Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
288. Ihid.
289. See hi.s articlc, "Sukscsi itu Surrrrrtull.rlt," Sntra Maslid, no.2JJ (Fcbru.rry 1994),
pp. 17-8. Similar rssessrllcnw can bc rcad in his articlc, 'Sukscsi 1988: Srr.rtu
Keharusan," Media Dahulab, nct.237 (March 1994), pp. 34-5.
290. See Alfian,'Pancasila dan Perubahan Masyarakat" in his book, PoirtiA,
Kebudayaan dan Manusia Indonesia (akarta: LP3ES, 1980), pp. 104-33. Eduin \Vierinsa
291. Johns, "Indonesia," p.224.
292. See Safroedin Bahar,'Pancasila Sebagai Ideologi Dalam Kehidupan Pertahanan
Keamanan," in Oetojo Oesman et. a1., eds., Pancasila Sebagai ltleologi (akarta: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature
BP 7 Pusat, 1991), p.350.
293. Moerdiono (State Secretary) wrote an ardcle on rhe mawer, entitled "Pancasila Contain Shi'itic Elements? 'Ali and FAtimah in
Sebagai Ideologi Terbuka," in Oesman et. al., eds., Pancasila Selragai ldeologi,
pp.397-42r. Malay Hikayat Literature
294. Jakana Post, April 23,1993.
ersian influence in knowrr to have had a largc inrplct upon tra another scholars, basing himself upon Baroroh Baried's article, that
ditional Ma|ay literature. Many popular Malay texts, such as "the scattered evidence, mostly in works of partly entertaining and
the Hikayat Bakhtiar, Hikayat Arnir Harnzah, Hikayat partly moralizing character, was not enough to assume any major
M ub amm ad H an afi1ryab, and Kiab Seribu Masalah to n ame only a few, Shi'i influence or period in any part of the Malaysian archipelago"
are known to be adaptations or direct translations of Persian texts.l needs to be modified, as I hope to make clear in the following pages.T
By common consent it is believed that this Persian influence did have First I will discuss the cosmology Hikayat Nur Mubammad and
an Indian origin. One assumes that (southern) India was the possible then I will look at the roles played by 'Ali and FAtimah in hikayt
source of early Indonesian Islam.2 literature, i.e. (1) 'Ali and Fltimah as a poor pious couple; (2) FXtimah
One of the earliest works of Malay literature, and according as the ideal woman; (3) 'Ali as the master of religious knowledge (as
to Brakel possibly the oldest Malay hikayat, is the Hikayat opposed to the stupidity of 'Umar), and (a) 'Ali as the victorious
Muhammad Hanafi1ryah. Its translation from Persian into Malay may, warrior. Thereafter Iwill examine the stories about'Alt and FXtimah
as Brakel argues, well have taken place not much later than the (middle against the wider background of a 'de-Shi'itization' of Indonesian
of the) fourteenth century.3 The story tells about Hasan and Husayn Islam. For the sake of completeness it should be noted that there is of
and the drama of Karbela, and in addition describes, purely legendary, course more to Malay literature than hikayar. The reason why I have
howMuhammad ibn a|-Hanafiyyah takesvengeance for his two half- limited my research to bikayat, is because other texts in which 'Ali
brothers, defeats Yazid and helps Zayn al: Abidin to the throne. The and Fitimah appear, seem to be of a more obscure nature, dealing
part about Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah is truly a hikayat, but the with magic and eroticism/mysticism.8
first part may be styled a maqtal (maktel), a technical term for (a text
on) the slaying of Husayn at Karbela. It is known thatMalay hikayat Cosmogonyz the Hikayat Nur Mubdmmdd
