Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
And I hate writing. I so intensely hate writing I cannot tell you how much.
The moment I am at the end of one project I have the idea that I didnt really
succeed in telling what I wanted to tell, that I need a new project its an
absolute nightmare. But my whole economy of writing is in fact based upon an
obsessional ritual to avoid the actual act of writing. I never begin with the idea
that I am going to write something. I always have to begin with one or two
observations that lead on to other points and so on.1
Y odio escribir. Odio escribir intensamente no puedo decirte cunto. En el momento que
estoy al final de un proyecto tengo la idea de que realmente no logr tener xito en decir lo
que quera decir y que por ello necesito de un nuevo proyecto es una pesadilla absoluta.
Pero la totalidad de mi economa de escritura est basada de hecho sobre un ritual obsesivo
para evitar el actual acto de escribir. Nunca comienzo con la idea de que voy a escribir algo.
Siempre tengo que comenzar con una o dos observaciones que llevan a otros puntos -y as
sucesivamente.
() it is an inner necessity of the original teaching () to survive this violent act of
being torn out of ones original context and thrown into a foreign landscape where it
has to reinvent itself only in this way, universality is born.
You cannot be a iekian, and only iek can be iek. The concepts he
works with are borrowed and distorted before they are applied and transmuted
into something else, and something slightly happens to them each time they
appear. This is why there are no specific iekian concepts that could be
outlined in a glossary guide to his work.2
T no puedes ser un iekeano y slo iek puede ser iek. Los conceptos con los que
trabaja estn tomados y distorsionados antes de que ellos sean aplicados y transmutados en
algo ms, y algo pequeo les sucede a ellos cada vez que aparecen. Esta es la razn por la
cual no hay especficamente hablando, conceptos iekeanos que pueden ser subrayados
en un glosario que sirva como gua a su obra.
1 Cfr. iek Slavoj, Daly, Glyn. Conversations with iek. Polity Press: Cambridge. 2004. p. 42.
2 Cfr. Parker, Ian. Slavoj iek. A Critical Introduction. Pluto Press: London-Virginia. 2004. p. 10.
I have always considered Platos late dialogue to be his philosophical
dialogues in the true sense of the Word. In them, one person speaks almost
without interruption; the objections of the others in the Sophist- for example,
would hardly fill half page. They say, for example, You are completely right,
Quite clearly, It is so. And why not? Philosophy is not a dialogue. Name me
a single example of a successful philosophical dialogue that wasnt a dreadful
misunderstanding. This is true also for the most prominent cases: Aristotle
didnt understand Plato correctly; Hegel who might have been pleased by the
fact of course didnt understand Kant. And Heidegger fundamentally didnt
understand anyone at all. So, no dialogue. But, lets go on.3
Siempre he considerado los dilogos tardos de Platn como sus dilogos filosficos en el
autntico sentido de la palabra. En ellos, una persona habla casi sin interrupcin; las
objeciones de los otros en el Sofista- por ejemplo, difcilmente llenaran media pgina.
Ellos dicen, por ejemplo: ests completamente en lo cierto, bastante claro, As es. Y
por qu no? La filosofa no es un dilogo. Dganme un solo ejemplo de un dilogo
filosfico exitoso que no haya sido un terrible mal entendido. Esto tambin es verdad para
los casos ms prominentes: Aristteles no entendi a Platn correctamente; Hegel quin
hubiera estado complacido por este hecho- por supuesto que no entendi a Kant. Y
Heidegger fundamentalmente no entendi a nadie en absoluto. As que ningn dilogo.
Pero sigamos.
This is Maos key point: the principal (universal) contradiction does not
overlap with the contradiction which should be treated as dominant in a
particular situation the universal dimension literally resides in this particular
contradiction. In each concrete situation, a different particular contradiction
is the predominant one, in the precise sense that, in order to win the fight for
the resolution of the principal contradiction as the predominant one, to which
all other struggles should be subordinated. In China under the Japanese
occupation, patriotic unity against the Japanese was the predominant thing if
3 Cfr. iek, Slavoj. Badiou, Alain. Philosophy in the Present. Polity Press: Cambridge. 2009.
4 Cfr. Mao, Tse-Tung. On Practice and Contradiction. Ibid. p. 6.
communist wanted to win the class struggle- any direct focusing on class
struggle in these conditions went against the class struggle. (Therein, perhaps,
resides, the main feature of dogmatic opportunism: to insist on the centrality
of the principal contradiction at a wrong moment.)5
cuando es imposible para las fuerzas productivas desarrollarse sin un cambio en las
relaciones de produccin, luego el cambio en las relaciones de produccin desempea el rol
decisivo y principal.
he was wrong in formulating this rejection, the insistence on the priority of
struggle, division, over every synthesis or unity, in the terms of a general
cosmology-ontology of the eternal struggle of opposites- this is why he got
caught in the simplistic, properly non dialectical, notion of the bad infinity of
struggle.8
What is synthesis? You have all witnessed how the two opposites, the Kuomitang, and
the Communist Party, were synthesized on the mainland- The synthesis took place like
this: their armies came, and we devoured them, we ate them bite by bite One thing
eating another, big fish eating little fish, this is synthesis.
Qu es la sntesis? Todos ustedes han sido testigos de cmo los dos opuestos, el
Kuomitang y el Parido Comunista, fueron sintetizados sobre la tierra firme- La sntesis fue
as: sus ejrcitos vinieron, y nosotros los devoramos, nos los comimos mordida a
mordida una cosa comindose otra, el gran pez comindose al pequeo, esta es la
sntesis.
We stand firmly for peace and against war. But if the imperialist insist on
unleashing another war, we should be no afraid of it. Our attitude on this
question is the same as our attitude towards any disturbance: first, we are
against it; second, we are not afraid of it.9
Estamos firmemente por la paz y en contra de la guerra. Pero si el imperialista insiste en
desencadenar otra guerra, nosotros no debemos estar temerosos de ella. Nuestra actitud
sobre esta cuestin es la misma que nuestra actitud hacia cualquier disturbio: primero,
estamos en contra; luego no le tememos.
