of cultural boundaries by the flow of com
ng between others, attaching meanings modities, where culture is understood as a bounded and localized
~s, and providing a basis for rules and system of meanings.
lation of these objects. In regard to the Finally, the commodity context refers to the variety of social arenas,
[e), Paul Bohannan's (1955) account of within or between cultural units, that help link the commodity can
he Tiv is an obvious example of this type didacy of a thing to the commodity phase of its career. Thus in many
But there are two kinds of situations societies, marriage transactions might constitute the context in which
eria that govern exchange are so atten women are most intensely, and most appropriately, regarded as ex
sent. The first is the case of transactions change values. Dealings with strangers might provide contexts for the
where all that is agreed upon is price commoditization of things that are otherwise protected from com
lnd a minimum set of conventions re moditization. Auctions accentuate the cormnudily dilllt::llSioll of ob
5
:. The other is the case of those intra jects (such as paintings) in a manner that might well be regarded as
despite a vast universe of shared deeply inappropriate in other contexts. Bazaar settings are likely to
:hange is based on deeply divergent per encourage commodity flows as domestic settings may not. The variety
objects being exchanged. The best ex- of such contexts, within and across societies, provides the link between
value divergence are to be found in the social environment of the commodity and its temporal and sym
lip (such as famine or warfare), when bolic state. As I have already suggested, the commodity context, as a
ogic has little to do with the com men social matter, may bring together actors from quite different cultural
Bengali male who abandons his wife to systems who share only the most minimal understandings (from the
a meal, or a Turkana woman who sells conceptual point of view) about the objects in question and agree only
jewelry for a week's food, 'are engaging about the terms of trade. The so-called silent trade phenomenon is
:en as legitimate in extreme circumstan the most obvious example of the minimal fit between the cultural and
lrded as operating under a rich shared social dimensions of commodity exchange (Price 1980).
Ie en buyer and seller. Another way to Thus, commoditization lies at the complex intersection of temporal,
; to say that in such contexts, value and cultural, and social factors. To the degree that some things in a society
)Ietely unyoked. are frequently to be found in the commodity phase, to fit the require
ed out, from the point of view of the ments of commodity candidacy, and to appear in a commodity'context,
{, all exchanges might contain this type they are its quintessential commodities. To the degree that many or
:rifices of buyer and seller, discrepancies most things in a society sometimes meet these criteria, the society may
lUse of the host of conventions about be said to be highly commoditized. In modern capitalist societies, it
Nith by both parties (Simmel 1978:80). can safely be said that more things are likely to experience a com
lltural framework that defines the com modity phase in their own careers, more contexts to become legitimate
but we must bear in mind that some commodity contexts, and the standards of commodity candidacy to
er- and intracultural, are characterized embrace a large part of the world of things than in noncapitalist
mdards of value than others. I therefore societies. Though Marx was therefore right in seeing modern indus
16 Arjun Appadurai ~
f'. .. Introduction: commodities al
trial capitalism as entailing the most intensely commoditized type of drawing on certain ethnographic
society, the comparison of societies in regard to the degree of "com- I section that the Aow of commoditie:
moditization" would be a most complex affair given the definitional ~ compromise between socially regu
approach to commodities taken here. By this definition, the term ~ spired diversions.
"commodity" is used in the rest of this essay to refer to things that, ~ Commodities, as Igor Kopytoff p
at a certain phase in their careers and in a particular context, meet the ~ as having life histories. In this proc
requirements of commodity candidacy. Keith Hart's recent (1982) f~ of the life history of an object do(
analysis of the importance of the growing hegemony of the commodity 1 culturally regulated; and its interp
in the world would fit with the approach suggested here, except thatj nipulation to some degree. Furthel
commoditization is here regarded as a differentiated process (affect-' question of what sorts of object ma
ing matters of phase, context, and categorization, differentially) and f more deeply a matter for social cont
the capitalist mode of commoditization is seen as interacting with societies than in smaller-scale, nonm(
myriad other indigenous social forms of commoditization. is, in Kopytoffs model, a perennial
Three additional sets of distinctions between commodities are worth the tendency of all economies to e)
making here (others appear later in this essay). The first, which is a ditization and of all cultures to re~
modified application of a distinction originally made by Jacques Ma can go with either tendency as it sui
quet in 1971 in regard to aesthetic productions,6 divides commodities sense of moral appropriateness, th
into the following four types: (1) commodities by destination, that is, room for maneuver is usually not g
objects intended by their producers principally for exchange; (2) com pytoffs model the most important,
modities by metamorphosis, things intended for other uses that are general processual model of comm
placed into the commodity state; (3) a special, sharp case of com be moved both into and out of the
modities by metamorphosis are commodities by diversion, o~jects placed fortable with the opposition betwe(
into a commodity state though originally specifically protected from tization, since some of the most int
it; (4) ex-commodities, things retrieved, either temporarily or perma agrees are in the middle zone of his
nently, from the commodity state and placed in some other state. It more or less permanent commoditi;
also seems worthwhile to distinguish "singular" from "homogeneous" Two questions can be raised abOl
commodities in order to discriminate between commodities whose ment. One would be that the very c
candidacy for the commodity state is precisely a matter of their class gularities as opposed to classes is a CI
characteristics (a perfectly standardized steel bar, indistinguishable in be unique examples of homogeneo
practical terms from any other steel bar) and those whose candidacy and classes of culturally valued singl
is precisely their uniqueness within some class (a Manet rather than a designer-label clothing}. On the othc
Picasso; one Manet rather than another). Closely related, though not contrast would suggest that it is com
identical, is the distinction between primary and secondary commod torical process that determines in v
ities; necessities and luxuries; and what I call mobile versus enc1aved relationship between singular and h
commodities. Nevertheless, all efforts at defining commodities are moment in the life of a society. But
doomed to sterility unless they illuminate commodities in motion. This commodity is not one kind of thin:
is the principal aim of the section that follows. phase in the life of some things. H
agreement.
This view of commodities and corr
Paths and diversions
tant implications, some of which are
Commodities are frequently represented as mechanical products of Kopytoffs argument. Others are dis(
production regimes governed by the laws of supply and demand. By immediate concern is with one impor
:he most intensely commoditized type of 't"
::>cieties in regard to the degree of "com
r.~
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value
drawing on certain ethnographic examples, I hope to show in this
17
18 Arjun Appadurai ~
Introduction: commodities an
spective on the commoditization of things, which concerns what I
operate as a team, interpreting one anot]
have called paths and diversions. lowe both these terms, and some keda collapse, regularly making it nece:
measure of my understanding of the relationship between them,. to Some form completely different keda, ~
Nancy Munn's contribution (Munn 1983) in ~nimportant collectlo.n may want to form another ked a by dr
of papers on a phenomenon that is of great Importance to the topIC never kula again because of their inabil
of this volume, the celebrated kula system of the Western PaCific reputation for "bad" kula activity. In rea
(Leach and Leach 1983). . in anyone keda is migratory and the soc
A shell's accumulation of history is retar,
The kula is the best-documented example of a non-Western, prell1
keda, while men's claims to immortality
dustria!, non monetized, translocal exchange system, and with the pub these men after being successfully attra
lication of this recent collection, it becomes, arguably, the most on the identity of its new owners. (Caml
thoughtfully and fruitfully analyzed one. l.t now ~ppears that M~Ii.
The path taken by these valuable,
nowski's classic account of this system (Malmowskl 1922) was partial
stitutive of social partnerships and s
and problematic, though it has laid the foundation ~or even the ~ost
number of other things are worth
sophisticated recent analyses. The implications of thIs recen~ rethmk
these valuables. The first is that their (
ing of the kula phenomenon for the gen~ral concer~s of thIs volume
as simple reciprocal exchange, far fI
are severaL Although the essays 1 shall CIte from thIs volume reflect
merce. Though monetary valuation!
different vantage points, both ethnographic and theoretical, they do
the objects and a variety of sources,
permit some general observations. . ..
it possible to have the sort of calculi:
The kula is an extremely complex regIonal system for the cIrculatIOn
at the heart of the exchange of COli
of particular kinds of valuables, usually between. men of subst~nce,
monetary modes of valuation allow I
in the Massim group of islands off the eastern tIP of New Gumea.
(following Cassady 1974) calls "exchaJ
The main objects exchanged for one another are of two types: d~c.
in which something like price is arriv(
orated necklaces (which circulate in one direction) and armshells (wlllch
other than the impersonal forces of SUI
circulate in the other). These valuables acquire very specific biogra
Thus, despite the presence of broad
phies as they move from place to place and hand. to hand, just as ~he
complex qualitative calculus exists (C
men who exchange them gain and lose reputation as they acqUIre,
mits the competitive negotiation of Pi
hold, and part with these valuables. The term keda (ro~d, rout,e, path,
light of both short- and long-term indi
or track) is used in some Massim communities to descnbe the Journey
What Firth here calls "indebtedness
of these valuables from island to island. But ked a also has a more
sort of calculated exchange that, by J
diffuse set of meanings, referring to the more or less stable social,
tween commodity exchange and oth
political, and reciprocal links between men that constitute these paths.
The most important difference betw(
In the most abstract way, ked a refers to the path (created through modities and the exchange ofcommo(
the exchange of these valuables) to wealth, power, and reputation for
omies is that the increment being so
the men who handle these valuables (Campbell 1983a:203-4).
reputation, name, or fame, with the
Keda is thus a polysemic concept, in which the circulation.of objec~s,
ducing this profit being people rather I
the making of memories and reputations, and the pursUIt of socIal (Strathern 1983:80; Damon 1983:33~
distinction through strategies of partnership all come together. The few commodities can afford.
delicate and complex links between men and things that are central
Perhaps even more important thaI
to the politics of the keda are captured in the following extract from
exchanges is the fact that these recer
the perspective of the island of Vakuta:
to regard the exchange of kula valu
The successful keda consists of men who are able to maintain relatively stable boundaries between communities, wi
keda partnerships through good oratorical and manipulative skills, and who
curring within these communities (DaJ
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 19
:ation of things, which concerns what I . te as a team, interpreting one another's movements. Nevertheless, many
sions. lowe both these terms, and some ked a collapse, regularly ma k"109 It necessary f or men to rea I'Ign t hemse Ives.
opela
,ng of the relationship between them, to e form completely different keda, while the remnants of a broken keda
5om
(Munn 1983) in an important collection want to form another ke d a by d rawmg . 10 . new men. Yet ot h ers may
maY:er kula again because 0 f t h' elr .ma b'l'
I Ity to f orm anot h er ke d a oWll1g
. to a
1 that is of great importance to the topic
I~e\ utation for "bad" kula activity. In reality, the population of shell valuables
lted kula system of the Western Pacific :I~~ny one keda is migrato:y and the social composi.tion of a keda transitory.
A shell's accumulatIon of hIstory IS retarded by contmual movement between
nented example of a non-Western, prein k da while men's claims to immortality vanish as shells lose association with
lslocal exchange system, and with the pub t~es~ men after being successfully attracted into another keda, thus taking
ection, it becomes, arguably, the most on the identity of its new owners. (Campbell 1983:218-19.)
analyzed one. It now appears that Mali The path taken by these valuables is thus both reflective and con
his system (Malinowski 1922) was partial stitutive of social partnerships and struggles for preeminence. But a
!las laid the foundation for even the most number of other things are worth noting about the circulation of
s. The implications of this recent rethink these valuables. The first is that their exchange is not easily categorized
[) for the general concerns of this volume as simple reciprocal exchange, far from the spirit of trade and com
ssays 1 shall cite from this volume reflect merce. Though monetary valuations are absent, both the Rature of
Ith ethnographic and theoretical, they do the objects and a variety of sources of flexibility in the system make
lations. ' it possible to have the sort of calculated exchange that I maintain is
omplex regional system for the circulation at the heart of the exchange of commodities. These complex non
tbles, usually between men of substance, monetary modes of valuation allow partners to negotiate what Firth
ands off the eastern tip of New Guinea, (following Cassady 1974) calls "exchange by private treaty," a situation
d for one another are of two types: dec in which something like price is arrived at by some negotiated process
!late in one direction) and armshells (which other than the impersonal forces of supply and demand (Firth 1983:91).
