ENGLISH is a colonial language that was used to undermine the countrys native languages and destroy the culture of

Zimbabweans, Minister of Information, Media and Broadcasting Services Dr Chris Mushohwe has said.

Dr Mushohwe, who will be officially launching the 16 constitutionally recognised languages bulletins at ZBC in Bulawayo today
was in Binga, Matabeleland North yesterday to meet content producers who will participate in the digitalisation programme. He
was accompanied by his Deputy Thokozile Mathuthu, Permanent Secretary George Charamba and officials from the Broadcasting
Authority of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, Transmedia Corporation and Zimbabwe Film and Television
School of South Africa.

Dr Mushohwe told Binga artistes that while the country attained independence in 1980, the minds of Zimbabweans were not yet
psychologically free from colonial bondage.

English is a colonial language. Foreign languages were the most useful weapons used to colonise African countries. Right from
Algeria to South Africa, they were used in the destruction of native languages. We drank too much colonial poison and we must
correct that. We want to clean that contamination in our mindset and have all languages being read in the news, said Minister
Mushohwe.

The minister said unless Zimbabweans restored their culture and languages, they will forever be slaves of colonisers.

Learning of languages has to be reciprocal. There is no language that is superior than the other. We have to learn to appreciate
and respect our own culture. Its embarrassing that some of our children go overseas and refuse to identify with us when they
come back. We all have a job to clean this mess, said Minister Mushohwe.

The digitalisation project, he added, and the Governments 75 percent local content policy will help the nation rediscover itself.

This mobilisation tour is meant to encourage our artistes and make them realise that they have a big role to play in helping the
country reclaim its identity. Its going to be an exciting process where we have different content producers showing us the
different cultures we have in Zimbabwe through our own languages, said Minister Mushohwe.

Minister Mushohwe, who started his tour in Victoria Falls on Thursday before proceeding to Hwange on Friday and Binga
yesterday said he was excited about the overwhelming response by content producers.

The reception is amazing. The content producers are natural artistes and Im happy about the excitement they are exhibiting
about the digitalisation project. Im certain that it will be followed by action to sustain this project. Traditional leaders have also
exhibited maximum support and I appreciate that, said Minister Mushohwe.

He, however , said he was feeling guilty that Binga was one of the areas that was not receiving Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation signals, making it difficult to disseminate information to them.

Binga is one of the places that makes me feel guilty on behalf of the Government. Im the spokesperson for the Government and
I cant say Ive succeeded in disseminating information when theres no ZBC television here. Im actually humbled by the
response because people in Binga are not privileged to see our advertisements on television. They associate more with news from
Zambia, said the minister.

Government, he added, would soon remedy the gap so that people in Binga receive signals.

When I joined the ministry I insisted that digitalisation must start in Binga. That position will not change because we have a debt
to pay, said Minister Mushohwe.

Charamba said Government had installed a tower in Binga, with a batch of transmitters already in the country to cater for the
tower.

The tower still needs to be equipped with transmitters. A batch of transmitters are already in the country and these will cater for
the Binga tower. This will be done expeditiously, said Charamba.

He said Government was also working on establishing public viewing centers in the district as part of the digitalisation project.

Yesterdays meeting was also attended by veteran artist Cont Mhlanga, who is assisting film producers in the area to improve their
skills. The local leadership, Zanu-PF officials, Government officials and were also part of the meeting.
Meanwhile, ZBC general manager News and Current Affairs Mr Tazzen Mandizvidza told the Sunday News that the broadcaster
places high value on local languages.

Some of the languages that were already on air before are Tonga, Venda, Nambya and Sotho.

We are introducing five more languages to make them nine and the Minister of Media and Broadcasting Services Dr Christopher
Mushowe will officially launch the whole project of bulletins in vernacular. The languages were on radio before on National FM
but we are saying they deserve the same priority as other languages. It is in line with the Constitution but we feel as the national
broadcaster we want to be seen giving them the priority that they deserve, said Mr Mandizvidza.

He added that they have been on the hunt for qualified personnel to air the programmes. When we introduced these programmes
on radio, the first challenge was that we did not have qualified people. Most people who could speak the languages did not have
journalism qualifications, some were teachers, and court interpreters while others had various qualifications. The first process was
to say lets introduce them on radio then train the people. We taught them radio broadcasting and now they have the requisite
qualifications. We then moved to have the languages on television and we looked to see if we had qualified people to read and
write them, he added.

Mr Mandizvidza said the language bulletins were being done in phases. Mr Mandizvidza said it was a plus that the languages were
now on radio and television.

