The Messengers of the Amarna Letters

Author(s): Y. Lynn Holmes

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1975), pp. 376-
381
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/599349
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 THE MESSENGERS OF THE AMARNA LETTERS

Y. LYNN HOLAIES
WEST GEORGIACOLLEGE

The messenger is a prime key to understanding the trade and diplomacy of the Ainarna
period, because it was he who controlled both the diplomatic and economic intercourse
between the important powers of the time. The messenger served not only as a bearer,
reader, interpreter and defender of his master's message, but also as a diplomat, and more
importantly, a merchant. Because of his numerous functions, the Amarna messenger
usually was a person of importance and had associated with himself many problems which
became prime points of discussion in the Amarna letters.

ALTIOUGH TIlE TELL EL-AMARNA LETTERS re-
present an important collection of diplomatic cor-
respondences between Egypt and Egyptian vas-
sals in Syria-Palestine and neighboring powers,
the diplomatic nature of these letters has received
far less attention from scholars than the linguistic,
textual and chronological problems. Since scholars
have virtually overlooked the diplomatic function
of the Amarna messengers and inasmuch as they
provide an important clue to understanding the
trade and diplomacy of the period, this paper is
designed to examine their diplomatic role and to
evaluate its importance during the Amarna period.
In looking for the importance of the Amarna
messengers, one must first consider who could
serve as mar giprim,1 a messenger. Although the
letters mention that a foot soldier filled this po-
sition in one instance,2 generally someone closely
associated with the palace was used.3 One pas-
* Research funds for this article were provided by a
research grant from West Georgia College.
1 Except for a very few
passages this is the only word
Iusedfor 'messenger' in the Amarna correspondence. The
exceptions are in EA 23:35 and 27:114 where the Egyptian
wor( iptfty is written in hieratic; EA 24:53, 59, 72, 83,
114, II 14, and 57 where the lIurrian word pac.ithi is
used; EA 24 II 22 where the Hurrian word gipdniusssen,a
is used; EA 31:12 where the Arzawan word halltgataltlaz
is used; and EA 32:11 where the Arzawan word temia
is used. It is also possible that the word nagiirn in EA
29:25 may mean a kind of messenger.
2 EA 149:83.
3 In the Mari correspondence messengers were chosen
from among the high officers of the administration,
since messengers were charged with important missions
which necessitated experience in state affairs and full
sage states that a Mitanni princess acted as a
courier,4 while another passage indicates that a
Mitanni family was used in the messenger service.5
Additional evidence is given for the importance
of the messenger by the fact that there are some
twenty-three letters in which messengers are
mentioned specifically by name.6 Some of these
are repeated numerous times, particularly the E-
gyptian messenger, Mane, and the Mitanni mes-
senger, Gilia,7 but most appear only once. These
messengers include Kasi, Sutti, Hamassi, Niu,
Hanni, and Atahmaia who are Egyptians; Salmu,
Sindi?ugab and Hu'a who are Kassite; Pfhi, Asa-
li, Pirizzi, Pupri, Mazipatti and Arte??upa who
are Mitanni; Pa?tumme, Kunea, Etilluna, Usbar-
ra, and BelSamma (?) who are from Alashiya; Ir-
?appa from Arzawa; and Akia and Ilimilku who
are Canaanite. One should note that most of the
correspondence where messengers are named comes
from foreign kings rather than Egyptian vassals.
cognizance of royal policy. See J. M. Munn-Rankin,
"Diplomacy in Western Asia in the Early Second Mil-
lennium B.C.," Iraq, 18 (1956), 99.
4 EA 24: III, 22-23. The text also states that she was
provided for as a messenger.
5 EA 29: 156-162. The most important member of this
family was Gilia, who appears in much of the correspond-
ence between Mitanni and Egypt, but one text states
that because of Egyptian detention policies, Mazipatli,
Gilia's uncle and Gilia's brother have been sent.
6 EA 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, 17, 18, 20, 21, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29,
30, 31, 37, 151, 162, 222a, 227, 256a, and 301.
7 Munn-Rankin
says that the Mari messengers with
ambassadorial functions are refered by nanie since they
are men of consequence. See Munn-Rankin, op. cit.,
p. 99.

