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Torre, Lidia de la y Baquerin de Riccitelli, Mara (2017). Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni
trabajan: dficit de integracin social. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 158:
97-116. (http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.158.97)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
98 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Una sociedad que aisla a sus jvenes y ciedad espera que los individuos participen
corta sus amarras est destinada a activamente durante esa fase de la existen-
desangrarse cia (Sarav, 2004: 78). En este sentido, pro-
Kofi Annan ponemos ampliar la perspectiva de la mayo-
ra de las investigaciones que han focalizado
su atencin en el segmento de los jvenes
Introduccin que no estudian ni trabajan, concluyendo en
El objetivo principal de este trabajo es obser- que esa situacin se profundiza en hogares
var y comprender en qu medida la situacin con escasos recursos materiales, histrica-
de vulnerabilidad en las condiciones mate- mente afectados por situaciones de margi-
riales de vida condiciona la integracin insti- nalidad social. Como dijimos anteriormente,
tucional de los jvenes en la Argentina. Este la comparacin de los jvenes NiNi con el
objetivo se sustenta en el supuesto de que la resto de los jvenes nos permite observar si
desigualdad socioeconmica de los hogares condiciones similares de vulnerabilidad so-
se asocia con la manera en que los jvenes cial derivan necesariamente en una situacin
se insertan en el mundo de la educacin y de exclusin laboral y educativa. Este plan-
del trabajo. En este sentido, por ejemplo, la teamiento supone que no hay una sola forma
cuestin del acceso a la educacin o al em- de ser joven, la experiencia juvenil est me-
pleo se superpone con la preocupacin por diada por diversos factores, como el gnero,
la (baja) calidad de esa educacin y la (in) el nivel socioeconmico, la extraccin urba-
formalidad de ese empleo. El proceso de na o rural, y la pertenencia a instituciones
desinstitucionalizacin de los jvenes y la educativas, laborales o religiosas. De ah que
cada de las trayectorias sociales estables este trabajo proponga abordar las juventu-
(hogar-escuela-trabajo), que alcanza su des en plural atendiendo a la diversidad de
mxima expresin en el fenmeno de los j- situaciones de esta poblacin en Argentina.
venes que no estudian ni trabajan (NiNi), exi- Los resultados aqu presentados utilizan
ge revisar el concepto clsico de moratoria como fuente de informacin los datos de la
social (Erikson, 1980) que ha caracterizado a Encuesta de la Deuda Social Argentina Se-
la juventud como un perodo de ocio sin res- rie Bicentenario 2010-2016 realizada por
ponsabilidades. el Observatorio de la Deuda Social Argentina
Nuestro objeto de estudio es la poblacin de la Pontificia Universidad Catlica Argen-
de 18 a 25 aos que segmentamos segn los tina.
criterios de integracin mencionados, lo que
nos permite definir cinco grupos: jvenes que
estudian, jvenes que trabajan, jvenes que Juventud o juventudes?
estudian y trabajan, jvenes amas de casa y El estudio de la juventud tiene un especial
jvenes que no estudian ni trabajan (NiNi). inters para diferentes disciplinas, como la
Si bien en esta investigacin profundiza- sociologa, las ciencias de la comunicacin,
mos en los factores que condicionan la pasi- las ciencias de la educacin y las ciencias
vidad y el aislamiento de los jvenes NiNi, polticas, las que han abordado este objeto
incluimos en el anlisis al resto de los seg- desde distintas perspectivas, con sus conse-
mentos a fin de observar si la vulnerabilidad cuentes marcos conceptuales (los consu-
de los hogares es condicin suficiente para mos juveniles, la segregacin espacial, las
el establecimiento de una situacin de desa- representaciones mediticas, las prcticas
filiacin social que se caracteriza por la ex- de participacin poltica, los procesos de
clusin de instituciones en las cuales la so- aprendizaje, los usos de las nuevas tecnolo-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 99
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
100 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 101
cin social o sociocultural. Desde ese lugar pleos informales precarios e inestables.
se cuestiona hablar de una sola juventud, lo Lo que genera en los jvenes humildes un
que implica ocultar una realidad compleja y sentimiento de desasosiego, en palabras de
diferente segn los distintos contextos espa- Bourdieu, por el confuso descubrimiento [...]
cio-temporales, y se elige hablar de juventu- de que el sistema escolar contribuye a repro-
des en tanto portadoras de diferencias y ducir los privilegios (1990: 134).
singularidades que construyen su pluralidad El proceso de desinstitucionalizacin de
y diversidad en los distintos espacios socia- los jvenes, por no cumplir con las aspiracio-
les (Duarte, 2000: 71). nes, y la cada de las trayectorias sociales
Dentro de esta concepcin se inscriben estables (hogar-escuela-trabajo) exigen revi-
tanto estudios sobre identidades juveniles sar el concepto clsico de moratoria social
como sobre culturas juveniles. De acuerdo (Erikson, 1980) que ha caracterizado a la ju-
con el objetivo de este trabajo, nos interesa ventud como un perodo de ocio sin respon-
explorar cmo los jvenes van resolviendo sabilidades.
sus historias personales segn el contexto y La moratoria social alcanza su mxima
el tiempo en el que se desenvuelven. O de expresin en los jvenes NiNi cuyas trayec-
otro modo, cmo impactan aspectos so- torias transcurren al margen de la educacin
cioeconmicos en la construccin de sus y del trabajo. Estos jvenes que no estudian,
identidades o sus biografas. ni trabajan son el objeto de estudio de esta
Con Bourdieu pensamos que no es posi- investigacin, que busca comprender cmo
ble hablar de los jvenes como una unidad construyen sus identidades, cmo se enfren-
social que comparte intereses. Las diferen- tan a sus aspiraciones y cmo opera su en-
cias entre los jvenes tienen que ver con sus torno cercano en la permanencia en este
condiciones de vida, las cuales modelan tan- estado de inactividad prolongado.
to sus aspiraciones como la posibilidad de Para cumplir este objetivo intentaremos
realizarlas. Mientras que algunos jvenes analizar cuanto se acercan o se alejan los
eligen estudiar muchos aos, otros abando- jvenes NiNi de los otros segmentos de j-
nan la escuela y entran a trabajar como un venes que estudian, trabajan, estudian y tra-
medio para cumplir con las aspiraciones so- bajan o son amas de casa.
ciales, que no se corresponden con sus po-
sibilidades reales (Bourdieu, 1990: 131).
Para los jvenes de sectores ms humil-
Metodologa
des, permanecer escolarizados los aleja de la Los datos del presente trabajo provienen de
posibilidad de satisfacer expectativas genera- la Encuesta de la Deuda Social Argentina
das por la sociedad de consumo. En conse- (EDSA), que utiliza un cuestionario multipro-
cuencia, una parte de ellos opta por acelerar psito que aborda distintas dimensiones y
su ingreso al mundo adulto a travs del traba- componentes del desarrollo humano y so-
jo. Como contracara, la educacin secundaria cial. La encuesta se realiza cada ao sobre
se encuentra devaluada debido a la sobre- una muestra probabilstica representativa de
abundancia de sus ttulos, lo que hace que los hogares y personas que en el perodo de re-
requisitos para cubrir los puestos de trabajo ferencia residen en veinte aglomerados urba-
sean cada vez mayores, lo que pone en ven- nos del pas. Los diez dominios del estudio
taja a aquellos jvenes que han prolongado su para los que son representativos los resulta-
institucionalizacin educativa. En consecuen- dos de la encuesta son: 1) Total urbano
cia, quienes se insertan ms tempranamente (aglomerados de 80.000 habitantes o ms);
en el mundo del trabajo solo acceden a em- 2) reas metropolitanas; 3) Gran Buenos
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
102 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 103
pleo pleno, con empleo precario, subem- prdida del acceso a la educacin (Mihai e
pleados, desocupados e inactivos. Iburciu, 2015).
c) Tipo de hogar que refleja las diferentes Es interesante sealar que el concepto
modalidades de hogar: familiar/uniperso- NiNi, acrnimo NEET en ingls (not in educa-
nal, familiar nuclear completo, familiar tion, employment or training), fue usado por
nuclear incompleto y familiar extendido. primera vez en Gran Bretaa en los aos
ochenta y luego fue adoptado por otros pa-
ses europeos, asiticos y latinoamericanos
Los jvenes NiNi para identificar a una nueva poblacin de
jvenes que mostraba caractersticas simila-
Si bien los NiNi son un sector minoritario de
res a las descritas en los estudios britnicos.
