New Perspectives On Mobility Urbanisation

Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2014 DOI:10.1111/blar.
12267
New Perspectives on Mobility,

Urbanisation and Resource
Management in Riverine Amaznia
LUDIVINE ELOY
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France
EDUARDO S. BRONDIZIO
Indiana University, USA
ROGERIO DO PATEO
Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil
In recent years, the Amazon has experienced simultaneous processes of

urbanisation and creation of protected areas. Debates over the chang-
ing role of traditional peoples in the management of such areas have
largely taken place in the absence of reliable information on these popula-
tions connections to urban areas. We review the literature on Amaznia
to explore how ruralurban mobility redefines patterns of resource use.
The focus is primarily on riverine areas of the Brazilian Amazon. Connec-
tion to urban areas does not necessarily imply deep changes in production
techniques, but induces new norms, rules and values around access to and
management of resources. Ruralurban mobility challenges the capacity
of local groups to maintain collective resource management, but on the
other hand involves the reassertion of traditional territories and identities
through social and economic networks.
Keywords: Brazilian Amazon, circulation, conservation, land-use rights,

urbanisation.
Mobility and migration have long been integral to the livelihood patterns and political
strategies of rural and indigenous populations in Latin America (Adams et al., 2009;
Alexiades, 2009). Recently, however, the magnitude of social dispersion and changes in
settlement patterns associated with rapid urbanisation have renewed research interest in
the implications of these processes for resource use and management in general (Wright
and Muller-Landau, 2006), and within the Amazon basin in particular (McSweeney and
Jokisch, 2007; Padoch et al., 2008). Urbanisation in Amaznia has been better studied
on agricultural frontiers (Browder and Godfrey, 1997; Barbieri et al., 2009) than along
the floodplains and the Amazons main tributaries. However, these areas are increas-
ingly important for resource conservation in the region (Parry et al., 2010a). Indeed, as
2014 The Authors. Bulletin of Latin American Research 2014 Society for Latin American Studies.
Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 1
Ludivine Eloy et al.
part of a global phenomenon (Zimmerer, 2000), the Amazon basin has experienced the
diversification and expansion of protected areas since the early 1990s, a process that has
allowed some communities to reassert their collective rights over places and resources
(Nepstad et al., 2002).
According to the Amazonian Network of Georeferenced Socio-Environmental
Information (RAISG, 2012), conservation areas with resident communities cover
30.8 percent of the Amazon region. Such conservation territories, whose delineation
under collective land tenure has important implications in defining access to resources
and sustainable resource management, can be divided into two broad categories: (a)
areas of traditional occupation and use, such as Indigenous Lands in Brazil, Indige-
nous Territory in Bolivia, Indigenous Reservations in Colombia or Native Communities
in Peru, and (b) inclusive forms of protected areas occupied and managed by rural
populations designated as traditional, such as Regional Conservation Areas in Peru
and Extractive Reserves and recently demarcated Quilombola areas in Brazil.
But while designation of tenure rights provides security to land and resource access,
the lack of infrastructure, services and economic opportunities in rural areas leads to var-
ious forms of connection to urban areas on the part of resident populations. In Brazil,
Amazonian households have developed new forms of mobility and multi-sited organ-
isation to maintain access to natural and agricultural resources, as well as to enhance
their ability to access urban markets and services through their social networks (Padoch
et al., 2008).
Traditional resource management in the Amazon often combines mixed property
regimes involving, to different degrees, private landholdings (with local or absentee own-
ership), common-property systems and areas of open access (Toniolo, 2004; de Castro,
2012). Strongly shaped by historical context and economic dynamics, it usually involves
various forms of reciprocity and fluidity of territorial boundaries that create varying lev-
els of flexibility in resource access and management. Embedded in systems of reciprocity
within and between family networks and exchanges of use rights, these property regimes
have facilitated individual mobility without necessarily rupturing access to resource use
(Adams et al., 2009).
Some authors argue, however, that ruralurban mobility, market integration and
demographic concentration are transforming traditional institutional arrangements of
land access and resource management in the region (Alencar, 2005; Sirn, 2007), espe-
cially if they alter the functioning of common-property institutions (Agrawal, 2001).
These dynamics have implications for understanding urbanisation as well as resource
management in riverine areas of Amaznia; nonetheless, they remain unstudied. Debates
over the changing role of traditional populations in the management of such areas for
biodiversity protection have largely occurred in the absence of reliable information on
these populations mobility patterns and strategies for resource management and their
connection to urban areas.
Through a review of the anthropological, geographical and ethno-ecological liter-
ature, in this article we analyse the relationships between urbanisation and resource
management in different areas of the Brazilian Amazon. Although the article draws on
literature from both western and eastern parts of the Amazon basin, both within and
beyond Brazil, the emphasis is primarily on western Amaznia. We argue that urban-
isation and resource management are evolving as coupled systems, rather than repre-
senting a rupture between resource use in rural and remote areas and resource use in
urban centres. The development of different forms of ruralurban mobility does not
necessarily imply deep changes in production techniques, but induces (or responds to)
2014 The Authors. Bulletin of Latin American Research 2014 Society for Latin American Studies
2 Bulletin of Latin American Research
Rural-Urban Mobility in Riverine Amazonia
new norms, rules and values around access to and management of resources. These
relationships, however, are expressed in diverse ways in terms of evolving institutional
arrangements depending on sociocultural and geographic contexts (including distance),
types of resource involved and market pressures. Such changes are shaping the role and
the future of small-scale resource management systems in the Amazon. We start by pro-
viding an overview of the urbanisation processes in the region. This is followed by a
discussion of multi-locality and its implications for settlement patterns and institutional
arrangements related to resource management in the Brazilian Amazon.
Past and Present Urbanisation Processes in the Brazilian Amazon