-imperialist are Nietzschean slaves, they need wars, but are afraid to lose their
possesions to which they are attached, while the proletarians are the true aristocratic
Masters who do not want war (they do not need it), but are not afraid of it, because
they have nothing to lose
-los imperialistas son esclavos nietzscheanos, ellos necesitan guerras, pero estn temerosos
de perder sus posesiones a las cuales estn atados, mientras que los proletarios son los
verdaderos Amos aristocrticos quienes no quieren la guerra (ellos no la necesitan), pero no
le temen porque no tienen nada que perder
there is definitely something terrifying about this attitude- however, this terror is
nothing less than the condition of freedom.
() in the negation of negation, the negativity preserves all its disruptive power; the
whole point is just that we come to experience how this negative, disruptive power,
menacing our identity, is simultaneously a positive condition of it. The negation of
l resida cerca de Leghorn, en la villa Valsovano, escribiendo The Cenci, cuando las noticias de la masacre
de Manchester nos llegaron; esto levant en l emociones violentas de indignacin y compasin. La gran
verdad de que muchos si puestos de acuerdo y decididos, podan controlar a pocos, como fue demostrado
algunos aos despus, le cre el deseo de ensear a sus compatriotas heridos cmo resistir.
truth grabs error by the scruff of the neck in the mistake.11
la verdad coge del cogote al error en la equivocacin
they fail, that is, to understand its real Hegelian meaning:
Ellos fallan en entender su significado hegeliano real:
Destroying old monuments was not a true negation of the past, it was, once again,
rather an impotent passage lacte12 bearing witness to the failure to get rid of the
past.
Destruir viejos monumentos no era una verdadera negacin del pasado, fue, una vez ms y
en lugar de eso un impotente passage lacte que atestigua el fallo de deshacerse del
pasado.
Apart from these two main orientations, we also, of course, have a classical
trotskysm which I think represents something of a tragic position because it is always
addressed to the fetish of the working class as a revolutionary party
So, to counteract the unleashed market forces, we need a strong state apparatus able
to intervene and squash the enemy
As para contrarrestar a las desatadas fuerzas del mercado, necesitamos un aparato estatal
fuerte capaz de intervenir y aplastar al enemigo
Surely, at such a moment, the voice ought to be heard of a man whose whole theory is
the result of a life-long study of the economic history and condition of England, and
whom that study led to the conclusion that, at least in Europe, England is the only
country where the inevitable social revolution might be effected entirely by peaceful
and legal means. He certainly never forgot to add that he hardly expected the English
ruling classes, to submit, without a proslavery rebellion, to this peaceful and legal
revolution.
Seguramente, en tal momento, debe ser oda la voz de un hombre la cual la totalidad de su
teora es el resultado de una vida de estudios de la historia econmica y la condicin de
Inglaterra, y este estudio lo llev a la conclusin que, al menos en Europa, Inglaterra es el
nico pas donde la inevitable revolucin social puede ser efectuada totalmente por medios
pacficos y legales. l ciertamente nunca olvid agregar que difcilmente esperaba que las
clases dominantes inglesas, se sometieran, sin una rebelin pro-esclavista, a esta
revolucin pacfica y legal.
The distant origins of the present volume lie in an article entitled The End of
History which I wrote for the journal The national Interest in the summer of 1989. In
it, I argued that a remarkable consensus concerning the legitimacy of liberal
democracy as a system of government had emerged throughout the world over the
past few years, as it conquered rival ideologies like hereditary monarchy, fascism and
most recently communism. More than that however, I argued that liberal democracy
may constitute the end point of mankinds ideological evolution and the final form
of human government, and as such constituted the end of history. () this was not
to say that todays stable democracies, like the United States, France, or Switzerland,
were not without injustice or serious social problems. () While some present-day
countries might lapse back into other, more primitive forms of rule like theocracy or
military dictatorship, the ideal of liberal democracy could not be improved on.13
Los distantes orgenes del presente volumen yacen en un artculo titulado El Fin de la
Historia el cual escrib para el peridico The national Interest en el verano de 1989. En l,
argument sobre este destacable consenso respecto a la legitimidad de la democracia liberal
13 Cfr. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. The Free Press: New York. 1992. p. xi.
como un sistema de gobierno que haba emergido por todo el mundo en aos recientes
mientras venca a ideologas rivales como la monarqua hereditaria, el fascismo y ms
recientemente el comunismo. Ms que esto sin embargo, argument que la democracia
liberal podra constituir el punto final de la evolucin ideolgica de la humanidad y la
forma final de gobierno humano y que como tal constitua el fin de la historia () esto
no quiere decir que las democracias estables de hoy en da como la de los Estados Unidos,
Francia o Suiza, carezcan de injusticia o de problemas sociales serios () mientras en la
actualidad algunos pases pueden regresar a formas ms primitivas de mandato como la
teocracia o la dictadura militar, el ideal de la democracia liberal no puede ser mejorado.
This aspect provides the key to the true stakes of the debate; not simply democracy
versus dictatorship which is inscribed into the very form of parliamentary
dictatorship this is the point made by Trotsky in his reply ()
Este aspecto provee la clave de lo qu verdaderamente est en juego en el debate; no
simplemente la democracia versus la dictadura la cual est inscrita al interior de la forma
de dictadura parlamentaria este es el punto sealado por Trotsky en su rplica ()
14 Trotsky, Len. Terrorism and Communism: a Reply to Karl Kautsky. Ibd. p. xvi.
Cuando Lenin y Trotsky designan a la democracia liberal como una forma de democracia
burguesa, ellos no dependen de una nocin simplista de cmo la democracia es realmente
manipulada () de cmo alguna pandilla secreta est realmente en el poder () as, si una
vez se encuentra amenazada con perder el poder en unas elecciones democrticas, esta
pandilla mostrara su verdadero rostro y asegurara el poder directo. Lo que ellos quieren
decir es que la forma del estado democrtico-burgus encarna una lgica burguesa. En
otras palabras, uno debe usar el trmino dictadura en el sentido preciso en el cual la
democracia tambin es una forma de dictadura, esto es, se trata de una determinacin
puramente formal.
in such dynamic times where the situation is open and extremely unstable, the role
of the communist is not to passively reflect the opinin of the majority, but to
instgate the working clases to mobilize their forces and thus create a new majority
This difference in the ultimate distinction between Stalin and Trotsky. In Stalin,
Lenin lives forever as an obscene spirit which does not know it is dead, artificially
kept alive as an instrument of power. In Trotsky, the dead Lenin continues to live like
Joe Hill he lives whenever there are people who still struggle for the same idea
Esta diferencia es la distincin ltima entre Stalin y Trotsky. En Stalin, Lenin vive por
siempre como un espritu obsceno el cual no sabe que est muerto y que es mantenido
artificialmente con vida como un instrumento de poder. En Trotsky, el Lenin muerto
continua para vivir como Joe Hill l vive donde sea que haya gente que an luche por la
misma idea.
this mysterious working class whose revolutionary thrust is repeatdly thwarted by
treacherous nationalist and/or liberal politicians is the fetish of some of the remaining
Trotskyites these actual Hlderlins of todays Marxism the singular point of
disavowal which enables them to sustain their overall interpretation of the stage of
things. Their fetishist fixation on the old Marxist-leninist framework is the exact
opposite of the fashionable talk about new paradigms, about how we should leave
behind old zombie-concepts like working class, and so on the two complementary
ways of avoiding the effort to think the New which is emerging today. The first thing
to do here is to cancel this disavowal by fully admitting that this authentic working
class simply does not exist.