la poblacin de jvenes de Argentina que,
As como la sigla vara segn el idioma y/o el
en su mayora, estudian o trabajan, consti-
pas al que pertenece esta poblacin, tam-
tuyen un grupo que ha despertado el inters
bin son diversas las definiciones que hacen
de los investigadores preocupados por co-
que un joven forme o no parte de este seg-
nocer las diversas causas sociales, econ-
mento. Respecto de la situacin laboral, en
micas, familiares y personales que condi-
algunos estudios se toma como criterio de
cionan esa situacin. Se considera en
segmentacin la formalidad del empleo, de
general que es altamente deseable que los
manera tal que el segmento de los jvenes
jvenes sean productivos y se desarrollen
NiNi estara constituido no solo por los que
en las esferas escolar o laboral, o incluso en
no trabajan, sino tambin por los que tienen
ambas, por lo que mantenerse fuera de
un trabajo precario u ocasional. En otros, se
esas actividades es censurable e incluso
considera trabajador a todo aquel que perci-
castigado socialmente, lo que incrementa
be un ingreso por una actividad indepen-
su condicin de vulnerabilidad (Gutirrez
dientemente de la formalidad y regularidad
Garca et al., 2014).
de ese trabajo. En esta investigacin se tom
Cabe sealar que bajo la nomenclatura como criterio para formar parte de los NiNi
de NiNi se oculta un hecho social complejo
no tener un trabajo remunerado.
y multidimensional que se manifiesta como
un fenmeno de exclusin social y que ha Otra variable con la que habitualmente se
sido simplificado, habitualmente desde dos define a este grupo es la educacin. En prin-
visiones, una que adjudica esta situacin a la cipio se trata de jvenes que estn fuera del
falta de oportunidades laborales y educati- sistema educativo, y pueden formar parte de
vas, y otra, que pone el acento en caracters- los NiNi los que abandonaron los estudios
ticas psicosociales estereotipadas, desta- secundarios, los que no continuaron estu-
cando la falta de predisposicin de estos dios superiores o los que abandonaron en
jvenes para el cumplimiento de las respon- este nivel, ya sea por haber sido rechazados
sabilidades socialmente esperadas. En al- por alguna institucin educativa, por falta de
gunos casos, los jvenes se excluyen porque recursos acadmicos o econmicos o por-
eligen distanciarse de la sociedad, adoptan- que no les interesaba estudiar. En nuestro
do estilos de vida alternativos. En otros ca- estudio incluimos en el segmento NiNi a to-
sos esas elecciones son de alguna manera dos aquellos jvenes que no estn cursando
forzadas, por miedo a la discriminacin, ra- estudios formales secundarios, terciarios,
cial, sexual o de cualquier otro tipo. Hay si- universitarios o superiores en el momento
tuaciones en las que barreras estructurales y de la entrevista.
sociales hacen que los jvenes se sientan La educacin es una de las variables que
excluidos de la sociedad, culminando con la muchas de las investigaciones sobre este
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
104 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
tema han utilizado para definir las diferentes de nuestra investigacin. Observamos que el
etapas etarias, vinculando niveles educati- criterio utilizado por la mayora de las inves-
vos con la amplitud temporal del perodo tigaciones que estudian la poblacin de los
juvenil. En este estudio observaremos al seg- jvenes NiNi incluyen a las mujeres amas de
mento de jvenes que, en el momento de la casa, por considerar que en esa etapa vital
entrevista, tena entre 18 y 25 aos. Algunos las jvenes deberan estar trabajando o es-
estudios denominan a esta poblacin como tudiando, es decir que entienden que ser
jvenes plenos, ya que representa a un ama de casa es una situacin asimilable a no
conjunto de jvenes con edad terica de ha- trabajar ni buscar trabajo. En nuestra inves-
ber completado recientemente la educacin tigacin definimos trabajo como trabajo re-
secundaria y coincide con el momento en munerado, y si bien las amas de casa desa-
que la mayor parte de los jvenes se inserta rrollan tareas muchas veces con horarios
en el mundo laboral o encara estudios tercia- superiores a los habituales de un empleo,
rios o universitarios. quedan excluidas por no recibir una remune-
El rango de edad hasta los 25 aos refie- racin como contrapartida del trabajo que
re para algunos autores a un perodo deno- realizan.
minado adolescencia prolongada, adultez Sin embargo, en este estudio entende-
temprana, juventud o adultez emergente alu- mos a esas jvenes amas de casa como un
diendo a la prolongacin del ingreso a la subgrupo con caractersticas especiales,
adultez. Este pasaje se asocia a una progre- que si bien puede ser considerado como po-
siva independencia, la asuncin de roles blacin inactiva (no PEA) requerira estudiar-
adultos y la aceptacin de esa nueva identi- lo con un enfoque particular. Aun cuando es
dad (Aisenson et al., 2014: 118). En general cierto que el trabajo del ama de casa por ser
las expectativas socioculturales exigen que no remunerado tiene escaso valor social,
este grupo desarrolle en esta etapa alguna creemos importante preguntarnos por qu la
actividad, ya sea vinculada con el estudio o tarea domstica tiene una definicin social
con el trabajo. En contradiccin con estas para las amas de casa cuando forman parte
exigencias aparece un grupo de jvenes que de los NiNi, y otra para el resto de amas de
no estudian ni trabajan, conocidos como casa. Ser ama de casa NiNi significa no es-
NiNi y considerados por diferentes autores tudiar, no trabajar, no hacer nada, es valo-
como un grupo excluido, vulnerable y homo- rada negativamente; por el contrario, la acti-
gneo. vidad que realiza el resto de las amas de
Dicho esto, una primera cuestin fue casa es considerada til/necesaria, aun
constatar la homogeneidad de la poblacin cuando no sea remunerada.
en estudio respecto de las variables con que En sntesis, este estudio considera NiNi a
fue definido el criterio para que los jvenes los jvenes entre 18 aos y 25 aos que ni
formaran parte de los denominados NiNi. estudian ni trabajan ni son amas de casa. El
Una primera observacin que llam la aten- segmento NiNi, as definido, representa en la
cin fue que el 73% de los NiNi eran mujeres, Argentina el 12% de la poblacin total de j-
lo que implicaba que por algn motivo en venes en esa edad, porcentaje equivalente a
este segmento la proporcin de mujeres su- aproximadamente 650.000 jvenes2.
perara ampliamente la relacin por sexo en El resto de los jvenes de entre 18 y 25
la poblacin general. Lo siguiente fue anali- aos se distribuyen teniendo en cuenta los
zar quines eran estas mujeres, y de ese
anlisis surgi que la mitad de ellas se defina
como ama de casa. Esto nos llev a pensar 2Calculado a partir de los datos del Censo Nacional del
si debamos incluir o excluir a esta poblacin 2010.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 105
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
106 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Trabajan
18%
Estudian
Amas de casa / 5%
cuidadoras Estudian y trabajan
76% 1%
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 107
Villa /
asentamiento/ 47
barrio vulnerable
Estrato
38
socioeconmico
NBI severo 34
0 10 20 30 40 50
sociocultural al que pertenecen, observando social de los jvenes, vemos que 7 de cada
el estrato socioeconmico familiar, la condi- 10 (65%) de los jefes de los hogares de estas
cin residencial, el nivel de satisfaccin de jvenes no terminaron la escuela secundaria
necesidades bsicas, el nivel educativo y y la mitad de ellos tiene un empleo precario
empleo del jefe de hogar y el tipo de hogar o est desempleado.
del que forman parte estas mujeres. Al analizar el tipo de hogar de estas jve-
El anlisis de la primera variable permite nes, vemos que ms de la mitad (56%) forma
observar que estas jvenes forman parte de parte de un hogar familiar completo con hi-
la poblacin ms vulnerable, ya que el 38% jos, un 6% de hogares nucleares sin hijos, y
vive en hogares del estrato socioeconmico 2 de cada 10 incluyen adems otros familia-
muy bajo y una proporcin similar (35%) en res en sus hogares (hogar familiar extendi-
el bajo, solo un 6% es parte del segmento do).
ms acomodado. Vinculada con la situacin
En cuanto al perfil propiamente dicho de
socioeconmica de los hogares observamos
que el 34% forma parte de hogares con un estas jvenes, podemos decir que dos de
nivel severo de necesidades bsicas insatis- cada tres (65%) tienen ms de 21 aos y una
fechas. Asimismo, se observa que la mitad proporcin similar vive en pareja 53% en
de estas amas de casa residen en barrios uniones de hecho y 8% casadas . Un dato
carenciados el 11% en una villa de emer- importante es que 6 de cada 10 (57%) jve-
gencia y el 36% en un barrio vulnerable. nes no han terminado la escuela secundaria
Un 10% en barrios de nivel medio alto y el (grfico 4).