Several archaeological studies have presented evidence of large, sedentary social forma-
tions with high population densities that occupied portions of the Brazilian Amazonian
basin in pre-colonial times (Heckenberger et al., 2003; Fraser et al., 2007). Since the
beginning of regional colonisation, different phases involving spatial concentration fol-
lowed by dispersal have contributed to multiple reconfigurations of Amazonian settle-
ments and economy (Little, 2001; Andrello, 2006). As a result, a significant number of
Amazonian cities along the floodplains of the main channel have their origins between
the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries in settlements created as missions and/or mili-
tary forts (Wagley, 1953; Anderson, 1976). With the intensification of exploitation of
forest products after the eighteenth century, several of these settlements became commer-
cial centres, interconnected economically with larger regional centres such as Manaus
and Belm (Costa and Brondizio, 2011). In some cases, religious missions continued to
play an important role in indigenous peoples migration process to urban centres, for
example in Manaus (Oliveira, 2006; Almeida and Santos, 2008). In research conducted
in the 1980s, Leo Figoli (1982) showed how over 80 percent of the Upper Rio Negro
Indians settled in Manaus whom he interviewed had come from the Salesian missions
(Figoli, 1982).
After 1950, urban centres emerged along with the expansion of a regional road net-
work and new economic frontiers (Becker, 1985; Browder and Godfrey, 1997). Since
1960, in the eastern part of the Amazon, medium-sized cities have grown faster than the
metropolis and taken on the role of regional cities (Machado, 2000).
Meanwhile, in riverine areas, several processes contributed to the emergence of new
towns, such as demand for educational opportunities, increased investment by the state
(infrastructure, institutions), population growth and changes in the type of extrac-
tivist economy. With the continuing decline in the prices of the traditional extractivist
products (rubber latex, nuts, fibres), many families started to migrate to cities seeking
waged labour. Moreover, the absentee rulers/owners (patres) of extractivist operations
phased out itinerant trade along rivers and moved most of their economic activities
to the cities in order to develop or continue commodity trading, cattle ranching and
political activities (Pinton and Emperaire, 1996; Costa, 2010). Moreover, even in the
remote areas of northern frontiers, military policies, like the Calha Norte project in the
1970s, had a major impact on urbanisation and migration. Parallel to rural-to-urban
migration, the process of villagisation, which we define as the process of demographic
growth and spatial expansion of rural villages, has intensified in recent years and has
led to the creation of large riverine communities, especially in downstream areas near
state capitals and roads and around the secondary education poles (Alencar, 2005;
Rezende, 2010).
Bulletin of Latin American Research 3
Figure 1. Population Distribution in Legal Brazilian Amazon.
Source: IBGE (2010), Brazilian Ministry of Environment (2012), and FUNAI (2012).
Today, the town or city is becoming the dominant model of place and living in one the
dominant way of life in the Brazilian Amazon. According to the Brazilian Institute of
Geography and Statistics (IBGE), between 1970 and 2010, the urban population within
Amaznia Legal (Legal Brazilian Amazon), which includes nine states and 771 munic-
ipalities, experienced a rate of growth of over 500 percent. From about 37 percent in
1970, urban residents now represent around 75 percent of the total regional population.
A significant portion of urban expansion is occurring in areas with major infrastructural
deficiencies in basic public services (Guedes et al., 2009). The majority of this expansion
has taken place since the late 1980s, when over 60 percent of current Amazonian munic-
ipalities, and their respective urban areas, were created. In recent years (20002010),
urban areas have experienced an increase of 30 percent in the number of dwellings they
contain (IBGE, 2010).
It is important to acknowledge that the regional urban population is distributed
across urban areas of various sizes and types. Small cities (less than 20,000 inhabitants),
while aggregating less than 30 percent of urban residents, represent over 80 percent of
urban centres in the region (around 639 cities) (Figure 1). The discrete urbanisation
promoted by small towns in different parts of the region, including the majority of river-
ine towns, has important implications for the circulation of people and resources in the
region. The interspersion of urban centres and rural spaces in small towns defies any
clear-cut separation between rural and urban. They are also connected, in various ways,
to sub-regional urban networks that link rural areas and small towns to medium and
large urban centres and to natural resource export hubs (Guedes et al., 2009).
Today, different processes are associated with urban growth in riverine Amaznia. On
the one hand, growth is fuelled by access to public policies involving income transfers
(for instance, family aid, pensions, welfare benefits and bank loans). On the other, these
towns attract rural residents in search of employment and access to better education
(Steward, 2007; Parry et al., 2010b). Depending on the regional context, other processes
are relevant. Many residents arrive from areas with insecure land tenure and forced
displacement, while others arrive from areas experiencing resource and environmental
degradation of various types, from the expansion of cattle ranching to infrastructure
projects and various types of mining activity (RAISG, 2012). Environmental policies
focused on integral protection have also played a role in reducing rights over resources
for riverine communities and may also have contributed to rural outmigration (Barretto
Filho, 2009).
At the same time, the expansion of protected areas provides secure institutional
arrangements for rural and indigenous populations living in areas that are usually remote
and rich in resources and biodiversity. The social and economic networks connecting
people and resources across this gradient are increasingly shaping the management of
vast parts of the region, and they raise new questions for research.
Multi-Sited Households, Institutional Arrangements and Resource