:se valuables 'acquire very specific biogra Thus, despite the presence of broad conventional exchange rates, a
ace to place and hand to hand, just as the complex qualitative calculus exists (Campbell 1983:245-6) which per
~ain and lose reputation as they acquire, mits the competitive negotiation of personal estimates of value in the
Juables. The term keda (road, route, path, light of both short- and long-term individual interest (Firth 1983: 101).
lssim communities to describe the journey What Firth here calls "indebtedness engineering'" is a variety of the
and to island. But ked a also has a more sort of calculated exchange that, by my definition, blurs the line be
:ferring to the more or less stable social, tween commodity exchange and other, more sentimental, varieties.
s between men that constitute these paths. The most important difference between the exchange of these com
zeda refers to the path (created through modities and the exchange of commodities in modern industrial econ
bles) to wealth, power, and reputation for omies is that the increment being sought in kula-type systems is in
valuables (Campbell 1983a:203-4). reputation, name, or fame, with the critical form of capital for pro
:oncept, in which the circulation of objects, ducing this profit being people rather than other factors of production
nd reputations, and the pursuit of social (Strathern 1983:80; Damon 1983:339-40). Pricelessness is a luxury
les of partnership all come together. The few commodities can afford.
between men and things that are central Perhaps even more important than the calculative aspect of kula
,re captured in the following extract fro111 exchanges is the fact that these recent studies make it very difficult
d of Vakuta: to regard the exchange of kula valuables as occurring only at the
f men who are able to maintain relatively stable boundaries between communities, with more giftlike exchanges oc
od oratorical and manipulative skills, and who curring within these communities (Damon 1983: 339). The concept of
-,'
20 Arjun Appadurai r
i~
Introduction: commodities:
kitoum provides the conceptual and technical link between the large 1983:317-23). The kula may be r
paths that the valuables take and the more intimate, regular, and i propose to call tournaments of valu
problematic intra-island exchanges (Weiner 1983; Damon 1983; .~ Tournaments of value are con
Campbell 1983; Munn 1983). Though the term kitoum is complex moved in some culturally well-def
and in certain respects ambiguous, it seems clear that it represents nomic life. Participation in them
the articulation between the kula and other exchange modalities in those in power and an instrumen
which men and women transact in their own communities. Kitoums The currency of such tournaments
are valuables that one can place into the kula system or legitimately well understood cultural diacritic
withdraw from it in order to effect "conversions" (in Paul Bohan tournaments is not just status, ra
nan's sense) between disparate levels of "conveyance" (Bohannan but the disposition of the central
1955). In the use of kitoum we see the critical conceptual and in question. s Finally, though such tOt
strumentallinks between the smaller and bigger paths that consti times and places, their forms and
tute the total world of exchange in Massim. As Annette Weiner has for the more mundane realities oj
shown, it is a mistake to isolate the grander interisland system of ex As in the kula, so in such tournai
change from the more intimate, but (for men) more suffocating lo skill is culturally measured by the
cal transfers of objects that occur because of debt, death, and affinity diversions or subversions of cultur
(Weiner 1983: 164-5). flow of things.
The kula system gives a dynamic and processual quality to Mauss's The idea oftournaments of vah
ideas regarding the mingling or exchange of qualities between men category, following up a recent
and things, as Munn (1983:283) has noted with regard to kula ex (1983:535) comparing the kula sysl
change in Gawa: "Although men appear to be the agents in defin!ng West. Baudrillard's analysis of th~
shell value, in fact, without shells, men cannot define their own value; West allows one to widen and shaq
in this respect, shells and men are reciprocally agents of each other's that the art auction, with its ludic, ri
value definition." But, as Munn has observed, in the reciprocal con apart from the ethos of conventior
struction of value, it is not only paths that play an important role, but "goes well beyond economic calcula
diversions as well. The relations between paths and diversions is crit of the transmutation of values, fr
ical to the politics of value in the kula system, and proper orchestration value which may be noted in det
of these relations is at the strategic heart of the system: (Baudrillard 1981: 121). The follm'
Actually, diversion is implicated in the path system, since it is one of .the ethos of the art auction deserves,
means of making new paths. Possession of more than one path also pomts easily be an apt characterization of
to the probability of further diversions from one established path to another, of value:
as men become subject to the interests and persuasiveness of more than one
Contrary to commercial operations, w
set of partners.... In fact, men of substance in kula have to develop some
rivalry between individuals on the fOOl
capacity to balance operations: diversions from one path must later be re
guiding his own calculation of individu
placed in order to assuage cheated partners and keep the path from dIsap
fete or the game, institutes a concrete (
pearing, or to keep themselves from being dropped from the path. (Munn
Whoever the vanquisher in the challeng
1983:301.) is the institution of a community of th!
These large-scale exchanges represent psychological efforts to tran such by agonistic speculation upon a n
of the aristocratic sort seals their paril
scend more humble flows of things, but in the politics of reputation,
formal equality of economic com petitio
gains in the larger arena have implications for the smaller ones, .and ilege with respect to ail others, from
the idea of the kitoum assures that both conveyances and conversions merely by their purchasing power, bUI
have to be carefully managed for the greatest gains overall (Damon of the production and exchange of sigl
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 21
tual and technical link between the large 1983:317-23). The kula may be re~arded as the paradigm of what 1
ke and the more intimate, regular, and ropose to call tournaments of value. I
xchanges (Weiner 1983; Damon 1983; p Tournaments of value are complex periodic events that are re
:3). Though the term kitoum is complex moved in some culturally well-defined way from the routines of eco
biguous, it seems clear that it represents nomic life. Participation in them is likely to be both a privilege of
e kula and other exchange modalities in those in power and an instrument of status contests between them.
:lsact in their own communities. Kitoums The currency of such tournaments is also like1y to be set apart through
;>lace into the kula system or legitimately well understood cultural diacritics. Finally, what is at issue in such
to effect "conversions" (in Paul Bohan tournaments is not just status, rank, fame, or reputation of actors,
lrate levels. of "conveyance" (Bohannan but the disposition of the central tokens of value in the society in
m we see the critical conceptual and in question. s Finally, though such tournaments of value occur in special
he smaller and bigger paths that consti times and places, their forms and outcomes are always consequential
lange in Massim. As Annette Weiner has for the more mundane realities of power and value in ordinary life.
late the grander interisland system of ex As in the kula, so in such tournaments of value generally, strategic
mate, but (for men) more suffocating 10 skill is culturally measured by the success with which actors attempt
occur because of debt, death, and affinity diversions or subversions of culturally conventionalized paths for the
flow of things.
iynamic and processual quality to Mauss's The idea of tournaments of value is an attempt to create a general
ng or exchange of qualities between men category, following up a recent observation by Edmund Leach
3:283) has noted with regard to kula ex {I 983:535) comparing the kula system to the art world in the modern
1 men appear to be the agents in definjng West. Baudrillard's analysis of the art auction in the contemporary
shells, men cannot define their own value; West allows one to widen and sharpen this analogy. Baudrillard notes
len are reciprocally agents of each other's that the art auction, with its ludic, ritual, and reciprocal aspects, stands
funn has observed, in the reciprocal con apart from the ethos of conventional economic exchange, and that it
mly paths that play an important role, but "goes well beyond economic calculation and concerns all the processes
tions between paths and diversions is cril of the transmutation of values, from one logic to another logic of
l the kula system, and proper orchestration value which may be noted in determinate places and institutions"
,trategic heart of the system: (Baudrillard 1981: 121). The following analysis by Baudrillard of the
ethos of the art auction deserves quotation in full since it could so
ted in the path system, since it is one of the
Possession of more than one path also points
easily bean apt characterization of other examples of the tournament
iversions from one established path to another, of value:
interests and persuasiveness of more than one Contrary to commercial operations, which institute a relation of economic
~n of substance in kula have to develop some rivalry between individuals on the footing of formal equality, with each one
s: diversions from one path must later be re guiding his own calculation of individual appropriation, the auction, like the
eat.ed partners and keep the path from disap fete or the game, institutes a concrete community of exchange among peers.
~s from being dropped from the path. (Munn Whoever the vanquisher in the challenge, the essential function of the auction
is the institution of a community of the privileged who define themselves as
such by agonistic speculation upon a restricted corpus of signs. Competition
ges represent psychological efforts to tran
of the aristocratic sort seals their parity (which has nothing to do with the
)f things, but in the politics of reputation, formal equality of economic competition), and thus their collective caste priv
ave implications for the smaller ones, and ilege with respect to all others, from whom they are no longer separated
res that both conveyances and conversions merely by their purchasing power, but by the sumptuary and collective act
sed for the greatest gains overall (Damon of the production and exchange of sign values. (1981: 117.)
22 MjUD Appadu,,'
In makin~ a comparative analysis ~f suc~ tournament~ of value, it ~
may be advisable not to follow Baudnllar~ s tendency to Isolate them.~
r' InnoducI'on, <onunodit,,, ,
tended discussion of t~is phenoml
essay on the production of obj~
analytically from more mundane economIC exchange, though the ar- Solomons.
ticulation of such value arenas with other economic arenas is likely to The phenomena discussed in Dc
be highly variable. I shall have more to say on tournaments of value modity aspects of social life precis
in the discussion of the relationship between knowledge and com- of moral and cosmological frame"
modities later in this essay. is restricted and hedged. In the f
The kula, at any rat~, represents a very comple~ system for the particularly the large-scale-murina,
intercalibration of the bIOgraphies of persons and thmgs. It shows us invested in making objects that p
the difficulty of separating gift and commodity exchange even in are scrupulously placed in the ca
preindustrial, nonmonetary systems, and it reminds us of t~e dangers (Kopytoff, Chapter 2), that is, objl
in correlating zones of social intin:acy too rig~dly with distm~t f~rms purpose, and meaning of their p
of exchange. But perhaps most Important, It IS the most mtncate from production to consumption.
example of the politics of tournaments of value, in which the actors times used in casual domestic ways
manipulate the cultural definitions of path and the strategic potential ter the commodity state. What me
of diversion, so that the movement of things enhances their Own a complex understanding of value
'nding. .. " and the social come together), an
Diversions, however, are not to be found only as parts of mdlVldual may paraphrase Davenport's obseT'
strategies in competitive situations, but.can be institutionalized in v~r- here, at the heart of a very com pIe)
ious ways that remove or protect objects from the relevant SOCial payments, and credits, is a special
commodity contexts. Royal monopolies are perhaps the best-known objects are placed beyond the cuI
examples of such "enclaved commodities," as Kopytoff points out in moditization. This type of transval
Chapter 2. One of the most interesting and extensive dis~u.ssi~ns of different societies, but it is typical
this type of monopolistic restriction on the flow of commodities IS that thetic elaboration and objects that Sl
of Max Gluckman (1983) in the context of royal property among the not permitted to occupy the comrr
Lozi of Northern Rhodesia. In his discussion of the categories "gift," cially, or definition ally) for very II
"tribute," and "kingly things," Gluckman shows ho,"': even in a lov:- traditional Solomon Islanders to pIa
surplus agricultural kingdom, the flow of commoditIes had very dl- products beyond the reach of coml
verse and important implications. In his analysis of "kingly things," of a widespread tendency.
it becomes clear that the main function of these royal monopolies was A somewhat different example I
to maintain sumptuary exclusivity (as in the royal monopoly of eland commodity exchange is to be Seen
fly whisks), commercial advantage (as with elephant tusks), and the trade in relics in early medieval Eu
display of rank. Such royal restrictions of things from more prom- of course, "found" and not "made,"
iscuous spheres of exchange is part of the way in which, in premodern reRects a very important aspect 0
chieftainships and empires, royalty could assure the material basis of identity, local prestige, and central
sumptuary exclusivity. This type of process might be called decom- rope in the early medieval period.
moditization from above. These relics belong to a particul:
But the more complex case concerns entire zones of activity and mand in which the life history of tl
production that are devoted to producing objects of value that cannot incidental, to its value. The verifica
be commoditized by anybody. The zone of art an.d.ritual in small-sc~le t~ its value. Given the general apF
societies is one such enclaved zone, where the SpIrIt of the commodIty gift and commodity that I have tak
enters only under conditions of massive cultural change. For an ex- that Geary may draw too sharp a cc
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 23
e analysis of such tournaments of value, it lded discussion of this phenomenon, we have William Davenport's
low Baudrillard's tendency to isolate thern tel aY on the production of objects for ritual use in the Eastern
esS ,
ndane economic exchange, though the ar Solomons.