resto en zonas de nivel medio/medio bajo Como consecuencia de lo observado po-
(grfico 3). demos decir que estamos frente a un grupo
Por otro lado, si partimos de la base de socialmente vulnerable. La situacin de do-
que el nivel de estudios y la ocupacin del mesticidad excluyente, como la denomina
jefe de hogar influyen en las expectativas fa- Braslavsky, caracterizada por el abandono
miliares y en las posibilidades de movilidad temprano de la escuela y la no participacin
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
108 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Secundaria
incompleta
en el mercado laboral, hace que se cristalice sonales de estas jvenes amas de casa se
la situacin de vulnerabilidad de estas jve- desarrollarn en el mundo domstico delimi-
nes mujeres (Miranda, 2009: 196). No obstan- tado por las barreras impuestas por el dficit
te, lo dicho no significa necesariamente califi- educativo y el aislamiento del mercado labo-
car la situacin de domesticidad como ral, pero realizando tareas funcionales y ne-
holgazanera debido a que la invisibilidad so- cesarias para su entorno familiar. No perde-
cial de la tarea no se condice con la contribu- mos de vista, sin embargo, que la realidad
cin que la misma realiza al entorno familiar. descrita aborta, en buena parte de los casos,
En lnea con lo anterior, hipotetizamos la posibilidad de concebir expectativas y
que, en algunos casos, factores vinculados concretar proyectos personales.
al entorno econmico y social llevan a estas
jvenes a asumir tempranamente la tarea de
ama de casa o cuidadora para permitir que Dficit en las condiciones
otros integrantes del entorno familiar lase materiales de vida de los
por ejemplo jefa de hogar se inserten en el jvenes nini3
mundo del trabajo. En otros casos, las unio-
La identificacin de umbrales mnimos a
nes y/o embarazos tempranos exigen a es-
tas jvenes abandonar los estudios y distan- partir de privaciones relativas ofrece algunos
ciarse de la actividad econmica. criterios bsicos para la identificacin de si-
tuaciones de dficit correspondientes a ne-
Con otros autores suscribimos la idea de
que la educacin es la llave para la inclusin
social, por lo que [] las desigualdades so-
3 Las condiciones materiales de vida de los jvenes NiNi
ciales estructurales tienden a generar trayec- sern comparadas con la situacin de los jvenes que
torias de vida que profundizan la vulnerabili- estudian, que trabajan y que estudian y trabajan. Las
dad en la construccin de las biografas condiciones materiales de vida de las amas de casa, por
tratarse de un grupo particular integrado solo por muje-
personales (Aisenson et al., 2014: 122). Por res, han sido analizadas en el apartado anterior y for-
lo que podemos decir que las biografas per- marn parte de las conclusiones de este trabajo.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 109
Grfico 5.Dficit socioeconmico de los hogares de los jvenes de 18 a 25 aos (% de nivel econmico
social muy bajo)
cesidades establecidas segn los estnda- ramente menor entre los jvenes que estudian
res normativos, sociales y culturales de una y estudian y trabajan (8 y 9% respectivamen-
sociedad (ODSA, 2010-2014: 17). te), mientras que llega al 24% en el segmento
Para evaluar las privaciones o logros uti- de jvenes que trabajan.
lizamos indicadores que miden el porcentaje Es interesante sealar que se registra una
de hogares que estn por encima o por de- clara relacin entre el estrato socioeconmi-
bajo de los umbrales mnimos establecidos co y las actividades que definen a los jve-
en cada caso. En este trabajo se utilizaron nes en estudio. Se observa que a mejor es-
como indicadores de las desigualdades el trato socioeconmico crece la tendencia a
estrato socioeconmico, el NBI, la condicin estudiar o a estudiar y trabajar, mientras que
residencial y la educacin del principal sos- la tendencia inversa se asocia con el trabajo
tn del hogar. o la inactividad.
Si observamos el estrato socioeconmico, En lnea con lo hasta ac observado, los
ndice que mide como ya hemos visto, el NiNi forman parte de los hogares ms afec-
capital educativo familiar, la condicin ocupa- tados por necesidades bsicas insatisfechas
cional de sus miembros, el acceso a bienes y (22%)4. Tambin es relevante la proporcin
tecnologas y las condiciones generales de la de jvenes que trabajan (17%) que sufren
vivienda, advertimos que el 34% de los jve- carencias y privaciones. En cuanto a los j-
nes NiNi forman parte de los hogares ms
vulnerables, el 32% se ubica en hogares de
nivel bajo, el 23% en hogares de nivel medio 4 Elmtodo NBI se focaliza en la tenencia objetiva de
bajo y el 11% en hogares de nivel medio alto satisfactores y presupone que estos efectivamente sa-
(grfico 5). Si comparamos el nivel de vulne- tisfacen las necesidades. En este caso, se destaca el
rabilidad de los hogares de los jvenes NiNi hecho de que este indicador establece un umbral de
bienestar restringido poco generoso con los pobres,
con los hogares del resto de los segmentos aunque efectivo en cuanto a dar cuenta de situaciones
estudiados, podemos ver que el dficit es cla- extremas de privacin econmica o marginalidad social.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
110 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
NiNi 22
Trabaja 17
Estudia y trabaja 9
Estudia 9
0 10 20 30
venes que estudian o estudian y trabajan, 8 el ciclo secundario. El 58% de los jefes de
de cada 10 viven en hogares sin privaciones hogar de los jvenes NiNi no terminaron el
(grfico 6). secundario, igual proporcin se observa en-
Si observamos la modalidad de urbaniza- tre los jefes de hogar de los jvenes que tra-
cin del barrio, y lo entendemos como el es- bajan (56%). En los otros segmentos de j-
pacio en el que se desarrollan procesos de venes esta cifra se reduce a 1 de cada 3.
socializacin e identidad mediante los cuales De lo hasta aqu observado, resulta inte-
se incorporan normas y valores, vemos que resante sealar la fuerte similitud en las con-
un 8% de los NiNi habita en villas o asenta- diciones materiales de vida de los hogares
mientos precarios, un 33% en barrios de tra- estrato socioeconmico, NBI, condicin
zado urbano vulnerable, un 45% en barrios de residencial y educacin del jefe de hogar
nivel medio bajo y medio y un 13% en barrios entre el segmento de jvenes NiNi y el de
de nivel medio alto. Similares condiciones de jvenes que trabaja. Y, por otro lado, la simi-
vulnerabilidad residencial se observan entre litud existente entre los que solo estudian y
los jvenes que trabajan, 5% vive en villas o los que estudian y trabajan. En este ltimo
asentamientos precarios y un 27% en barrios caso, pareciera ser que tener mejores condi-
bajos o vulnerables (grfico 7). ciones materiales de vida favorece la deci-
Por otra parte, como venamos advirtien- sin de estudiar.
do, los que estudian o estudian y trabajan La similitud encontrada entre los jvenes
tienden a vivir en condiciones residenciales NiNi y los que trabajan nos lleva a preguntar-
muy superiores, el 85% vive en barrios de nos por qu condiciones desfavorables simi-
nivel medio y medio alto (grfico 7). lares generan actitudes relativamente diferen-
Otra variable que caracteriza la condicin tes respecto del ingreso al mundo del trabajo.
socioeconmica de los hogares es el nivel de Para tratar de responder esta pregunta anali-
educacin del jefe de hogar y que segmenta zamos atributos propios de los actores j-
a esa poblacin entre los que finalizaron o no venes NiNi versus jvenes que trabajan.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 111
Grfico 7.Vulnerabilidad residencial de los jvenes de 18 a 25 aos (% que habita en villas de emergencia/
asentamientos o barrios vulnerables)
NiNi 41
Trabaja 32
Estudia y trabaja 15
Estudia 15
0 10 20 30 40 50
La primera diferencia entre ambos seg- Otra condicin que podra favorecer la
mentos es la edad. Los NiNi son ms jvenes insercin en el mundo del trabajo es la res-
que los que trabajan, la mitad (50%) de los ponsabilidad de tener personas a cargo, ya
que no estudian, ni trabajan tienen 20 aos o que el 22% de los jvenes que trabajan se
menos, mientras que solo el 30% de los jve- definen como el principal sostn del hogar,
nes que trabajan tienen esa edad (grfico 8). cifra que desciende al 7% entre los NiNi.