Esta misteriosa clase trabajadora cuyo impulso revolucionario es repetidamente frustrado
por polticos nacionalistas traicioneros y/o por polticos liberales, es el fetiche de algunos de
los remanentes trotskistas, de estos Hlderlins actuales del marxismo de hoy este es el
punto singular de negacin que les permite sostener su interpretacin general sobre el
estado de cosas. Esta fijacin fetichista sobre el viejo marco marxista-leninista es el opuesto
exacto de la charla de moda respecto a los nuevos paradigmas, sobre cmo debemos
dejar atrs viejos conceptos-zombis como la clase trabajadora, y as sucesivamente son
dos formas contemporneas de evitar el esfuerzo de pensar lo Nuevo que hoy est
emergiendo. Lo primero que hay que hacer aqu es cancelar el rechazo, admitiendo
completamente que esta autntica clase trabajadora simplemente no existe.
What is a Master-Signifier? In the very last pages of his monumental The Second
World War, Winston Churchill ponders on the enigma of a political decision: after the
specialists (economic and military analysts, psychologist, meteorologist) have
supplied their multiple, elaborate and military analysis, somebody must take on the
simple and, for that very reason, most difficult act of transposing this complex
multitude where for every reason for, there are two reasons against, and vice versa
into a simple yes or no: we shall attack; we shall continue to wait. this gesture
which can never be fully grounded in reasons is that of a Master. The Masters
discourse thus relies on the gap between S 2 and S1, between the chain of ordinary
signifiers and the excessive Master-signifier.
(Marx) is as such evoked even on Wall Street. What both these Marxes have in
common is the denial of politics proper, the reference to Lenin enables us to avoid these
two pitfalls.
(Marx) es as evocado inclusive en Wall Street. Lo que ambos Marx tienen en comn es el
rechazo de lo poltico, la referencia a Lenin nos habilita para evitar esas dos trampas.
So, in the same way that St. Paul and Lacan reinscribe the original teaching into a
different context (st Paul reinterprets Chriss crucifixion as his triumph; Lacan reads
Freud through the mirror-stage Saussure). Lenin violently displaces Marx, tears his
theory out of its original context, planting it in another historical moment, and thus
effectively universalizes it.
As, de la misma manera en que San Pablo y Lacan reinscriben la enseanza original en un
contexto diferente (San Pablo reinterpreta la crucifixin de Cristo como su triunfo; Lacan
lee a Freud a travs de la etapa-espejo de Saussure) Lenin desplaza violentamente a Marx,
arranca su teora del contexto original, plantndola en otro momento histrico y as
efectivamente la universaliza.
this means that the split must have already been operative in Marx himself; if a
certain ignorance of Marxs revolutionary theory was a positive condition of bringing
about a Marxist revolution, then Marxs revolutionary theory itself, although it
perceived itself as the theoretical moment of a global revolutionary praxis had to
involve a gap with regard to revolutionary practice had to misperceive the conditions
of revolutionary intervention.
Esto significa que la divisin debe de haber estado operativa ya en el mismo Marx; si una
cierta ignorancia de la teora revolucionaria de Marx fue una condicin positiva para llevar
a cabo una revolucin marxista, luego la misma teora revolucionaria de Marx, aunque
percibida a s misma como el momento terico de una praxis revolucionaria global tuvo que
involucrar un vaco con respecto a la prctica revolucionaria tuvo que desapercibir las
condiciones de la intervencin revolucionaria.
() in contrast to this false radical leftists position (who wants true democracy for
the people, but without the secret police to fight counter-revolution, without their
academic privileges being threatened), a Leninist like a conservative is authentic in the
sense of fully assuming the consequences of his choice, i.e. of being fully aware of what
it actually means to take power and to exert it.
() en contraste con esta falsa posicin radical de izquierda (que quiere verdadera
democracia para el pueblo, pero sin la polica secreta para combatir a la contrarrevolucin o
sin que sus privilegios acadmicos se vean amenazados), un leninista como un conservador
es autntico en el sentido de que asume las consecuencias de su opcin, por ejemplo: es
totalmente consciente de lo que significa tomar el poder y ejercerlo.
The third way we have to look for it this way between institutionalized parliamentary
politics and the New Social Movements.
this is the object petit a something whose authenticity cannot be represented or substantialized and
which is but a reflection of the drive to complete the (broken) circuit of enjoyment and to be reconciled
(impossible) desire itself.
Este es el pequeo objeto a algo cuya autenticidad no puede ser representada o substancializada y el cual es
un reflejo de un impulso para completar el circuito (quebrado) de goce y para reconciliar en s al deseo
(imposible).
however, Lacan refuses to comment on either term here, leaving the reader to develop an appreciation
of the concepts in the course of their use. Furthermore, Lacan insist that object petit a Should remain
untranslated, thus acquiring, as it were, the status of an algebraic sign.
Sin embargo Lacan tambin rechaza comentar el trmino aqu, dejando al lector para que desarrolle una
apropiacin de conceptos en el curso de su uso. Adems, Lacan insiste en que el pequeo objeto a debe
permanecer sin traduccin, adquiriendo as, como si fuese, el estatus de un signo algebraico.
this is the Leninist point on which one cannot and should not concede: today, actual
freedom of thought means freedom to question the prevailing liberal-democratic post-
ideological consensus or it means nothing.
este es el punto leninista sobre el cual uno no puede ni debe ceder: Hoy, la actual
libertad de pensamiento significa libertad para cuestionar el prevaleciente consenso
liberal-democrtico post-ideolgico o no significa nada.