:nas with other economic arenas is likely to . The phenomena discussed in Davenport's essay illuminate the com
have more to say on tournaments of value modity aspects of social life precisely because they illustrate one sort
elationship between knowledge and corn_ of moral and cosmological framework within which commoditization
s restricted and hedged. In the funeral observances of this region,
I . h
-epresents a very complex system for the particularly the l~rge-s~ale-murzna, muc energy and .expend~ture are
~raphies of persons and things. It shows Us invested in makmg objects that playa central role m the ntual but
:g gift and commodity exchange even in are scrupulously placed in the category of "terminal" commodities
y systems, and it reminds us of the dangers (Kopytoff, Chapter 2), that is, objects which, because of the context,
ial intimacy too rigidly with distinct forrns purpose, and meaning of their production, make only one journey
5 most important, it is the most intricate from production to consumption. After that, though they are some
tournaments of value, in which the actors timesused in casual domestic ways, they are never permitted to reen
finitions of path and the strategic potential ter the commodity state. What makes them thus decommoditized is
movement of things enhances their own a complex understanding of value (in which the aesthetic, the ritual,
and the social come together), and a specific ritual biography. We
: not to be found only as parts of individual may paraphrase Davenport's observations and note that what happens
luations, but can be institutionalized in var here, at the heart of a very complex and calculated set of investments,
- protect objects from the relevant social payments, and credits, is a special kind of transvaluation, in which
tl monopolies are perhaps the best-known objects are placed beyond the culturally demarcated zone of com
:d commodities," as Kopytoff points out in moditization. This type of transvaluation can take different forms in
)st interesting and extensive discussions of different societies, but it is typical that objects which represent aes
estriction on the flow of commodities is that thetic elaboration and objects that serve as sacra are, in many societies,
:n the context of royal property among the not permitted to occupy the commodity state (either temporally, so
a. In his discussion of the categories "gifl," cially, or definitionally) for very long. In the rigid commitment of
19S," Gluckman shows how even in a low traditional Solomon Islanders to placing their most aestheticized ritual
lorn, the flow of commodities had very cli products beyond the reach of commoditization, we see one variation
ications. In his analysis of "kingly things," of a widespread tendency.
lain function of these royal monopolies was A somewhat different example of the tension between sacra and
dusivity (as in the royal monopoly of eland commodity exchange is to be seen in Patrick Geary's analysis of the
:lvantage (as with elephant tusks), and the trade in relics in early medieval Europe. The relics he describes are,
al restrictions of things from more prom of course, "found" and not "made," and the circulation of these relics
:re is part of the way in which, in premodern reflects a very important aspect of the construction of community
~, royalty could assure the material basis of identity, local prestige, and central ecclesiastical control in Latin Eu
lis type of process might be called decom- rope in the early medieval period.
These relics belong to a particular economy of exchange and de
case concerns entire zones of activity and mand in which the life history of the particular relic is essential, not
~d to producing objects of value that cannot incidental, to its value. The verification of this history is also central
,dy. The zone of art and ritual in small-scale to its value. Given the general approach to the difference between
red zone, where the spirit of the commodity gift and commodity that I have taken in this essay, I would suggest
ons of massive cultural change_ For an ex- . that Geary may draw too sharp a contrast between them; indeed, his
24 Arjun Appadurai
Introduction: commodities
own material shows that gift, theft, and commerce were all modes for
specific; (2) their distribut~o~ is
the movement of sacra, in a larger context of ecclesiastical control,
conditions that govern theIr ISSU
local competition, and community rivalry. From this perspective, me tionships; (4) their main function
dieval relics seem less carefully protected from the hazards of com for entry to high-status positions
moditization than Davenport's ritual objects. Yet the implication bining attacks on status; and (5
remains that commercial modes for the acquisition of relics were less coupons or licenses function is
desirable than either gift or theft, not so much because of a direct competition in the interests of
moral antipathy to trade in relics, but rather because the other two 1967 :69). Raffia cloth in Central,
modes were more emblematic of the value and efficacy of the object. of the eastern United States, she
Thus these relics, too, fall into the category of objects whose com shell currency of Rossell Island ;
modity phase is ideally brief, whose movement is restricted, and which am pies of such "commodity cou
apparently are not "priced" in the way other things might be. Yet the restricted flow is at the service of
force of demand is such as to make them circulate with considerable litical systems. Things, in such c
velocity, and in much the same way, as their more mundane COun dueing relations between persom
terparts. Thus, even in the case of "transvalued" o~jects, which .t~ke commodity coupons represent a
on the characteristics of enclaved, rather than mobIle, commodItIes, "pure" gifts and "pure" commem
there is considerable variation in the reasons for, and the nature of, insensitivity to supply and deman(
such enclaving. Gluckman's "kingly things," Geary's relics, and Dav and appropriateness, and a tende
enport's ritual objects are different kinds of enclaved commodities, pure barter, their exchange shan
objects whose commodity potential is carefully hedged. It may also ness to self-interest, and a prefe:
be appropriate to note that a very important institutional way to re strangers.
strict the zone of commodity exchange itself is the "port-of-trade" In such restricted systems of COl
associated with many premodern kingdoms (Geertz 1980), though the role of coupons or licenses de
such restrictions on trade in premodern politics may not have been see the functional equivalent but
as thoroughgoing as has sometimes been imagined (Curtin 1984:58). in more com plex societies. When
The reasons for such hedging are quite variable, but in each case, the protected and reprod uced by res
moral bases of the restriction have clear implications for framing and in a stable universe of commoditi
facilitating political, social, and commercial exchanges of a more mun stricted' and con trolled is taste in
dane sort. Such enclaved commodities bear a family resemblance to modities, with the illusion of
another class of thing, frequently discussed in the anthropological unrestricted access. Sumptuary la
literature as "primitive valuables," whose specialness is directly linked sumption-regulating device, suitec
to commodity exchange. displays in exploding commodity
Though commodities, by virtue of their exchange destinies and Europe in the premodern period
mutual commensurability, tend to dissolve the links between persons more precisely in the following se
and things, such a tendency is always balanced by a countertendency, Such forms of restriction and th
in all societies, to restrict, control, and channel exchange. In many sometimes provide the context an_
primitive economies, primitive valuables display these .so~ially re Diversion, that is, may sometimes
stricted qualities. We owe to Mary Douglas (1967) the mSlght that ested" removal of things from al
many such valuables resemble coupons and licenses in modern in change is less confined and more p
dustrial economies. That is, although they resemble money, they are Where enclaving is usually in the
I not generalized media of exchange but have the following chara.cter politically and economically power
istics: (1) the powers of acquisition that they represent are hIghly is frequently the recourse of th
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 25
:t, theft, and commerce were all modes for cific; (2) their distribution is controlled in various ways; (3) the
a larger context of ecclesiastical COntrol, sP~ditions that govern their issue create a set of patron-client rela
munity rivalry. From this perspective, me ~~nshipS; (4) their main fun~~ion is to pro~ide.t~e necessary condition
fully protected from the hazards of com ~ r entry to high-status POSItIons, for maIntaInIng rank, or for com
)ort's ritual objects. Yet the implication b7ning attacks on status; ~nd .(5) the social ~ys~em~ in which s~ch
lOdes for the acquisition of relics were less coupons or I.icenses. functIon IS geared to elImInatIng or redUCIng
or theft, not so much because of a direct competition In the Interests of a fixed pattern of status (Douglas
11 relics, but rather because the other two 1967:69). Raffia cloth in Central Africa, wampum among the Indians
atic of the value and efficacy of the object. of the eastern United States, shell money among the Yurok and the
III into the category of objects whose com shell currency of Rossell Island and other parts of Oceania are ex
f, whose' movement is restricted, and which amples of such "commodity coupons" (in Douglas's phrase), whose
" in the way other things might be. Yet the restricted flow is at the service of the reproduction of social and po
, to make them circulate with considerable litical systems. Things, in such contexts, remain devices for repro
same way, as their more mundane coun ducing relations between persons (see also Dumont 1980:231). Such
~ case of "transvalued" objects, which take commodity coupons represent a transformational midpoint between
lclaved, rather than mobile, commodities, "pure" gifts and "pure" commerce. Wi~h the ~ift, .they share a ~ertain
tion in the reasons for, and the nature of, insensitivity to supply and demand, a hIgh codIng In terms of etIquette
's "kingly things," Geary's relics, and Dav and appropriateness, and a tendency to follow socially set paths. With
different kinds of enclaved commodities, pure barter, their exchange shares the spirit of calculation, an open
potential is carefully hedged. It may also ness to self-interest, and a preference for transactions with relative
,t a very important institutional way to reo strangers.
:lity exchange itself is the "port-of-trade" In such restricted systems of commodity flow, where valuables play
modern kingdoms (Geertz 1980), though the role of coupons or licenses designed to protect status systems, we
in premodern politics may not have been see the functional equivalent but the technical inversion of "fashion"
lmetimes been imagined (Curtin 1984:58). in more complex societies. Where in the one case status systems are
ing are quite variable, but in each case, the protected and reproduced by restricting equivalences and exchange
on have clear implications for framing and in a stable universe of commodities, in a fashion system what is re
and commercial exchanges of a more mun stricted and controlled is taste in an ever-changing universe of com
:ommodities bear a family resemblance to modities, with the illusion of complete interchangeability and
equently discussed in the anthropological unrestricted access. Sumptuary laws constitute an intermediate con
Jables," whose specialness is directly linked sumption-regulating device, suited to societies devoted to stable status
displays in exploding commodity contexts, such as India, China, and
)y virtue of their exchange destinies and Europe in the premodern period. (These comparisons are p,ursued
tend to dissolve the links between persons more precisely in the following section of this essay.)9
y is always balanced by a countertendency, Such forms of restriction and the enclaved commodities they create
control, and channel exchange. In many sometimes provide the context and targets of strategies of diversions.
nitive valuables display these socially reo Diversion, that is, may sometimes involve the calculated and "inter
to Mary Douglas (1967) the insight thal ested" removal of things from an enclaved zone to one where ex
mble coupons and licenses in modern in change is less confined and more profitable, in some short-term sense.