Una segunda diferencia es que entre los
NiNi prevalecen las mujeres. Un 58% de es-
tos jvenes son mujeres, mientras que esta Comentarios finales
cifra desciende al 35% en el segmento de
El objetivo principal de este estudio fue des-
jvenes que trabajan. La tercera diferencia,
cribir y comprender la relacin existente en-
aunque con un porcentaje menor, es el nivel
de educacin. Entre los jvenes que trabajan tre la vulnerabilidad en las condiciones ma-
hay una proporcin levemente mayor que teriales de vida de los hogares y la situacin
tiene secundario completo o ms en compa- de inactividad de los jvenes que no estu-
racin con el segmento NiNi (55% vs. 48%) dian ni trabajan. Ms especficamente, inten-
(grfico 8). tamos observar si condiciones similares de
vulnerabilidad social derivan necesariamente
En consecuencia, parecera que tener ms
en una situacin de exclusin educativa o
edad, ser varn y tener un nivel algo mejor de
laboral.
educacin son factores que favorecen la in-
clusin en el sistema social a travs del traba- Dicho objetivo fue observado en una po-
jo. Sin embargo, esto no significa superar las blacin de jvenes de 18 a 25 aos segmen-
desigualdades socioeconmicas, ya que 4 de tada segn su situacin educativa y ocupa-
cada 10 de estos jvenes tienen empleos pre- cional. Esto permiti definir cinco segmentos:
carios o de baja calidad (changarn, albail, jvenes que estudian, jvenes que trabajan,
pen, empleada domstica, etc.). jvenes que estudian y trabajan, jvenes
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
112 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
Grfico 8.Perfil demogrfico de los jvenes NiNi vs. jvenes que trabajan
50
20 aos o menos
30
58
Mujeres
35
Secundaria completa o 48
ms 55
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
amas de casa y jvenes que no estudian ni por el abandono temprano de la escuela (el
trabajan. Este ltimo grupo, que constituye la 57% no termin la escuela secundaria) y la
poblacin en estudio, representa el 12% del no participacin en el mercado laboral. For-
total de jvenes de Argentina, lo que equivale man parte de hogares vulnerables el 73%
segn el censo poblacional de 2010 a aproxi- integra familias de niveles bajo y muy bajo; el
madamente 650.000 jvenes en todo el pas. 34% con NBI severo y el 47% reside en villas
Importa sealar que si bien una gran parte de emergencia o barrios precarios.
de la bibliografa consultada incluye a las La situacin de vulnerabilidad descrita
amas de casa en el segmento NiNi, la deci- aparece como un factor que tiende a facilitar
sin de excluirlas en este estudio se funda- la reproduccin de los estereotipos de gne-
menta en que para las estadsticas oficiales el ro entre las jvenes del segmento en estudio.
ama de casa forma parte de la poblacin no Podra afirmarse que la posibilidad de ser
PEA, lo que no significa que estas mujeres se ama de casa crece en contextos de perte-
encuentren en una situacin de inactividad nencia desfavorables.
sino que tienen a su cargo tareas no remune- Incluir a estas jvenes mujeres dentro del
radas imprescindibles para el funcionamiento segmento NiNi es hacerlas doblemente invi-
material y social de la familia. El trabajo del sibles, por desarrollar tareas socialmente
ama de casa tiene un valor similar al que co- desvalorizadas y por ocultarlas dentro de un
brara un tercero por realizarlo, lo que podra grupo caracterizado por la inaccin, la pasi-
implicar la necesidad de redefinir el concepto vidad. Esto interesa ya que al momento de
de ama de casa y sustituirlo por el de trabaja- disear polticas pblicas para los jvenes
dora/empleada en su propio hogar. NiNi estas polticas no contemplaran la si-
Del total de amas de casa de entre 18 y tuacin particular de estas mujeres.
25 aos un 76% se encuadra en la situacin Una vez definida la poblacin que consti-
de domesticidad excluyente, caracterizada tuy el objetivo de este estudio (jvenes NiNi),
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 113
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
114 Los jvenes argentinos que no estudian ni trabajan: dficit de integracin social
biogrficas, que esta lnea de interpretacin Alpzar, Lydia y Bernal, Marina (2013). La construc-
plantea, se observa en los diferentes grados cin social de las juventudes. ltima Dcada,
de integracin social de los jvenes que estu- 19: 105-123. Disponible en: www.cidpa.cl/wp-
content/uploads/2013/05/19art7.pdf, acceso el
dian, los que trabajan, los que trabajan y es-
15 de septiembre de 2015.
tudian, las amas de casa y los jvenes NiNi.
Annan, Kofi. Aforismos, citas y frases clebres so-
Se confirma entonces lo que Reguillo y bre Juventud. Disponible en: www.aforismos.
otros autores denominan inclusin desigual. net/temas/juventud/4html, acceso el 15 de mar-
Puesto que para algunos jvenes se prevn zo de 2016.
trayectorias sociales estables (hogar-escue- Barber Heredia, Esther (1999). Marco conceptual e
la- trabajo) y, para otros, diferentes niveles investigacin de la motivacin humana. Revista
de desinstitucionalizacin o adentro social Electrnica de Motivacin y Emocin, 2(1). Dispo-
que van desde la baja calidad de la educa- nible en: http://reme.uji.es/articulos/abarbe127211
cin y la informalidad del empleo por la 298/texto.html, acceso el 19 de julio de 2015.
necesidad de acelerar el ingreso al mundo Bourdieu, Pierre (1990). La juventud no es ms que
adulto, segn la explicacin de Bourdieu, una palabra. En: Sociologa y cultura. Mxico:
pasando por la situacin de domesticidad Grijalbo. Disponible en: http://es.slideshare.net/
excluyente, hasta llegar al escenario de los JackDa13/pierre-bourdieu-sociologia-y-cultura-
completo, acceso el 12 de noviembre de 2015.
NiNi, caracterizado por la inaccin y el aisla-
miento propios de la desafiliacin social. Bourdieu, Pierre (2007). La dominacin masculina.
Barcelona: Anagrama.
Entendemos que el conocimiento de esta
realidad facilitar el diseo o rediseo de po- Brunet, Ignasi y Pizzi, Alejandro (2013). La delimi-
tacin sociolgica de la juventud. ltima D-
lticas pblicas concretas tendientes a evitar
cada, 21(38). Disponible en: www.scielo.cl/scie-
la cristalizacin de esta situacin de exclu- lo.php?pid=S0718-22362013000100002&
sin mediante reformas educativas y labora- scrip=sci_arttext&tlng=en, acceso el 27 de oc-
les. El sistema educativo debera garantizar tubre 2016.
una formacin de excelencia instalando los DAlessandre, Vanesa et al. (2014). Adolescentes y
centros educativos ms cualificados es- jvenes que no estudian ni trabajan en Amrica
cuelas, docentes, tecnologa en las reas Latina. El trabajo de cuidados como obstculos
de residencia de los jvenes de los sectores a la escolarizacin y desarrollo laboral de las
ms vulnerables. Por otra parte, deberan mujeres. Trabajo presentado en la VIII Jornada
crearse programas que generen ms y mejo- de Investigacin de la Licenciatura en Sociologa,
realizada en la Universidad de Ciencias Empre-
res calificaciones laborales en los jvenes de
sariales y Sociales (Buenos Aires, octubre). Dis-
sectores carenciados, para facilitar su ingre- ponible en: http://dspace.uces.edu.ar:8180/
so al primer empleo. La aplicacin de este xmlui/handle/123456789/2515, acceso el 11 de
tipo de polticas generara un proceso de in- febrero de 2016.
clusin ms equitativo de los jvenes NiNi en Duarte Quapper, Klaudio (2000). Juventud o juven-
el tejido social. tudes? Acerca de cmo mirar y remirar a las
juventudes de nuestro continente. ltima
Dcada, 13: 59-77 . Disponible en: www.redalyc.
Bibliografa org/articulo.oaid=19501303, acceso el 19 de
septiembre de 2016.
Aisenson, Gabriela et al. (2014). Trayectorias y anti-
Erikson, Erik (1980). Identidad, juventud y crisis. M-
cipaciones de futuro de jvenes adultos social-
xico: Paids.
mente vulnerables. En: Anuario de Investigacio-
nes, XX: 115-124. Facultad de Psicologa. Buenos Gutirrez Garca, Ral et al. (2014). Los jvenes
Aires: UBA. Secretara de Investigacin. Disponi- que no estudian ni trabajan en Mxico. Ense-
ble en: www.redalic.org/pdf/3691/369139949045. anza e Investigacin en Psicologa, 19(2). Dis-
pdf, acceso el 30 de agosto de 2015. ponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre y Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 115
RECEPCIN: 16/05/2016
REVISIN: 21/07/2016
APROBACIN: 22/09/2016
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, Abril - Junio 2017, pp. 97-116
doi:10.5477/cis/reis.158.97
Citation
Torre, Lidia de la and Baquerin de Riccitelli, Mara (2017). NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither
Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones Sociolgicas,
158: 97-116. (http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.158.97)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
98 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
A society that cuts itself off from its refore, we propose broadening the perspec-
youth severs its lifeline; it is condemned tive used in most studies which focuses the
to bleed to death attention on the segment of youth that neither
Kofi Annan study nor work, concluding that this situation
is exacerbated in households with scarce
material resources, historically affected by
Introduction situations of social marginalization. As stated
The main objective of this work is to determi- previously, the comparison between the Ni-
ne the extent to which vulnerability in mate- Nis and other youth allows us to observe
rial living conditions influences the institutio- whether or not similar situations of social vul-
nal integration of youth in Argentina. This nerability result from a situation of labor and
objective is based on the assumption that educational exclusion. This position su-
socio-economic inequality of households re- ggests that is more than one way to be a
lates to the way in which youth enter the youth. The youth experience is mediated by
world of education and employment. So, for diverse factors such as gender, socio-econo-
example, access to education or employ- mic level, urban or rural extraction and belon-
ment may be superimposed by concerns ging to educational, labor or religious institu-
over the poor quality of this education and tions. Thus, this study proposes addressing
the precariousness of this employment. The youth in groups, considering the diversity of
deinstitutionalization of youth and the collap- situations in this population in Argentina.
se of stable social paths (home-school- The results presented in this work are ba-
work), which reaches its ultimate expression sed on data from the Argentinian Survey of
in the phenomena of youth who are both out Social Debt 2010-2016 Bicentennial Series
of school and out of work (the so-called Ni- conducted by the Argentinian Observatory of
Nis), demands a revision of the classical con- Social Debt of the Pontifical Catholic Univer-
cept of social moratorium (Erikson, 1980) sity of Argentina.
which characterizes the youth period as one
of leisure and a lack of responsibilities.
