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Author(s): T. R. Bryce
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Source: Historia: Zeitschrift fr Alte Geschichte, Bd. 26, H. 1 (1st Qtr., 1977), pp. 24-32
Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag
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AHHIYAWA AND TROY - A CASE OF MISTAKEN IDENTITY?
The problems associated with the Ahhiyawans of the Hittite texts have
engaged the attention of numerous Hittitologists and other Near Eastern
scholars for much of this century. While Forrer's claim that the Ahhiyawans
were Bronze Age AchaeansI has gained fairly widespread acceptance, the
identification has not gone unchallenged. Sommer, for example, argued that
the texts give no indication that Ahhiyawa was anything other than an
Anatolian power2. And more recently a similar stand has been taken by
Steiner (amongst others), who in a comprehensive review of the Ahhiyawan
question reasserts thlat there is neither philological, historical, nor archaeo-
logical evidence to support the equation of the land of Ahhiyawa with a
Mycenaean-Greek land of the Achaeans ".
The question of the Ahhiyawans' ethnic affiliations obviously has an
important bearing on the problems associated with the actual localisation of
Ahhiyawa. Was it a kingdom of mainland Greece, as some of the supporters
of the "Achaean school" maintain4, or did it lie closer to the territories
subject to Hittite control,'? In a recent discussion of the relevant source
terraneanor Aegean. Amongst the various locations suggestedare the Troad area of north
westernAnatolia (discussedbelow), Ionia, northernCaria, Pamphylia,Cilicia, Samos,Crete,
Cyprus, Rhodes. For a summaryof these proposals,see Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, Ana-
tolian evidence for relationswith the west in the Late Bronze Age in R. A. Crosslandand
Historia, Band XXVI/1 (1977) i Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, D-6200 Wiesbaden
Ahhiyawa and Troy - A Caseof MistakenIdentity? 25
Ann Birchall, Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, London (1973) (hereafter cited as
Anatolian evidence), pp. 143-146. One should also note the possibility mentionedby Hou-
wink ten Cate that the termAhhiya(wa) "widenedconsiderablyin its applicationduring the
fourteenthand thirteenthcenturiesand that it does not refer to one and the same geographi-
cal entity" (p. 146).
" See J. D. Muhly, Hittites and Acbaeans:Ahhijawacredomitus,Historia, 23 (1974), pp.
129-145, and cf. A. Goetze, review of AU, Gnomon, 10 (1934), pp. 177-183, Kleinasien,
Kulturgeschichtedes Alten Orients, 2 Neubearb. Munich (1957), p. 183 and map, Seton
Lloyd, Early Highland Peoples of Anatolia, London (1967), p. 17 (map), J. Macqueen,
Geography and History in Western Asia Minor in the Second Millennium B. C., AS, 18
(1968), pp. 178 ff., J. Mellaart,Anatolian Tradewith Europeand Anatolian Geographyand
Culture Provinces in the Late Bronze Age, AS, 18 (1968), pp. 187-202, and Houwink ten
Cate, Anatolian evidence, p. 148.
7 D. L. Page, History and the Homeric Iliad, CUP (1959) (hereafter cited as HHI),
Chapter 1. For referencesto earlierproposersof the Rhodes identification,see Houwink ten
Cate, Anatolian evidence,pp. 143-44.
8 KUB XIV 3. The text and German translation appear in AU chapter I. A partial
translationin English appears in J. Garstang and 0. R. Gurney, The Geography of the
Hittite Empire, Occasional Publicationsof the British Institute of Archaeologyin Ankara
No. 5 (1959), pp. 111-114. Neither the Hittite nor the Ahhiyawan king's name appearsin
the document,and there is some doubt as to the period of its composition.However, a clue
may be provided by the document KUB XIX 5 (+ KBo XIX 79), a letter written by
Manapa-Tarhundas,the king of the Seha River Land during the reigns of MursilisII and
Muwatallis, and referring to Atpas and Piyamaraduswho also figure in the Tawagalawas
letter. The authorof this latter document,then, could be either Mursilisor Muwatallis.(Cf.