Management in Urbanising Riverine Amaznia
Settlement Patterns and Social Reorganisation
Mobility in the Brazilian Amazon has historically been related to access to dispersed and
seasonal natural resources. This type of mobility includes dispersed settlements, frequent
residential migration, displacement for work and dual ruralrural residence. Various
authors have noted the use of shelters or temporary housing located near agricultural
fields or of camps for hunting or in forest groves (Lizot, 1996; Pinedo-Vasquez and
Sears, 2011). The occupation of Amazonian rivers since the eighteenth century, and
particularly later during the rubber boom, consolidated a settlement pattern of dispersed
households, closely associated with the spatial distribution of resources and the pattern
of absentee land ownership characterising these areas (Anderson, 1976). This pattern
favoured temporary mobility reflecting resource seasonality, but was associated with
limited mobility between rural and urban areas. Distance and dependence on traders
and absentee owners for basic provisioning, often through forms of debt servitude and
social control, limited the circulation of rural residents (Geffray, 1995).
From the 1970s, wage labour in urban centres became more prevalent as a means of
obtaining income. The monetisation of the economy increased ruralurban circulation
because rural inhabitants, increasingly equipped with motor boats, began to purchase
goods sold in the city, which are cheaper than those bartered by itinerant traders
for forest products. With falling prices for most forest products, shifting cultivation
continued and in some cases increased in importance, enabling families to maintain
subsistence autonomy from absentee owners (Pinton and Emperaire, 1996; Salisbury
and Schmink, 2007).
The high frequency of circulation observed today and the existence of multi-sited
households, while historically common in the immediate surroundings of urban centres
of the region, is a phenomenon that has emerged particularly strongly since the 1990s.
Improvements in transportation and communication, availability of public services in
urban areas, familiarity with urban life and access to capital have greatly facilitated a
changing pattern of circulation and family organisation (Brondizio, 2013).
There is clear indication that intensive circulation and family multi-location are
becoming the main settlement pattern in large portions of the Brazilian Amazon.
Multi-sited households, i.e. households maintaining houses and economic activities
in both rural and urban areas, are often to be found in riverine areas (Padoch et al.,
2008; WinklerPrins and Oliveira, 2010), including indigenous (Moreira, 2003; Eloy
and Lasmar, 2012) and quilombola communities (Nasuti et al., 2013), but also around
agricultural frontier settlements (Granchamp Florentino, 2001; Eloy and Emperaire,
2011; Guedes et al., 2012). The reorganisation of residence is strongly associated with
multi-sited production and commercialisation systems, where families simultaneously
manage fields, home gardens, fallows and other areas (e.g. Brazil nut groves, lakes)
that can be separated by tens of kilometres, thanks to the intense circulation of people
and agrobiodiversity within social networks (Emperaire and Eloy, 2008; Eloy and
Emperaire, 2011) (Figure 2). From transporters to intermediaries and from market bro-
kers to direct sellers, families also position themselves in different market niches for their
products.
The Impacts on Resource Management