The subject of our study is the population
Youth or young people?
between 18 and 25 years of age, which has The study of youth is of special interest for
been segmented according to the mentioned distinct disciplines such as sociology, com-
research criteria, allowing us to define five munication, educational and political scien-
groups: youth who study, youth who work, ces, which have addressed this subject
youth who study and work, youth who are from distinct perspectives, with their subse-
housewives and youth who neither study nor quent conceptual frameworks (youth consu-
work (NiNis). mers, spatial segregation, media representa-
Although this study examines the factors tions, political participation practices,
that condition passivity and isolation in NiNi learning processes, the uses of new techno-
youth, other segments are also included in logies, etc.) and using distinct qualitative and
the study in order to examine whether hou- quantitative methodologies.
sehold vulnerability is a sufficient condition These disciplines, however, disagree on
to establish the state of social disaffiliation how the concept of youth should be defined
that is characterized by exclusion from the given the distinct visions that involve different
institutions in which society expects that in- discourses and practices, creating social ima-
dividuals shall actively participate during this ginaries that feed the distinct social institu-
phase of existence (Sarav, 2004: 78). The- tions on a daily basis. Authors such as Alpzar
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 99
and collaborators believe that throughout and old age are not givens, but rather, they
history, societies have created notions and are socially constructed in the fight between
concepts that define people and place them the young and the elderly. Relationships bet-
in distinct social spaces (Alpzar and Bernal, ween social and biological age are quite
2013: 105). This implies individual differences complex (Bourdieu, 1990: 130). To speak of
when it comes to developing their potential, youth as a group having common interests
selecting and projecting their biographies. according to biological age is a manipulation,
There is more than one way to be young. a huge abuse of language, said Bourdieu,
The youth experience is mediated by diverse given that in this group, there is an adoles-
factors such as gender, socio-economic le- cent universe lacking responsibilities, shelte-
vel, urban or rural extraction and members- red in its family environment and other youth
hip in educational, labor or religious institu- who participate in the adult world, although
tions. Thus, controversy arises when deciding only because they are inserted in the work
whether we are discussing youth as a group world (Bourdieu, 1990: 131).
or young people in general. Belonging to one
of these groups means taking on distinct Youth as a generation
postures or, as Duarte said mentioning a
certain epistemology of youth that demands Youth may be defined based on historic
consideration from the diversity of this social events. The generational criteria homogeni-
world (Duarte, 2000: 61). zes based on the precise moment. For exam-
In 1990, Bourdieu declared that youth is ple, the classification is extended between
just a word: suggesting that it is a dynamic countries without examining distinct socio-
category created to take on distinct charac- political cultures and contexts. Youth, from
teristics over time. Along this line, diverse this perspective, share certain characteris-
authors such as Duarte 2000; Alpzar and tics given that they belong to a generation
Bernal 2013; Brunet and Pizzi 2013, have ad- and are defined based on stereotypes crea-
hered to the concept of youth in its plural, ted in an era the lost generation, generation
given that it addresses the diversity of situa- X; the skeptical generation; the Net gen (Al-
tions of this specific population. pzar and Bernal, 2013: 115); the indignant
The goal of this chapter is to present generation (Muoz Gonzlez, 2013). This vi-
some of the definitions that have been crea- sion seeks to establish intergenerational
ted for the term youth across history and comparisons between the youth from diffe-
which, we believe, when discussed in greater rent eras and it assigns tensions of the his-
depth, focus on a homogenous and a hete- torical moment to the differences between
rogeneous conception of the young world. todays youth and those of the past.
Young people are considered to be a homo- Youth conceived as a life stage has at least
geneous group categorized by age. Although two senses. On the one hand, it is conside-
subgroups have been recognized, the limits red a stage because it is differentiated from
between one and the other are partial and are the other life eras such as childhood,
rooted in distinct criteria. This posture coin- adulthood and old age each having its own
cides with a biological fact having a sociocul- characteristics and on the other hand, it is
tural event, main characteristics and hiding considered an interregnum to acquire the ne-
various experiences, expectations and op- cessary skills in order to move on to the adult
portunities. According to Bourdieu, youth world.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
100 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
In one way or another, this definition of lutionary psychology and the functionalist
youth is clearly situated within a homogeni- stream of thought and it attempts to obser-
zing perspective, either because youth is a ve how the changes experienced by youth
more biological than social stage of exiting biological and psychological may bring
puberty to enter into a new life cycle or be- them close to or far from the traditionally an-
cause it is a necessary step for full social in- ticipated behaviors of the family and labor
tegration. This leads us, as it has led other worlds.
authors (Alpzar; Bernal; Duarte; Brunet; Pi- The latter, which considers youth as a
zzi) to question the equivalent maturity attai- developmental problem (Rodrguez, 1995;
ned by youth with distinct living conditions. Durston, 1998) focuses on structural so-
Along these lines, the so-called sociology of cioeconomic aspects and attempts to crea-
the transition highlights the heterogeneity of te public policies to socially involve youth.
the biographical trajectories excluding diffe- These proposals aim to change the oppor-
rences based on the starting points of the tunities of youth in regards to access to
transition,, and, above all, considering the education, family formation, labor insertion,
destination point based on family and econo- etc. These policies, on the other hand, do
mic independence, differing according to the not always prevent what Reguillo and other
diverse social backgrounds of the indivi- critics coined unequal inclusion. It is, an
duals (Brunet and Pizzi, 2013). increasingly unequal process of inclusion, in
which millions of youth are obligated to hold
Youth as a promise or a problem positions that, although they remain in so-
cial inclusion, are no more than precarious
Youth as a promise suggests that youth repre- spaces that feed on the fantasy of belon-
sent the future and are agents of transforma- ging (Reguillo, 2012: 139). These studies
tion. Youth movements, such as, for example, differentiate from the demographic position
Frances May 68, reinforced the idea of youth because they recognize differences bet-
as protagonists of social change by questio- ween regions and countries, thereby resul-
ning the prevailing culture. youth are ex- ting in a less homogenous definition of the
pected to provide the solutions to the nations young world.
problems since it is believed that they hold the
key to the future of the country (Alpzar and
Youth as a social construction
Bernal, 2013: 113).
Youth as a problem may be viewed from Over past decades, the definition of youth as
two perspectives, one which is psychological a social or socio-cultural construct has pre-
and the other which is linked to the develop- dominated. Thus, the issue is whether or not
ment of youth as vulnerable segments of so- there is one single youth, implying a hidden
ciety. The former considers psychological complex reality that differs based on space-
aspects (Hall, Freud, Ana), considering youth time contexts, or a collective youth with
to be a stage of risk for the healthy structu- both differences and similarities that create
ring of the personality. They state that this is their plurality and diversity in the distinct so-
a process of change in which emotional ins- cial spaces (Duarte, 2000: 71).
tability is often present, causing states of Based on this concept, numerous studies
unrest and confusion. It is defined as a uni- have been conducted on youth identities as
versal phenomenon characterized by a se- well as youth cultures. Based on the objecti-
ries of physical and psychological chan- ve of this work, we shall explore how youth
ges (Alpzar and Bernal, 2013: 108). This resolve their personal histories based on the
viewpoint is based on psychoanalysis, evo- context and time in which they take place.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 101
Or, in other words, we shall determine how work, which seeks to understand how their
socio-economic aspects impact the creation identities are created, how they face their as-
of their identities or biographies. pirations, and how their environment opera-
Like Bourdieu, we believe that it is not tes to keep them in this state of prolonged
possible to speak of youth as a social unit inactivity.
sharing interests. The differences between To comply with this objective, we attempt
youth are based on their living conditions to analyze how the NiNis approach or distan-
which model their aspirations as well as their ce themselves from other segments of youth
possibility of achieving them. While some who study, work, study and work or are hou-
youth choose to study for many years, others sewives.
abandon their studies and enter the workfor-
ce in an attempt to accomplish their social
aspirations, which do not correspond to their Methodology
real possibilities (Bourdieu, 1990: 131).