Cavaignac, La lettre Tavagalava, RHA, 3 (1933), pp. 100-104, Huxley, Achaeansand
Hittites, p. 2, and Macqueen,Geographyand History, p. 180 no. 104 who argues for a
dating to c. 1310-1300 B. C.), or possibly even Hattusilis III (cf. H. G. Giiterbock,Neue
Ahbijava-Texte,ZA, N F 9, p. 327, Page, HHI pp. 32-33, n. 43, Houwink ten Cate, Ana-
tolian evidence, p. 150.). 9 AU I, III, 52 ff. 10 HHI p. 14.
26 T. R. BRYCE
18 e.g. with Cyprus, illustrated by the discoveriesof Cypriot White Slip Ware in the
depositsof late Troy VI and VIIa (see C. Blegen, Troy IV, I, 9) and with the ports of the
Levant, illustratedby the discovery of "pottery in the Levanto-Helladicpictorial style and
with Levanto-Mycenaeanshapes" (Macqueen,Geography and History, pp. 183-84, who
cites Blegen Troy III, I, 340, 347, and Troy III, I, 44).
AhhiyawaandTroy- A Caseof MistakenIdentity? 27
contacts between Ahhiyawa and this area19.The Troad, then, must be re-
garded as a seriouscontenderfor the location of the Ahhiyawan centre of
power, a location which Houwink ten Cate arrivesat "by processof elimi-
nation"20, and one which Muhly claims fits all of Page's specifications21.At
the same time, the argumentsagainst Page's theory are by no meansirrefut-
able. Rhodescould still have been the centreof Ahhiyawan power, while the
Ahhiyawansexercisedfrom time to time somecontrol over certainmainland
territories22whichbroughtthem into conflict with the Hittites23.
But grantedthat there are certainreservationsabout a Troad location for
Ahhiyawa, there are also many points in its favour, and it may not be pre-
mature to considersome of its important implications.The first and most
obvious of these is that the Ahhiyawansof the Hittite texts may have been
the Trojans of the Iliad. And perhapsTroy itself was the royal citadel of
Ahhiyawa. Does this mean that Homer's Trojanswere in fact Greeks?Not
so, if we follow Sommer,who argued that the Hittite texts indicate that
Ahhiyawa was a purely Anatolian power, a point which is stressed by
Steiner24 and Muhly 25. And Muhly is not preparedto go any further than
suggestingthat the Ahhiyawanswere "mostprobablyIndo-Europeans,relat-
ed in some way to the Indo-Europeansof the Greek mainland""6.Tangible
evidence of such a relationshiphas been found in the Gray Minyan Ware
discovered in Troy VI - a pottery type which seems to have been largely
confined to the inhabitantsof Troy VI and the Greekspeakingpeopleswho
19 Such contacts have also been inferred from KUB XXIII 1 (= AU XVII), discussed
by 0. R. Gurney, The Hittites, Penguin (1952), pp. 50-52, Huxley, Achaeansand Hittites,
p. 8 and p. 11, Macqueen,Geographyand History, p. 184, Houwink ten Cate, Anatolian
evidence, p. 146. 20 Anatolian evidence, p. 148.
21 Hittites and Achaeans,p. 134. The proposal is greatly reinforced if Lazpas of the
Hittite texts can be identified with Lesbos.In one of these texts (See AU p. 282) the "god of
Ahhiyawa"and the "god of Lazpas"are associatedin sucha way as to suggestgeographical
proximity between the two countries (see Huxley, Achaeansand Hittites, p. 5 and p. 13).
The identification was originally suggestedby Forrer (MDOG 63 p. 14, Forschungen11
pp. 90ff.) and supported e.g. by Goetze (tentatively) (Kleinasien2,map), Garstang and
Gurney (The Geography of the Hittite Empire, p. 96), and Macqueen (Geography and
History, p. 179). But contrastPage, HHI, p. 24.