We want Montrose studios to champion the growth of Zimbabwean culture, when you bring in the language you are
incorporating culture and this place will lead in the preservation of culture and language.

https://www.panafricanvisions.com/2017/english-used-undermine-zimbabwes-native-languages/

Abstract
The general assumption in this study was that the status of native languages in Zimbabwe was deteriorating while that of the
English language was fast growing. No studies had been done on the issue, so this study aimed at exploring the impact of the
English language on the Zimbabwean native languages since independence (19801999). ^ The data for this study were collected
through literature searches, formal and informal observations of language use by Zimbabweans, and structured audio-taped
interviews. Analysis of the data was done following the historical and phenomenological paradigms. ^ Results showed that
English indeed impacted the native languages of Zimbabwe in the following aspects: school instruction, social and economic
status, prestige, power, the job market, communication, the media, political administration, and culture. Shona and Ndebele are
also considered official languages. Various minority languages and dialects continue to be threatened. Native people indicated a
willingness to learn English even at the expense of their own native languages because of the perceived economic, social and
political advantages it brings. ^ General recommendations made from the study are as follows: (1) Raising the awareness of
Zimbabwean people of the need and importance of all their native languages in their lives. (2) Language policy decisions should
start at the grassroots level rather than being imposed from above. (3) Native languages should play a complementary role in the
education of children. (4) Schools and mass media should provide programs that enhance native languages and native cultures. ^
Further studies could explore language policy decisions, implementation and enforcement, minority languages, cultural and
religious imperialism, how negative attitudes towards native languages can be changed and native languages and education. ^
Subject Area
Language, Modern|Anthropology, Cultural|History, African
Recommended Citation
Moyo, Doreen Tarirai, "The impact of the English language in Zimbabwe: A phenomenological and historical study, 1980--1999"
(2000). ETD collection for University of Nebraska - Lincoln. AAI9997016.
http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/dissertations/AAI9997016

Si, Parliamo Itangliano, Baby! Italian English Revisited

Tania Botticella Copyright 2007

Itangliano: The Emergence of a Language

In 1989, Anna Dunlop published what is now a rather infamous review of Giacomo Elliots Parliamo Itangliano? (1977).
Dunlop takes a playful look at the book, which chronicles the Italian fascination with English words, going along with Elliots
tongue and cheek look at how English is misused when adopted by Italian speakers. Underlying what Dunlop calls the wit of
Elliots book, however, is a presupposition about the so-coined Itangliano that she herself fails to questionItangliano, which
McArthur defines as highly Anglicized Italian [] a 1970s blend in Italian of italiano and anglo is assumed to be the somewhat
endearing, but misguided child of the Italian and English languages (McArthur 155). The implication of Elliots book, and indeed
Dunlops review, is that while Itangliano is an amusing cultural and linguistic phenomenon, it does not deserve serious
consideration by linguistic scholars (unless, of course, academics are looking for evidence of how the English language faced a
bastardization by English as a Foreign Language speakers).

Nearly 30 years have passed since Elliot first released his book to the Italian public and 18 since the Dunlop article
appeared in English Today. Today, the landscape of linguistic studies has very much changed. Linguist Margie Berns, for instance,
explores the current state of studies devoted to Expanding Circles of Englishwhat might more aptly be called the growing
sociolinguistic phenomenon of World English. According to Berns (2005), scholarship has yet to grasp the sociolinguistic
reality of English in the world today (85). While adequate studies of Western and Northern Europe, as well as Japan exist, critical
work on Southern and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, North Africa, and South Africa is severely lacking. In other words, the full
impact of English as a global language has yet to fully register in academia.

Itangliano and the Fate of World English (WE)

As Berns argues, the role of English in the Expanding Circle (nations where English is a Foreign language), which includes
Southern European countries such as Italy deserves more attention. In this context, the potential presence of Itangliano in Italy
and perhaps even in other nations that Italian immigrants call homecannot be ignored. Drawing on current debates about the
status of English as an International language, this study revisits the notion of Itangliano, and more precisely, re-evaluates the
cultural and linguistic significance of this potential language. This re-examination suggests that the particularities of Itangliano
and by extension other hybridized languages such as Franglais (French and English), Singhlese (Sinhala and
English), Chinglish (Chinese and English) work to complicate the notion that the spread of World English (WE) necessarily
indicates that a form of Standard English (SE) is being imposed across the globe. In effect, the more positively
defined Itangliano serves as the starting point for linguistic theory that reconsiders the function of English as a World Language.

Italian English in Context

This section frames the discussion of English in Italy within the context of previous scholarship, historical and present
attitudes toward English in Italy, and more generally, within current debates about Euro-English and English as a global language.
Moreover, it explores how the rise of Italian English relates to issues of Italian national identity, globalization, and the mass
importation of not only American and British products, but also English/American culture.