s, although they resemble money, they are Where enclaving is usually in the interests of groups, especially the
~xchange but have the following character politically and economically powerful groups in any society, diversion
tcquisition that they represent are highly is frequently the recourse of the entrepreneurial individual. But
26 A';un A,pad.,,, r,.U-odUdiOn, commoditic
whether it is groups or individuals who are involved in either kind orl of the major art and archeolo~
activity, the central contrast is that whereas enclaving seeks to protect' whose formation represents eX"
certain things from commoditization, diversion frequently is aimed sale, and inheritance. combined
at drawing protected things into the zone of commoditization. Diver. of the past and of the other. 10 I
sion, however, can also take the form of strategic shifts in path within today most of the critical cultur
a zone of commoditization. "authentic" (see Spooner, Chap
In an extremely interesting discussion of British trade in Hawaii in Chapter 2) commodities. The Cl
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Marshall Sahlins and American museums and gov
has shown how Hawaiian chiefs, in stretching traditional conceptions raise all the moral and political
of tabu to cover new classes of trade goods (in keeping with their Own things get diverted, several time
cosmopolitical interests), succeeded in transforming the "divine fl tional paths and are transferred
nality" even of economic tabus into instruments of expedience (Sahlins history of claims and countercla
1981 :44-5). Thus, what Sahlins calls "the pragmatics of trade" erodes The diversion of com modi tie:
and transforms the cultural bounds within which it is initially con carries a risky and morally ambi
ceived. In a word, the politics of enclaving, far from being a guarantor nan (1955) called conveyances gi
of systemic stability, may constitute the Trojan horse of change. the spirit of entrepreneurship an
The diversion of commodities from specified paths is always a sign simultaneously. In the case of tl
of creativity or crisis, whether aesthetic or economic. Such crises may movement of commodities acro
take a variety of forms: economic hardship, in all manner of societies, order, is also at the heart of the:
drives families to part with heirlooms, antiques, and memorabilia and kula player. Inappropriate conw
to commoditize them. This is as true of kula valuables as of more to another are frequently fortifi,
modern valuables. The other form of crisis in which commodities are nomic crisis, whether it be famin
diverted from their proper paths, of course, is warfare and the plun. not available or credible, accusat
der that historically has accompanied it. In such plunder, and the lives are likely to set in. Excellent
spoils that it generates, we see the inverse of trade. The transfer of of diversion are to be found il
commodities in warfare always has a special symbolic intensity, ex- commodity exchanges, one case
emplified in the tendency to frame more mundane plunder in the Lee Cassanelli's intriguing pap
transfer of special arms, insignia, or body parts belonging to the en- in the last fifty years in Northeas
emy. In the high-toned plunder that sets the frame for more mundane of a quasilegal commodity calle.
pillage, we see the hostile analogue to the dual layering of the mun excellent example of change in
dane and more personalized circuits of exchange in other contexts modity ecumene, II that is, a tra
(such as kula and gimwali in Melanesia). Theft, condemned in most linking producers, distributors, ;
human societies, is the humblest form of diversion of commodities modity or set of commodities. W
from preordained paths. case, is the dramatic expansion (
But there are subtler examples of the diversion of commodities production) of qat which is clea
from their predestined paths. One whole area involves what has been infrastructure as well as the politi
dubbed tourist art, in which objects produced for aesthetic, ceremOll the expansion of production apl
ial, or sumptuary use in small, face-to-face communities are trans- fit with more universal patterns
formed culturally, economically, and socially by the tastes, markets, ture, what is more intriguing is
and ideologies of larger economies (Graburn 1976). I shall have more response of the state - especially
to say on tourist art in the section of this essay on knowledge and the production and the consumr
commodities. Another, related area is that of the history and nature The recent (1983) ban by the ~
~iduals
'r"
tively undifferentiated hunter-gatherer societies to more complex early trial age, and in this it has much iI
state societies. In the first place, to look at such processes over the his recent book. Yet, Wolfs study
very long run is necessarily to be involved in inferential models linking viewpoint of the author and partly
production with consumption. Second, to examine production proc more recent chapter in the history
esses in early human history entails looking at technological change. world, is oriented far more to Eun
Here Renfrew shows us very persuasively that the decisive factors in a great deal to explode the idea 0
technological innovation (which is critical to the development of new or exclusively tied to metropolitar
commodities) are often social and political rather than simply tech portant reminders of the instituti
nical. Once this is seen, it follows, as Renfrew makes clear, that con drops against which commerce has
siderations of value and demand become central to the understanding boundaries. But, for different rea:
of what look, at first glance, like strictly technical leaps. are less interested in the question (
Thus, in analyzing the role of gold and copper at Varna, and of of the cultural construction of valU!
similar objects of "prime value" in other prehistoric situations in Eu then, complement and enrich the
rope, Renfrew removes us from the temptations of the reflectionist and economic panorama of comIT
view (where valuables simply reflect the high status of the people who studies.
use them) to a more dynamic constructionist view, in which it is the Braudel, the formidable doyen
use of high technology objects that is critical to shifts in status struc matter. In the second volume of
ture. What is thus to be explained are changing notions of value, and material life from about 1500 I
which in turn imply new uses of technological discoveries and new to give us a dense and dramatic pi
forms of political control of the products of such innovations. Ren industrial world. In this volume,
frew's complex argument illustrates the point that changes in the social Commerce, Braudel is concerned,
role of objects of display (themselves based on control over materials course, with many economic and
of prime value) illuminate long-term shifts in value and demand. At structure, and dynamics of comme
1'J!"'~,.
'.,'3';0.:
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 35
i~
iate point at which to note that there are the same time, his paper reminds us that the cultural role of com
teen the cultural biography and the social dities (though the central theme of this volume) cannot ultimately
'ences have to do with two kinds of tem. :odivorced from questions of technology, production, and trade. Yet,
Identity, and two levels of social scale. The though the archeological proble.m se~ves to highlight the c~mpl.exity
:ive, formulated by Kopytoff, is appropri. and historical depth of the relatIonshIp between values, sOClal.dlffer
move through different hands, contexts entiation, and technical change, the absence of more conventional
a specific biography, or set of biographies: written or oral documents does make the reconstruction of value
types of thing, however, it is important to change more difficult than the reconstruction of social or technical
ften in demand) and larger-scale dynamics change. Renfrew's paper has the virtue of going against the grain of
lies of particular members of that class Or what his evidence most comfortably supports.
: may have a specific biography, but whole Long-term processes involving the social role of commodities have
he class of things called "relic" itself, may recently been studied in three major treatises, two by historians (Brau
nd flow, in the course of which its meaning del 1982; Curtin 1984), one by an anthropologist (Wolf 1982). Each
of these studies has some distinctive virtues, but there are also some
I "Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in significant overlaps between them. Curtin's book is a bold, compar
mportant methodological as well as thea. ative study of what he calls "trade diasporas," communities of traders
nodities seen over the long run. His paper that moved goods across cultural boundaries throughout recorded
~s are central to some very early and fun. history and up to the age of European industrial expansion. It strives
iocial life, specifically the shift from rela. to maintain a non-Eurocentric view of world trade before the indus
:r-gatherer societies to more complex early trial age, and in this it has much in common with Eric Wolfs aims in
place, to look at such processes over the his recent book. Yet, Wolfs study, partly because of the theoretical
o be involved in inferential models linking viewpoint of the author and partly because of its concern with a much
on. Second, to examine production proc more recent chapter in the history of Europe's link to the rest of the
y entails looking at technological change. world, is oriented far more to Europe. Curtin's and Wolfs studies do
'y persuasively that the decisive factors in a great deal to explode the idea of commodity flows as either recent
hich is critical to the development of new or exclusively tied to metropolitan capitalism, and they serve as im
ial and political rather than simply tech portant reminders of the institutional, logistical, and political back
ollows, as Renfrew makes clear, that con drops against which commerce has occurred across social and cultural
land become central to the understanding boundaries. But, for different reasons in each case, Curtin and Wolf
, like strictly technical leaps. are less interested in the question of demand and the related problem
ole of gold and copper at Varna, and of of the cultural construction of value. The essays in the present volume;
lue" in other prehistoric situations in Eu then, complement and enrich the largely institutional, technological
from the temptations of the reflectionist and economic panorama of commodity flows contained in these two
y reflect the high status of the people who studies.
!lic constructionist view, in which it is the Braudel, the formidable doyen of the Annales school, is another
:cts that is critical to shifts in status struc matter. In the second volume of his magisterial study of capitalism
xplained are changing notions of value, and material life from about 1500 to 1800 A.D., Braudel is not content
Ises of technological discoveries and new to give us a dense and dramatic picture of the making of the modern
f the products of such innovations. Ren industrial world. In this volume, whose English title is The Wheels of
ustrates the point that changes in the social Commerce, Braudel is concerned, as are Curtin and Wolf (along, of
lemselves based on control over materials course, with many economic and social historians) with th~ nature,
long-term shifts in value and demand. At structure, and dynamics of commerce in the world after 1500. Indeed,
36 Arjun Appadurai
taken together, these three studies present an astonishing picture of
an extremely complex and interrelated set of what I have called "com
'r,.
~
[.troducdo", <ommoditie.
cultural analysis. Spooner's topic - the shifting terms of the relation Mechanical Reproduction," Walter
ship between producers and consumers of oriental carpets brings 1936) recognized that the aura of a
into focus a particularly striking example of a commodity linking two r: with its originality, and that this a
largely isolated worlds of meaning and function. Traded originally ~. thenticity, is jeopardized by modei
through a series of Asian and European entrepots, each of which II this sense copies, forgeries, and fak
imposed economic and taste filters, today oriental carpets involve a 1; not threaten the aura of the origin
much more direct negotiation between Western upper-middle-class ; footnote to this essay, Benjamin m
tastes and Central Asian weaving organizations. But this shift involves vation: "To be sure, at the time of it
not simply changes in the context of the negotiation of price. What Madonna could not yet be said to be
is being negotiated, as Spooner pithily puts it, is authenticity. That is, only during the succeeding centuri{
as the pace of mobility and the crowding at the top of Western society during the last one." (Benjamin 193(
become more marked, and as technology permits the multiplication of the "signature" in the modern a:
of prestige objects, there is an increasingly ironic dialogue between pushes this point further:
the need for ever-shifting criteria of authenticity in the West and the
economic motives of the producers and dealers. The world of dealers, Until the nineteenth century, the copy 0
it was a legitimate practice. In our own
further, becomes itself tied up with the politics of connoisseurship entic: it is no longer "art." Similarly, th.
and the formalization of rug lore in the West. or rather, it suddenly appears with the a,
In a general way, we can suggest that with luxury commodities Iik.e ers regularly used collaborators or "negn
oriental rugs, as the distance between consumers and producers IS in animals. The act of painting, and so tr
shrunk, so the issue of exclusivity gives way to the issue of authenticit)l. same mythological insistence upon auth
That is, under premodern conditions, the long-distance movement which modern art is dedicated and by wI
of precious commodities entailed costs that made the acquisition of been evident ever since the relation to illu
of the artistic object changed with the ac
them in itself a marker of exclusivity and an instrument of sumptuary
distinction. Where the control of such objects was not directly subject With this in mind, it is possible to pi
to state regulation, it was indirectly regulated by the cost of acquisition, processes that Spooner observes in I
so that they stayed within the hands of the few. As technology changes, sees as the emergence of the "object,'
the reproduction of these objects on a mass basis becomes possible, just a product or a commodity, but,
the dialogue between consumers and the original source becomes signs of status. Objects, in Baudrilla
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 45
ch are largely "fabricated," in Nancy Munn's direct, and middle-class consumers become capable (legally and
5 (Munn 1977). These require more direct lIl.ore micaIly) of vying for these objects, The only way to preserve the
:tory negotiation of price and the matching cco no d" . h' . f h d
function of these co~mo Ithies I~ t ~ prfestIghe ec~n.0mITesho t e mo
:er skill, knowledge, and tradition. Perhap~ > West is to complIcate t e cntena 0 aut entloty. every com
ind of more direct communication involve ern ..
licated competItiOn an d co II a boration
. between "experts " f rom t h e
~ in ready-made clothes (Swallow 1982) and p \'orld
art \ , dealers , producers, scholars, and consumers is part of the
lat Nelson Graburn (1976) has called the I't"cal economy of taste in the contemporary West. This political
~~o~~my has perhaps best been explored in France, by Baudrillard
:ontinuities in the knowledge that acco!U. (198)) and Bourdieu (1984).