Today perhaps from the first time in the history of humankind, our daily experience
(of biogenetics, ecology, cyberspace and Virtual Reality) compels all of us to confront
basic philosophical issues of the nature of freedom and human identity, and so on
Ahora, quizs por primera vez en la historia de la humanidad, nuestra experiencia cotidiana
(sobre biogentica, ecologa, ciberespacio y Realidad Virtual) nos impulsa a todos nosotros
a confrontar asuntos filosficos bsicos sobre la naturaleza de la libertad y de la identidad
humana, y as sucesivamente.
En febrero de 1917 Lenin era casi un emigrante poltico annimo, encallado en Zurich, sin
contactos confiables en Rusia, mayormente enterndose de los acontecimientos por medio
de la prensa suiza; en octubre de 1917 el lider la primera revolucin socialista exitosa as
que qu pas mientras tanto?
Indispensable as Lenins personal intervention was, however, we should not change
the story of the October Revolution into the story of the lone genius confronted with
the disoriented masses and gradually imposing his vision. Lenin succeeded because his
appeal, while bypassing the party nomenklatura, found and echo in what I am tempted
to call revolutionary micropolitics: the incredible explosion of grass-roots democracy,
of local committees sprouting up all around Russias big cities and, ignoring the
authority of the legitimate government, taking matters into their own hands, this is
the untold story of the October Revolution, the obverse of the myth of the tiny group
of ruthless dedicated revolutionaries which accomplished a coup d'tat.
The gap is not simply the gap between form and content: what the first revolution
misses is not the content, but the form itself it remain, stuck in the old form, thinking
that freedom and justice can be accomplished if we simply put the existing state
apparatus and its democratic mechanism to use. What if the good party wins the
free elections and legally implements socialist transformation?
El vaco no es simplemente el vaco entre la forma y el contenido: lo que la primera
revolucin pierde no es el contenido, sino la forma misma permanece, atrapada en la
vieja forma, pensando que la libertad y la justicia pueden ser logradas si simplemente
ponemos a funcionar el aparato existente del estado y su mecanismo democrtico. Y qu si
el partido bueno gana las elecciones libre y legalmente implementa la transformacin
socialista?
The nimble acrobat fails to perceive that the only subject which merits today the role of director is
the collective ego of the working class. The working class demands the right to make its mistakes and
learn the dialectic of history. Let us speak plainly. Historically, the errors committed by a truly
revolutionary movement are infinitely more fruitful than the infallibility of the cleverest Central
Committee.
El gil acrbata falla en percibir que el nico sujeto que hoy merece el rol de director es el ego colectivo
de la clase trabajadora. La clase trabajadora exige el derecho para cometer sus errores y aprender de la
dialctica de la historia. Hablemos francamente. Histricamente, los errores cometidos por un verdadero
movimiento revolucionario son infinitamente ms fructferos que la infalibilidad del ms listo Comit
Central.
Does it not, rather, bear witness to an extreme sensitivity to music that needs to be
kept in check if he is to continue the political struggle? Who among todays cynical
politicians still displays even a trace of such sensitivity?
Por otro lado, no atestigua esto una extrema sensibilidad a la msica que necesita ser
mantenida bajo control si l va a continuar con la lucha poltica? Quin entre los polticos
cnicos de hoy an muestran aunque sea una pizca de tal sensibilidad?
Is it not proof of Lenins humanity that in contrast to this supreme barbarism, which
lies in the very unproblematic, unity of high culture and political barbarism, he was
still extremely sensitive to the irreducible antagonism between art and power
struggle?
Is it not proof of Lenins humanity that in contrast to this supreme barbarism, which
lies in the very unproblematic, unity of high culture and political barbarism, he was
still extremely sensitive to the irreducible antagonism between art and power
struggle?
that he detected (and depicted) the fundamental shift in the status of political violence, from the
Leninist liberating outburst: of destructive energy to the Stalinist obscene underside of the law
Particularmente en la escena final de la segunda parte de Ivn el Terrible.
Que el detect (y represent) el cambio fundamental en el estatus de la violencia poltica, del estallido
liberador leninista: a la energa destructiva del obsceno lado bajo de la ley estalinista.
since the class war is now officially over, and the Soviet Union is concerned of as the
classless country of the people, those who (are still presumed to) oppose the regime are
no longer mere class enemies in a conflict that tears the social body apart, but enemies
of the People, vermin, worthless scum which must be excluded from humanity itself.
Desde que la lucha de clases se acab oficialmente y la Unin Sovitica estaba interesada
en ser el pas del pueblo sin clases sociales, aquellos que (an se presuma) se oponan al
rgimen ya no eran ms enemigos de clase en un conflicto que despedazaba el cuerpo
social, sino enemigos del pueblo, sabandijas, escoria despreciable que deba ser excluida de
la humanidad misma.
I also find this myth that the Putin regime is harsh but effective to be problematic. It is simply not
true. Hes just the voice of the majority of the oligarchs. His class bases are still oligarchic. As we all
know, in the financial crisis, the state used its enormous reserves to help the oligarchs much more than
ordinary people who were in trouble. () no! In every crisis, he let the ordinary people suffer to the
end. This is why I dont want to visit Russia now. Because I visited Russia six year ago, but then I
discovered that those who invited me were people who are close to Putin and they tried to appropriate
me. So now I would prefer to visit other groups in Russia and I dont want to be seen there as part of
the Putin circle.
Tambin encuentro problemtico este mito de que el Rgimen de Putin es severo pero
efectivo. Simplemente no es cierto. l es la voz de la mayora de oligarcas. Sus bases de
clase an son oligrquicas. Como sabemos, en la crisis financiera, el estado us sus
enormes reservas para ayudar a los oligarcas mucho ms que a la gente ordinaria que estaba
en problemas. () No! En cada crisis, l deja que el pueblo ordinario sufra hasta el final.
Esto es por lo cual no quiero visitar Rusia ahora. Visit Rusia hace seis aos, pero luego
descubr que aquellos que me haban invitado eran gente que est cerca de Putin y trataron
de apropiarme. As que ahora prefiero visitar a otros grupos en Rusia y no quiero ser visto
como parte del crculo de Putin.
two images of Lenin suddenly appear on the masthead, as if the strange double-
Lenin covered the missing other leader who was actually never there!
what Stalin did in the early 1930s was thus simply a return to the pre-revolutionary
policy (for example, as part of this turn, the russian colonization of Siberia and
Muslim Asia was no longer condemned as imperialist expansion, but was celebrated as
the introduction of progressive modernization that set in motion the inertia of these
traditional societies).