A Historical Overview: English in Italy Pre-1900

As linguistic scholars such as Arturo Tosi and Virginia Puclini note, the use of English in Italy explodes in the last half of
the 20th century, much like in other European countries. However, the current popularity of Itangliano, or Italian English, must be
situated within the phenomenon of Europeanisation, and indeed, the contact promoted between Italian and English colonies
dating back to the 13th and 14th centuries. During the medieval period, English began to infiltrate the Italian language and
concerned terms used by Italian merchants for banking and trading across the Channel (Tosi 208). In the centuries that followed,
terms that reflected progress in parliamentary democracy were adopted and reconstituted by the Italian language
(committee comitato; consitution costituzione; legislature legislatura). Later, when French became the first recognized
foreign language in Italy, other channels such as arts and literature became more proficient methods of promoting language
contact in the nation; it was generally a small number of the elite that frequently used French borrowings such
as restaurant, buffet, and trousseau, which interestingly now see more wide-spread use in Italian, as well as English.

However, with the new industrial revolution came a resurgence of interest in English, as the production of industrial
commodities for mass consumption was centered on Britain (Tosi 209). New English words were used to describe innovations in
technology and transport, among them locomotive (which was Italianized with locomotiva) and others that remained English
loanwords (ferry boat, yacht, tandem, tunnel) (209). Of course, popular culture also did much at this time to spread English
lexemesindustries such as sports (football and rugby), leisure (poker and bridge), food (teat; whisky; sandwich), and clothing
(tight, smoking, plaid) influenced the trajectory of English loanwords, and more urgently, the fate of Italian English in the
20th century.

New Linguistic Frontiers: Italian Immigrants Abroad and Mussolinis Legacy

 At the turn of the 19 th century, the influx of Italian immigrants heading to so-called New WorldsAmerica, Canada, and
Australiafrom all over Italy, especially the South, impacted the direction of Italian English domestically and abroad. The first
wave of Italian immigrants, many of whom went in discovery of improved economic conditions, were largely responsible for this
new interest in forms of English that existed outside of Britain. In particular, American culture began to infiltrate the shores of
Italy in connection with economic and material prosperity, and of course, the very real notion of the American Dream. As
Pulcini observes, the influx of Italian immigrants that made their way to English colonies affected attitudes toward the English
language in two very significant, almost contradictory ways: on the one hand, America, and in turn the English language, was seen
as a promised land of job opportunities, of freedom and of democracy; on the other, the harsh realities of New World life that
many emigrants reported, along with the material, middle-class values of Americans, led to general attitudes of suspicion and
distrust amongst Italians toward nations such as the United States, and indeed, the English language (Pulcini 1997; 78).

As a direct result of these conflicting attitudes toward New World life, the early borrowings of American origin show a picture of
a country perceived as being between life in the wild and a futuristic society, which is indicated by loanwords such as Far West,
cowboy, and skyscraper (later gratticielo in Italian) (Tosi 209). In an effort to build a solid national identity in the country,
attitudes toward English, and particularly American culture, became increasingly negative. These attitudes took a drastic turn
under Mussolini and his fascist regime, which took hold of the Italian nation in 1922. According to Pulcini, Fascism transformed
existing rhetorical and literary concerns into a xenophobic campaign (1997; 80). Under Mussolni, foreign words were effectively
banned from public street signs, advertisements, and media communications. In 1940, the Accademia dItalia (Italian Academy)
instituted a list of Italian substitutions for foreign words; violators caught using loanwords were subjected to fines and in extreme
cases, even imprisonment. In essence, the English language was associated with values pertaining to cosmopolitanism,
modernization, and globalizationvalues, of course, that violently conflicted with the fascist agenda.

On the Other Side: Fascism Falls, English Rises in Italy

These extreme measures taken with respect to the import of foreign loanwords, ironically, led to the popularity that foreign
languages enjoyed in Italy after the fall of the fascist regime (1945), especially with regard to English. Tosi argues: The new
stream of borrowings after the Second World War was encouraged by the positive image of the English-speaking countries that
had helped to liberate Europe from Nazism (209). In other words, this new cosmopolitan view toward the English language
which, for a long time, had been suppressed in Italywas understood to release Italy from oppressive forms of nationalism that
dominated during Mussolinis reign. As the rising middle class in Italy had frequently more access to the arts, leisure activities,
and film, English began to make more of a firm mark on the Italian language during the 1950s and 60s; words and phrases such
as part time, supermarket, teenager, sex appeal, show, blue jeans, and jazz all made their debuts as borrowed English lexemes.
Young people felt attracted by American non-conformism, Tosi observes, and by alternative subculture as music was perceived
as a powerful channel for solidarity and collective action (210). In this respect, the English language was bestowed with a
powerful form of cache in the nationit carried with it not only changes to the linguistic landscape of the country, but also a form
of ideology that was, for many Italians, a symbol of counter-culture, revolution, and change.