were meant to be recited and perhap s the Hikayat Muhammad The Hihayat Nur Mubammad ('Story of the Mystic Light of
Hanafi1ryab was once connected with the Ashura rituals. The Hikayat Muhammad'), a text claimed to be translated from Persian,e tells how
Muhammad Hanafiyyah was not only received into Malay literature the Mystic Light of Muhammad, created by Alllh in the anthropo-
at an early period, but it has remained popular a long time since. In morphized for of a glorious bird, brings the whole world into exist-
the second half of the nineteenth century it was even one of the best- ence from drops of water which fall from its body. It seems that the
sellers of the indigenous press.a This raises questions about the devel- idea of the Islamic glorious bird could easily be adapted with older
opment of Indonesian Islam because the Hikayat Muharnmad Malay concepts about the'pure bird' Burungpingai), which was an
Hanafi1ryah is a Shi'itic text of the more extreme kind, whereas Indo- image of the (divine) spirit.lo Interestingll, w find a very similar
nesia Islam is Sunnite. liquid theory in Bengali Islamic syncretistic literature where it is like-
Can we perhaps find more traces of Shi'ism in traditional Malay wise told that Nur Muhammad shook his body, at the instance of
literature besides the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafi1ryah? To examine Alleh, to produce 124,000 drops oozing out of it, which gave birth to
this question I propose to look at the roles of 'Ali and Fitimah in 124,000 prophets. In the same manner other drops, trickling out of
Malay hikayat literature, about whom quite a few stories exisr.s Re- the different parts of. Nur Muhammad.'s body, resulted in the creation
search into this matter, however, is severely hampered by the dearth of various objects and spirits.ll
of reliable text editions. The necessary philological Vorarbeiren are The Malay story exists as an independent hikayat, but it is also
still lacking which means that one has to turn to the 'raw', untreated included as a preamble in some versions of Hikayat Muhamrnad
materials in the form of manuscripts and lithographed editions. The Hanafi1ryah , the Hikayat Syahi Merdan, and r.he Tambo Minan gkabau.
most recent publication on 'Shi'ah elements in Malay lirerature', I The oldest manuscript known of the Hikayat Nur Muharnrnad (in
know of, written by Baroroh Baried, is based upon synopses in older Lampung script i.e. from Southern Sumatra) was donated to the
manuscript catalogues and therefore could only be of a general na- Bodleian Library (Oxford) in 163012 the story runs briefly as fol-
ture.t'The rather bold conclusion, however, which was drawn by lows: from thc Mystic t.ight Allih made a slorious bird which hrd
lbr its hcrd 'Ali, lor its cyes llrrs.rrr.rnd I luslyn, lirr its rrcck lritirnrth lbund a man in Mcccl, c.rllcd'Abd Alllh, who;rnswcred the descrip-
for its arms Abu Bakr and'umar, for is tail 'Uthmin, for is brcast tion, and offered herself in marriage to him. 'Abd Allah, however,
Hamzah, for is back 'AbbAs, and for its legs'Aishah and Khadijah.rr slept with Aminah, after which he iost his former radiance. When he
Then Allih gave seven seas to the Mystic Light of Muhammad , the returned to Fltimah, she rejected him as he was no longer interesting
sea of knowledge, the sea of kindness, the sea of patience, the sea of to her, and went back to Syria.