376
 HOLMIES: Messengers of the Amarna Letters
Certainly important messengers from the diplo-
matic corps would have been sent to these foreign
courts, and these outstanding men would be well
known by both sides. However, less important
messengers would be assigned to the vassal courts
and thus to mention their name would be of no
consequence.
Not only were they known by name, but some
were even known by reputation, thus indicating
a very close knowledge of the messengers on the
part of the sender and the receiver. For example,
Tusratta of Mitanni does not hesitate to inform
the Egyptian Pharaoh that Mane and Gilia are
the only two reliable messengers. Tusratta writes:
"If I should desire to send a word to my brother,
concerning my land, then let my brother not listen
to rumors (?) but let Mane say (it). If Mane and Gilia
speak anything concerning me, concerning imy land,
then my brother may listen to it as authentic...
If Gilia and Mane say anything about my brother,
about his land, I will accept it as authentic.'8
He even tells Amenhotpe III to send only Mane
because others will not be received.9 In another
tablet the Pharaoh complains that the messengers
who have been sent to Kadasman-Enlil I and his
father have lied about gifts which were given to
them; thus he decided that he would "no more
give them anything."10
As royal representatives, one would expect that
these messengers would enjoy certain facilities
and privileges when on missions, and such is indeed
the case. Frequently they were 'wined and dined'
by foreign kings, probably to leave a good impres-
sion on the envoy and possibly to interrogate him
in a sly manner. Kadasman-Enlil invites the
Egyptian messengers to "come and eat and drink
with me."ll There are even apologies from Burna-
burias II because he has been ill and the Egyltian
messenger has "never eaten food nor drunk wine
in my presence."'2 Tusratta stated that he had
greatly honored Mane and all the people that
8 EA 24 iv, 21-29.
9 EA 24 iv, 53-56. In another text the Egyptian king
complains that the Mitanni messenger Gilia has not been
sent (EA 29:157-160).
10 EA 1:75-77.
11 EA 3:23-28.
12 EA 7:8-10. The Assyrian ruler Assuruballit I also
entreats the Egyptian Pharaoh: "Your messengers, may
they sit .... in my presence" where they would be given
food and drink. (EA 16:7-8).
377
came with him,13 and that Mitanni messengers had
been honored at the Egyptian court.14 Some mes-
sengers were given presents by the foreign rulers.
Tusratta tells of a visit by the Egyptian messenger,
Mane, and the interpreter, Uane, in which he
honored them in a splendid manner and gave them
"many presents, and have made them very glad
because their mission was pleasant."'5 There is
even some indication that messengers were quar-
tered in the palace.'6
With such important personages acting as rep-
resentatives of their king, one must not think that
the Amarna messenger was removed from the low-
ly task of carrying a message. There are many
passages which clearly indicate that the messenger
was responsible for bringing the tuppu (tablet)
from his king to a foreign ruler.17 In addition to
this, he was to read the letter to the foreign king,l8
and was to interpret and defend the policy of his
country.l9 On one occasion when Burnaburia,
II had been sick, he castigated an Egyptian mes-
senger who had just arrived about the Egyptian
king not sending someone to express sorrow over
13 EA 20:64-67.
14 EA 29:37.
15 EA 21:24-29.
16 In one
passage from Tusratta to Amenhotpe IV,
there is the statement: "And in the buildings which (led)
to Taduhepa, he caused all my [messeng]ers, who lived
(there), to place on his own, and among my messengers
who entered, there was not [one who did not gi]ve (some-
thing)." (EA 29:32-33). Taduhepa was the sister of
Tusratta and the wife of Amenhotpe IV, so it would
certainly seem that she would be living in the palace
harem. The idea of the text is that the messengers were
living somewhere near her, so they must also have been
living somewhere on the palace grounds. The picture is
much clearer in a letter from the inhabitants of
Tunip
to the Egyptian king. Here the people of Tunip tell the
Egyptian king: "And now for twenty years we have been
sending to the king, our lord, and our messengers live
with the king, our lord." (EA 59:13-14). If the
messengers
of an unimportant vassal like Tunip can stay in the
palace,
then certainly the important messengers of the great
foreign powers will be staying there also.