The data from this work comes from the Ar-
For youth from more humble sectors, re- gentinian Survey of Social Debt (EDSA, ba-
maining in school distances them from the sed on its initial in Spanish) which uses a
possibility of satisfying the expectations multi-purpose questionnaire that contains
created by todays consumer society. Thus, distinct dimensions and components of hu-
some of them opt to rush into the adult world man and social development. The survey is
through work. On the other hand, secondary conducted every year on a probabilistic sam-
education has been devalued given the over- ple that is representative of the households
supply of its degrees, making the require- and individuals who reside in the twenty ur-
ments for covering work positions increasin- ban centers of the country during the referen-
gly greater, placing those youth with an ce period. The survey results represent the
extended education at an advantage. There- following ten study domains: 1) Urban total
fore, those who rushed into the work world (groups of 80,000 inhabitants or more); 2)
only tend to access less formal jobs that are Metropolitan areas; 3) larger Buenos Aires; 4)
often precarious and unstable. This tends to autonomous city of Buenos Aires; 5) Buenos
create a feeling of unrest in the more humble Aires conurbation; 6) larger Rosario; 7) Larger
youth, according to Bourdieu, due to the Crdoba; 8) Larger Mendoza; 9) Larger Tucu-
confused discovery... that the educational mn and 10) the remaining urban area of the
system contributes to reproducing privile- interior (non-metropolitan cities of 80,000
ges (Bourdieu, 1990: 134). inhabitants or more).
By failing to comply with the aspirations Sampling is probabilistic, multi-stage and
and given the decline in stable social trajec- uses random selection of households, ho-
tories (home-school-work), the youth de- mes and populations, with stratification of
institutionalization process demands a revi- radial censuses and households. The socio-
sion in the classical concept of social economic stratification criteria is carried out
moratorium (Erikson, 1980) which has cha- based on classification and ordering of the
racterized youth as a period of leisure without census radii according to the average of edu-
responsibilities. cation level of the head of household in each
The social moratorium attains its maxi- census radius. The survey was conducted
mum expression in the NiNi youth whose during the quarters of each year. For this stu-
trajectories pass over the lines of education dy, we worked with stacked bases from
and work. These youth neither study, nor 2010-2014 having a total of 4855 youth bet-
work. They are the object of study in this ween 18 and 25 years of age, living in the
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
102 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
sample households. Sampling error was */- c) Residential condition: allows for the clas-
1.4% with a population proportion estimate sification of urban homes according to
of 50% and a confidence level of 95%. their positioning in different spaces. It
For the analysis of sociodemographic as- segments the population according to
pects, the NiNi variable was created, which whether the surveyed individual lives in:
segmented the population under study as: 1) neighborhoods with formal urban design
youth who neither study nor work, and are with a predominantly middle-high so-
not housewives; 2) youth who study; 3) youth cioeconomic level; neighborhoods with
who work, 4) youth who study and work and formal urban design with a predominantly
5) youth who are housewives. Only paid ac- middle-high socioeconomic level; neigh-
tivities were considered to be work. In the borhoods with formal design with a pre-
case of housewives, household work was dominantly low socioeconomic level and
considered to have an equivalent price to precarious towns or settlements.
that which would be paid to an employee to
carry out this housework. Similarly, the following variables were
The following variables characterize the used to characterize the attributes of the
attributes of the survey participants: gender; youths home:
age; civil status and education level. This final
variable divided the segment of youth into tho- a) Education of the head of the household1
se who did not complete secondary education which divides these individuals into those
studies and those who had completed this who have and have not completed se-
secondary or formal higher education level. condary education.
For the analysis, three complex structural b) Employment of the head of the household
variables were used, created by the ODSA: which permits classification of this seg-
ment into those with full employment;
a) Socioeconomic stratum: considers the those with precarious employment; unde-
educational capital of the household, the remployed; unemployed or inactive.
occupational condition of its members,
the access to goods and technology and c) Type of Home reflects the different moda-
the characteristics of the home. It seg- lities of the home: family/single-person;
ments the population into the following: complete nuclear family; incomplete nu-
medium high, medium low and very low. clear family and extended family.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 103
researchers concerned about understanding segment consists not only of those who do
the diverse social, economic, family and per- not work, but also by those having preca-
sonal causes underlying this situation. In rious or occasional employment. In others,
general, it is considered to be very desirable the term worker refers to anyone receiving
for youth to be productive and to advance in income for an activity, regardless of the for-
the scholastic and labor spheres, or even in mality and regularity of this work. In this stu-
both, so not being included in these activities dy, the criteria for being considered a NiNi is
is reprehensible and even punishable, increa- based on not having a paid job.
sing their vulnerable status(Gutirrez Garca Another variable that is typically used to
et al., 2014). define this group is that of education. In ge-
It should be noted that the NiNi classifi- neral, these youth fall outside of the educa-
cation hides a complex and multi-dimensio- tional system and it may also include those
nal social phenomenon that manifests itself who have abandoned their secondary edu-
as one of social exclusion and which has cation studies, do not continue their higher
been simplified, normally from two education studies (or abandon them once
viewpoints, one of which adjudicates this si- reaching this level), whether or not it is be-
tuation to a lack of labor and educational cause they were rejected by an educational
opportunities and the other which highlights institution, due to lack of academic or edu-
stereotypical psycho-social characteristics, cational resources or because they were not
emphasizing a lack of predisposition of these interested in studying. In our study, we con-
youth to comply with their socially anticipa- sider NiNis to be all those youth who are not
ted responsibilities. In some cases, youth participating in formal studies secondary,
are excluded because they choose to distan- tertiary, university or higher level at the time
ce themselves from society, adopting alter- of the interview.
native lifestyles. In other cases, these choi-
ces are somewhat forced, via discrimination Education is one of the variables that
(be it racial, gender-based, sexual, or any many of the studies on this topic have used
other type). There are situations in which the to define the distinct stages, linking educa-
structural and social barriers seemingly ex- tional levels with the temporary length of the
clude the youth from society, culminating in youth period. In this study, we observe the
a loss of access to education (Mihai and segment of youth who, at the time of the in-
Iburclu, 2015). terview, were between 18 and 25 years of
age. Some studies coin this population as
It is interesting to note that the NiNi con-
full youth, given that it represents the set of
cept, also known as NEET (not in education,
youth having the theoretical age to have re-
employment or training), was first used in
cently completed secondary education and
Great Britain during the 1980s and was then
coinciding with the time in which the majority
adopted by other European, Asian and Latin
of the youth enter into the labor world or em-
American countries to identify a new popula-
tion of youth having similar characteristics to bark upon tertiary or university level studies.
those described in the British studies. Just as For some authors, the age range up to the
the acronym varies based on language and/ age of 25 refers to an extended period of
or country to which the population belongs, adolescence, early adulthood, youth or
the definitions for the youth that do or do not emerging adulthood, alluding to an extension
form a part of this segment are equally diver- of the entry into adulthood. This period is as-
se. As for the labor situation, in some studies, sociated with a progressive independence,
formality of employment is considered the the assuming of adult roles and the accep-
criteria for segmentation, whereby the NiNi tance of this new identity (Aisenson et al.,
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
104 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
2014: 118). In general, the socio-cultural ex- another one for those housewives who are
pectations demand that this group develop not. Being a housewife in a NiNi home means
some activity in this phase, be it linked to not studying or working or doing anything
studies or work. In clash with these de- and it is negatively valued, unlike the activity
mands, there is a youth group that neither carried out by the other housewives, which is
works nor studies, known as NiNis and they considered useful / necessary even though it
are considered by distinct authors to be an is unpaid.
excluded, vulnerable and homogenous In summary, this study considers NiNis to
group. be youth between the ages of 18 and 25 who
Having said this, an initial issue was to neither study nor work and who are not hou-
determine the homogeneity of the population sewives. Defined as such, the NiNi segment
with respect to the variables defining the cri- represents 12% of the total youth in Argenti-
teria for the youth to form a part of the so- na in this age range, a percentage equaling
called NiNis. A significant initial observation some 650,000 youth2.
revealed that 73% of all NiNi were females,
The other youth between the ages of 18
suggesting that for some reason, in this seg-
and 25 have been distributed according to
ment, the proportion of females greatly ex-
the following criteria: 18% study, 46% work,
ceeded the populations gender relation. The
15% study and work and 9% are housewives
next step was to analyze who these women
(see Graph 1). Our research considers five
are and from this analysis, it was found that
segments, with the NiNis being the experi-
half of these females define themselves as
mental group and the other groups serving
housewives. This leads us to consider
as the control, so as to compare the effect of
whether or not we should include this popu-
different stimuli which allow us to describe
lation in our study. We have observed that
differences and similarities between them.