nmodities, problems involving authenticitv There is a particular set of issues concerning authenticity and ex
ture. Several of the papers in this voluIl1~ ertise that plagues the modern West, and this set, which revolves
. The first is Brian Spooner's paper On ~round the issues of good taste, expert knowledge, "originality," and
provocative anthropological interpretation :ocial distinction, is especially visible in the domain of art and art
)gether art history, economic history, and objects. In his famou~ es~~y on "The .Wo.rk of Art i? .the A1?~ of
topic the shifting terms of the relation. Mechanical ReproductiOn, Walter BenJamm (1968; ongmal edition,
ld consumers of oriental carpets - brings 1936) recognized that the aura of an authentic work of art is tied up
iking example of a commodity linking two with its originality, and that this aura, which is the basis of its au
meaning and function. Traded originally thenticity, is jeopardized by modern reproductive technologies. In
and European entrepots, each of which Ihis sense copies, forgeries, and fakes, which have a long history, do
,te filters, today oriental carpets involve a not threaten the aura of the original but seek to partake of it. In a
tion between Western upper-middle-class footnote to this essay, Benjamin made the following shrewd obser
~aving organizations. But this shift involves vation: "To be sure, at the time of its origin a medieval picture of the
context of the negotiation of price. What Madonna could not yet be said to be 'authentic.' It became 'authentic'
)ner pithily puts it, is authenticity. That is, only during the succeeding centuries and perhaps most strikingly so
the crowding at the top of Western society during the last one." (Benjamin 1936:243.) In an essay on the concept
I as technology permits the multiplication of the "signature" in the modern art world, Baudrillard (1981:103)
s an increasingly ironic dialogue between pushes this point further:
:riteria of authenticity in the West and the
Until the nineteenth century, the copy of an original work had its own value,
oducers and dealers. The world of dealers, it was a legitimate practice. In our own time the copy is illegitimate, inauth
:l up with the politics of connoisseurship entic: it is no longer "art." Similarly, the concept of forgery has changed
19 lore in the West. or rather, it suddenly appears with the advent of modernity. Formerly paint
suggest that with luxury commodities like ers regularly used collaborators or "negros": one specialized in trees, another
lce between consumers and producers is in animals. The act of painting, and so the signature as well, did not bear the
usivity gives way to the issue of authenticil),. same mythological insistence upon authenticity that moral imperative to
1 conditions, the long-distance movement
which modern art is dedicated and by which it becomes modern - which has
been evident ever since the relation to illustration and hence the very meaning
ntailed costs that made the acquisition of of the artistic object changed with the act of painting itself.
(clusivity and an instrument of sumptuary
Tol of such objects was not directly subject With this in mind, it is possible to place the consumption side of the
:lirectly regulated by the cost of acquisition, processes that Spooner observes in the context of what Baudrillard
e hands of the few. As technology changes, sees as the emergence of the "object," that is, a thing that is no longer
objects on a mass basis becomes possible, just a product or a commodity, but essentially a sign in a system of
sumers and the original source becomes signs of status. Objects, in Baudrillard's view, emerge fully only in
46 Arjun Appadurai
this century in the modern West, in the context of the theoretical
formulations of the Bauhaus (Baudrillard 1981: 185), though it has
r .
~
"'_,,"<',",'"
-,,-.:-
Introduction: commodities
trader had given way to the
first third of the nineteenth centu
~
recently been shown that the emergence of the object in European rillard calls the "mirror of prodL
culture can be traced back at least to the Renaissance (Mukerji 1983). industrial framework, is no longel
Fashion is the cultural medium in which objects, in Baudrillard's sense, of objectively given production me
move. and the financier gives way to the,
Yet problems of authenticity, expertise, and the evaluation of COIn. tion. Reddy's essay reminds us the
modities are obviously not only twentieth-century phenomena. We of humble things like cloth, refle
have already mentioned Patrick Geary's paper in this volume, on the organization of knowledge and mo
trade in relics in Carolingian Europe. Here there is a crucial problem a cultural dimension that cannot
with regard to authentication, and here too it is tied to the fact thai changes in technology and econon
relics circulate over long periods of time, through many hands, and One final example of the very (
over large distances. Here too there is a concern with fakery, an thenticity, taste, and the politics of
obsession with origins. But the cultural regime for authentication is ceros what have been called ethnic
quite different from the modern one. Though there is a small bOdy subject to fairly close study by anti
of technical procedures and clerical prerogatives involved in authen portant collection of essays on the
tication, it is by and large a matter in which popular understandings the phenomena discussed under t
about ritual efficacy and folk criteria of authenticity play a central range of objects, as Graburn not<
role. Authenticity here is not the province of experts and esoteric constitute perhaps the best examr
criteria, but of popular and public kinds of verification and derstanding, and use between prod
confirmation. ducer end, one sees traditions of fal
The problem of specialized knowledge and of authenticity takes yel changing in response to com men
another form in William Reddy's fascinating case study of the shifts temptations from larger-scale, and ~
in the organization of expert knowledge in the textile industry in the other end, one has souvenirs, I
France before and after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on two hibits, and the status contests, exper
commercial dictionaries published in France, in the 1720's and in rest. In between one has a series 0
1839, Reddy argues that though the French Revolution appeared to sometimes complex, multiple, and i
destroy a whole way of life overnight, this was not in fact the case. and direct. In both cases, tourist ar
The vast edifice of everyday knowledge and practice changed slowly, traffic, in which the group identitie
uncertainly, and reluctantly. One example of this .extended crisis a status politics of consumers.
period, that is, when knowledge, practice, and policy were notably out Alfred Gell's paper in this volume
of step was to be seen in the codified world of knowledge regarding observations on the kinds of comF
the trade in textiles. In complex early modern systems of commodity that can accompany the interaction
flow, Reddy shows us, the relationship between technical knowledge, with larger-scale economies and cu
taste, and political regulation are very complex and slow to change. Muria interest in brassware product
Ways of knowing, judging, trading, and buying are harder to change notes that "the Muria, a traditional
than ideologies about guilds, prices, or production. It took aver)' ~ition of craft and prestige-good pn
complex series of piecemeal and asynchronous shifts in politics, tech Similar to Westerners, seeking authe
nology, and culture, stretching over a century, before a new episte to traditional craft-producer societit
mological framework emerged for classifying commercial products. erroneously believed to belong." Re(
In this new scheme, we might say that goods were reconceived as s:ums by anthropologists and hist(
products, and the "gaze" (in Foucault's sense) of the consumer and the ndge 1984). as well as by semioticia
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 47
IWest, in the context of the theoref
d r had given way to the "gaze" of the producer. Textiles, in the
IS (Baudrillard 1981: 185), though it ~a1
tra ~hird of the nineteenth century, came to be seen in what Baud
Ie emergence of the object in Europe as
fi.rllst d calls the "mirror of production." Authenticity, in this early
t le.ast to. the ~enais~ance (Mukerji 198;~
. darstrial
rI framewor k'
, IS no I f
onger a matter '
0 connoisseurs h'IP, b ut
1m m whICh 0Qjects, m Baudrillard's sense:
~f :bjectively given. production methods,. The :xperti~e ?f the dealer
d the financier gives way to the expertise of mdustnalIzed produc
:ity, expertise, and the evaluation of Com.
an n Reddy's essay reminds us that the social history of things, even
only twentieth-century phenomena. W
~~ humble things like cloth, reflects very comp!icated shift~ in the
rick Geary's paper in this volume, on th:
organization of knowledge and modes of production. Such shifts have
I Europe. Here there is a crucial problem
a cultural dimension that cannot be deduced from, or reduced to,
tn, and here too it is tied to the fact thai
hanges in technology and economy.
riods of time, through many hands, and
c One final example of the very complex relationship between au
too there is a concern with fakery, an
thenticity, taste, and the politics of consumer producer relations con
the cultural regime for authentication is
cerns what have been called ethnic or tourist arts. These have been
Idem one. Though there is a small bod,
subject to fairly close study by anthropologists, and there is one im
clerical prerogatives involved in authe~.
portant collection of essays on the subject (Grabum 1976), Though
matter in which popular understandings
the phenomena discussed under these labels include a bewildering
Ik criteria of authenticity playa central
range of objects, as Graburn notes in his introductory essay, they
ot the province of experts and esoteric
constitute perhaps the best example of the diversities in taste, un
and public kinds of verification and
derstanding, and use between producers and consumers. At the pro
ducer end, one sees traditions of fabrication (again, following Munn),
d knowledge and of authenticity takes yet changing in response to commercial and aesthetic impositions or
ddy's fascinating case study of the shifts temptations from larger-scale, and sometimes far-away consumers. At
~rt knowledge in the textile industry in the other end, one has souvenirs, mementos, curios, collections, ex
e Revolution of 1789. Focusing on two hibits, and the status contests, expertise, and commerce on which they
i:>Iished in France, in the 1720's and in rest. In between one has a series of commercial and aesthetic links,
)Ugh the French Revolution appeared to sometimes complex, multiple, and indirect and sometimes overt, few,
overnight, this was not in fact the case. and direct. In both cases, tourist art constitutes a special commodity
knowledge and practice changed slowl)" traffic, in which the group identities of producers are tokens for the
One example of this .extended crisis a status politics of consumers.
:tge, practice, and policy were notably out Alfred Gell's paper in this volume contains some particularly astute
.e codified world of knowledge regarding observations on the kinds of complicated refractions in perception
)lex early modern systems of commodity that can accompany the interaction of small traditional popula~ions
~lationship between technical knowledg~. with larger-scale economies and cultural systems. Reflecting on the
n are very complex and slow to change. Muria interest in brassware produced from outside their region, GeJl
rading, and buying are harder to change notes that "the Muria, a traditional people with no home-grown tra
s, prices, or production. It took a very dition of craft and prestige-good production, are actually much more
and asynchronous shifts in politics, teel; similar to Westerners, seeking authenticity in the exotic, than they are
ing over a century, before a new episte to traditional craft-producer societies, the category to which they are
red for classifying commercial products. erroneously believed to belong." Recent work on exhibitions and mu
ght say that goods were reconceived as seums by anthropologists and historians (Benedict 1983; Brecken
'oucault's sense) of the consumer and the ridge 1984), as well as by semioticians and literary theorists, extends
48 A'jun Appadu.-ai
and deepens our understanding of the role of objects of the "other"
in creating the souvenir, the collection, the exhibit and the trophy in
r ~
c
,. Introdu"';o", """mo.n...
pedal history in the modern W(
~istinguished adherents in econo
the modern West (Baudrillard 1968, 1981; Stewart 1984).10 In a more Somba rt 1967; Nef 1958; Braud
general way, it might be said that as the institutional and spatial jour. 11as received a new impetus fron
neys of commodities grow more complex, and the alienation of pro. Euro-American culture (Baudrill
ducers, traders, and consumers from one another increases, culturally and Isherwood 1981; Mukerji 1~
formed mythologies about commodity flow are likely to emerge. The study of the cultural desig
Culturally constructed stories and ideologies about commodity flows has been undertaken with enon
are commonplace in all societies. But such stories acquire especially historians, anthropologists, and s
intense, new, and striking qualities when the spatial, cognitive, o~ gether a rich pic.ture o.f the cultUi
institutional distances between production, distribution, and con (CoIlins 1979; DIMaggIO 1982; LE
sumption are great. Such distancing either can be institutionalized son 1984). Though this larger c(
within a single complex economy or can be a function of new kinds discussion, it is quite clear that cap
of links between hitherto separated societies and economies. The in cultural and historical formation,
stitutionalized divorce (in knowledge, interest, and role) between per. and their meanings have played
sons involved in various aspects of the flow of commodities generates peculiar and striking cultural exp
specialized mythologies. I consider, in this section, three variations on market in commodity futures in I
such mythologies and the contexts in which they arise. (1) Mythologies in the middle of the nineteenth 0
produced by traders and speculators who are largely indifferent to ample is the Chicago Grain Exch;
both the production origins and the consumption destination of com Trade in bulk commodities ren
modities, except insofar as they affect fluctuations in price. The best part of world trade and the world
examples of this type are the commodity futures markets in complex Adams and Behrman 1982), am
capitalist economies, specifically the Chicago grain exchange in the remains perhaps the central aren;
early part of this century. (2) Mythologies produced by consumers national capitalism can be observl
(or potential consumers) alienated from the production and distri tions is the one between the free-t
bution process of key commodities. Here the best examples come from and the various forms of protectio
the cargo cults of Oceania. And (3) mythologies produced by workers ments that have evolved to restri
in the production process who are completely divorced from the dis various coalitions of producers (
tribution and consumption logics of the commodities they produce. markets represent the institutiona
The modern tin miners of Bolivia described by Michael Taussig in the national and international flo
The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America, are an excellent case tiated by hedging on the part of:
in point. In the following paragraphs, 1 briefly discuss each of these part of others.
