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First, the target audience: How Change Happens is aimed at activists, broadly defined
not just campaigners but that wider group of lobbyists, entrepreneurs and officials, both
individuals and organizations, who are set on transforming the world. Now on with the
summary.
In contrast, many of the mental models activists use to think about change are linear if I
do A, then B will happen with profound consequences in terms of failure, frustration and
missed opportunities. Society, politics or the economy rarely conform to linear models. As
Mike Tyson memorably said, everyone has a plan 'til they get punched in the mouth.
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Instead, change in complex systems occurs in slow steady processes such as
demographic or technological shifts, punctuated by sudden, unforeseeable jumps. Often
these jumps, also known as critical junctures are driven by crises, conflicts, failures and
scandals, which disrupt social, political or economic relations, creating an appetite for new
ideas and opening the door to previously unthinkable reforms.
Another lesson of systems thinking is that you cannot understand and plan everything in
advance. If each situation is different, so must be the response. One of the founders of
systems thinking, Donella Meadows, talks of the need to learn to dance with systems.
But even that may be too choreographed. Perhaps a better analogy is that activists
should switch from being architects and engineers to becoming ecosystem gardeners,
nurturing richer and more diverse systems of change without trying to control them.
Studying and understanding that force field is an essential part of trying to influence change.
Though largely invisible to the newcomer, power sets parameters on how social and
political relationships evolve. Who are likely allies or enemies of change? Who are the
uppers and lowers in this relationship? Who listens or defers to whom? How have they
treated each other in the past?
Thinking in terms of power brings the true drama of development to life. In contrast to the
drab portrayal of poor people as passive victims (of disasters, of poverty, of famine) or as
beneficiaries (of aid, of social services), empowerment places poor peoples own
actions centre stage. In the words of Bangladeshi academic Naila Kabeer, From a state
of powerlessness that manifests itself in a feeling of I cannot; activism contains an
element of collective self-confidence that results in a feeling of We can.
Although my book is about how change happens, often the important question is Why
doesnt change happen? Systems, whether in thought, politics or the economy, can be
remarkably resistant to change. I like to get at the root of the i-word (inertia) through
three other i-words: institutions, ideas and interests. A combination of these often
underlies the resistance to change.
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Shifts in social norms often underpin change
The mechanisms of formal power are important, but change often begins at a deeper
level, when people who have previously internalized feelings of subordination or inferiority
achieve power within and start to organize to demand their rights. In recent decades,
such change has been partly triggered by profound shifts in social norms fundamental
understandings of the rights of hitherto marginalized groups, including women, children or
people with disabilities. Promoting norm change at both global and local levels has been a
major part of activism, and could constitute one of its most enduring achievements.
PART 2: INSTITUTIONS
Understanding how institutions work; their history, politics and internal
structures can be the key for activists to find new ideas for influencing, for
promoting change and for seizing moments of opportunity.
People seeking change are often impatient, intent on addressing the problems of the
world. In the words of Martin Luther King, they are consumed by the fierce urgency of
now. That means they can underestimate the importance of changing institutions.
Institutions appear to be permanent and unchanging; in fact they often depend on that
appearance for their credibility. But now is merely a moment on the continuum of history,
and history shows us that the status quo is far less fixed than it appears. Yes, institutions
are inherently conservative, but their normal functioning provokes changes in the world,
changes that buffet them and oblige them, over time, to either evolve or fail.
States may be ubiquitous, but they are far from static. A constant process of conflict and
bargaining shapes their contours and responsibilities, and a flux of power determines both
what changes and what does not. Activists need to look under the bonnet of states, and
understand them as complex systems that can be influenced.
In recent years the actions and courage of strong and cohesive non-violent civic coalitions
has proven vital to the political transitions that presage state change. Since the 1980s,
successive waves of civil society protest have contributed to the overthrow of military
governments across Latin America, the downfall of Communist and authoritarian regimes
in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, the removal of dictators in the Philippines and
Indonesia, the end of apartheid in South Africa, and the upheavals of the Arab Spring.
Effective tactics have included boycotts, mass protests, blockades, strikes, and civil
disobedience.
Even the most repressive states cannot ignore such movements for long. Confucius wrote
that every ruler needs arms, food and trust, but that if any of these had to be forfeited, the
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first two should be given up before the last. Even unelected governments need a degree
of trust to do their day-to-day work. Without it laws will more often be evaded and broken,
taxes harder to raise, and information harder to gather. Legitimacy when citizens
accept the rights of states to rule over them lies at the heart of the social contract
between rulers and ruled. States desire to maintain or regain legitimacy provides activists
with avenues for change even in apparently closed political systems.
Activists need to adapt their change strategies according to the nature of the state. In
fragile states, where power resides mostly outside national governments, activists may be
better off working at a local level, with municipal officials and non-state bodies like
traditional leaders and faith groups. In developmental states with strong, often autocratic,
governments, engaging directly with efficient bureaucracies, using research and argument
rather than street protest, often makes for a better (and safer) influencing strategy. In
more clientilist systems, based on relationships (sometimes including corruption), the
best influencing strategy may be to network directly with those in power.