English in the European Union and Euro-English

The widespread use of English in European nations where English is the not the native language, as well as Englishs role
in the communications of many transnational companies, has made English straightforwardly the lingua franca of both the
Continent at large and of the European Union (McArthur 157). The official working languages of the EU are English and
French, with Danish, Dutch, English, Finnish, French, German, Greek, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, and Swedish all being
afforded official language status. In this respect, the learning and practice of English in terms of political power in European union
is integral for Italy as a nation. However, Englishs status as the unofficial lingua franca of the EU designates not a standard form
of English, but instead, what is now commonly known as Euro-English (the form of English spoken by countries outside of the
UK and Ireland). English represents neutral ground, McArthur writes, and might have been the EU lingua franca even if the
UK and Ireland had not been members. English is the second language in all other EU countries in terms of education and
employment prospects (158). Euro-English, then, serves as the link language that unites European countries in political
concerns and intellectual exchanges, the less formal Italian English serving as dialect that promotes and serves the particularities
of the Italian nation. This allows for individual countries such as Italy to negotiate between often conflicting notions of English as
a World Language (WE); the global power of English can be harnessed at the local level to promote forms of intranational
and international connectivity.

English as Power? The Role of English as a Lingua Franca in Italy

The Italian education system, its business sector, and government have granted English a more formal status within the
nation. In this respect, Italian Englishthe form of language used in interpersonal and informal communication amongst Italians
seemingly differs from the standard form of English promoted in public sectors and private business. This section explores the
role of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) within Italy and queries whether these more standard forms of English do indeed
conflict with the status that Italian English has gained as a pidgin or creole language.
English in the Education System

In the 1970s and the 1980s, many Italian parents took measures to ensure that their children received instruction in the
English language. Some parents rejected schools on the basis that they did not provide English instruction and members of the
elite class bought their children night classes and summers abroad in Britain or America. As Tosi points out, Fluency in English
was soon perceived not only as an advantage in life but also as a mark of social prestige (210). Some elites even took to
petitioning the Italian government for schools that offered full English immersion. However, the last decade has seen a change in
terms of those that have access to English as a Foreign Language instruction in the country. In 1985, the National Curriculum
endeavored to promote the study of foreign languages, and in 1990, foreign languages became an integral component of
elementary instruction. According to Pulcini, English is currently studied by 60% of Italian students, followed by French at 35%
(Pulcini 2002; 157). Demand for English language instruction has risen so greatly within Italy that the nation has seen a sharp
decrease in French language posts and a dramatic increase for EFL teachers. Monica Vittadini, on a prominent website for EFL
teachers, One Stop English, writes of the current situation with regard to the teaching of English in Italian elementary schools:

pupils are now more aware of foreign languages due to satellite TV programmes, the Internet, and magazines, and it is more and
more difficult to satisfy their needs and interests and find out something really new and exciting: a song or a game they havent
already experienced in the international fun club of their hotel during the last summer holidays, a cartoon or film hero they havent
already met on TV or in his official site. Moreover, parents have a lot of expectations because speaking English is seen as a
must for your life and your job (Italy: Two Letters).

Teacher Suzanne McCallion concurs, remarking of English that you will often hear it being expressed as a passport to the world
(Italy: Two Letters). Two conflicting ideas of English, then, often present themselves within English language instruction in
schools: on the one hand, instructors attempt to promote English as the Worlds lingua franca, and on the other, they cannot deny
the cultural, less tangible impact of the language on Italian students.

In Italian universities, English is studied as part of the Modern Languages program but recently it has become part of the
curriculum for non-specialists who need to acquire proficiency for special academic purposes e.g., in the Faculties of Engineering,
Law, Economics, Mathematics, Political Sciences, and Arts (Italian, History, Philosophy, Communication Sciences) (Pulcini
1997; 82-83). Within universities, English continues to play an important role in academics, sometimes even serving as the link
language that promotes a sense of intellectual connectivity amongst European nations.

Italian English and Industry

These conflicted notions toward high and low notions of English are present in Italys business, advertising, media, and
electronic industries. As Pulcini notes, the incidence of English words in the global lexicon seems to be low, but it is much higher
in the microlanguages of special disciplines, such as computer science, marketing, advertising, business and economics (Pulcini
1997; 79). Instruction manuals for the computer, for example, feature a high number of anglicisms; this is because terms such
as Internet and cyberspace, having been promoted by innovations in British and American technology industries, lack Italian
equivalents. However, this does not mean that English-speaking communities standardize the lingua of technology in Italy; in
direct contrast, the jargon of technological innovation exists as a sub-category of Italian English, the language thriving in this in
between space where it retains this pidgin or creole status.