variations, starting with the capitalist commodity markets. Markets in commodity futures
The commodity sphere in the modern capitalist world-system ap- transactions involving contracts to
pears at first glance to be a vast, impersonal machine, governed by dates. This trade in contracts is a
large-scale movements of prices, complex institutional interests, and actual exchanges of the commoditi.
a totally demystified, bureaucratic, and self-regulating character. the stock market, these markets an
Nothing, it appears, could be further from the values, mechanisms, the play of price, risk, and exchan
and ethics of commodity flows in small-scale societies. Yet this impres spectator, from the entire proces:
sion is false. and consumption. One might sa
It should by now be dear that capitalism represents not simply a futures makes a dramatic separat
techno-economic design, but a complex cultural system with a very the latter of no concern at all. II
I .,
~
.... <'W""
~~
~:
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 49
ling of the role of objects of the "Other" ... . I history in the modern West. This view, which has always had
collection, the exhibit and the trophy in s~e:la uI'shed adherents in economic and social history (Weber 1958;
(llsung .
d 1968, 1981; Stewart 1984).10 In a mOrt , b rt 1967; Nef 1958; Braudell982; Lopez 1971; Thlrsk 1978),
that as the institutional and spatial jour. som aceived a new impetus from anthropologists and sociologists of
has re . .
ore com plex, and the alienation of pro. E _American culture (Baudnllard 1981; Bourdleu 1984; Douglas
rs from one another increases, culturally u~oIsherwood 1981; Mukerji 1983; Sahlins 1976).
)mmodity flow are likely to emerge. . anThe study of the cultural design of capitalism in its American form
ies and ideologies about commodity fio\I', h been undertaken with enormous vigor in the last decade, and
~ties. But such stories acquire especiallv h~~orians, anthropologists, and sOclologis~s ~re ~eginning. to put to
lualities when the spatial, cognitive, Or ther a rich picture of the culture of capitalism 10 the UOlted States
~en production, distribution, and Con. f~ollins 1979; DiMaggio 1982; Lears 1984; Marcus (in press); Schud-'
istancing either can be institutionalized on 1984). Though this larger context lies outside the scope of this
lOmy or can be a function of new kinds ~iscussion, it is quite clear that capitalism is itself an extremely complex
.arated societies and economies. The in. cultural and historical formation, and in this formation commodities
)wledge, interest, and role) between per. and their meanings have played a critical role. One example of the
cts of the flow of commodities generates peculiar and striking cultural expressions of modern capitalism is the
)sider, in this section, three variations on market in commodity futures in the United States, which developed
texts in which they arise. (1) Mythologies in the middle of the nineteenth century and whose paradigmatic ex
eculators who are largely indifferent to ample is the Chicago Gra~~ Exchan.ge. .
lnd the consumption destination of Com Trade in bulk commodities remams today an extremely Important
ley affect fluctuations in price. The best part of world trade and the world economic system (see, for example,
commodity futures markets in complex Adams and Behrman 1982), and this large-scale commodity trade
ally the Chicago grain exchange in the remains perhaps the central arena where the contradictions of inter
~) Mythologies produced by consumers national capitalism can be observed. Central among these contradic
~nated from the production and distri tions is the one between the free-trade ideology of classical capitalism
:lities. Here the best examples come from and the various forms of protectionism, cartels, and regulatory agree
nd (3) mythologies produced by workers ments that have evolved to restrict this freedom in the interests of
10 are completely divorced from the dis various coalitions of producers (Nappi 1979). Commodity futures
ogics of the commodities they produce. markets represent the institutional arena where the risks that attend
~olivia described by Michael Taussig in the national and international flows of these commodities are nego
ism in South America, are an excellent case tiated by hedging on the part of some and sheer speculation on the
ragraphs, I briefly discuss each of these part of others.
:apitalist commodity markets. Markets in commodity futures revolve around a large number of
the modern capitalist world-system ap transactions involving contracts to buy and sell commodities, at future
vast, impersonal machine, governed by dales. This trade in contracts is a paper trade, which rarely involves
Ices, com plex institutional interests, and actual exchanges of the commodities themselves between traders. Like
lucratic, and self-regulating character the stock market, these markets are speculative tournaments, in which
e further from the values, mechanisms, the play of price, risk, and exchange appears totally divorced, for the
s in small-scale societies. Yet this impres spectator, from the entire process of production, distribu~ion, sale,
and consumption. One might say that speculating in commodity
that capitalism represents not simply a futures makes a dramatic separation between price and value, with
. a complex cultural system with aver) the latter of no concern at all. In this sense, the logic of trade in
i
l
50 A'juo A,padu..; r'~''''''
commodl'ty futures is, following Marx, a kind of n.leta-fetishizario ll , !~.'
Iolrodu<l;o", mmmoo;U"
h I f ' I'
The myt 0 ogy 0 Clrcu atlOn !
where not only does the commodity become a substitute for the social' wcll as, in other ways, in stock
relations that lie behind it, but the movement of przces becomes an mixed with more reliable informa
autonomous substitute for the flow of the commodities themselves I .
government regu atlons, season;,
Though this double degree of removal fr?m the social relations of market developments (including I
production and exchange makes commodity futures markets ver\" other speculators), and so on. TI
different from other tournaments of value, such as these represented (and potentially infinite) scenario (
in the kula, there are some interesting and revealing parallels. In both there have been consistent impn
cases, the tournament occurs in a special arena, insulated from prac analyzing and successfully playin):
tical economic life and subject to special rules. In both cases, what are mains the quasi-magical search for
exchanged are tokens of value that can be tran~formed into. other efficacious) that will prove to be t.
media only by a complex set of steps and only 111 unusual CIrCUm (Powers 1973:47). The structural t
stances. In both cases, there are specific ways in which the reproduc of commodities is the fact that it F
tion of the larger economy is articulated with the structure of the of prices; that it seeks to exhaust
tournament economy. that affect price; and that its co
But perhaps most important, in ~oth cases, there is a~ agonistic, mformational and semiotic and is
romantic, individualistic, and gamehke ethos that stands 111 contrast gether. The irrational desire to cor
to the ethos of everyday economic behavior. The role of kula partic the counterintuitive search for r
ipation in the construction of fame and reputation for. individualsin changes, the controlled collective
island Oceania is very clear. But the same IS the case WIth commodity of this complete conversion of comI
futures markets. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the which are themselves capable of yi
"wheat pit" (the Grain Exchange) in Chicago was .obvious~y the scene crly. The primitive counterpart to
of the making and breaking of indivi.dua! re.p~tatlons, of 1I1tense ~ll.d text-free construction of comm
obsessive competitions between speCific mdlvlduals, and of ?Ubnsl:c anthropological staple, the cargo c
efforts on the part of particular men to corner. the market (Dies 1.92:>: societies of the Pacific in this centu
1975). This agonistic, obsessive, and romantic eth~s has not dlsap Cargo cults are social movemen'
peared from the commodity markets, as we are re~mnded by the case centered on the symbolism of EUf(
of the Hunt brothers in regard to silver (Marcus: m press), although mainly in the Pacific since early c(
the moral, institutional, and political framework that governs spec precolonial antecedents and analo)
ulation in commodities has changed a good deal since the nineteenth been subject to intensive analysis by
century. Of course, there are many dif~erences bet~e.en the kula and at them as psychological, religious,
the commodity futures market in scale, lI1strumentahtles, co~text, and ena. Though there has been cons
goals. But the similarities are real, and, as I suggested earh~r, mam 1)()logical interpretation of these IT
societies create specialized arenas for tournaments of value III whICh that the emergence of cargo cults in
specialized commodity tokens are traded, and such trade, through something to do with the transforn
the economies of status, power, or wealth, affects more mundane this new Context, the inability of nal
commodity flows. The trade in relics, the market in commodity fu- goods they desired; the arrival of a
tures, the kula, the potlatch, and the Central Asian ,~uzkashi (Azo\ system through the missionaries; al
1982) are all examples of such "tournaments of val~e. I.n each case. ward indigenous ritual forms. The I
we need a fuller examination of the modes of articulation of these sprea? throughout Oceania (and lat
"tournament" economies with their more routine commodity contexlS duratIOn, and intensity, which both
than is possible here. pean social and ritual forms and too
'<'
..~~'
.
I"~
1IIJ. .'
... ..
.
...
of European finished goods by natIves embrOIled m the P~OductlOfi based on the transformation of reciprocity ir
1980:224).
of primary commodities for the world tra?: a~d an ass?Clated lml' .
tative and revitalistic ritual. The commodIties Involved In cargo, as: . The rites of production in the tin m
with kula valuables, and other indigenous forms of specialized ~x i Clat~d mythology are not a simple carr
change, are seen as metonymic of a whole system of power, pro~pentr ductlon. They reflect the tensions of a so
and status. Cargo beliefs are an extreme example of the the~nes thai; has not yet become commonplace, whe
are likely to proliferate when consumers are kept completely ~~norafll ties, because of its incomplete hegem.
of the conditions of production and distribution of commodItIes ana
da~?e:ous, ~nd there is thus a parada
are unable to gain access to them freely. Such deprivation creates the De\11 In reCIprocal rituals. This is not
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 53
in regard to their own myths and ritua~ : h logies of the alienated consumer,just as the commodity markets
In the symbolism of many of these move.. "tmOrn
dem capitalism spawn the mythologies of the alienated trader.
finally, the third variation, the mythologies of producers
to
is played by the promise by the leaderi 0
1
[led European goods by plane or by ship \\e tU service
he , of deman d an d d'Istn'b'
utlon forces outside
" their control
the true believers in the movement and at t .' f k
. d beyond their umverse 0 now e ge. i d
JUror this type of mythology, the best account we have is Taussig's
contention of Worsely (1957) and others lysis of the changing symbolism of the Devil among Bolivian tin
.ysterious arrival of European goods has a[:~ers since the arrival of the Spaniards (Taussig 1980). Briefly, the
I of indigenous exchange relations under n~ry runs as follows. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, mining was
1 by the natives of the apparent contra. :1 small-scale activity run as a state monopoly. With the arrival of the
f Europeans (despite their lack of effort; ~panish, mining b~cam~ a vor~cious k~ystone of the col~nial economy,
ite their arduous labor). It is no surprise. (he cause of massive dIslocatIOn and Increased mortahty among the
u to a complex international economical .\ymara Indian population of Boliv~a. Mining alw~ys i~v~lved ritual
Jy few and mysterious aspects, that their and magic, but only after the Spamsh conquest dId thIS Involve the
, seek to replicate what they regarded as spirit of evil, symbolized in a figure called Tio (uncle), understood in
:tion of these goods. the new Christian idiom as the Devil, who was seen as the spirit owner
Jolism and ritual practice of these move of the mines. This devil figure came to represent all the alien forces
lat they constitute not just a myth aboul of the new capitalist economy, which miners simultaneously feared,
lmodities, but an attempt to ritually rep. hated, and served, in contrast to their traditional forms of reciprocal
is the social modalities of European life. economy. Caught between state control of production and the inter
e use of European military forms, speech national commodity market, on the one hand, and the Devil on the
these movements. Though often ordered other, they worked out a ritual that reflects the ambiguities and con
ritual practice of cargo cults was in man\ tradictions of an economic practice that straddles two incompatible
e effort to mime those European social worlds:
nducive to the production of European
[n effect the extended chain of exchanges in the Andes is this: peasants
fetishism, what was replicated was whal exchange gifts with the spirit owner; the spirit owner converts these gifts into
: of European social and linguistic forms precious metal; the miners excavate this metal, which they "find" so long as
e likelihood of the arrival of European they perfonn rites of gift exchange with spirit; the miners' labor, which is
chrane (1970) has reminded us that these embodied in the tin ore, is sold as a commodity to the legal owners and
d, pursuits not of all European commod employers; these last sell the ore on the international .commodity market.