17 EA 24 II 88, III 35-47;
33:19-20; 38:22-25; 47:11-
15, 18-20; 92:12; 149:83; 151:27-29; 162:61-63.
18 EA
299:12-14; 302:11-18; 329:13-20.
19 When a Mari
messenger was presenting a tablet,
he was empowered to comment
verbally on its contents,
but he had to adhere strictly to the terms of the
message,
see ARM II 23.
 378 Journal of the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975)

his illness. The messenger immediately began to nection with royal marriages, a very important
defend his lord in a most impressive manner.20 part of ancient diplomacy, the messenger had the
This carrying, reading, interpreting and defending functions of viewing,26 negotiating for,27 and ac-
of a message was of course the usual duty, but companying the prospective bride.28 They were
the Amarna messengers also handled a multitude even used to collect and return the possessions of
of diplomatic responsibilities.21 They were fre- an Alashiyan subject who died in Egypt.29 In
quently sent to establish or re-establish diplomatic addition to all these things, the Amarna messenger
relations. Such was the case when the Egyptian always performed the important diplomatic func-
messenger Mane was sent to Tusratta to renew tion of spying on the military, economic, and
relations with Mitanni because of the ascension of diplomatic activities of the country to which they
a new Egyptian king,22 and when Suppilluiuma of were sent.30
Hatti sent messengers to establish ina birini at- Even though the messenger's activities related
terita ("mutual relationship between us") with to the carrying of the message and his diplomatic
Egypt.23 They were used as representatives of responsibilities are important, these do not seem
their king at special foreign occasions. An example
26EA 19:17-23. Here Mane, the Egyptian messenger,
of this is the presence of the Mitanni messengers,
Pirizzi and Pupri at a isinni rabi ana kimri ("great inspected a Mitanni girl offered by Tusratta.
27 EA 11:7-9. The
celebration of mourning").24 The messengers Egyptian messenger, Hamaisi,
likewise used their lobbying influence in foreign has negotiatedwith BurnaburialII for one of his daughters
courts for the advantage of their king.25 In con- in this passage. For additional explanation of the cir-
cumstances centered around this episode, one should
20 EA 7:16-32. consult Benno Landsberger's article on "Jungfraulich-
21 In the Mari documents the word for messenger,mar keit: Ein Beitrag zum Thema Beilage und Eheschlies-
siprim, has been defined by Munn-Rankinas an 'envoy sung" in Symbolae Iuridicae et Historicae Martino David
with ambassadorial functions' and by Malamat as an Dedicatae, 2, p. 79f, note 4.
'ambassador of the highest rank.' See Munn-Rankin, 28 EA 5:16-17. Amenhotpe promises Kadasman-Enlil
op. cit., p. 99 and Malamat, "Hazor: 'The Head of All I that he "will send all that is valuable in the eyes of
Those Kingdoms,"' JBL, 79 (1960), 14. As will be seen, your messenger, who brings your daughter."
the Amarnamar siprim fulfills the qualificationsfor these 29 EA 35:30-34. It also seems likely that the
Alashiyan
titles and goes beyond what these titles imply. Perhaps nlessenger is to be the collector of money from the Egyp-
a moreappropriatename for him would be 'ambassadorial tian king for some wood for which the land of Alashiya
merchant.' It is curious, however, that the specialization has not been paid. (EA 35:27-29).
of messengers which occurs in the Mari documents is 30 One explicit example of this activity comes in con-
absent in the Amarna correspondence. The Mari Texts nection with some pure gold statues which Amenhotpe
mention a sluhirum, 'young man', or probably more III made for Tugratta and which Amenhotpe IV replaced
precisely 'attendant', a term which appears to refer to with wooden statues overlaid with gold. Tusratta very
junior status of the office rather than the age of its holder. emphatically informs the Egyptian ruler that his mes-
Although handlingless responsibletasks, they also carried sengers saw these statues being made and that he knows
diplomatic correspondenceand had a knowledge of the all about them (EA 27:23-33). Kadasman-Enlil I used
contents of the tablets, being empoweredto discuss them his messengers to check on the welfare of his sister who
with the recipientjust as the mdrSiprimdid. Otherminor had become a wife of Amenhotpe III, and when these
officials in the diplomatic service were the couriers, messengers are not able to find her in the harem, diplo-
lasimum and a trustworthy person, Lutaklum, the latter matic troubles arose between Egypt and the Kassites.