Lo que Stalin hizo al principio de los aos treinta fue simplemente regresar a la poltica pre-
revolucionaria (por ejemplo, como parte de su giro, la colonizacin rusa de Siberia y del
Asia musulmana no fue condenada ms como una expansin imperialista, sino que fue
celebrada como la introduccin de la modernizacin progresiva que pone en movimiento la
inercia de esas sociedades tradicionales.)
How do we invent the organizational structure which will confer on this unrest the
form of the universal political demand? Otherwise, the momentum will be lost, and all
that will remain will be marginal disturbances, perhaps organized like a new
Greenpeace, with a certain efficenciency, but also strictly limited goal, marketing
strategy and so on.
Tomemos a latinoamrica. Comenz bien y luego se perdi. Esto me hace sentir triste por lo que me importa
realmente de Egipto. Soy ms realista aqu. Lo que me interesa es el da despus (the day after). Es decir: ms
all de este momento entusiasta que nos hace sentir libres, cmo va a ser esto traducido en un nuevo orden
institucional? Cmo ser este orden? Ser algn tipo de rgimen fundamentalista islmico? O ser algo
nuevo?
and, again, the limit of these movementes is that they are not political in the sense of
the Universal Singular: they are single-issue movements which lack the dimensin
of the universality that is to say, they do not relate to the social totality.
y de Nuevo, el lmite de esos movimientos es que ellos no son polticos en el sentido del
Singular Universal: ellos son movimiento de inters-nico que carecen de la dimensin
de la universalidad es decir, no se vinculan a la totalidad social.
the structure of the universe of commodities and capital in Marxs Capital is not just
that of a limited empirical sphere, but a kind of socio-transcendental a priori, the
matrix which generates the totality of social and political relations.
La estructura del universo de mercancas y capital en El Capital de Marx no es slo
aquello de una esfera emprica limitada, sino un tipo de a priori socio-trascendental, la
matriz que genera la totalidad social y las relaciones polticas.
The field of economy is, in its very form, irreducible to politics.
El campo de la economa es en su mera forma, irreductible al de la poltica
first we have to progress from the political spectacle to its economic infraestructura;
then, in a second step, we have to confront the irreducible dimensin of the political
struggle at the very heart of the economy.
the objective consequences of ones acts are fully determined (independently of your
intentions, what you are doing now objectively serves)
so that their apparent objectivism (the focus on objective meaning) is the form
of appearance of its opposite, the thorough subjectivism: I decide what your acts
objectively mean, since I define the context of a situation.
were they REALLY at any point asked the fundamental question of what kind of new
order they actually wanted?
When an army is in retreat, a hundred times more discipline is required than when
the army is advancing and when a Menshevik says, You are now retreating; I have
been advocating retreat all the time; I agree with you, I am your man, let us retreat
together, we say in reply, For public manifestation of Menshevism our revolutionary
courts must pass the death sentence they are not our courts, but God knows what.
Cuando un ejrcito est en retirada, cientos de veces se requiere ms disciplina que cuando
se est avanzando y cuando un menchevique dice: ahora te ests retirando; he estado
abogando por el retiro todo el tiempo; estoy de acuerdo contigo, cuenta conmigo, vamos a
retirarnos juntos, podemos decir como rplica: si para la manifestacin pblica de
menchevismo nuestras cortes revolucionarias dejan pasar la pena de muerte, no son
muestras cortes, slo Dios sabe qu son.
Was part of the inherent dynamic of the October Revolution, so that the revolutionary
sequence proper ended only in 1937 the true Thermidor occurred only when the
big purges were cut short to prevent what Getty and Naumov called the complete
suicide of the party. On the party nomenklatura stabilized itself into a new class.
Fue parte de la inherente dinmica de la Revolucin de Octubre, as para que la secuencia
revolucionaria terminara propiamente slo en 1937, el verdadero termidor ocurri slo
cuando las grandes purgas fueron interrumpidas para evitar lo que Getty y Naumov
llamaron el completo suicidio del partido. La nomenklatura del partido se estabiliz a s
misma en una nueva clase.
Directly and brutally aimed at transforming the very composure of the social body,
liquidating peasants as a class of individual owners, replacing the old intelligentsia
(teachers, doctors, scientist, engineers and technicians) with a new one.
directa y brutalmente apunt a transformar la composicin del cuerpo social, liquidando a
los campesinos como a una clase de individuos poseedores, reemplazando a la vieja
intelligentsia (profesores, doctores, cientficos, ingenieros y tcnicos) por una nueva.
in the domain of historiography, the thermidor occurred with the forceful
reassertion of Russian past as progressive (including the tsars Ivan the Terrible and
Peter the Great and conservative composers like Tschaikovsky), the ordered
refocusing of history writing from anonymous mass trends toward great individuals
and their heroics acts.
the political aspect of this logic is clearly discernible: those who advocate the
transformation of capitalism into socialism without class struggle really reject socialism
and want capitalism to continue, etc.
El aspecto poltico de esta lgica es claramente discernible: aquellos que abogan por la
transformacin del capitalismo en socialismo sin la lucha de clases en realidad rechazan el
socialismo y quieren la continuacin del capitalismo, etc.
You see, therefore, that both these dangers, the left and the Right, both these deviations from the
Leninist line, the Right and the Left, lead to the same result, although from different directions.
Which of these dangers is worse? In my opinion one is as bad as the other.
Ves que en consecuencia que esos dos peligros, la izquierda y la Derecha, ambas desviaciones de la lnea
leninista, la Derecha y la izquierda, llevan al mismo resultado, aunque desde direcciones distintas. Cul de
esos peligros es el peor? En mi opinin uno es tan malo como el otro.
in all these cases the genus repeatedly overlaps (fully coincides) with one of its species.
Its function was to account for the fact that all strata of farmers, not only the wealthy ones,
resisted collectivization. () no wonder that the official ideologist and economist finally
gave up trying to provide an objective definition of Kulak () the art of identifying a
Kulak was thus no longer a matter of objective social analysis; it became the matter of a
complex hermeneutics of suspicion, of identifying an individuals true political
attitudes hidden beneath their deceptive public proclamations, so that Pravda had to
concede that even the best activist often cannot spot the Kulak.