These urbanisation and villagisation processes induce significant changes in the pat-
terns of resource use for most indigenous and rural populations (Le Tourneau, 2008;
Barbieri et al., 2009). These processes involve changes in how natural resources are
accessed and may affect populations in different ways, from giving rise to conflicts to
undermining food security and health (Santos et al., 1998; Sirn, 2007). It may also
lead to intensification of resource use, which in some cases may lead to soil degradation
(Lawrence et al., 2010) or in others may contribute to agroforestry expansion (Bron-
dizio, 2008).
Indigenous and rural Amazonians have also sought to develop innovations to cope
with such impacts in various ways. Improved transportation allows access to distant
resource areas, like former villages in Yanomami territories in Roraima (Nilsson, 2010);
storage facilities (and electricity) allow accumulation of surplus; and increased mobil-
ity allows family members to seek work opportunities (often seasonally) in different
urban areas. In fact, many families combine several production and income strategies
at different scales (from the individual to the extended family) through multi-sited res-
idence. However, the relationships between mobility patterns and changes in resource
management systems are still poorly understood. Here we call attention to three types
of transformation of traditional resource management systems in the context of urban-
isation in Amaznia: agricultural intensification, de-agrarianisation and urban markets
for natural resources.
A growing segment of the rural population in Amaznia is intensifying its agricultural
systems in order to address/meet the demands of urban markets and/or to adapt to con-
straints on access to natural resources. Several authors have described the development
of an input-intensive and market-oriented (peri)urban agriculture in recent decades, even
in the most remote areas of Amaznia, such as horticulture associated with fruit and cas-
sava starch production in the upper Rio Negro (Amazonas) (Emperaire and Eloy, 2008)
or aa palm agroforestry in the Amazon River estuary (Par and Amap) (Brondizio,
2008).
Ruralurban mobility is also part of a broader process of de-agrarianisation among
rural families that is, when the main portion of family income comes from urban
activities (e.g. wages, pensions, family aid), as in Amap (Steward, 2007), Par (Lui,
Figure 2. Multi-sited Families in the Amazon: Resources, Complementarities and Exchange Networks among Households.
Periurban area
Acess to urban markets
Agricultural lands Accommodation
near the town
Fields and
fallows
Bulletin of Latin American Research