intelligence, the sea of thought, the sea of mercy, and the sea of light. According to Brakel the story of Fitimah the Syrian seems to be
The Mystic Light had to swim in each of those seas for 10,000 years. based on a tradition contained in the Sirah ol Ibn IshXq where the
When the glorious bird came out of the seas, Alllh ordered it to woman in question is anonymous.le Brakel furthermore suggests that
shake its body and from the 124,000 drops of water that fell from it, the name FXtimah may point to Shi'ite influence, but this is in my
L24,000 prophets were created. In the same manner other drops opinion too far-fetched. There are quite a few Arabic stories about a
brought into existence the Apostles, the Archangels, the Pen and the 'woman who wanted 'Abd AllAh's light and the name Fltimah the
Preserved Tablet, the Throne and the heavens, the sun and the moon, Syrian may be based on traditions which state that she was Fitimah
winds, water and fire, the tree of life and the tuba tree, the seal of bint Murr.rc The story is also known in Javanese where the woman
Sulayman and the rod of M0sA. Then the four elements who were is called Patimah Sami (Fltimah the Syrian') and where 'Abd Allih
taught their right place by the Light. The dispositions of men are is presented as the son of the King of Medina. Both in Malay and in
those of the four elements. Javanese the story of Fltimah the Syrian is an episode in a Hikayat
Shi'ah is the Muslim sect that has made the utmost use of light. Nabi, a body of legends dealing with the Prophet.2l
According to Shi'ah, the ahl al-bayr belong to an eternal line of cho-
sen persons on whom Alllh bestowed His light.la In the HikayatNur The Poverty of 'Ali and Fitimah
Muharnmad the most important parts of the glorious bird are all rep- Many hadith speak of the poverty of the household of 'Ali and
resented by the ahl al-bayt: 'Ali is its head, Hasan and Husayn its eyes FAtimah. Modern historians limit its duration to the first years of
and Fitimah its neck. Typically, in the oldest manuscript'Ali is called their marriage, but in legends the poverty of 'Ali and FXtimah is pic-
commander of the faithful, a honorary title which is given to him by tured as an enduring situation which is intimately connected with
his Shi'ite followers.15 According to Shi'ah doctrine this title was be- their piety and detachment from worldly goods. In the Hikayar Ali
stowed on him by AllAh before the creation of Adam.l6 Katain dengan Fatirnah ('Story of the marriage of 'Ali and FAtimah'),
In a version which was summarizedby Winstedt we find for the already immediately after the marriage ceremony'Ali cannot give
neck of the glorious bird FXtimah the Syrian instead of Fltimah, the his wife anything to eat. V'hen he has earned some money, he gives it
daughter of the Prophet.l/ This is an inreresring slip of the pen, be- away to beggars. In the end, however, he is miraculously rewarded
cause Fltimah the Syrian plays a role in another srory about by Alllh.
Muhammad's primordial substance as light. The mistake can, I think, In the Hikayat Sultan lbrahim, a story about the famous S0fi
be traced back to Brakel's version of the Hikayat Muhammad Ha- IbrAhim ibn Adham, an exemplary story is included about patience:
nafiyryah, which opens with the legendary history of the Prophet once upon a time the Prophet went to FAtimah's house, taking a
Muhammad till the beginning of his mission. This version was used friend with him. Fltimah at first did not want to open the door,
by Winstedt for his summary of.rhe Hikayat Muhammad Hanaf.1ryah.r8 because she had nothing to put on save one garment. The Prophet
After the opening story about the creation of the Prophetic Light, then gave his shawl to FAtimah, who put it on. The Prophet and his
version has the story of Fitimah the Syrian. She was a rich Syrian friend thereupon entered Fitimah's house, but it was bare, and
woman who was well versed in the Tazarat, and hence knew that the FXtimah sat there in silence, with bowed head. The Prophet spoke:
birth of the Final Propher was imminent. She wanted ro become the "O *y daughter, bear patiently this situation with its suffering. In
mother of the Prophet and therefore she searched his prospective Heaven yor-r will attain to greatness and riches, because this world is
father who would be recognizable by the light on his forehead. She the mrrkct lirr thc hcrcaftcr."2ll
In the I tihayat Nabi dan Orang Miskin ("I'he story of rhe Prophet had sold his chainrnail only bccausc hc suffered hardship and there-
and a poor man') FAtimah is once upon a time visited by a begging fore 'Uthmln had bought it. 'Uthmin's purpose was that 'Ali should
mendicant. Vhen she thinks about what ro give to rhe pooi man, she use the chainmail in the war and use the money to buy something
suddenly hears the word of Allih who orders her to give the best useful. The Prophet told him that Allih would reward'Uthmln in
garment she has to the beggar. So she does and the beggar goes ro the this world and in the hereafter. Vhen 'Uthmln had returned to his
market to sell the beautiful garment. When 'Llmar sees rhis, he thinks house he saw his own pitchers as well as ten other pitchers' each
that the beggar has stolen the garment from Fitimah and he takes ir filled with 4OO dirbam. On the coins was written: 'This is a gift from
by force and gives it to the Prophet. The beggar goes ro the Prophet the Lord, the Compassionate, for'Uthmin ibn Affln'.