Su funcin era la de explicar el hecho de que todos los estratos de campesinos, no slo los
ricos, resistan la colectivizacin. () sin duda que el idelogo y economista oficial
finalmente se dieron por vencidos intentando proveer de una definicin objetiva del kulak
() el arte de identificar un kulak ya no era as ms una cuestin de anlisis social
objetivo; se volvi la materia de una compleja hermenutica de la sospecha, de identificar
las verdaderas actitudes polticas de un individuo escondidas detrs de su sus engaosas
declaraciones pblicas, de modo que Pravda tena que aceptar que inclusive los mejores
activistas a menudo no pueden identificar al kulak.
the point at wich objective social analysis breaks down and the subjective political attitude
directly inscribes itself into the objective order in Lacanese, subkulak is the point of
subjectivization of the objective chain poor peasant-middle peasant-kulak.
el punto en el cual el anlisis social objetivo se viene abajo y en el que la actitud
polticamente subjetiva se inscribe a s misma directamente en el orden objetivo, en
lacaniano, subkulak es el punto de subjetivizacin de la cadena objetiva campesino
pobre campesino-medio campesino-kulak.
() traverses the entire social body of peasants, which is why he can be found every
where, in all three peasant clases.
() a traviesa el completo cuerpo social de los campesinos, que es por lo cual l puede ser
encontrado en cualquier lado, en cualquiera de las tres clases de campesino.
a formless stand-in for nothing, a part of-no part at this, the excremental leftover
functions as a direct stand-in for the Universal.
Un sustituto sin forma para nada, una parte de ninguna parte esto es, el residuo
excremental funciona como un sustituto directo para el Universal
we should not forget that concentration camps were an invention of liberal England,
dating from the Boer War; that they were also used in the US to isolate the Japanese
population, and so on.
There is, however, a key difference between the two: while the muslim is simply reduced to
the apathetic vegetative existence of a living death through physical terror, the victim of the
show trial hast to participate in his own public degradation, actively forsaking his dignity.
Hay sin embargo una diferencia clave entre los dos: mientas el muselmann simplemente es
reducido a una existencia vegetativa aptica, la de un muerto viviente a travs del terror
fsico, la vctima de los juicios-espectculo tiene que participar en su propia degradacin
pblica, renunciando activamente a su dignidad.
While in the Stalinism of the late 1930s, no one was safe, everyone could be a traitor. In
other words, the irrationality of Nazism was condensed in anti-Semitism, in its belief in
the Jewish Plot; while Stalinist irrationality pervaded the entire social body.
En el estalinismo de finales de los aos treinta, nadie estaba a salvo, cualquiera poda ser
un traidor. En otras palabras, la irracionalidad del nazismo fue condensada en el anti-
semitismo, en su creencia en el Complot Judo; mientras que la irracionalidad estalinista
impregnaba a la totalidad del cuerpo social.
The Stalinist purges of high party echelons relied on this fundamental betrayal: the accused
were effectively guilty insofar as they, as the members of the new nomenklatura, betrayed
the Revolution. The Stalinist terror is thus not simply the betrayal of the Revolution, that is
the attempt to erase the traces of the authentic revolutionary past; it rather bears witness to a
kind of imp of perversity which compels the post-revolutionary new order to (re)inscribe
its betrayed of the Revolution within itself, to reflect it or remark it in the guise of
arbitrary arrests and killings which threatened all members of the nomenklatura as in
psychoanalysis, the Stalinist confession of guilt conceals the true gilt.
Las purgas estalinistas de los altos escalones del partido dependan de su traicin
fundamental: los acusados eran efectivamente culpables en la medida en que ellos como
miembros de la nueva nomenklatura traicionaron a la Revolucin. El terror estalinista es as
no simplemente la traicin de la Revolucin, esto es, el intento de borrar las huellas del
pasado revolucionario autntico; sino que atestigua un tipo de diablillo de la perversidad
el cual impulsa al nuevo orden posrevolucionario a (re)inscribir su traicin a la Revolucin
dentro de s misma, a reflejarla o destacarla bajo la apariencia de arrestos arbitrarios y
asesinatos que amenazaban a todos los miembros de la nomenklatura. Como en el
psicoanlisis, la confesin estalinista de culpa ocultaba a la verdadera culpa.
its signals that the regime had renounced its communist vision and limited itself to a
pragmatic power politics.
seala que el rgimen haba renunciado a su visin comunista y se haba limitado a una
poltica pragmtica de poder.
This non-knowledge of the reality is part of its very essence: the social effectivity of
the exchange process is a kind of reality which is possible only on condition that the
individuals partaking in it are not aware of its proper logic; that is, a kind of reality
whose very ontological consistency implies a certain non-knowledge of its participants- if
we come to know too much to pierce the true functioning of social reality, this
reality would dissolve itself.
Este no-conocimiento de la realidad es parte de su esencia: la efectividad social del proceso
de intercambio es un tipo de realidad la cual es posible slo bajo condicin de que los
individuos que toman parte en ella no estn conscientes de su propia lgica; esto es, un tipo
de realidad cuya consistencia ontolgica implica un cierto no-conocimiento de sus
participantes- si llegamos a saber demasiado para perforar el verdadero funcionamiento
de la realidad social, esta realidad se disolvera.
Thus, we come to our first definition: Cynicism is enlightened false consciousness. It is that
modernized, unhappy consciousness, on which enlightenment has labored both successfully and in vain.
It has learned its lessons in enlightment, but it has not and probably was not able to, put them into
practice. Well-off and miserable at the same time, this consciousness no longer feels affected by any
critique of ideology; its falseness is already reflexively buffered.
De esta manera, llegamos a nuestra primera definicin: Cinismo es falsa conciencia ilustrada. Es esta
conciencia modernizada, infeliz sobre la cual la ilustracin ha trabajado tanto con xito como en vano. Ha
aprendido sus lecciones de la modernidad, pero no es -y probablemente no era- capaz de ponerlas en prctica.
Al mismo tiempo rica y miserable, esta consciencia ya no se ve afectada ms por ninguna crtica ideolgica;
su falsedad est ya reflexivamente amortiguada.
cynical distance is just one way one of many ways- to blind ourselves to the
structuring power of ideological fantasy: even if we do not take things seriously, even
if we keep an ironical distance, we are still doing them.
la distancia cnica es solo un camino uno de muchos- para cegarnos hacia el poder
estructural de la fantasa ideolgica: inclusive si nosotros no tomamos las cosas seriamente,
inclusive si mantenemos una distancia irnica, no obstante an lo seguimos haciendo.
only when the division into Master and Servant is conjugated with the division of
labour itself into intellectual and physical labour.