22 Most notably Millawanda,which at the time of the Tawagalawasletter seemsto have
been subjectto Ahhiyawaninfluence. (Cf. also KUB XIV, 15, I, 24 where referenceis made
to an alliance between Ahhiyawa and Millawanda in the third year of Mursilis' reign.)
However at the time of the "Milawataletter" (KUB XIX 55) Millawanda appearsto have
been regardedas a Hittite vassal (see Huxley, Achaeansand Hittites, pp. 2-3, Gurney, The
Hittites, p. 50, Garstangand Gurney, The Geographyof the Hittite Empirep. 81, Schacher-
meyr, Hethiter und Acbher,p. 34, Stubbings,CAH II. 2 (3rd ed.), p. 340.
23 There is an explicit reference to the Ahhiyawan king's presence on the Asia Minor
27 For various discussionsof the Minyan pottery, see the referencesin Macqueen,Geo-
graphyand History p. 184 and Muhly,Hittites and Achaeans,pp. 135-136 n. 42.
*8 HHI, p. 56. 29 Geographyand History, p. 185.
30 See, for example, the discussionby P. Kretschmer, Die Hypachder,Glotta, 21 (1933),
pp. 251-252. Cf. Garstangand Gurney,The Geographyof the Hittite Empire,p. 105.
11 The notion of an "AssuwanConfederacy"is based on KUB XXIII 11 and 12 (trans-
lated in Garstangand Gurney, The Geographyof the Hittite Empire,pp. 121-123) which
refers to a Hittite king's conquest of twenty-two countriesfollowed by a referenceto the
land of Assuwa, which presumablyincorporatesthe countries listed before it. The text is
traditionally assignedto the reign of TudhaliyasIV (or III?). For the problemsassociated
with the sequence and numberingof the Hittite kings, see the referencescited by Muhly,
Achaeansand Hittites, p. 130 n. 7). It is now consideredlikely that at least part of the text
belongs to the reign of TudhaliyasII (or I?). See Houwink ten Cate, The Recordsof the
Early Hittite Empire (c. 1450-1380), Istanbul (1970), p. 62 and p. 72, Gurney, CAH II.
2 (3rd ed.), p. 678, and Macqueen,Geographyand History p. 178. But on the question of
the re-datingof this and other Hittite texts, see Muhly, pp. 143-145. Muhlyconcludes:"The
evidence thus far presentedregardingthe re-datingof the Madduwattastext and the Annals
of TudhaliyasIII is inconclusiveand thereis, at this time, no reasonto changethe traditional
dating."
32 The actual location of the countriesconcernedis a matterof some dispute.Page (HHI,
pp. 102ff.) and Huxley (Achaeansand Hittites, p. 33) claim that the confederacycovered
the whole of western Asia Minor from the Troad to Lycia. Macqueen,however, rejectsthe
notion of sucha widespreadconfederacyextendingfrom the far north west to the far south
west, and proposesa location for Assuwaalong the southshore of the Propontis(Geography
and History, p. 178). A more widely held view places Assuwa somewherebetween Miletus
and the Troad, and more precisely in the region of Lydia (cf. Goetze, Kleinasien2,map,
Garstangand Gurney,The Geographyof the Hittite Empire,pp. 105-107, Huxley, Achaeans
and Hittites, p. 33. G. M. A. Hanfmann, Arcbaeologyin Homeric Asia Minor, AJA, 52,
(1948), p. 152 n. 81 refers to Goetze's and Bossert'sdiscussionof the relation of Assuwa to
later Lydia). On this basis, several scholarshave suggestedthat Assuwa may be the original
of Asia which, as Stubbingspoints out, was applied in Roman times to just that area (F.