and complains about 'IJmar's unjust behavior. The Prophet then sells Although a dating of the story about 'Ali's harness is unknown, it
the garment to a woman named Lady Ma'wa for a thousand ringgit probably belongs to the early Malay hikzyat. A variant version of
and gives the money to the mendicant. Lady Ma'wa orders a slave ihis story is known in Javanese where it is used as a brief interlude in
girl to go to Fitimah's house to give her garment back together with the Serat Yusup, a verse biography of the prophet Joseph. It is given
three other clothes, each worth about a thousand ringgit.If FXtimah the title Sinom Kere ('rheSinom of the harness').5 This story is cited
would accept this gift, the slave girl would be free. At first Fitimah in the Serat Yusup because of its equivalence to the miraculous return
does not want to open her door, because she normally only opens of the king of Egypt's riches after he had exhausted them to buy
the door to her husband. She finally opens the door when she hears Joseph.26 Despite this, in my view, rather contrived argument
for its
from the slave girl that this has to be done in order to ser her free. inclusion (or better perhaps: iust because of this implausible argu-
Vhen Fltimah sees the gift of Ma'wa, she is upser because she thinks ment), I am inclined to think that in the story of Joseph this small
that AllAh has refused her alms ro rhe mendicant. She cries bitterly interlude of no more than a few verses must be a later insertion.u If it
and her grief reaches the seven strata ofthe heavens and the Throne is an interpolation, it has at least a respectable age. We already en-
of AllAh and all creatures weep hearing Fltimah cry ro Allih. Then counter it in a manuscript from Cirebon which was copied, or possi-
AllAh sends Gabriel to rhe Prophet to order him to say ro Fltimah bly even composed, in the Javanese year Jumadilawal 1555, i.e. late
that Alllh has accepted her alms. So he does and Fltimah stops cry- in7633 A.D.28 The precise origins and development of the SeratYusup,
ing, accepts Ma'wa's gift and the slave girl is free.3 however, remain to be investigated. Pigeaud proPoses that it may be
In Spat's lithographed Malay anthology we find a shorr srory en- based on a Malay model, rewritten with reference to Arabic texts.'
titled 'The generosity of the commander of the faithful 'Uthmin'
(kemurahan hati arnirulmu'rninin Uthman).2a One day 'UthmXn ibn Fitimah, the Ideal'V'oman
'AffXn saw that a man in the market tried to sell a chainmail. Upon Fltimah epitomizes the ideal woman. As we saw, she does not
questioning him 'Uthmln was informed that 'Ali was the owner of care for the material benefits of life. The Hikayat Ali Kawin dengan
the chainmail and thar someone had already offered 71, dirham for ir. Fatirnah ('Story of the marriage of 'Ali and Fitimah') describes her as
Thereupon the chainmail was pur up for auction and 'UthmAn fi- exceedingly beautiful. Kings asked for her hand, but Gabriel descended
naily could buy it for 400 dirbam. 'Uthmln ordered rhe merchant to from heaven to announce that her union with 'Ali was decided by
bring the money and the chainmail to Fltimah's house without let- divine decree and that Allih was to be FXtimah's uali. She is a faith-
ting it known to anyone. This was done and when Fltimah came out ful wife: inrhe Hikayat Fatimah Berkau'karadengan PedangAli ('Srory
of her house she saw 'Ali's chainmail and some pitchers filled with of Fitimah talking with 'Ali's sabre') it is told that when she was
dirham. She told this to 'Ali who wenr ro the Prophet to inform him once suspected of having committed adultery, it turned out that she
about this. At that moment Jibril, the angel of revelation, also came had spoken to 'Ali's sabre Dhulfakar, asking him how many infidels
to the Prophet and informed him rhat this was a deed of 'Urhnrin. 'Ali had slain. The Prophet teaches her in this hikzyatas wellas in the
The Prophet was pleased and when 'Uthmin paid his r('sl)cers ro rlrc tli.haltat Ntl,i McnNajar Anahnya Fatintah (' Story of the Prophet teaches
Prophet, he was askcd abotrt his dccd.'LJrhrniin ;lnswerctl rh,rr 'Ali his rl.rtrqlrtt'r' l;itirn,rh') ,tlrorrl thc dtrties of rt wile towrtrcls hcr lrtrsb.lnd.
inl'idcl King Kh.rncl.rk (lronr Ar.rbic lil.wn6la1,, the' 'rtt.,tt' wlrrt lr tlrc to cstlblish thc yclr or cvcn the period when they were written.