Much the same can be said of the way that English operates in advertising and the media within Italy. In his survey of how
the English language permeates Italian culture, Martin Gani (2002) observes that with respect to the Italian use of English in
Italian media, Not much thought goes into whether many ordinary Italians really understand whats being written in newspapers
and magazines (20). Of course, Ganis observation presupposes that the English language retains a stable meaning across
linguistic culturesa notion that the very existence of Itangliano or Italian English challenges in that it exists in between stable
language communities (Standard Italian and English). Examining a set of Italian newspapers from January 1995, Pulcini
scrutinizes English loanwords that did not exist at the time of publication in dictionaries and considers the lexemes for their
potential entry into the Italian vocabulary. She analyzes the function of English words in Italian media sources from formal,
semantic, and sociocultural perspectives to conclude that English loanwords are not merely taken on for empty purposesthe
borrowing process naturally occurs as a result of cultural contact, and moreover, English lexemes and phrases are nativized into
Italian (such as the previously cited example of un mister for a sports coach), producing what is, in effect, Italian English.

While it might seem that the advertising industry in Italy might use English for more gratuitous effects, Nigel Ross (1977)
surveys the streets of Milan to study the use of English on shop and business signs. Challenging popular misconceptions about
how International English is defined, Ross arrives at different conclusions with regard to the presence of English in Italy. He
argues that the appearance of English on Milan signs has little to do with its role as a lingua franca; on the streets of Milan,
English signifies a cosmopolitan ethos and culturalrather than economical, political, or academicprestige. In a study focused
on the streets of Rome, Jeffrey Griffin (2004) comes to similar conclusions; he notes that English makes its way onto Roman
streets not only to serve Romes large tourist industry, but also to signal the citys hip cosmopolitanism to Italian speakers. Griffin
finds that English occurs in a wide variety of contextsEnglish, on the streets of Rome, is not restricted to commercial useand
that the range of words used is impressive.

Linguistic Properties of Itangliano

As the process through which English words and phrases are not only brought into the Italian language, but also modified
to suit the sociolinguistic needs of Italians shows, concerns about the fate of the Italian language in relation to English are largely
exaggerated. This section pays close attention to the formal properties that dictate how English is assimilated into the Italian
language such as pronunciation, the grammatical structures of Itangliano, and the controversy that surrounds false anglicisms.
The linguistics of Itangliano supports the notion that contact between the Italian and English languages can be viewed as an
exchange process.

Phonetic Changes

As Pulcini notes, English impacts Italian early on primarily through written sources. Before innovations in television and
film, Italians rarely encountered spoken English. Pulcini writes: Recent times have witness a reverse tendency: loanwords are
now increasingly borrowed close to their native form and through oral sources, and Italians competence in English has greatly
increased (2002; 156-57). In this respect, Italians have become more self-conscious about their pronunciation of English words
as they now, more than ever, encounter the language through non-print media. Pulcini summarizes the major differences in Italian
pronunciation of English:

1. Underdifferentiation of vowel contrasts;

2. Closer realization of some vowel phonemes;

3. Substitution of central vowels with closer equivalents or the French pronunciation;

4. Simplification of certain diphthongs, especially the central ones;

5. Replacement of fricatives;

6. Realization of grapheme <r> as a dental trill (Italian is r-full);

7. h-dropping;

8. Pronunciation of final < -ng> as / hg / instead of /h/;

9. Initial <s> followed by voiced consonant is voiced: /smg/ /zmg;

10. Simplification of consonant clusters, especially in connected speech;

11. As a form of hypercorrection, stress placement in initial position;

12. Strong pronunciation of weak syllables

13. Other minor differences include the mispronunciation of syllabic consonants, deviant allophonic realizations, and the
pronunciation of double consonant graphemes, as geminates. (2002).

The degree to which these deviations are present in Italian speech depends on many sociolinguistic factors: the age and
class of the speaker, and indeed, even the age and significance of the loanword. Instruction on how to make these phonetic
deviations less apparent is, of course, widely available; Wordreference.com, for example, offers both American and British
pronunciations of English words.

The extent of this self-consciousness is the source of humor in Silvio Soldinis Agata e la Tempesta (Agata and the Storm; 2004).
In the film, an English instruction tape playfully reprimands a middle class merchant for his inability to pronounce monththe
phonetic th sound is effectively lost in translation. The humor of Soldinis film, then, suggests a new attitude amongst the films
potential audience with regard to phonetic deviationsdifferentiations in pronunciation might be imagined as unique and even
endearing features of Italian English.