Forest products,
fish, game, etc.
Circulation of Fields and
Natural and agricultural products fallows
Manufactured goods
Remittances
Labour force
Homegarden
Crop varieties
Land use rights
Services and social obligations Natural resources
(forests, fish, game)
Cooperative labour
Jobs
Welcoming a child Secondary education Forest/village
from rural areas for Health care

studies and work Retiree, welfare benefits
Acess to projects (education,
conservation, etc.)
Political mobilisation
Town
Source: Drawn by Ludivine Eloy based on field data and literature review (de Robert, 2007; Steward, 2007; Padoch et al., 2008; Eloy and Le Tourneau, 2009).
7
2013) and Amazonas (Parry et al., 2010b). Moreover, a lack of kinship connections
may limit families ability to access periurban agricultural land, as they do in the upper
Rio Negro in Amazonas, for example (Eloy and Lasmar, 2012).
Urbanisation also leads to the development of new markets for natural resources link-
ing traditional territories to urban places through various forms of social network. These
resources include food items such as fruits, fish, oils and remedies, as well as fibres, tim-
ber, gold and cattle. The extension of social networks between traditional territories and
urban areas facilitates the insertion of economic interests from the cities, as in northern
Par (Padoch et al., 2008; Kohler et al., 2011). Increasingly, families organise themselves
in order to link the production of resources in the forest to different commercialisation
niches, bypassing intermediaries whenever possible (Brondizio, 2013).
These three kinds of transformation generally imply the reorganisation of traditional
resource management systems: changes in land-use practices and the species composition
of cultivated and managed plots, as well as in spatial arrangements, labour calendars and
gender roles within households. For example, the intensification of swidden cultivation
in the context of demographic concentration is associated with the shortening of fallow
periods due to spatial and/or labour limitations or, in some cases, due to environmen-
tal restrictions that limit the clearing of dense forests, as in the lower Rio Negro river,
Amazonas (Cardoso et al., 2010).
However, in riverine regions of northern Brazilian Amaznia, intense ruralurban
mobility does not generally lead to deep and irreversible changes in production tech-
niques or to the erosion of crop and landscape diversity (Emperaire and Eloy, 2008;
Pinedo-Vasquez and Sears, 2011). Cash crops often coexist with subsistence farming
based on swidden cultivation in periurban areas, as in northern Amazonas (Eloy, 2008).
Similar processes and practices have also been described in the Peruvian Amazon (Ham-
lin and Salick, 2003; Coomes and Ban, 2004; Wezel and Ohl, 2005; Caillon and Coomes,
2012). Moreover, indigenous populations can maintain many of the characteristics and
structure of their agricultural systems: agrobiodiversity, site rotation, spacetime com-
plementarity between intensive and extensive practices, enhancement of natural regener-
ation processes and continuous experimentation, with an intense circulation of objects,
plants and land-use rights within social networks. Agriculture, gathering and hunting
may still be part of the family livelihood strategy, but production levels remain low
or decrease over time. In these contexts, cultural values explain why swidden culti-
vation remains an important land use in some periurban areas in riverine Amaznia
(Lasmar, 2002). The knowledge and cultural memory (in the sense used by Nazarea,
1998) associated with traditional agrobiodiversity management systems continue to
play a role in (peri)urban contexts. These processes can help to sustain a gradient of
use of biological resources leading to mosaic landscapes in periurban areas (Eloy and
Le Tourneau, 2009).
As a result, research from anthropology and geography shows that the impact of
urbanisation processes on resource management systems depends on the ways in which
families reorganise their activities between forest and towns. These dynamics are medi-
ated by power relations rooted in the regional history of land ownership and access to
markets; emerging external markets tend to accentuate them. Moreover, the different
trends identified above (agricultural intensification, de-agrarianisation and the growth
of urban markets for natural resources) may have occurred simultaneously in time and
space in different parts of the region, resulting in competing uses for strategic resources,
such as forest fallow areas (Coomes et al., 2000; Cardoso et al., 2010) or fish stocks (de
Castro and McGrath, 2001).
In this context, more attention should be paid to the evolution of institutional