lmodities that were seen as particularlr Thus, reciprocal gift exchanges end as commodity exchanges; standing be
Ice of status discontinuities in local socie tween the devil and the state, the miners mediate this transformation, This
circuit ensures barrenness and death instead of fertility and prosperity. It is
ent a particular mythology of production based on the transformation of reciprocity into commodity exchange. (Taussig
, by natives embroiled in the production 1980:224).
r the world trade and an associated imi
. The commodities involved in cargo, as The rites of production in the tin mines of Bolivia and their asso
.her indigenous forms of specialized ex . ciated mythology are not a simple carryover of peasant rites of pro
lic of a whole system of power, prosperilY, duction. They reflect the tensions of a society in which commoditization
~ an extreme example of the theories thai' has not yet become commonplace, where the fetishism of commodi
1 consumers are kept completely ignoranl lIes, because of its incomplete hegemony, is regarded as evil and
tion and distribution of commodities and dangerous, and there is thus a paradoxical attempt to envelop the
them freely. Such deprivation creates the Devil in reciprocal rituals. This is not commodity fetishism in the
if 54 Arjun Appadurai
Introduction: commoditie
1
classic Marxian sense (where products conceal and represent social
societies. but there seems to be c
relations), but a more literal fetishism, in which the commodity, itselr
societies that such traffic is mosl
iconicized as the Devil, is made the pivot of a set of ritual transactions
In contemporary capitalist ecc
designed to offset the cosmological and physical risk~ of mining. In
arate the commoditization ofgoc
this mythology of alienated producers/extractors, the Impersonal and
ices. Indeed the routine pairing 0
invisible sources of control (the state) and of demand (the world Com.
of neoclassical economics. This
modity market) are relocated in an icon of danger and greed, social
occupational, ritual, or emotion
metaphors for the commodity economy. Though Taussig's accOunt
commoditization in noncapitalisi
tends, like Gregory's and many others, to overstate the contrast be.
postindustrial economies that ser
tween gift and commodity economies, his is a persuasive aCCOunt of feature of the world ofcommodi t
the literal fetishism of commodities that seems to accompany primary analysis of the service dimensic
commodity production for unknown and uncontrolled markets. . something that a collection such a
In each of the examples I have discussed, the commodity futures But perhaps the best example
market, cargo cults, and mining mythology, mythological understand. edge and the control of demand i
ings of the circulation of commodities are gen~~ated because of the in contemporary capitalist societi,
detachment, indifference, or ignorance of partICipants as regards all important topic, and in the Unite
but a single aspect of the economic trajectory of the commodity. En. debate about the functional effe(
c1aved in either the production, speculative trade, or consumption publicized recent study, Michael :
locus of the flow of commodities, technical knowledge tends to be neo-Marxist analyses of the manir
quickly subordinated to more idiosyncratic subcultural theories about in America. He proposes that t~
the origins arid destinations of things. These are examples of the man) duced by the advertising machin(
forms that the fetishism of commodities can take when there are sharp' "capitalist realism," a form of Cll
discontinuities in the distribution of knowledge concerning their tra. of the capitalist lifestyle, rather t~
jectories of circulation. . . specific acts of consumption. The
There is one final point to be made about the relationship between has been greeted by the advertis
knowledge and commodities, and it is one which reminds us that the circumstantial doubt about the ar
comparison of capitalistic societies with other kinds of societies is a case is that any decisive analysis I
complicated matter. In complex capitalistic societies, it is not only the have to proceed to see the imal
case that knowledge is segmented (even fragmented) as between pro changing ideas about art, design:
ducers, distributors, speculators, and consumers (and different sub to unravel the role of this kind (
categories of each). The fact is that knowledg~ ~bo~t commodities is . mobili~ation of demand (Hebdige
itself increasingly commoditized. Such commodltlZatlOn of knowledge: But It does seem worthwhile t(
regarding commodities is of course part of a larger problem of the vertising that is relevant to the pr
political economy of culture itself (Collins 1979), i~ which expertise, fect!veness of advertising in ensu
credentialism, and high-brow aestheticism (Bourdleu 1984) all pia) product, it does seem true that cont
different roles. Thus, though even in the simplest economies the~'e is , in advertising (particularly on tele,
a complex traffic in things, it is only with increased social: t~chnIcal. [ strategy consists in taking what a:
and conceptual differentiation that what we may call a tr~ffic t.n cn/erw I produced, cheap, even shoddy, I
concerning things develops. That is, only in the latter ~ltuat1o~ does! somehow (in Simmel's sense) desil
the buying and selling of expertise regarding the techmcal, SOCIal, or t nary goods are placed in a sort 0
aesthetic appropriateness of commodities become widesprea~. ?f! were not available to anyone who c
course, such a traffic in commodity criteria is not confined to capitaiisl i Images that create this illusion of (
t
i
l
t
Introduction: commodities and the politics of value 55
~re products conceal and represent socia] . 'es but there seems to be considerable evidence that it is in such
soc 1ett , 'd
II fetishism, in which the commodity, itselr societies that such traffi.c ll~ most en~e, f h .. d'ffi I
.ade the pivot of a set of ritual transaction! In contemporary.ca~Ita 1st economies, urt er, It IS ,I ~u t to sep
nological and physical risks of mining. In the commodinzauon of goods from the commOdJtlZatlOn of serv
producers/extractors, the impersonal and a:ate1ndeed the routine pairing of goods and services is itself a heritage
(the state) and of demand (the world Corn. ICes.neoclassical economICs.
of . Th"
. IS IS ~ot to say t h '
a.t servICes (se~ua,I
.ed in an icon of danger and greed, social occupational, ritu.al, or em~uo~al) h~ ,:,holly o~ts~de the. domam of
dity economy. Though Taussig's accOUnt mmoditization m noncapnahst SOCIetIes. But It IS only m complex
nany others, to overstate the contrast be. (0 stindustrial economies that services are a dominant, even definitive,
economies, his is a persuasive acCOunt of rature of the world of commodity exchange. A thorough comparative
modities that seems to accompany priman e alvsis of the service dimension of commoditization, however, is
unknown and uncontrolled markets. anOl~thing that a collection such as this one can only hope to stimulate.
. I have discussed, the commodity futurel sO But perhaps the best example of the relationship between knowl
ning mythology, mythological understand, edge and the control of demand is provided by the role of advertising
:ommodities are generated because of the in contemporary capitalist societies. Much has been written about this
or ignorance of participants as regards all important topic, and in the United States there are signs of a revived
:conomic trajectory of the commodity. En, debate about the functional effectiveness of advertising. In a widely
lction, speculative trade, or consumption publicized recent study, Michael. Schu?son (1984) has questione~ ~he
!lodities, technical knowledge tends to be neo-Marxist analyses of the mampulatlOn of consumers by advertIsmg
)re idiosyncratic subcultural theories about in America. He proposes that the textual and graphic images pro
i of things. These are examples of the man: duced by the advertising machine are better regarded as a species of
commodities can take when there are sharp "capitalist realism," a form of cultural representation of the virtues
bution of knowledge concerning their tra of the capitalist lifestyle, rather than as techniques for seduction into
specific acts of consumption. The adulation with which this argument
to be made about the relationship between has been greeted by the advertising profession is a source of some
es, and it is one which reminds us that the circumstantial doubt about the argument itself. What is probably the
societies with other kinds of societies is d case is that any decisive analysis of the effects of advertising would
nplex capitalistic societies, it is not only the have to proceed to see the images of advertising in tandem with
nented (even fragmented) as between pro . changing ideas about art, design, lifestyle, and distinction, in order
lators, and consumers (and different sub to unravel the role of this kind of "capitalist realism" in the social
let is that knowledge about commodities is mobilization of demand (Hebdige 1983; Bourdieu 1984).
itized. Such commoditization of knowledge But it does seem worthwhile to make one observation about ad
of course part of a larger problem of the \'ertising that is relevant to the present argument. Whatever the ef
re itself (Collins 1979), in which expertise.. fectiveness of advertising in ensuring the success of any particular
row aestheticism (Bourdieu 1984) all pial. product, it does seem true that contemporary modes of representation
19h even in the simplest economies there is in advertising (particularly on television) share a certain strategy. The
i, it is only with increased social, technical.. strategy consists in taking what are often perfectly ordinary, mass
tion that what we may call a traffie in entaiD produced, cheap, even shoddy, products and making them seem
IS. That is, only in the latter situation doe! somehow (in Simmel's sense) desirable-yet-reachable. Perfectly ordi
~xpertise regarding the technical, social, or nary goods are placed in a sort of pseudoenclaved zone, as if they
of commodities become widespread. or were not available to anyone who can pay the price. The largely social
nmodity criteria is not confined to capitalist Images that create this illusion of exclusivity might be glossed as the
56 Mi= Appadu,., ri~lntrodUC"O., commodilie
fetishism of the consumer rather than of th~ c?m~odity. The images P Politics (in the broad sense of
of sociality (belonging, sex appeal, power, dlstmCtlon, health, togeth. .. taining to power) is what lin
. h d .. f per
erness, camaraderIe) that underly muc ~ vertlsmg ocus o? the life of commodities. In the m
transfor~atio? of th~ consumer to the pomt wh~re the ~artIcular changes of things in ordinary lif
commodity bemg sold IS almost an aftertho~ght. T?IS double mverslon has the routine and conventiona
of the relationship between people and thmgs might be regarded as But these many ordinary dealin
the critical cultural move of advanced capitalism. .. for a broad set of agreements c
The relationship between knowledge and commodItIes h~s many reasonable "exchange of sacrifio
dimensions that have not been discussed here. But the essentlal point to exercise what kind of effective,
for my purposes is this: as commodities travel greater distances (in. is political about this process is I
stitutional, spatial, temporal), knowledge about then: tends ~o .become constitutes relations of privilege
partial, contradictory, and differentiated. But such differentiatIOn mal about it is the constant tension t
itself (through the mec~anisms of tou~name?ts o.f value, authenti price, bargaining, and so forth) ;
cation, or frustrated deSire) lead to the mtenslficatlon of demand. H breach these frameworks. This t(
we look at the world of commodities as a shifting series of local (cui. that not all parties share the san
turally regulated) commodity paths, we can see that the politics or value, nor are the interests of a
diversion as well as of enclaving often is tied to the possibility or fact identicaL
of commodity exchanges with other, more distant, systems..At every At the top of many societies, "
level where a smaller system interacts with a larger one, the mterplay . of value, and of calculated diversi
of knowledge and ignorance serves as a turnstile, facilitating ~he flow. commodity flow. As expressions
of some things and hindering the movement of others. In thiS sense, . to commoners we have the politic
even the largest commodity ecumenes are the product of complex: of taboo, all of which regulate d(
interactions between local, politically mediated, systems of demand.: stantly spill beyond the boundari
specific regimes of value), such p
Conclusion: politics and value threatened with disturbance. In a
it is possible to witness the follol'
Apart from learning some moderatel~ unus~al f~cts, and regarding interests of those in power to com
them from a mildly unconventional pomt of View, IS there any general ities, by creating a closed univers(
benefit in looking at the social life of commodities in the manner regulations about how they are to l'
proposed in this essay? What does this perspective tell us about value between those in power (or those
and exchange in social life that we did not know already, or that we [0 invite a loosening of these rule:
could not have discovered in a less cumbersome way? Is there any commodities. This aspect of elite p
point in taking the heuristic position that commod.ities exist every of value shifts. So far as commoc
where and that the spirit of commodity exchange IS not wholly di politics is the tension between the:
vorced from the spirit of other forms of exchange? . . We have seen that such politics
In answering these questions, I shall not conduct a tediOUS review of diversion and of display; the .