Grammar and Meaning

As McArthur, Tosi, and Pulcini observe, English words are often modified within the Italian language; changes to English occur
with respect to grammar, phonetics, and even meaning. The processes in which these words are absorbed into the Italian language
generally have the following characteristics (McArthur 2002; Pulcini 2002):

1. Words are adapted to fit gender and numerical (singular and plural) inflectional systems present in the Italian language.

What Pulcini calls grammatical gender is ascribed to English words on the basis of: natural gender; formal features (anglicisms
ending in ion and ty are designated as feminine because they coincide with the Italian ione and t); the gender attributed to
the closest semantic equivalent in Italian; gender preference (in Italian, the masculine designates unmarked gender; therefore, if
none of the words fit in the above criteria, they are usually assigned the masculine gender).

Example: Computer is designated as a masculine noun un computer.

2. Compounds might also be inversed or created to reflect Italian norms:

Example of Inversed Compounds:

(English): A pocket radio (Italian English): un radio-pocket

Example of Combined Forms:

(English) Festival + Bar = (Italian English) Festivalbar, the widely popular Italian music festival that features an array of artists
and music varietiesmusicians play in both English and Italianhoused together in one event.

3. Compounds are often clipped.

Example: (English): A night club (Italian English): un night

4. The senses of lexical borrowings from English are often restricted in Italian English, the meaning of these words
adapted to suit Italian needs.

Luxury loanwords are used to reconfigure existing items or concepts in Italian (Pulcini 162). Some English words such as baby-
sitter have replaced little used Italian words such as banbinaia while others co-exist (goal and rete in football/soccer might be
used simultaneously by a sports announcer). English lexemes can be used to convey particular emphasisfor example, Pulcini
notes that meeting has a formal quality that the Italian riunione lacks). In addition, English words might also take on additional
meanings; shopping implies a more frivolous tone than the Italian spese. Most dramatically, the meaning of the English word
might be changed altogether, creating what some linguists identify as false anglicisms.

Examples. For speakers of Italian English:

Un mister signifies a sports coach.

Spot strictly connotes a television commercial.

With respect to English in Europe, Berns argues, Europeans make adaptations and introduce innovations that effectively de-
Americanize and de-Anglicize English (as quoted in Jenkins 42). Although it is questionable whether the goal of Italians is to
de-Americanize and de-Anglicize English altogetherafter all, lexical borrowings are sometimes used to connote an affinity
with the contact languageit is possible to see an exchange occurring between standard forms of English and Italian.

The Problem of False Anglicisms

The modifications that Italians make to the English language signals that the language does not merely subsume Standard
Italian, but instead, that it undergoes a process in which it is carefully adapted to suit the needs of Italian culture. There is also the
question of false anglicismsEnglish words that take on new meaning in the Italian language. Cristiano Furiassi explains:

false anglicisms may be defined either as autonomous coinages which resemble English words but do not exist in English, or as
unadapted borrowings from English which originated from English words but that are not encountered in English
dictionaries, whether as sub-entries. False anglicisms are either formally or semantically different from the original English words
from which they supposedly derive, so that both an English native speaker, proficient in Italian, and speaker, proficient in English,
would recognize them in written and spoken registers (123).
Furiassi finds discrepancies in online Italian dictionaries, as only a small number of false anglicisms are identified as such.
However, Furiassi assumes that English lexemes take on stable meanings across cultures, which of course they do nottake, for
example, the discrepancies within so-called Inner Circle varieties of English with respect to words such as football and soccer.
Of late, this topic has been of interest to scholars working on the field of International English, precisely because, paradoxically, at
the global level, the signification of English lexemes are destabilized by the standardization process; this is significant because it
allows for theorizations of how particular cultures and languages can be negotiated under the universal umbrella of English as a
World Language. In this respect, it is possible to see how the deviation in meaningfor example, between the Italian
English antidoping and the English dope test or the Italian English telequiz and the English game show or quiz showconnotes a
shifting, rather than a falsity, of Italian English Anglicisms.

Forza Itangliano! Italian English as Counter-Culture

This section explores the use of Italian English in more informal and less patrolled settings such as the media,
entertainment and culture industries, and online communication. Unbound by regulatory concepts of the English language, the
ever-changing nature of Italian English in Italys pop culture industries prevents the realization of a Standard, and perhaps static,
form of English or Italian. From a sociolinguistic point of view, Itangliano is effectively rendered counter-cultural because it is a
language perpetually in motionwhile contact with English promotes a cosmopolitan vision within the nation, it also allows
Italians to constantly evaluate the extent to which English interfaces with the countrys native language. In this respect, the Italian
reliance on what Dardano (1986) calls the plasticity of English (e.g. grammatical flexibility and the abundance of monosyllabic
words) promotes Italian English as a language that is continually being formed, which defies linguistic theories that simply
designate English as a language of power (as quoted in Tosi 211).