the criteria used by the majority of the re-
Specifically, it includes those determined by
search that has been conducted on NiNis
the households socioeconomic situation,
includes female housewives in the segment,
years of education completed, age, gender
since during this life stage it is considered
and certain membership characteristics.
that youth should be either working or stu-
dying. That is, it is believed that being a hou-
sewife is not similar to either working or see- Female caretakers or housewives
king employment. In our study, we define who neither work nor study
work as paid employment, and although Although we have decided to exclude the
housewives carry out numerous tasks with housewife population from the so-called Ni-
hours that exceed those of a regular job, they Nis, due to the reasons described previously,
are excluded from this group since they do we believe that it is interesting to analyze the
not receive payment for their work. sociodemographic profile and material con-
However, in our study, we consider these ditions in which these women live, since this
young housewives to be a subgroup having information may be a starting point to permit
special characteristics that may be conside- (in subsequent studies) further understan-
red an inactive population (no PEA) requiring ding of their knowledge and needs. It is im-
study with a specific focus. While it is true portant to note that the housewife category
that the work of the housewife has little social includes women who are mothers or who
value, given that it is unpaid work, we believe
that it is important to ask why domestic work
has a social definition for the housewives 2Calculated based on data from the 2010 National Cen-
when they are considered to be NiNis and sus.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 105
have the responsibility of caring for depen- youngest segment of women who, in the ma-
dents, children, younger siblings or the el- jority of the bibliography, are lumped into the
derly, therefore in some studies they are re- NiNi category.
ferred to as caregivers. In this study, of all of the women defined
as housewives, 76% neither work nor study,
Female caregivers are found to be overrepresen- 18% work, 5% study and 1% work and stu-
ted in the more disadvantaged social sectors. The dy. So, eight out of ten females between the
educational and labor exclusion faced by these age of 18 and 25 who carry out an important
women reveals the gender division of the work of task for society and who should be the sub-
caretakers and the force of maternity in structuring ject of specific policies, are invisible both to
the life project of the poorest women, limiting and the society that does not value the housewi-
hindering their processes of education and labor fe role and that reinforces cultural patterns
development, decreasing their social, economic
that praise the feminine roles of wife and
and cultural capital, and in many cases, reinforcing
mother, as well as to researchers who place
their economic and affective dependence on male
these women in the NiNi category (see Graph
household providers. Similarly, we understand
2). According to Pierre Bourdieu:
that the contrast between the statistical weight
occupied by these female caretakers within the
group and their presence in the bibliography []for a long time, women have been kept locked
highlights the invisibility of the work of caretakers in a world of activities associated with reproducti-
in our society (DAlessandre, et al., 2014). ve biology and lineage; activities (maternal ones,
mainly) that, although apparently recognized and
The exclusion of these females from the sometimes celebrated, are only done so in the
population that we define as youth who measure to which they are subordinate to produc-
neither work nor study is intended to make tion activities which receive true economic and
this caretaker work visible, specifically in the social approval, and ordered in accordance with
650,000 youth
according to the 2010
National Census
Housewives
9%
Work
work
46%
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
106 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
Work
18%
Study
Housewives/ 5%
caretakers Study and work
76% 1%
the material and symbolic interests of lineage, that type of household to which these women
is, the men (2007: 121). belong.
The analysis of the first variable allows us
Upon review of the tasks carried out by to observe that these youth are part of the
these young women, their inactivity or ine- most vulnerable population, given that 38 %
ffectiveness are put into question and the of them live in households of a very low so-
quality of the tasks being performed that per- cioeconomic stratum and a similar percenta-
mit the harmonic development of family life ge (35%) live in households of a low stratum,
are revealed. with only 6% being part of the most well off
Approximately 9 out of 10 of these youth segment. As for the socioeconomic situation
care for children or family members (88%); of the households, we observe that 34%
prepare food (90%); clean, wash and iron form a part of households in which a signifi-
(92%); and carry out the family purchasing in cant level of basic needs are unsatisfied. Si-
supermarkets and department stores (92%). milarly, we find that half of these housewives
If these activities were not performed by these reside in poor neighborhoods 11% in emer-
women, they would certain have to be dele- gency shelters and 36% in vulnerable neigh-
gated to another household member or to borhoods. It was found that 10% live in
someone who would do this work for pay- medium-high level neighborhoods and the
ment. rest live in medium/medium-low level areas
In order to better understand this speci- (see Graph 3).
fic population, we shall analyze the socio- On the other hand, if we believe that
cultural context to which it belongs, obser- education and work level of the head of
ving the family socioeconomic stratum, the household influences the family expecta-
residential condition, the level of satisfac- tions and possibilities of social mobility of
tion of basic needs, education and employ- the youth, we see that 7 out of 10 (65%) of
ment level of the head of household and the the heads of household of these youth did
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 107
Socioeconomic stratum 38
Severe NBI 34
0 10 20 30 40 50
not complete secondary schooling and half ness, given that the social invisibility of the
of them have precarious employment or are task does not concur with the contribution
unemployed. made by the individual to the family environ-
Upon analyzing the type of household of ment.
these youth, we see that more than half of Based on the previous, we may hypothe-
them (56%) form a part of a household com- size that, in some cases, factors linked to the
plete with children, 6% form a part of nuclear economic and social environment lead these
households without children, and 2 out of 10 youth to take on the housewife or caretaker
also include other family members in their role at an early age, in order to allow other
households (extended family households). family members see, for example, the head
As for the profile of these youth, two out of household to enter the labor world. In
of three (65%) are over 21 years of age and other cases, premature unions and/or preg-
a similar percentage lives with a partner nancies lead these youth to abandon their
-53% in common law relationships and 8% studies and to distance themselves from
married. It is important to note that six out economic activities.
of ten (57%) of these youth have not comple- Along with other authors, we subscribe to
ted secondary school (see Graph 4). the belief that education is key to social in-
So, we can declare this to be a socially clusion, therefore, Structural social in-
vulnerable group. The situation of exclusive equalities tend to generate life trajectories
domesticity as Braslavsky coined it, which that increase vulnerability in the creation of
is characterized by early abandon of schoo- the personal biographies (Aisenson et al.,
ling and a lack of participation in the labor 2014: 122). So, the personal biographies of
market make this a situation of vulnerability these young housewives shall be created in
for these young women (Miranda, 2009:196). a domestic world that is defined by the ba-
However, this does not mean that the do- rriers imposed by educational deficit and iso-
mestic situation should be classified as idle- lation from the labor market, although they
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
108 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
21 or older 65
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
are carrying out functional and necessary percentage of households that are above or
tasks for their family environment. However, below the minimal thresholds established in
we must not lose sight of the fact that in each case. In this study, we use the following
many cases, the described reality hinders the as indicators of inequalities: the economic
possibility of having expectations and crea- social stratum; the NBI; the residential con-
ting personal projects. dition and the education level of the main
household support.
If we observe the socioeconomic stra-
Deficits in the material living tum, an index which (as we have seen) mea-
conditions of the ninis3 sures the family educational capital; the labor
The identification of minimal thresholds ba- condition of its members; access to goods
sed on deprivations offers some basic criteria and technologies and the general conditions
for the identification of deficit situations co- of the household, we note that 34% of the
rresponding to the needs established accor- NiNis form a part of the most vulnerable hou-
ding to the regulatory, social and cultural stan- seholds, 32% are found in low level house-
dards of a society (ODSA 2010-2014: 17). holds, 23% are in medium-low level house-
To evaluate the deprivations or achieve- holds and 11% are in medium-high level
ments we use indicators that measure the households (see Graph 5). If we compare the
level of vulnerability of the NiNi households
with those of the other segments under stu-
3The material living conditions of the NiNis shall be
dy, we find that there is clearly a lower deficit
compared with the situation of the youth who study, work between youth who study and those who
and both study and work. The material living conditions study and work (8% and 9% respectively)
of the housewives, being a specific group made up of
only females, have been analyzed in the previous section while for the segment of youth who work, the
and is included in the conclusions section of this study. percentage increases to 24%.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 109
Graph 5.Socioeconomic deficit of households of youth between 18 and 25 years (% of very low socio-
economic level)
NiNi 34
Work 24
Study 8
0 10 20 30 40 50
It is interesting to note that there is a clear processes are carried out (through which
relationship between socioeconomic stratum standards and values are incorporated), we
and the activities defining the youth under find that 8% of the NiNis live in precarious
study. We find that a higher socioeconomic housing or settlements, 33% live in vulnera-
stratum increases the tendency to study or ble urban neighborhoods, 45% live in me-
to study and work, while the inverse trend is dium-low and medium level neighborhoods
associated with work or inactivity. and 13% live in medium-high level neighbor-
So, the NiNis make up a part of the hou- hoods. Similar conditions of residential vul-
seholds that are the most strongly affected nerability are observed in the youth who
by unsatisfied basic needs (22%)4. Also rele- work, 5% live in precarious homes or settle-
ments and 27% live in low level or vulnerable
vant is the percentage of youth who work
neighborhoods (see Graph 7).