Prophet had dug around Medina to dcle nd hinrsell ;lt.lirr\t lltc .ttt.tck As the majority of the Malay manuscripts date from the nine-
of the men of Mecca) and his son Badar (origin;rlly ,t pl.tcc n.rrne !) teenth century it is only natural to find only remnants of Shi'itic
suffer defeat and death through Ali's hand. In the llikayat Antir al- influences in the bikayatwhich have survived. The textual witnesses
Mu'mintn '[Jmar ('Story of the commander of the faithlul 'Umar'), cannot be characterized as distinctly Shi'itic. Yet it is remarkable to
which has been preserved in one unique Leiden manuscript (Cod.Or. find so much attention for 'Ali and Fltimah in hikayat literature.
3345 (1)), 'Ali defeats the Persians and personally kills their leader What is more, their roles in hikzyat arewholly congruous with popular
Rostam Pulad. In the Hikayat Tatkala Rasul Allah Mentberi Sedekah Shi'itic imagery. Especially in the stories about'Ali as the wise judge,
Kepada Seorang deruisy ('the story of how the Prophet of AllXh gave 'Ali can be praised at 'I-Jmar's expense. 'I-Imar, however, is not por-
alms to a dervish') the enormous poverty of Muhammad and his trayed too negatively and the normal Shi'itic cursing of 'Umar's name
Companions is the reason for 'Alt to fight infidels and to confiscate is entirely left out.
their riches.rs Several scholars have pointed at a gradual process of'de-
shi'itization' of differenr texrs, such as the Hikayat Muhamrnad
A' Shi'it ization' of Malay Hikayat Literature
de- Hanafi1ryah,rhe Hikayat Banjar or the Tajusalatin.QUndoubtedly the
Traces of Shi'ism can still be found in Indonesian Islam. A well- stories about 'Ali and Fltimah over the years must also have under-
known example is that the month Muharram is called Sura (derived gone this process. In this connecrion it is interesting to observe that
from Ashura) in Javanese, Sundanese and Macassarese, and Asan'Usen Malay literature contains some variants of the 'anti-'IJmar' stories
in Acehnese. On the 10th of Muharram, Ashura day, we find in such I
which may perhaps be interpreted as Sunni transformarions. A vari-
disparate regions as Aceh, Java and South Sulawesi the consumption
of Ashura porridge, known as kanji Asyura in Aceh, as bubur Sura in
il ant of the story of Fadlun can for example be found in the Raudah al-
'ulam|', but there'tlmar acquits the youth (who is here called IsmX'il
Sundanese, or as jepe'surain Macassarese. As there already exists a instead of Fadlun), and 'Ali does not inrervene.+r A variant of the
fairly extensive literature on the Shi'ah in Indonesia, I will not repeat story of the ten rabbis, which according to Van Ronkel is "in many
what is already known.re lt is however worthy of remark that Shi'itic ways inferior to the other one", is the Hikayat Abu Bakr dan rahib
traces in Indonesian Islam are generally not recognized as such by Yabudi, also known as Hikayat Sulaiman al-Farsi.4 Here severalJew-
the common (Sunni) believer. Furthermore, we can now oniy speak ish rabbis come from Syriato hhalif Abu Bakr instead ro khalif'IJmar,
of Shi'itic trdces: in the course of time, and especially since the nine- and promise to embrace Islam, if their (theological) questions can be
teenth century, contacts with the Arabian world increased when In- answered satisfactorily.a5 These versions, however, never reached the