arrangements defining rules for access to and use of natural resources in the multi-sited
territories of rural Amazonians.
Institutional Implications of Urbanisation

As more indigenous and rural populations move out of forested landscapes, different
patterns of reforestation can be observed, as in the case of Ecuadors Amazonian regions
(Rudel et al., 2002). In the Brazilian Amazon, it is suggested by other authors that depop-
ulation of the rural landscape can be associated with more pressure on forest resources,
especially in remote areas (Parry et al., 2010a) or those where there is more forest burn-
ing (Uriarte et al., 2012).
Increased ruralurban mobility, especially near agricultural frontiers, may undermine
traditional resource management by promoting land-use changes, consumption or mon-
etarisation, and by exacerbating power asymmetries between families, as in the state of
Par, or within Indigenous Lands or quilombola territories (Gordon, 2006). However,
evidence from other parts of the region suggests that institutional arrangements such
as protected community land rights ensure a connection between these areas and res-
idents in the city which is largely independent of travel distance. In upper Rio Negro
(Amazonas), for example, a key motive for indigenous families developing a multi-sited
pattern of organisation is to access urban goods, services and values, while maintaining
small-scale and often low-impact activities that are mainly but not exclusively dedicated
to subsistence (Eloy and Lasmar, 2012).
In this context, the great advances in the official recognition of collective land-use
rights in Brazil have been instrumental in enabling families to combine rural and urban
strategies. By providing security in land tenure arrangements, territorial and/or group
membership recognition may allow individuals to leave their homes for a relatively long
period of time without losing their rights (Kohler et al., 2011). Families who employ
multi-sited organisation tend to maintain several types of land and resource rights in
different places (e.g. village territory and common property, private property, hous-
ing plots and temporary transfer of land-use rights). A feeling of belonging can still
be maintained via participation in the social life of the community, remittances, and
respecting collective obligations (Eloy and Lasmar, 2012). Indigenous urban migrants,
for instance, form ethnic neighbourhoods and close ties to home regions are maintained
through frequent visits and through financial and in-kind remittances (Andrello, 2006).
In a context of land regularisation, the fixation of territorial boundaries combines with
the diversification of livelihoods in urban areas. Traditional populations who were used
to living in territories with multiple, overlapping, fluid boundaries may now move to
cities with less risk of being expelled, as long as they continue to be recognised as
members of their communities of origin and/or associations responsible for assigning
these rights.
Conversely, associating recognition of collective rights to resources, identity, conser-
vation policies and place-based residence may also create tensions and contradictions
(Kohler et al., 2011). As has been observed of an indigenous territory in the border
areas of Peru and Bolivia (Peluso and Alexiades, 2005), the reaffirmation of resource
rights and traditional identities is usually tied to (and financed by) conservation poli-
cies that promote the image of wilderness and local environmental stewardship, which
may enhance but also challenge the ability of local communities to adapt their resource
management systems, especially in an urbanising context. Moreover, Brazilian conserva-