being employed to carry urgent messages, see Munn- (EA 1:10-63). A letter from AMsur-uballit I of Assyria
Rankin, op. cit., p. 100. indicates that he is sending his messenger to look over
22 EA 27:7-10. the diplomatic and economic possibilities that exist be-
23 EA 41:7-9. tween him and the Egyptian king. (EA 15:7-8, 19-22).
24 EA 27:99-101.
According to Munn-Rankin, the main function of the
25 EA 26:19-53. In this passage Tusratta writes to Mari messenger-diplomats was to carefully observe the
Tiy, the widow of Amenhotpe III complained that military, economic and diplomatic activities of the coun-
the new Pharaoh is not sending quality gifts, and at tries to which they were sent and to report their
findings
the same time he sends fine gifts to Tiy through his back to the king; in other words, they were to be
spies.
messenger. See Munn-Rankin, op. cit., p. 104.
 HOLMES: Messengers of the Amarna Letters
to be his most important function in the Amarna
period. Rather, the Amarna messenger was re-
sponsible for the extensive trade, in large part
royal gifts, which was carried on between royal
courts. It is clear that the exchange of letters was
supposed to be accompanied by gifts, and that the
sender expected to receive in return presents of
equal or superior quantity and quality.31 In fact,
the subject of gifts becomes a main topic of
discussion between Egypt and the foreign powers
around her, and the reason for this is that Egypt
frequently fails to send any gifts or that the gifts
which have been sent are not of sufficient quantity
or quality. A good example of this comes out of
a letter from Burnaburias II in which he complains
that no gifts have been sent to him, so he will
likewise stop sending gifts.32 To make certain
that presents were brought, the foreign kings were
not adverse to requesting specific gifts, such as
gold, stuffed animals, ivory statues, furniture,
chariots, clothing, oil, horses, oxen and 'an Eagle-
conjurer,'33 and sometimes even specific quan-
tities.34
These great varieties and amounts of gifts which
messengers transported certainly indicate that this
royal gift-giving functioned as the trade medium
between Egypt and the foreign powers around her
and that the messenger functioned as a trade
31 According to Dossin, some 30 references to presents
exchanged between the court of Mari and contemporary
rulers occur. See G. Dossin, "Les archives economiques
du palais de Mari," Syria, 29 (1939), 108. There is one
letter in which Ishi-Adad complains to ISme-Daganthat
20 minas of lead was a paltry return for the two horses
sent at the latter's requent. (ARI V 20).
32 EA 10:12-17. Similar events occur in EA 1:65-
77; 27: 52-53; 11 rev. 31-32.
33 The Kassite kings requested that these messengers
bring gold (EA 4:36-40) and more interestingly the ap-
peal was made "let experts, who are with you, make
animals, either of the land, or of the river, as if they were
alive, the skin may it be made as if it were alive, may your
messenger bring (then)." (EA 10:29-32). The Mitanni
kings requested such things as statues of ivory (EA 24:
III 97), statues of gold (EA 27:43-44 and 29:162) and
gold (EA 29:163). The Alashiyan king requested fur-
niture, chariots, clothing, oil, horses (EA 34:18-28),
an ox and an 'Eagle-conjurer'. (EA 35:23-26).
34 The Mitanni king specified that lie be sent 'great
amiountsof gold' (EA 29:163) and the king of Alashiya
asked for an oxen (EA 35:23-26).
379
representative for the king.35 This is clearly spel-
led out in several passages in which the messenger
is actually called a tamkdrum, a merchant. One
example of this occurs in a letter from Burnaburias
II to Amenhotpe II where a certain messenger,
Salmu, who in another passage is actually called
a merchant,36 has had his caravan plundered twice.