donesians more and more went to Arabia for study and Hadrami popularity of their Shi'itic counrerparrs. This is different with a srory
sayyid became increasingly prominent in Indonesian religious life. which echoes the Hikayat Nabi Mengajar Anaknya Fatimab, namely
Typical Indonesian elements, but also elements of Perso-Indian ori- the so-called Hikayat Partana Islam, in which the Prophet, ar rhe re-
gin were gradually purged. quest of a woman named Islam, Sallm or SalAmah, sets forth all that
The hikayat which were mentioned so far, probably v/ere ali pro- a woman has to do or refrain from in respecr to her husband and the
duced at an early age of Islamization. The evidence for their relativc recompense that awaits her in the hereafter for the practice of wifely
old age is circumstantial: firstly, these stories were especially attrac- virtues.s
tive for neophytes. Secondly, as Islam penetrated into the ot hcr l.trr- Summing up then, the prominenr place of 'Ali and Fitimah in Malay
guages and literatures of the archipelago through the intcrnrcdi"rry ol' hikayat literature is to be explained by the early introduction of these
Malay, many, if not all, of the afore-mentioned storics;trc,tlso lotrrtrl stories as popular reading marter for neophltes when Indonesian Islam
in other Indonesian literatures, such as Acehncsc, Mirt,trtrk,tb,trr, still had a Shi'ah tinee. In rhe course of time the popular srories, in
r r
Javanese, Sasak, Sundanese, Macassarese, I}.rei ncsc, ct c. lJcr'.t r r st' t l t t'st' which 'Ali ,rnrl lris l,rnrily phyed a prevalent part, were-gradually neu-
literary products are anonymous;rnd cannot bc d.rtcrl, i1r is irrrPosrilrlt' trrrliz.ccl l, rrrt lr .ln ('xl('nr rlr,rr no Surrni bclicvcr cotrld objcct to thcnr.
\',.1',, l,lt'ttLt Lt t
l0ll l,lurn l\'rctnga
layan Branch ofthe Royal Asiatic Society 28 (1955), pp. 52-0. L.F. Brakel, 'Persian [)j,rrrr,rris,'l)crrt.lrri,rrr rr,rsk,rlr', pp. )O-2.1.
influence on Malay literature', Abr-Nahrain9 (1970), pp. 1-16. l'1. tJ. Rubrrr,'l)r'r'-t'xisrr'nr'r' .rrrtl light. Aspccts of rhe concept of Nur Muharnrnati',
2. G.!gJ. Drewes, 'New light on the coming of Islam to Indonesia?', Bijdragen tot lsrtrl Oritnt.tl .9rutlits 5 (1925), p. 65.
de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde 124 (1968), pp. $3-a59 is a survey of the early 15. Hcinz H:rlr., D.r st'ltiitischt'Islarn. von dtr Religion ztr Reaolntion (Mr.rnchen,
history of lndonesian Islam. 19ea), p. 19 .
3. Lode Brakel, 'On the origins of the Malay hikayat', Reoieta of Indonesian and 16. E. Kohlberg, "Ali b. Abi Taleb', EncycLopaedia lranica. Vol''re I (London, Bos-
Malayan A/fairs 13 (1C79), pp. 1-33. ton anci Henlev, n.d.), p. 843.
4. I. Proudfoot, Early Malay pinted boohs. A provisional account of materiak ltult- 12. It is unc,-lear which MS or lithography was usetl by winstect. He gives the i'r-
lisbed inthe Singapore-Malaysia area up to 1920, noting holdings in major Ttultlic pression that he has used National Library Jakarta v.d.W. /6 A, contaiui'g .r
collections (Kuala Lumpu r, 7993) , pp. 29-30. -story written in 1668, but which, according to L.F. Brakel, The Hik.D,at
5. I will not discuss stories like Hihayat Hasan Husain Tatkala Kanak-hanah (' Story Muhammad HanafiyTah ffhe Hague, 1.975), p.49 lacks the motif of the mvstic
of the childhood of Hasan and Husayn'), Hihayat Hasan tlan Hnsain Ahan Mari bird.