tion policies usually focus on defining institutional and land-use arrangements based on
a steady-state view of local resource management systems, usually disconnected from the
economic dynamics of the surrounding region and from local expectations of improv-
ing consumption and access to technology and durable goods (de Castro et al., 2006).
Over time, the lack of adaptive management strategies may instead enhance political
tensions between social groups that coexist in the same space and between local groups
and external agencies focusing on environmental conservation.
Indeed, since ruralurban mobility appears to be an effective means to access the
potential of both rural and urban territories, it also represents a strategic resource. Few
studies have addressed the impact of these changes in terms of social differentiation
and inequality within and among families. Some research suggests that the richest
families, with more social capital and access to means of mobility (boats, houses, etc.),
can develop extended multi-sited systems across territorial boundaries while deploying
various identities and political affiliations. In this way, some families can take advantage
of opportunities and, at the same time, avoid environmental restrictions, for example,
by agreeing to support a conservation project while at the same time engaging in cattle
ranching or logging within and outside the community area (Vadjunec, 2011; Eloy
et al., 2012).
The relationships between urbanisation and resource management present partic-
ularities within indigenous societies, because of the complex articulation of identity
and access to resources among members. Urban areas offer an important space of
livelihood, educational opportunities, identity affirmation, cultural revival and polit-
ical action for many indigenous rural residents (McSweeney and Jokisch, 2007; Le
Tourneau and Kohler, 2011). The extension of the social networks of indigenous
groups to local and regional cities also contributes to extending political alliances
(de Robert, 2007) or to creating new networks exchanging knowledge and objects.
For example, Athayde et al. (2009) show how indigenous Kaiabi people reassert
their identity and cultural patrimony associated with basketry knowledge, despite
displacements and social disruption, through new relationships with urban-based
institutions.
On the other hand, in the urban context, indigenous identities tend to loosen and
become more inclusive due to the incorporation of new types of relationships with
non-Indians. Besides family ties, other factors such as networks (collaborative and
supportive) and contiguity (temporal and spatial) alter traditional categories and foster
a constellation of coexisting identities (Figoli, 1982). Moreover, the lack of sensitivity
of public policies to specific cultures and ethnicities has deprived the indigenous inhab-
itants of Amazonian cities of control over their identities. With indigenous policies
focused almost exclusively on rural villages, public agents have placed the urbanised
indigenous in general categories such as excluded, needy populations or simply
poor. These populations are at risk of being classified in terms of an exotic poverty
(Almeida and Santos, 2008: 15).
In this context, more attention should be paid to the evolution and reformulation
of rules of resource access and management in territories, whether or not they are des-
ignated as conservation areas, increasingly connected to and influenced by multi-sited
families. How might strengthening connections to urban areas and city dwelling change
relationships to natural resources, identity and local communities over time? What are
the implications of increasing mobility and multi-locality for the governance of territo-
ries legally defined in terms of collective ownership?
Conclusion
Historically, household mobility and multilocality have been central elements in the con-
struction and maintenance of social networks and resource management practices in
riverine Amaznia. In recent decades, however, these social relationships and mobil-
ity patterns have changed deeply and have progressively transformed into extensive
multi-localities between rural/indigenous and urban areas. They have influenced and are
influenced by broader regional transformations that include exponential urbanisation
rates, major changes in transportation infrastructure, communication, public policies
and services and competition for resources. In this context, multi-sited households are
an expression of shared interests and obligations among families confronted with various
forms of external pressures and opportunities.
This literature reviews focus on the Brazilian Amazon means that the conclusions
might reflect the effects of specific institutions and governmental policies that have
fostered mobility and urbanisation in this part of the region (e.g. geopolitical goals,
agricultural colonisation programmes, or mining policies), as well as the effects of
environmental policies and NGO intervention in remote areas of the region. While
many of these processes have parallels in other Amazonian countries, it is important
to consider country-specific historical and political processes that have produced other
types of conflict for land and resource use rights elsewhere, which might affect the
relationship between urbanisation and resource management in different ways.