The Culture of Italian English: Media and Music

Sky TV and Rai, Italys two major news providers, operate with the basic assumption that almost all Italians are familiar
with even a basic form of Italian English. Rai TV, Italys publicly owned media operation, features English advertisements and
promotions. During evening newscasts, English words are interspersed into dialogue and flash across the screen in news tickers. A
visit to the SKY TV flashes the header SKY Lifenews, video, club, community e TV di SKY. On an average day, the website
offers an array of English phrases and words:

Film, sport, sponsor, club, password, TG 24 Live, talent, life, show, personal shopping, music is my life, home page, total, video,
whats on, gossip, box office, killer, blog, league, Sport USA, community.

The TV and Film listings provide a snapshot of how American and British culture has made its way into Italy through satellite
television: Inside Man, Desperate Housewives, One Tree Hill, Lost, Mr. and Mrs. Smith. Not all imported forms of entertainment,
however, retain English or American titlesthe popular American teen drama/comedy Gilmore Girls, for example, is known
as Un Mamma Per Amica (translated in English as A Mother for a friend). As Nigel Ross notes (1995), the dubbing process,
which accounts for the way that most films and television shows are translated into the Italian language, produces changes in
meaning, register, and pronunciation with respect to the Italian language. The findings of Rosss study suggest that the ever-
evolving dubbing process creates an unmediated aural space where the linguistic norms of Italian and English interact, and even
produce, the hybridized language of Italian English. Sociolinguistic contact between Italian and English has also produced specific
cultural movements, such as the Spaghetti Western (the Italian interpretation of the American Western that emerged in the mid-
1960s). Effectively, the Spaghetti Westernthe most well-known being Sergio Leones The Good, The Bad, and the Ugly (Il
Buono, Il Brutto, Il Cattivo) starring Clint Eastwood (1966)responded to and redefined the direction of the American Western.

The import of American and British music has also proved central to the development of a distinct counter-culture in Italy.
As David Crystal emphasizes, In the 2000s, the English-language character of the international pop music world is
extraordinary (Crystal 103). While the influence of Anglo-music might seem oppressive and even detrimental to Italys own
music industry, the fact remains that the popularity of English music continues to grow alongside Italys own thriving musical
acts. In this respect, the way popular music in the English language has had a profound and positive impact on the nature of
modern popular culture cannot easily be dismissed (103). Developments in North American and British rock, rap, punk, and hip-
hop have changed the landscape of Italian music, producing a more diversified and modern eclectic taste in music throughout the
nation. The ideas that these kinds of music carry with themfor example, notions of freedom and rebellion associated with rock
music and the assertion of ethic identity often associated with hip-hop and rapparticularly resonate within the country at a time
when its population is becoming more racially and ideologically diverse due to an influx in immigration. Moreover, the recent
trend that sees Italian artists adapting Anglo-music styles and lyrics into Italian functions as a sort of cultural translation and
exchangein their own musical endeavors, artists render their songs socially relevant to an Italian audience. Annually, the San
Remo and Festivalbar music festivals feature both domestic and international artists, serving as a testament to this notion of a
cosmopolitan music community.

Language Contact and the Internet

 Online communication, gaming, and Internet usage have also greatly influenced the course of Italian English since the
1990s. Accordingly, online culture has created many English lexemes such as video, chat, blog, and email and are widely used by
Italianswhile Italian translations may exist, they remain generally unpopular. In particular, the increasing use of acronyms is
changing the properties of the languageindeed, it is even transforming the very basis of the English language itself. Tosi asserts:
Many of the acronyms and adapted Anglicisms derive from English and, if they proliferate, there is little doubt that the more
specialized use of computer-based pastimes and communication technologies will provide new models and sources for the young
in the near future (223). In this respect, Italians involved in networking and online communication activitiesthese trends, in
fact, are not restricted to youthwill have a hand in shaping the direction of Italian English, for they will decide to what extent
Italian and English will join together and interact in terms of meaning.