('Story of the imminent death of Hasan and Husayn') or Carira Tabut ('Tale of 18. L.F. Brakel, Tbe Story of Mubammad Hanafi,y2ah ffhe Hague, I9l7), p.78.
the cof{in), because they are probably 19th century texts and are not represented 19. Brakel, The Hikayat Muhammad HanafiTyab, p. a8. Cf. A. Guillaurne, The lft of
in other Indonesian literatures (see for these stories Jumsari Yusuf et al. (eds.), Muhammad. A translation of IshAq \ Sireh Rasill Atlih (Ox{ord, 1955), pp. 6g-69.
Sastra Indonesia Lama Pengaruh Islam [akarta,1984), p. 109 ff. 20. See Rubin, 'Pre-existence', pp. 83-86.
6. Baroroh Baried, ' Shi'ah elements in Malay lirerature', Sarrono Kartodirdjo (ed.), 21. Brakel, The Hthayat Muhantm,ttl Han,zfiyyah, p.49 wrongly ass''res that in
Profihs of Malay Culture: Historiograph!, Religion and Politics (lakarta, 1976), pp. Javanese this episode corlsrirures an independent hihayat. I hope tci return r. thc
59-65. story of Patirnah Sami in a later publication in which l will di-scus.s a lZrh cel-
7. K.A. Steenbrink, 'Indian teachers and their Indonesian pupils: on intellectual tury MS of this text which is now in the library of the Royal D.tch Milirary
relations between India and Indonesia, 1600-1800', Itineraio 12, 1 (1988), p. 131. Academy in Breda (KMA 6544).
8. Fatimah is e.g. rnentioned in a crocodile charm and in a charm for sowing dis- 22. Russell Jc>nes, Hikayet Sultan Ibrahim: Thc Short Version of thc Melry, Tttt
sension between husband and wife (Walter Williarn Skeaq MaLaT magic: An In- (Dordrecht: Fori-s Publications, 1983), pp. 18-21 (lr4alay texr and English trans-
troduction to thc Folklore and PoltuLar Religion of the Malay Peninntl,zr (London, lation).
1965),pp.298-299i573-574) and Ali in a charm to acquire velour and in an as- 23. National Library Jakarta Ml. 42h, pp. 113-118; transliterated in ynslf et
Juur-sari
pect-compass known as Rajal al-ghayb or linazah Sayidini 'Ali ibn Abff Telib a1,., Saur,z Intlon esia, pp. 7 l-7 J.
(Skeat, Malay magic, pp. 653 and 561). I do not know if the use of a certain 24. C.Spat, BungaRamltai;Malctschleesboek(Breda, 1920), pp.62-63 (inMalayscript)"
flower, the kembang Patimah, or rose of Jericho (anastatica Hierochontica), for U'f.rtunatelv I co*ld not rrace the MS which spat used for his editio'.
the advancement of the opening of the birth passages, has anything to do with 25. Accortling to the Javarese version 'Ali orderecl .l servant to sell his harless be-
FAtimah (Arie Andries Haspels, (Jterine nttrtture in Cental Jaoa (Goes, 1,9a1,; canse he needed rnonev for his wedding, see Bernard Arp-s, Tentbang in T.,lo
Ph,D. thesis University of Amsterdam), p. 21. For eroticism/mysticism, see Traditions. Performence end Intcrpretation ofJaaanese Litcr,zture (London, 1991)
G.\(.J. Drewes and L.F. Brakel, The poerns of Hamzah Fansuri (Dordrecht, 167-168. Sinorn is the name of a verse fonn. See also Titik pudiiasturi. ,Serar
Cinnaminson, 1986), pp. 18-20; see also Theodore G.Th. Pigeaud, Literattffe of Ynsup. Peranannya dalarn kehid'pan masyarakat Jawa', Lcntber,tn ststrt
Java.Yoltme 111 (fhe Hague, 1970), p.3+1,. uniaersitts Indonesia 16, April 1992, p.58 where 'Utirrnln cloes nor b'y 'Ali's
9. Edwar Djamaris, 'Penelitian naskah "Hikayat Nur Muhamrnacl" dalarn sasrra harnes.s, but frees a slave. This is not another version, but is ba-sed lrDon a llllsrln-
Indonesia la,ma', Bahasa dan Sastra 5 (1980), p. 15. dc'rstanding on the part of the interpreter of the wortl iot ('har'ess') which is
10. Tlreodore G. Th. Pigeaud und P. Voorhoeve, Htntlschnftcn tus Indonesrcn ctrnfitsecl wiit hcrc ('beggar')! The salre rnistake is rnacle in the Inclgnesian rrans-
(Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 47 I{.;Y.1. Braginsky, The Syxem of Classical M.tl.ry Liter.t- lariorr .f thc Kitab Yruf'(alih bahasa: Hardjana Hp; alih aksara: Titiek pucl-
utre \Leiden, 1993), p. 66-67. ji.rsttrti), Jakarta, 1981, p. 86.