What we can conclude for the Brazilian Amazon is that, rather than a rupture, urban-
isation and intense ruralurban mobility can reveal continuity between traditional ter-
ritorialities and urban areas and represent a creative redefinition of social networks.
Although the migration of rural individuals is often framed as the result of deep socioeco-
nomic crisis and associated with environmental degradation in traditional territories, it
can also contribute to livelihood diversification, access to public services and educational
opportunities, economic autonomy and tenure security for families. These transforma-
tions can also have direct implications for social (domestic and collective) organisation,
as they create new political interplays between territorial management and public poli-
cies (conservation, infrastructure, social policies, etc.).
This evolving scenario challenges traditional place-based research approaches and
raises new research questions about the sustainability of resource management models
associated with traditional populations in the region. To what extent is the valorisation
of land and resources leading to differentiated use rights and access to resources within
households and communities? How will the younger generations departure to urban
areas limit their resource use rights in the future? Are these dynamics leading to tighter
and perhaps less flexible institutional arrangements, and how will they affect long-term
resource management? How are individual and collective rights, within the context of
mobility and multi-locality, being negotiated and how are they influencing institutional
arrangements of resource management?
The complexity of relationships involved in ruralurban mobility, land-use change
and conservation require cross-scale and interdisciplinary methodologies. The analysis
of settlement patterns should go beyond the concepts of residential migration and rural
exodus in order to incorporate circulation in its multiple dimensions including its impli-
cations for the economic diversification of rural families (Cortes, 1998). If rural-urban
mobility may contribute to the economic stability of social groups, the associated reor-
ganisation of their economic activities and land rights may have diverse impacts on
biodiversity management; we know little about these implications.
More attention should be paid to the ability of indigenous and rural populations to
produce local responses to their increasingly urbanised and globalised environments.
The implementation of socio-environmental policies in the Amazon (e.g. indigenous
and protected areas, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation
programmes [REDD] and payment for ecosystem services projects) is opening up new
challenges for indigenous communities, for those defined as traditional and for the con-
servation alliances within which they are involved. As the region continues to change in
ever faster ways, we need a better understanding of the broader implications of increas-
ing ruralurban mobility, their interactions and possible conflict with environmental
governance, and the consequences for the well-being of regional populations.
Acknowledgements
The research was supported financially by the National Centre for Scientific Research
and National Research Agency (France), the CNPq (Brasil) and the Gordon and Betty
Moore Foundation, as part of several programmes: PACTA (Populations, Agrobiodi-
versity and Traditional Knowledge in the Amazon, IRD/Unicamp), Agrobiodiversity in
Indigenous Lands of the Rio Negro (ISA/FOIRN), and USART (Uses and Transmis-
sion of Territorial Knowledge in the Amazon, CNRS CREDA-IHEAL). L. Eloy wishes
to acknowledge the support of CNRS (UMR ART-DEV) and the University of Brasilia
(CDS), and thanks the inhabitants of communities in the Rio Negro, Jurua e Trombetas
valleys for their hospitality and cooperation during fieldwork. E. Brondizio would like to
acknowledge the support of Indiana University, the Institut dtudes Avances de Paris
(IEA), and the Universit Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3, Institut des Hautes tudes de
lAmrique latine, Paris, during the preparation of this article. R. do Pateo acknowledges
the support of CNRS (UMR ART-DEV) and the Federal University of Minas Gerais
(Fafich). The authors would like to thank J. Broderick at Indiana University for her
editorial work.
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Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2014 DOI:10.1111/blar.

New Perspectives on Mobility,

In recent years, the Amazon has experienced simultaneous processes of

Keywords: Brazilian Amazon, circulation, conservation, land-use rights,

Past and Present Urbanisation Processes in the Brazilian Amazon

Figure 1. Population Distribution in Legal Brazilian Amazon.

Multi-Sited Households, Institutional Arrangements and Resource

The Impacts on Resource Management

Bulletin of Latin American Research

from rural areas for Health care

In this context, more attention should be paid to the evolution of institutional

Institutional Implications of Urbanisation

management systems, especially in an urbanising context. Moreover, Brazilian conserva-

Eloy, L. (2008) Dynamiques et adaptation des systmes agroforestiers priurbains dans le

Le Tourneau, F. M. (2008) Stratgies territoriales amrindiennes dans un contexte pluri-

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