Slo cuando la divisin en Amo y Esclavo es conjugada con la divisin del trabajo en
trabajo intelectual y trabajo fsico.
for him ideology was always of the state and, as Engels put it, state itself is the first
ideological force.
para l la ideologa siempre fue del Estado y, como lo puso Engels, el Estado mismo es la
primera fuerza ideolgica.
we live in an era of cynicism in which we can easily imagine a protester who, having been
caught looting and burning and pressed for the reasons for his violence, will suddenly star
to talk like a social worker, sociologist or social psychologist, citing diminished social
mobility, rising economic insecurity, the disintegration of paternal authority, the lack of
material love in his early childhood. He knows what he is doing, but he does it nonetheless.
(Las cursivas son nuestras).
One is simply to say, yes, manual labour is disappearing from sight, but its still
present in terms of the millions who work in service economies, the inmigrant workers
doing the dirty jobs here, the global sweat factories in Indonesia and so on. So our
societies have to rely upon the manual labour of the working class proper.
Uno va a decir simplemente que s, que el trabajo manual est desapareciendo de la vista,
pero que an est presente en trminos de los millones que trabajan en las economas de
servicio, los trabajadores inmigrantes que hacen los trabajos sucios aqu, los talleres de
trabajo esclavo en indonesia, etc. As que nuestras sociedades tienen que apoyarse sobre el
trabajo manual de la clase trabajadora.
We need a more radical notion of the proletarian subject, a subject reduced to the
evanescent point of the Cartesian cogito, deprived of its substantial content.
Necesitamos una nocin ms radical del sujeto proletario, un sujeto reducido al punto
evanescente del cogito cartesiano, desprovisto de su contenido substancial.
it will then be enough to change and improve the model and make freedom and
equality finally appear, for real, in the flesh and blood, in the market system.
Luego sera suficiente cambiar y mejorar el modelo y hacer que la libertad y la igualdad
finalmente aparezcan, en la realidad, en carne y hueso en el sistema de Mercado
() but political thinking in marxism, when it is not practical in that way, has
exclusively to do with the economic organization of society and how people cooperate
to organize production.
(..) pero pensamiento poltico en el marxismo, cuando no es prctico en esa manera, tiene
exclusivamente que ver con la organizacin econmica de la sociedad y con el cmo la
gente coopera para organizar la produccin
instead of pleading for generous tolerance against severe justice, the old Bolshevik
redefines the meaning of severe justice itself in terms of excessive forgiveness and
generosity
So I must say this quite openly that my lacan is Millers Lacan. Prior to Miller I didnt
really understand Lacan, and this was for me a great time of education () Again,
this really opened up Lacan to me. Without that, it would be something totally
different probably. That was my big formative experience.
As que debo decir esto bastante abiertamente, que mi Lacan es el Lacan de Miller. Antes
de Miller yo no entenda realmente a Lacan, y esto fue para m una buena poca de
formacin () De nuevo, esto realmente me abri a Lacan. Sin esto, probablemente sera
algo totalmente diferente. Esa fue mi ms grande experiencia formativa.
we buy them to get the experience provided by them, we consume them in order to
render our lines pleasurable and meaningful.
las compramos para obtener la experiencia que ellas proveen, las consumismos para hacer
nuestras vidas placenteras y significativas
The point is that, in buying them, we are not merely buying and consuming, we are
simultaneously doing something meaningful, showing our capacity for care and our
global awareness, participating in a collective project the latest scientific expression
of this new spirit is the rise of a new discipline: happiness studies. How is it,
however, that in our era of spiritualized hedonism, when the goal of life is directly
defined as happiness, the number of people suffering from anxiety and depression is
exploding? It is the enigma of this selfsabotaging of happiness and pleasure which
makes Freuds message more pertinent than ever.
there is nothing more prvate tan a state community which perceives the Excluded
as a threat and worries how to keep them at a proper distance.
No hay nada ms privado que una comunidad estatal que percibe al Excluido como una
amenaza y se preocupa sobre cmo mantenerlo a una distancia apropiada.
() which pole in the antagonism between the Included and the Excluded will
hegemonize the other three?
what the book offers is not a neutral analysis but an engaged and extremely partial
one for truth is partial, accessible only when one takes sides, and is no less universal
for this reason. The side taken here is, of course, that of communism.
Or is it, more radically, that we should aim at a substraction from the hegemonic
field which, simultaneously, violently intervenes into this field, reducing it to its
occluded minimal difference?
what is difference between them are the differencies themselves, which are what
render their true differences, in a first approach, invisible the gradual classificatory
logic of this is what we share and here our differences begin breaks down.
Lo que es diferente entre ellas son las diferencias mismas, las cuales explican sus
verdaderas diferencias, en un primer acercamiento, invisible la lgica clasificatoria
gradual de esto es lo que compartimos y aqu nuestras diferencias comienzan se viene
abajo
So while we hear the prattle about Chvezs ambiguous legacy, about how he
divided his nation, when we expose him to an often deserved criticism, let us not
forget what it all was about. It was simply about the people, about the government of,
for, and by the people. All the mess was the mess created by the difficulty of realizing
such a government. With all his theatrical rhetoric, in this Chvez was sincere, he
really meant it. His failures were ours.
As que mientras omos la chchara sobre el legado ambiguo de Chvez, sobre cmo
dividi a su nacin, cuando lo expusimos a un a menudo merecido criticismo, no
olvidemos de lo que se trat. Fue simplemente sobre el pueblo, sobre el gobierno de y para
el pueblo. Todo el desorden fue el desorden creado por la dificultad de realizar tal gobierno.
Con toda su retrica teatral, en eso Chvez fue sincero, realmente lo quera. Sus fallos
fueron los nuestros.
There is an illness, I heard, when heart as organ simply grows too big and cannot function properly,
unable to pump all the blood through its widened veins. Maybe Chvez really died of having too big a heart.