11. Asim Roy, The klamic STncretistic Tradition in Bengal (Princctorr: Prirrccton It . Arps. Tottl,,tn,<, p. )58.
University Press, 1983), p. 129. 2Z' lt is p,rssiblc, I think, to show tltat Sinon Kc'rr is an interpolation by means of
12. This MS,Jav. e.2, is describecl in M.C. Ricklefs ancl P. Voorh,>crc, lndontnart tlrc l,rlrrrrrl,r Al x - Al, irr which X st:rucls for tht.inrcrp,,l.rr..l p.rrr.rgc, w[ilc A1
Manuscripts in Great Britain. A catalogue of uranuscripts in lntlorrcsi,rrr l,rrrgrr.rgcs .tlttl A.) st.trrrl Ior tlrr',r'itr',irr,tl ('nvironnlcnt irr which X h.rs bccrr irrscrtctl. lf X is
in British pnblic collections (Oxford, 1977), p.105,r. t.cidcrr IJrrivcrsiry l.ibr.rry ,ilr lnr('ll)r)l,rt('11 p.rrr.rlir', A I A.' w,,rrr kl lorrrr .r lrorrrog('r)('()1 wll()lc wilIerrt X.
Cod.Or. 12.582 is a courplctc phorot:opy. lusctl thc rr'.urslil,,r'.rlr,,rr bv P. lrr i,l,.rl (,t\(1 ( !t(lr,lr(.li,t llu(,rl)ol.tti,,rr r.rrr lr..Pr.,,r,i,l,,,l orr llrr.r,r,lr,vt,lr, rr,trrrt.tv
Voorhoeve, Cod.Or. 84217 019\. tlt,' l,'r, l', ,'l ttt, trt,,rl, rt.rrr.rrrr, .ur(l lirrlirrirti, \lru( lu11. (rr.,. I .i\4. I Jlrl('nr,(.1\,
'l lr, l,r,,l'1, rrr,,1 rrrr,.r;,,,1ttt,,1 tr llrt ()l,l l.rv.r1,..,,.li.rrrr.rr.rrr.r l,,rl,,ryi1'. li1,l, t,.,,,t
Lltrn l\iontt+r Irhu r, Aklt r' I t trt,tl ttt,
tot dc T,zal., L.tntl.c,tt Volkcnhuntlc 145 (1989), PP. 128 310). This is thc crsc with .1(,. (lf.
(1. Skirrrrcr, .\1t'tr l\rtttn /l4r'ngktsar ('l'lrc rhyrncd r:hr<>niclc of thc Maclssar
Sinom Ktrc in Kitab Yusuf ctn at leasr the merrical and narrative level: (1) thc W.rr) try ['.rrrii' Arnin ('s'(ir.rvcrrhagc, 1963), p. 223; Russell Joncs, 'Harimau',
rnetrical strucrure of A1 (canto 8) is the same as A2 (canto 10), i.e. pangkur, Bijdragtn tot fu 7'aal-, Land"cn Volkcnhundc 126 (1970), pp.260-262.
whereas X (canto 9) ts in sinomi (2) the narrative srmcrure of A1 and A2 taken 37. B.F. Matthcs, Kort acrslag aangaande alle mij in Europa ltehende Makassaarse en
together does not display a structural gap. I have not studied linguistic evidence Boegincsche handscbriften, oooral die van het Nederland.sch Bijbelgenootschap te