Thus the Kassite king advises the Egyptian ruler
that he should allow Salmu to come before him
and that his ransom and his goods should be
returned to him.37 It would appear from this
that Salmu not only worked for the king but
also carried goods of his own along to trade. In
another letter the Alashiyan leader entreats the
Egyptian pharaoh to send his messengers back
35 From his studies on Ugaritic commerce, Anson
Iainey has surmised that commercial, diplomatic and
military activity went hand in hand. To show this, he
points out that one tamkdrum,who apparently had risen
above the normal status of merchant, was given a special
exemption: ina mdri ipru ...a. illak, "he is not obliged
to serve with the diplomatic corps." R.S. 15.109: 54
(PRU III, p. 105). The ambassadorial function of the
merchant is also spelled out in the code of Hammurabi
where a tamkdrummight ransomna countryman. See
A. Rainey, "Foreign Business Agents in Ugarit," IE.J,
4 (1965), p. 315. Agreement for this idea comes fromn
Oppenheim who states that during the Amarna period
traders became royal emmisaries carrying precious gifts
from one ruler to another and are even referred as being
on the 'payroll' of the palace. See A. L. Oppenheim,
Ancient Mesopotamia:Portrait of a Dead Civilization
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 92.
As for objects accompanying these messengers, one
finds a very great variety. From foreign kings to Egypt
such things as chariots, horses and jewelry from Assyria
(EA 15:11-15); vessels, garlands, horses, chariots, 30
women (EA 19:80-85), trinkets and jewels from Mitanni
(EA 26 II 11) and even booty captured from the Hit-
tites by the Mitanni (EA 17:36-38); copper from Alashiya
(EA 34:16-18 and 35:8-11); a consignment of 16 people
from Zidas (EA 44:20-23); and five tablets of bronze and
objects of wood from Abimilki of Tyre (EA 151:45-
48). Egypt in turn sent such things as furniture, silver,
and gold to the Kassite king (EA 5:18-33 and 10:18-19);
gifts, gold, clothing, oil, vessels and furniture to the king
of Arzawa (EA 31:23-38); and gifts, wooden statues,
oil and dowry to the Mitanni king (EA 27:8; 24 II 16;
29: 22-24, 69-71). In another letter a princess sends colored
cloth to a lord by a messenger. (EA 12:14-16).
36 EA 11 rev. 8.
37 EA 7:73-82.
 380 Journal o/ the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975)
quickly, because "these people are my merchants."38
These texts vividly portray the messenger in his
mercantile role, and the numerous passages dealing
with trade articles point out how important this
role really was.
Additional evidence for the connection between
trade and diplomacy appears in the concern of
Burnaburias II over an attack that has been
made on one of his caravans. I-e points out that
if something is not done, "they will come again,
and my caravans or even your messengers they
will murder and messengers between us will be
intercepted."39 Trade and diplomacy were so
closely tied together that attacks on mercantile
caravans could stop diplomatic relations.
With so many important functions attached to
the work of a messenger, one can be certain that
many problems and complaints associated with
this occupation will appear in the diplomatic cor-
respondences.40 One big problem centered around
initiating an exchange of messengers. Although
the Egyptians seemed to have had little concern
about this matter,41 the foreign kings were most
anxious to establish regular contact and made it
a frequent subject in their letters. Egypt is simply
asked to send messengers on some occasions,42
while at other times the foreign kings implore the
Egyptian rulers to dispatch couriers so that "they
may bring my brother's sulmCinu, (greeting, sal-
utation, good health)."43 On the surface it seems
rather strange that they would want to hear of the
sulmanu of the Egyptian king, but this is clarified
when the Alashiyan ruler defines what sulminu
means: "The Sulminu of my brother I have re-
ceived. Five talents, five span of horses, are the
sulmanu of my brother."44 From this evidence it
is clear that the foreign powers were interested
in a messenger exchange with Egypt, not so much
for diplomatic reasons, but because of the exchange
of gifts.45
38 EA 39:10-16.
39 EA 8:31-33.
40 Such is indeed the case with the Aiiarna Letters,
but few such complaints and problems appear in the
Mari Texts.
41 Only once does Egypt express concern that mes-
sengers have not been sent; and this is about there being
no representative at a sacrificial feast.