But is it Really English? Challenges to Itangliano

The existence of this sub-culture with respect to Italian English was both verified and mocked by the debut of Giacomo
Elliots Parliamo Itangliano (1977). While Elliots rendering of Itangliano seems playful on the surface, it is possible also to see
some generalizations being made about the spread of English in Italy within his text. Italians, Elliot seems to complain, take on
English words with irreverencethe humor of the book, after all, derives from the idea that Italians do not need to know English
to speak Itangliano. As Pulcini notes, The terms Itangliano and Italiese are used derogatorily [by linguists] to denote spoken
or written styles which contain many Anglicisms (2002; 154). However, as previously discussed, the nature of English
instruction in Italy has largely changed since Elliot first published his book. Since the 1960s, when English surpassed French as
the most frequently taught foreign language in the country, instruction in English has been in high demand. Moreover, this
hybridized form of English and Italian labeled Itangliano, or more appropriately Italian English, has become an intrinsic and
acceptable form of Euro-English, and more broadly, World English.

To Speak or Not to Speak Italian English: Current Attitudes Toward English

As previously mentioned, it was mandated in 1990 that all Italian students learn a foreign language in elementary school, the most
popular choice being English. According to Tosi, those who are not fluent in a foreign language feel gratified by the use of
easily-comprehensible foreign [English] words (for example no limits, action, style, stop, best show, view, new (Tosi 212). The
wide acceptance of English by Italians has not gone unnoticed by those who argue that the Italian language is being threatened by
anglomaniacs. As Tosi reports, a Florentine reporter complained that of that English dominated the streets of Florence, as he
found untranslated English loanwords in the local job centre, cinema, marketplace, and media. The cries of the popular press,
while leading to two brief initiatives by the CCD party and the Northern League, went largely unnoticed, perhaps because the
campaign against English reeked of fascist propaganda, a road Italy was not willing to travel down again.

Only a small few of Italys academics have opposed the spread of English, arguing for Italian translations of words such
as weekend, fast food, and bestseller; most linguists disapprove of initiatives that falsely attempt to stop natural evolutions to
language. David Crystal argues that approaches to mixed varieties of English such as Itangliano are now changing, for when
these mixed languages are analyzed, it is found that they are full of great complexity and subtlety of expressionas we would
expect, if people have the resources of two languages to draw upon, rather than one (165). In other words, the in-between nature
of the language marks positive difference and cultural exchange rather than denigrates what might be called the superstrate
language (the socially dominant language). This is generally true of attitudes toward Italian English, as open attitudes toward
the spread of English, together with a lack of linguistic policy in the country, have granted Italian the fame of a democratic
language as opposed to introvert languages such as German, French and Spanish (Pulcini 1997; 81). While opposition to this
mixed variety of English certainly exists, then, Italians can be said to interact, rather than passively accept, forms of English that
pervade in international relations, the media, popular culture, academia, and business.

Conclusions: The Future of Italian English

Returning to Bernss challenge with regard to the study of World English (WE), it is evident how studies of linguistic
phenomena such as Italian English might impact language policy. The case of Italian English proves that its existence poses no
imminent threat to the Italian language; instead, the English language makes contact with Italian to engage in a process of
exchange. For Tosi, this indicates that English is finally playing a truly democratic role within Italy. He emphasizes:

An increasing number of ordinary families, wishing to imitate the elite, seek private English tuition, investing in all sorts of
language training to help their children improve their English. The dream of social mobility made a powerful impact on the spread
of Anglicisms. Italians seem willing to accept these Anglicisms more because of their status than because of their utility. English
words in the media, in songs, advertisements and shop windows are perceived by the most recently emancipated social groups to
denote modernness and efficiency, the end of the age of isolation and provincialism (211).

In this respect, the spread of Italian English indicates an interesting duality: on the one hand, English might be associated with the
reinforcement of pre-existing hegemonic institutions, such as business, government, and academia; on the other, however, the
spread of English operates as a form of counter-culture found, literally, as Nigel Ross and Jeffrey Griffin show, in the streets of
Rome and Milan, and in the growing sub-culture of online chat rooms and email communications. Dardano (1986) makes a
similar observation, arguing that Italian English be evaluated at two levels: (1) at the higher level, we have the enrichment of
cultural lexis and of technical terminologies while (2) there is interference at middle and lower levels where new creationsoften
ephemeralappear in the language of journalism, advertising and youth slang (as quoted in Tosi 211). What is often understood
as conflicting attitudes toward the spread of Italian English in terms of high and low English needs to be queried; as this
report suggests, these two attitudes and functions of English are often interrelated, rather than opposed, as the role of English as a
World Language itself brings about a series of irresolvable contradictions.

Ultimately, the recognition of more nuanced model with regard to the presence of English in so-called Expanding Circles
leads to the formation of more realistic and practical language policies not only in Italy, but also in other nations where English is
the dominant EFL. As Bernss study suggests, ongoing scholarship on Expanding Circle Englishes must be encouraged, for they
serve to expand restrictive notions of English as an International or World Language. As the case of English in Italy shows,
embracing English as an International Language does not always translate into the destruction of linguistic, and in turn cultural,
differences.