Hay una enfermedad -he escuchado-, cuando un corazn como rgano- simplemente crece demasiado y no
puede funcionar apropiadamente, porque se vuelve incapaz de bombear sangre a travs de las ensanchadas
venas. Quizs Chvez muri en realidad por tener un corazn demasiado grande.
the totalitarian logic thus makes explicit, posits as such a Split that always already
from within the represented people.
la lgica totalitaria as hecha explicita, deposita como tal una divisin que ya est
siempre al interior del pueblo representado.
what is the specific character (the social content) of the totalitarian excess that
pertain to sovereign power as such, independently of its democratic or non democratic
carcter?
Cul es el carcter especifico (el contenido social) del exceso totalitario que tiene que
ver con la soberana del poder como tal, independientemente de su carcter democrtico o
no democrtico?
To put it bluntly, ultimately, they are in power in the full sovereign sense of the term,
i.e, it is not only that their representatives temporally occupy the empty place of
power, but, much more radically, they twist the very space of state re-presentation
in their direction.
Para ponerlo sin rodeos, fundamentalmente, estn en el poder en el completo sentido
soberano del trmino, esto es, no es solamente que sus representante ocupan temporalmente
el espacio vaco del poder, sino, de manera mucho ms radical, que ellos tuercen el
espacio de la re-presentacin estatal en su direccin.
the highest priorites of the ultrahighnetworth individuals are thus how to keep
security risks diseases, exposure to violent crime threats- at minimun
las altas prioridades de los individuos ultrahighnetworth son as como mantener los
riesgos de seguridad enfermedades, exposicin a amenazas de crmenes violentos- al
mnimo.
but does not the same hold for capitalism as such? Its ultmate mpetus is likewise
not to satisfy existing demands, but to create ever new demands so as to facilate its
continous expanded reproduction.
At this early point already, The Wire can be observed to be ceasing to replicate a static
reality or to be realist in the traditional mimetic and replicative sense. Here society,
on microlevels of various dimensions, is finding itself subject to deliberate processes of
transformation, to human projects, to the working out of Utopian intentions that are
not simply the forces of gravity of habit and tradition.
En este punto temprano, en The Wire se puede dejar de ver la rplica de una realidad
esttica o realista en el sentido mimtico y replicativo tradicional. Aqu la sociedad, en
micro niveles de varias dimensiones, se encuentra s misma sujeta a procesos deliberativos
de transformacin, a proyectos humanos, para trabajar intenciones utpicas que no
simplemente son las fuerzas de la gravedad propia de los hbitos y de la tradicin.
is not the mother who convinces Dangelo not to testify also mobilizing the family
utopia?
The lonely private detective or committed police officer offers a familiar plot that goes
back to romantic heroes and rebels (beginning, I suppose, with Miltons Satan). Here,
in this increasingly socialized and collective historical space, it slowly becomes clear
that genuine revolt and resistance must take the form of a conspiratorial group, of a
true collective (Sartre would call it the fused group forming within the serial mass
society)
the big other of Fate rules in a different way the system (not life) just goes on, with
no cathartic climax.
el gran otro del Destino rige de una manera diferente, el sistema (no la vida) simplemente
sigue, sin que haya un clima catrtico.
reality masks the real. The desert of the real is the abstract movement of capital,
and it was in this sense that Marx spoke of real abstraction. Or, as The Wires co-
producer Ed Burns puts it: we only allude to the real, the real is too powerful.
it harbors a much more refined insight: the only way to tell the truth is to wear a
mask. Or, as Lacan put it, the truth has the structure of fiction.
there is no reason, just the presence of a kind of unconditional ethical drive that links
the members of the conspiratorial group.
no hay razn, solo la presencia de un tipo de impulso tico incondicional que une a
los miembros del grupo conspiracional.
Jean-Luc Godard una vez propuso el lema: Ne change rien pour que tout soit different (no
cambio nada para que todo sea diferente), un inverso de algunas cosas deben cambiar
para que toda permanezca igual en algunas constelaciones, como en el de la dinmica del
capitalismo tardo, se requiere de una constante auto-revolucin para mantener el sistema,
aquellos que rechazan cambiar algo son efectivamente el agente del cambio: efectan un
cambio en el principio del cambio.
() is thus something like the notorious dark matter of physics, the counterpoint to
an all-too-visible subjective violence. It may be invisible, but it has to be taken into
account if one is to make sense of what otherwise seem to be irrational explosions of
subjective violence.
to see the true nature of things, we need the glasses off to see reality directly as it is,
we are naturally in ideology, our natural sight is ideological.
para ver la verdadera naturaleza de las cosas, necesitamos quitarnos las gafas para
ver la realidad directamente como es; no estamos naturalmente en la ideologa,
nuestra visin natural es ideolgica.
The past has left images of itself in literary texts, images comparable to those which
are imprinted by light on a photo sensitive plate. The future alone possesses
developers active enough to scan such surfaces perfectly. Many pages in Marivoux or
Rosseau contain a mysterious meaning which the first readers of these texts could not
fully have deciphered. Andr Monglond, Le Prromantisme franais, vol. 1, L Hros
prrromantique (Grenohle, 1930), p.xii
however, it is only those who take up an engaged subjective position, subjects who
desire to see, who can truly identify a miracle.
Sin embargo, son solo aquellos que asumen una posicin subjetiva comprometida,
sujetos que desean ver, quienes pueden de verdad identificar un milagro.
the success of a revolution should not be measured by the sublime awe of its ecstatic
moments, but by the changes the big Event leaves at the level of the everyday, the day
after the insurrection.
or, more radically, should we change the field entirely, recognizing that the
alternative is just proposed simply represent two sides of the same coin, that is, of the
teleological -redemptive notion of history
O ms radicalmente, debemos cambiar el campo entero, reconociendo que la
alternativa propuesta simplemente representa dos lados de la misma moneda, esto es,
de la nocin teleolgica-redenditiva de la historia.
Esto, sin embargo, nos lleva a la antinomia fundamental del comunismo: la palabra
designa simultneamente (1) una sociedad futura de libertad y plenitud, y (2) el
movimiento poltico presente no como una solucin (a todos nuestro problemas), sino
como siendo l mismo el nombre de un problema a ser resuelto: cmo podemos ir
ms all de los antagonismos de la sociedad existente sin reproducirlos a un nivel
diferente? Este problema es mucho ms radical que el tpico reproche de que el
comunismo utiliza medios (ya sean violentos, terroristas, disciplinarios) que estn en
flagrante contradiccin con su meta, por lo que slo lo socava.