42 EA 17:52; 33:27-32; 34:42-46; 151:27-29;161:54.
43 EA17:49-50, 53; 18:17; 19:73-74; 37:14-16; 39:12-13.
44 EA 37:8-10.
45 ProfessorA. Leo Oppenheimsuggested to the writer
In close conjunction with the trouble of ini-
tiating this messenger exchange, there is also the
problem of quickness. The reason for this is that
Egypt had gained a very bad reputation for the
retention of foreign messengers,46 one for six
years.47 Thus the kings of Babylon, Mitanni, As-
syria, and Alashiya constantly plea that the E-
gyptian ruler not retain their messengers48 and
remind him that he should send the messengers
back quickly.49 Apparently the Egyptian king did
not heed the requests of the foreign kings, so
some new approaches were used. The Mitanni
king tried the diplomatic tactic that he has not
detained Egyptian messengers50 and even points
out that he has sent these couriers back hastily.51
On other occasions, however, the Mitanni ruler
changes his approach and begins to bargain, as
do other monarchs, that if Egypt will send back
messengers so will he.52 The Alashiyan king goes
much further than this; he keeps Egyptian mes-
sengers for three years.53
Surprisingly Egypt shows little concern about
the exchange of couriers, while the foreign kings
are constantly trying to improve the messenger
that it was also of great importancefor the foreignpowers
to have the prestige of being recognized by Egypt.
46 In the Mari period a messenger could not leave the
court to which he was assigned without the permission
of the king and this might for one reason or another be
delayed or refused. See Munn-Rankin,op. cit., p. 101.
The fact that so many messengers were detained in the
letters, especially by the Egyptians, gives a strong basis
for believing that this was also true during the Amarna
era.
47 The letters note that the
Egyptian king has detained
many messengers of the Kassites (EA 3:14; 7:50), the
Mitanni (EA 24 IV 45; 28; 20-22; 29:110-113; 155-
156, 159) and the Alashiyans (EA 38:23-24). For the
six year period see EA 3:14.
48 EA 8:46; 16:41-42; 19:71-72; 23 IV 40-41, 52;
27:91;
33:25; 33:25; 37:19-27.
49 EA 7:52; 8:44-47;
17:47-49; 18:16; 19:72; 28:29;
29:167; 33:19-26; 35:40-41; 37:13-14; 39:10-12; 157:34-
35; In letters from the Canaanite states, the phrase
'do not detain mly messongers' only appears in a text
from a North Syrian king to the kings of Canaan (EA 30:
6-7).
50 EA 20:19; 24 I 112.
51 EA 27:89-90; 29:25;
158-159; 37:11-12.
52 EA 27:83-84; 28:17-19; 29:149-152; 167-168.
53 EA 35:35-39.
 HOLMES: Messengers of the Amarna Letters
service with Egypt. The probable reason for this
is that the messengers were always supposed to
bring gifts, and the important foreign kings were
very desirous of Egyptian products, especially
gold,54 while Egypt, 'who had need of nothing,'55
was rather unconcerned about foreign good.
All of these points illustrate that various aspects
of the messenger service between Egypt and the
important powers around her (Babylon, Assyria,
Mitanni, and Alashiya) were a most important
topic in the correspondence between these coun-
54 EA 4:36-37; 7:64-65; 19:61-67. For the importance
of this gold trade with Egypt, see D. 0. Edzard, "Die
Bezieliungen Babyloniens und Agyptens in der mittel-
babylonischen Zeit und das Gold," JESHO, 3 (1960),
47-55 and T. Save-Soderbergh, Agypten lnd Nubien: Ein
Beitrag zuir Geschichtealt-agyptischer Alssenpolilik (Lund,
1941), p. 210ff.
55 EA 7:33-31.
381
tries. In fact, discussions about the messenger
service encompass half of the text in some ten
letters56 and most of the text in nine others.67 In
contrast to this, one sees that the messenger
service is seldom mentioned between Egypt and
her vassals, and even then only casually.58 The
likely reason for this is that the messenger exchange
was the main source of trade between Egypt and
the other important powers, whereas it did not
serve this function between Egypt and her vassals.
56 EA 5, 8, 11, 17, 19, 26, 28, 29, 34, 39.
57 EA 10, 15, 16, 20, 24, 27, 33, 35, 37.
58 One vassal did claimthat their
messengerswereeither
not heeded by the Egyptian king (EA 92:12-15) or that
the Egyptian king heeded other messengers but neglected
the messenger of the one writing (EA 88:46-48; 47:
12-10). The Egyptian king even wrote Aziri asking him
why more favoritism was shown to a messenger of Hatti
than to one from Egypt (EA 161:47-50).