Stubbings,CAH II. 2 (3rd ed.), p. 341. The identificationwas originallyproposedby Forrer
and later supported by Goetze (tentatively) and Bossert (referred to by Albright, Some
Ahhiyawaand Troy - A Caseof MistakenIdentity? 29
Oriental Glosses on the Homeric Problem, AJA 54 (1950), p. 168). Albright, however,
objectsto this identificationon both linguisticand historicalgrounds,and favours Hrozny's
identificationwith Assos in the southernTroad (op. cit. pp. 168-69).
Th3
le first, and probablythe southernmostplace in the confederacyappearsin the text
as ... ugga. It is generallyrestoredas Lugga/Luqqa(see, e.g. Huxley, Achaeansand Hittites
p. 33 and Macqueen,Geographyand History, p. 178), and this seems the most plausible
suggestion.Garstang and Gurney, however, suggest that the name should be restored as
Arduqqa(The Geographyof the Hittite Empire,pp. 106-107). I have arguedelsewherethat
at least one groupof Lukka settlementslay in the vicinity of Miletus (The Lukka Problem-
and a Possible Solution, JNES, 33, (1974), pp. 395-404) which might thus indicate a south-
ern limit for the confederacy. 34 Muhly,Achaeansand Hittites, p. 135.
35 They appearin the text as KUR URU U - i - lu - si - ia and KUR URU Ta - ru - i- sa.
36 This seems clear from Rev. 4-6 of the text. Garstang and Gurney translate: "And
afterwards Kukkullis made a rebellion, and he incited the 10,000 foot-soldiers and the
600 'lords of the bridle' of the land of Assuwa and created a rebellion." (The Geography
of the Hittite Empire,p. 22).
s" Doublets of the Wilusa-Wilusiyatype are quite common. Houwink ten Cate lists the
following examples: Huwalusa - Huwalusiya, Arzawa - Arzawiya, Hulassa - Hulassiya,
Marassanta- Marassantiya,Sananta- Sanantiya,Zithara- Zithariya (JNES, 25 (1966), p.
186). It may be that Wilusiya designated a city, and Wilusa the surroundingcountry (a
suggestionmade to me by ProfessorHouwink ten Cate).
30 T. R. BRYCE
42 i.e. mid 13th century B.C. For archaeologicalevidence of Mycenaean contacts with
western Asia Minor during this period, see the referencescited by Muhly, Hittites and
Achaeansp. 134, and especially nn. 32-34. Miletus (= Millawanda?)in particularcame
under strongMycenaeaninfluence duringthe 14th century(See e.g. C. Weickert,Neue Aus-
grabungenim Mittelmeergebietund im Vorderen Orient, Berlin (1959), pp. 181-196 and
IstanbulerMitteilungen9/10 (1959-60), pp. 1-96). Very likely Miletus borderedon Lukka
territory (see most recentlymy article The LukkaProblem- and a PossibleSolution,JNES,
33 (1974), p. 401), and Lukkawas probablythe southernmostmemberof the AssuwanCon-
federacy (see above, n. 32).
43 The "TrojanCatalogue"is fairly widely regardedas an authenticsurvival of the Late
Bronze Age. Cf. Huxley, Achaeansand Hittites, p. 31 (where Huxley refers to the con-
clusions of Leaf, Allen, and Page), A. J. B. Wace and F. H. Stubbings,A Companionto
Homer, London (1962), pp. 284-285, and StubbingsCAH II. 2 (3rd ed.), pp. 349-350,
Macqueen,Geographyand History, p. 178 n. 77. For a comparisonof the Assuwan Con-
federacy with the Trojan Catalogue,see Huxley, op. cit., pp. 33-36. One significantdiffer-
ence, as Stubbings points out, is that Homer's Catalogue includes Trojan allies on the
Europeanside of the Hellespont - Thracians,Cicones, Paeonians- who are not mentioned
in the Assuwanlist.
Ahhiyawaand Troy - A Caseof MistakenIdentity? 31
place before the destructionof Troy VIla. Attarissiyas'ability to take suchoffensive action
hardly suggeststhat the royal citadel of his homelandhad recentlybeen devastated.