of the main observations made in the course of this essay, but shall lhentication; the politics of knowl~
go directly to the substance of my propos~L This essay took as its of expertise and of sumptuary coni
starting point Simmel's view that exchange IS the source of value. ~nd : and of deliberately mobilized del'
not vice versa. The papers in this volume permit us to ad~ a Critical . relations within and between thes(
dimension to Simmel's rather abstract intuition about the SOCIal genesIs COUnt for the vagaries of demand.
of value. hnk between regimes of value al
t",M", Introd",tio n , <o=odlti" .nd the politi" of volue 57
ler than of the commodity. The images i P lilies (in the broad sense of relations, assumptions, and contests
Jeal, power, distinction, health, togeth. :aining to power) is what links value and exchange in the social
derly much advertising focus on the ~~: of commodit~es. I~ the ~und~ne, ~ay-to-d.ay, small-scale ex
ner to the point where the particular changes of things m ordmarr lIfe,. this fact IS not vIsible, for excha?ge
t an afterthought. This double inversion h the routine and conventlOnahzed look of all customary behavior.
eople and things might be regarded as BaSt these many ordinary dealings would not be possible were it not
dvanced capitalism. f ~ a broad set of agreements concerning what is desirable, what a
mowledge and commodities has man\' '~asonable "exchange of sacrifices" comprises, and who is permitted
I discussed here. But the essential POi~l '0 exercise what kind of effective demand in what circumstances. What
mmodities travel greater distances (in. ~s political abou~ this pro~e:s is not just ~he fact that it sig.nifies. ~nd
knowledge about them tends to become constitutes relatIOns of prIvilege and SOCial control. What IS pohtlCal
erentiated. But such differentiation mal about it is the constant tension between the existing frameworks (of
TIS of tournaments of value, authenti. price, bargaining, and so forth) and the tendency of commodities to
~ad to the intensification of demand. If breach these frameworks. This tension itself has its source in the fact
IOdities as a shifting series of local (cui that not all parties share the same interests in any specific regime of
paths, we can see tfiat the politics of ralue, nor are the interests of any two parties in a given exchange
ng often is tied to the possibility or fan identical.
I other, more distant, systems. At even' At the top of many societies, we have the politics of tournaments
nteracts with a larger one, the interplal of value, and of calculated diversions that might lead to new paths of
,erves as a turnstile, facilitating the flo\\' commodity flow. As expressions of the interests of e1ites in relation
. the movement of others. In this sense. to commoners we have the politics of fashion, of sumptuary law, and
~cumenes are the product of complex of taboo, all of which regulate demand. Yet since commodities con
,litically mediated, systems of demand. stantly spill beyond the boundaries of specific cultures (and thus of
specific regimes of value), such political control of demand is always
threatened with disturbance. In a surprisingly wide range of societies,
and value it is possible to witness the following common paradox. It is in the
oderately unusual facts, and regarding interests of those in power to completely freeze the flow of commod
tional point of view, is there any general' ities, by creating a closed universe of commodities and a rigid set of
ial life of commodities in the manner. regulations about how they are to move. Yet the very nature of contests
does this perspective tell us about value between those in power (or those who aspire to greater power) tends
.at we did not know already, or that we' to invite a loosening of these rules and an expansion.of the pool of'
I a less cumbersome way? Is there any. commodities. This aspect of elite politics is generally the Trojan horse
position that commodities exist every of value shifts. So far as commodities are concerned, the source .of
commodity exchange is not wholly (Ii ; politics is the tension between these two tendencies.
er forms of exchange? We have seen that such politics can take many forms: the politics
ns, I shall not conduct a tedious review. of diversion and of display; the politics of authenticity and of au
de in the course of this essay, but shall : thentication; the politics of knowledge and of ignorance; the politics
of my proposal. This essay took as its of expertise and of sumptuary control; the politics of connoisseurship
.hat exchange is the source of value and and of deliberately mobilized demand. The ups and downs of the
I this volume permit us to add a critic~1 relations within and between these various dimensions of politics ac
abstract intuition about the social geneSIS ~ount for the vagaries of demand. It is in this sense that politics is the
Imk between regimes of value and specific flows of commodities.
I
J
58 Mjun App"'u,,;
Ever since Marx and the early political economists, there has not been ';
rl-ii'A~~IrodUC'io", oonuno,!;ti
individualism) is serious. it is (
much mystery about the relationship between politics and production man the right to be "interest
We are now in a better position to demystify the demand side f What is called for. and does n(
economic life. 0 and Sabean 1984), is a frame
omies, in which the cultural v,
ual" (following Geertz and DL
calculation (following Bourdiel
Notes
after such a framework is deve
This essay was written while the author was a Fellow at the Center for Ad. instruments, telos, and ethos,
vanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California, in 1984-85 parative way.
For financial support during this period, I acknowledge National Scienc~ 4. SimmeJ (1978: 138), in a quite
Foundation Grant No. BNS 8011494 to the Center and a sabbatical grant that things move in and om 0
from the University of Pennsylvania. totelian pedigree.
In the course of planning and writing this essay, I have accumulated manl 5. Gray (1984) is an excellent disc
debts, which it is a pleasure to acknowledge here. In addition to the COntrib divergences of value that can sh
utors to this volume, the following persons gave papers on the topic of Corn. borders. His study of lamb auc
modities during 1983-84 at the University of Pennsylvania, which provided is also a rich ethnographic ilIuSI
me with much to refie~t on: Marcello Carmagnani, Philip Curtin, Mary Doug. of value.
las, RIChard Goldthwaite, Stephen Gudeman, George Marcus,Jane Schneider, 6. I ~m inde?ted. to Graburn (19
Anthony Wallace, and Annette Weiner. Participants and commentators at the mmology, In hIS classification of
various sessions of the Ethnohistory Workshop at the University of Pennsyl. adaptation.
vania during 1983-84 and at the Symposium on Commodities and Culture 7. In coining the term tournamenl
in May 1984 enriched my own thinking. Igor Kopytoffs paper in this volume use, in a very different COntext
is the most recent in a long series of contributions he has made to my ideas (Marriott 1968). '
about commodities. 8. In his recent discussion of world
Earlier versions of this essay were presented at the Center for Advanced (1983:6) has noted the elements,
Study in the Behavioral Sciences and at the Department of Anthropology at P?litics associated with these eve
Stanford .University. In these contexts, the following persons made helpfUl 9. Slmmel (1957) is a seminal discu
criticisms and suggestions: Paul DiMaggio, Donald Donham, Michael Epel. also, t~e reference to BougIe's an
baum, Vlf Hannerz, Virginia Held, David Hollinger, Mary Ryan, G. William India In Christopher Bayly's pap
Skinner, Burton Stein, Dennis ThompsolJ, Pierre van den Berghe, and Ararn [ 1922]).
Yengoyan. Finally, as always, Carol A. Breckenridge provided sanity, stirn 10. An excellent example of this pn
ulation, and a sharp critical eye. . II. My use of the term ecumene i!
1. In starting with exchange, I am aware that I am bucking a trend in recem Marshall Hodgson's use of it in
economic anthropology, which has tended to shift the foclls of attention 12. Also compare to Alsop's (1981)
to production on the one hand, and consumption on the other. This trend loose." the things that are collec~
was ajustifiable response to what had previously been an excessive preoc deprIves them of significant soci;
cupation with exchange and circulation. The commodity angle, however, 13. It IS ~orth noting that despite;
promises to illuminate issues in the study of exchange that had begunlO t~ere IS a deep affinity between t
look either boring or incorrigibly mysterious. . view of the material life of simple
2. See Alfred Schmidt (1971 :69) for a similar critique of the "idealist" tend called ~he intensification ofobjecthoo,
ency in Marxist studies, which promotes the view that "since Marx reduces art builds on this inner affinity.
all economic categories to relationships between human beings, the world 14. For a faScinating aCCOUnt of th(
is composed of relations and processes and not of bodily material things." . SOCIology of knowledge in India,
. . .
)Qhtlcal economists.
.
thered has not
'F"'' '
~
been ~:. I
I.ttodue.ion, eommoditie, .nd the politic, of v.Jue
'ndividualism) is serious. it is equa~ly tende.ntious to reserve for ~est~rn
h ' ht to be "interested" m the give and take of matenal lIfe.
59
. d man t e rig
nship between .po Imcs an pro ~ction. l What is called for. a?d does not now exist. except in e,?bryo (see Medick
Ion to demystify the demand side of ' and Sabean 1984). IS a framew?r~ .for th,; cO~f.aratlve ,:tudy ,~f e~~n-
omies. in which the culturdal variabIlity ofII' sedlf, person, a;td mddlvld -
I" (following Geertz an Dumont) IS a Ie to a comparative stu y 0 f
U~culation (following Bourdieu) and of interest (following Sahlins). Only
C~ter such a framework is developed will we be able to study the motives.
~nstruments, telos, and ethos of economic activity in a genuinely com
luthor was a Fellow at the Center for Ad.
parative way.
ciences, Stanford, California, in 1984-85.
4. Simmel (1978: 138), in a quite different con~ext. anticipates th~ noti~n
. period, I acknowledge National Science
that things move in and out of the commodIty state and notes Its Ans
494 to the Center and a sabbatical gram
adaptation. " ,
ry Workshop at the Univ~~sity of Penns),l..
7. In coining the term tournaments of value, I was stimulated by Marriott s
Symposium on Commodltle~ an~ Culture use, in a very different context, of the conception of tournaments of rank
lking. Igor Kopytoffs paper 10 thiS vo~ume
(Marriott 196~).. ,. .. .
of contributions he has made to my Ideas 8. In his recent diSCUSSion of world s fairs and expOSItIOnS, Burton BenedICt
(1983:6) has noted the elements of contest, competitive display, and status
ore presented at the Center for Advanced politics associated With. these even~s. "
md at the Department of Anthropology at ; 9. Simmel (1957) is a semmal diSCUSSion of the cultural logIC of fashIOn. See
texts, the following persons made helpful . also the reference to Bougl<~'s analysis of consumption patterns in village
)iMaggio, Donald Donham, Michael Epel.. India in Christopher Bayly's paper in this volume, and Max Weber (1978
1, David Hollinger, Mary Ryan, G. WIlham [ 1922]).
ompson, Pierre van den B.erghe, a?d A~m 10. An excellent example of this process appears in Hencken (1981).
'01 A. Breckenridge proVided sanity, stlm ' 11. My use of the term ecumene is a rather idiosyncratic modification of
Marshall Hodgson's use of it in The Venture of Islam (1974).
n aware that I am bucking a trend in recent 12. Also compare to Alsop's (1981) notion that art collecting invariably "pries
h has tended to shift the focus of attention loose" the things that are collected from their former context of use and
I, and consumption on the other. ~his trend deprives them of significant social purpose.
hat had previously been ~n excessive preoc : 13. It is worth noting that despite a superficial opposition between them,
ircuJation. The commodity angle, however, , there is a deep affinity between trade and art, at least from the P?int of
in the study of exchange that had begun to ! view of the material life of simpler societies. Both involve what mIght be
[ibly m~st~rious: . W,,,: called the intensification ofobjecthood, though in very different ways. Tourist
, for a Similar CritIque of the IdealIst tend.: art builds on this inner affinity.
promotes the view that "sinc~ Marx reduces 14. For a fascinating account of the role of cloth in an evolving colonial
tionships between hum~n bemgs: the ~orl~ sociology of knowledge in India, see Cohn (forthcoming).
)rocesses and not ofbod.lly matenal thmgs. i
Ion to this point of view can lead to exag r
~~. . !
nterest" and "calculation," I realize, raIses l References
: comparative stu~y of ~~Iua~ion, exchange. ~
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