(17%) who suffer from shortages and depri-
vations. As for the youth who study or study On the other hand, as we have stated,
and work, 8 out of 10 live in households those who study or study and work tend to
without deprivations (see Graph 6). live in much better residential conditions,
85% live in neighborhoods of middle and
If we observe the modality of neighbor-
middle high levels (see Graph 7).
hood development and consider this to be
the space where socialization and identity Another variable that characterizes the
socioeconomic condition of the households
is the education level of the head of the hou-
4The NBI method focuses on satisfactory objectives
sehold and the segment of this population
and assumes that these effectively satisfy needs. In this that completed or did not complete the se-
case, this indicator establishes a restricted wellbeing condary education cycle. 58% of the heads
threshold which is not generous with the poor, but is
effective in terms of revealing extreme situations of eco- of household of the NiNis have not comple-
nomic deprivation or social marginality. ted secondary education. The same percen-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
110 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
NiNi 22
Work 17
Study 9
0 10 20 30
tage is observed for the heads of household who work. Half (50%) of those who neither
of youth who work (56%). In the other seg- study nor work are 20 years or younger, whe-
ments of youth, this figure is reduced to 1 out reas only 30% of the youth that work are this
of every 3. young age (see Graph 8).
So, it is interesting to note the strong si- A second difference is that females
milarity in material living conditions of the clearly predominate in the NiNi group. Some
households socioeconomic stratum, NBI, 58% of these youth are female whereas the
residential condition and education of the figure decreases to 35% in the youth who
head of household between the NiNis and work segment. The third difference, although
the youth that work. And on the other hand, having a lower percentage, is education le-
the similarity found between youth who only vel. Among the youth who work, there is a
study and those who work and study is also slightly higher percentage having comple-
of interest. In this latter case, it appears that ted secondary education or more, as com-
there are better material living conditions pared to the NiNi segment (55% vs. 48%)
which favor the decision to study. (see Graph 8).
The similarity found between the NiNis Therefore, it appears that being older,
and those who work leads us to ask: what male and having a somewhat better educa-
are the similar unfavorable conditions that tion level are factors that favor the inclusion
create relatively different attitudes with res- in the social system through employment.
pect to entry into the labor world? In an at- However, this does not suggest that so-
tempt to answer this question, we must cioeconomic inequalities shall be overcome,
analyze the attributes of the actors NiNis given that 4 out of 10 of these youth have
versus youth who work . precarious or low quality jobs (porters, ma-
The first difference between both seg- sons, day laborers, domestic employees,
ments is age. NiNis are younger than those etc.).
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 111
Graph 7.Residential vulnerability of youth between 18 and 25 years (% living in emergency housing/vulnerable
housing or neighborhoods)
NiNi 41
Work 32
Study 15
0 10 20 30 40 50
Another condition that may favor inser- neither study nor work. This latter group,
tion in the labor world is having individuals which constitutes the study population, re-
under their responsibility, since 22% of the presents 12% of the total youth in Argentina,
youth who work define themselves as the equaling, according to the population census
main household support, a figure that de- of 2010 approximately 650,000 youth across
creases to 7% amongst the NiNis. the country.
It should be noted that while a large part
of the consulted bibliography includes hou-
Final comments sewives in the NiNi segment, our decision to
The main goal of this study is to discover and exclude them in this study was based on the
understand the relationship existing between belief that in official statistics, housewives
vulnerability in material living conditions of make up a part of the no PEA population,
the households and the inactivity of youth which does not mean that these women are
who neither work nor study. More specifica- in situations of inactivity, but rather, that the
lly, we attempt to observe whether or not si- tasks that they carry out are not paid but are
milar conditions of social vulnerability are essential for the material and social functio-
derived from a situation of educational or ning of their family. The work of the hou-
labor exclusion. sewife has a similar value to that which
This objective was observed in a popula- would be charged by a third party who ca-
tion of youth between the ages of 18 and 25 rries it out, which may imply the need to re-
segmented based on their educational and define the concept of housewife and subs-
occupational situation. This has allowed us titute it for that of worker / employee in
to define five segments: youth who study, ones own home.
youth who work, youth who study and work, Of the total housewives between the age
youth who are housewives and youth who of 18 and 25, 76% fall into the situation of
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
112 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
50
20 years or less
30
58
Females
35
48
Secondary ed. or higher
55
Primary household 7
support 22
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
Lidia de la Torre and Mara Baquerin de Riccitelli 113
ver, being a part of the social fabric does not The segmentation of the youth into dis-
imply that these youth have overcome mar- tinct groups and the verification, based on
ginalization, given that the work that they the obtained results, of differences between
carry out is of low quality or precarious. them in the distinct degrees of institutional
The described results may be enlightened integration home, school, work underlie
from the concepts of expectation and valen- the heterogeneous concept of the world of
ce as analyzed by Mayer and Barber. The the young and once again questions visions
former, defined as the perception that one such as socio-demographics which, as we
has that a specific action shall lead to cer- see, matches biological data such as age
tain results, and the second, which alludes to with a sociocultural act; the generational
the value that an individual expects when which standardizes based on contempora-
achieving the results (Barber Heredia, neity and certain positions that define youth
1999). In the case of the NiNis, it is possible as a life stage a more biological than social
that the anticipated perception of failure of step of abandoning puberty /adolescence to
an action and, therefore, the impossibility of enter into a life cycle of full social integra-
achieving a goal results in repeated indolent tion.
attitudes, which reinforce inaction and isola- This study considers the approach of the
tion. This theory allows for the explanation of so-called sociology of transition which states
the differences in level of affiliation versus that youth with distinct living conditions are
non-affiliation between the NiNis and the different from the get go and, therefore, in the
youth who work, given that it considers both end point. The heterogeneity of the biogra-
the individuals external components struc- phical trajectories, which is the suggested
tural and social factors as well as aspects line of interpretation, is observed in the diffe-
of personality and life experience. The pre- rent degrees of social integration of the youth
vious is only a hypothesis to be considered under study, those who work, those who
in future studies. work and study, housewives, and the NiNis.
In summary, NiNis are youth who live in Therefore, what Reguillo and other
households that tend to be marked by eco- authors coined as unequal inclusion has
nomic and social vulnerability and they tend been confirmed. Given that some youth are
to live in precarious and hostile environ- expected to have stable social trajectories
ments. These environments reciprocally feed (home-school-work) while for others, distinct
the passivity and isolation that frustrate the levels of deinstitutionalization or social inte-
development of their potential for taking on rior ranging from low quality education and
activities that may permit their personal informal employment due to the need to
growth and social integration. The compari- accelerate ones entry into the adult world, as
son between this population with the seg- explains Bourdieu to the situation of exclu-
ment of youth who work allows us to conclu- sive domesticity until reaching the scenario
de that similar levels of socioeconomic of the NiNi which is characterized by inaction
vulnerability of households is a necessary and isolation that is considered social disen-
condition but is not sufficient to explain the rollment.
situation of social disenrollment of the youth We believe that the knowledge of this rea-
who neither study nor work. On the other lity may facilitate the design or redesign of
hand, it appears that having better material specific public policies that shall prevent the
living conditions favors the predisposition to crystallization of this exclusion situation
continue to be active in the education sys- through educational and labor reforms. The
tem. educational system should guarantee quality
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 158, April - June 2017, pp. 97-116
114 NiNis: Youth in Argentina who Neither Work nor Study. A Social Integration Deficit
education by installing the most qualified Latina. El trabajo de cuidados como obstculos
education centers schools, centers, techno- a la escolarizacin y desarrollo laboral de las
mujeres. Working Paper presented at VIII Jor-
logy in the areas of residence where the
nada de Investigacin de la Licenciatura en So-
most vulnerable youth live. On the other
ciologa, Universidad de Ciencias Empresariales
hand, programs should be created to gene- y Sociales (Buenos Aires, October). Available at:
rate more and improved labor qualifications http://dspace.uces.edu.ar:8180/xmlui/hand-
in youth in the poorest sectors, in order to le/123456789/2515, consulted on February 11,
facilitate their first employment. The applica- 2016.
tion of this type of policies shall generate a Duarte Quapper, Klaudio (2000). Juventud o juven-
process of inclusion that is more inclusive of tudes? Acerca de cmo mirar y remirar a las
the NiNis within the social fabric. juventudes de nuestro continente. ltima
Dcada, 13: 59-77. Available at: www.redalyc.
org/articulo.oaid=19501303, consulted on Sep-
tember 19, 2016.
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Aisenson, Gabriela et al. (2014). Trayectorias y anti-
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