Aid-financed state reform failed because Western donors tried to graft liberal-democratic
and free-market institutions onto countries with very different traditions. Governments
became adept at passing rules and creating institutions that look good on paper, but are
in practice entirely cosmetic. At one point Uganda had the best anti-corruption laws in the
world, scoring 99 out of 100 in one league table, yet came 126th in the 2008 Transparency
International Corruption Perceptions Index.
In contrast, countries that successfully reformed state institutions did not follow some
Washington or London-decreed best practice. Instead, they created hybrid institutions
that combine elements of traditional, nationally specific institutions with good ideas from
outside.
States exemplify the challenges of complexity. The interactions, alliances and disputes
between politicians and civil servants, between one ministry and another, or between
different tiers of government, and how each of them in turn respond to citizen demand
and other external pressures, provide the political landscape upon which decisions are
made. Learning to dance with the system understanding how the state in question
evolved, how its decisions are made, how formal and informal power is distributed within it
and how that distribution shifts over time are essential tasks for any activist intent on
making change happen.
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constant flux. Not only are old laws replaced by new, but the interpretation of laws
evolves, including the weight assigned to customary systems.
Some legal systems remain rigid and inflexible but, in what some lawyers call a 'legal
social justice revolution', progressive lawyers and activists around the world have
increasingly harnessed the law to promote human rights and equality and to address
privilege and discrimination.
The legal system, like any institution, is not a level playing field. The rich and powerful can
hire better lawyers, can lobby law-makers, and generally get a better deal. But not always
if people organize, build the right coalitions, pursue the right argument and tactics, laws
and lawyers can bite back, governments and Big Men can lose cases. The law will remain
an essential weapon in the armoury of activists around the world.
Countries with stagnant or corrupt party systems do not remain so forever. Instead, they
constitute an ever-evolving system, driven by pressure from below, changing norms, new
leaders and critical junctures. Activists need to learn to dance with that system, using the
media, and direct pressure on authorities, but also working with parties by building
alliances, identifying and working with champions and seizing moments of opportunity,
because parties carry the potential to achieve changes on an otherwise impossible scale.
The international system has a critical role in shaping societys norms and beliefs.
Moreover, many of the most pressing challenges facing humanity are collective action
problems that cannot be solved by single countries alone.
Activists movements in the national and local arenas can make it politically feasible for
governments, as well as enlightened leaders in the international system, to address
climate change, pandemics, crime, weapons proliferation, migration or race-to-the-bottom
competition between nations on taxation.
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on the local economy from training of local staff to the introduction of new technology,
both of which can influence local firms, especially when the TNCs source their materials
and services from local suppliers.
While many firms are diligent in obeying the law and treating their employees and
customers with respect, others abuse their power, causing lasting damage to the
environment, public health and local politics. Others lobby for government handouts,
excessive patent protection, exclusive contracts, tax breaks, trade rules and other state
interventions that favour their bottom lines.
Activists seek to influence TNCs with strategies that run from cooperation to
confrontation. At one end of the spectrum, NGO types sit with corporate executives,
academics and government officials in a proliferating number of multi-stakeholder
initiatives on pressing problems like climate change or food security. At the other,
activists use litigation or public shaming to oblige governments to act. In between these
poles lies the burgeoning realm of lobbying and campaigns to influence particular aspects
of corporate behaviour.
The local organizations people form, known as civil society organizations (CSOs),
complement the more traditional links of clan, caste or religion. Coming together in CSOs
helps citizens nourish the stock of trust and co-operation on which all societies depend.
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oppressive governments in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Many autocrats must live in fear that
one day tear gas from the protests outside will invade the comfort of the presidential palace,
as thousands of citizens gather in the square to demand justice, vowing to remain until they
get it.
Protest movements exhibit a particular rhythm and structure. One historian of European
social movements sees them as passing through cycles of contention, moving between
explosions of protest, victory, repression, reform and demobilization.
While outsiders often see protest movements as homogeneous (journalists and politicians
often lament their lack of easily identifiable leaders), on closer inspection, they contain
granularity smaller, more durable organizations that emerge at vital moments, and then
disperse.
CSOs work is often local and below the media radar; pushing authorities to install street
lighting, pave the roads or invest in schools and clinics. CSOs often run such services
themselves, along with public education programmes on everything from hand washing to
labour rights. Even in the chaotic, dangerous world of the Eastern Congo (DRC),
Community Protection Committees made up of six men and six women elected by their
villages have brought new-found confidence and resilience to conflict-affected
communities. They identify the main threats and the actions to mitigate them. When
people are forced to flee renewed fighting, these committees are often instrumental in
getting people organized in their new refugee camps.
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Leaders must play a two-level gamebuilding bridges among constituencies and driving
bargains with those in powerwhile constantly maintaining and boosting followers
morale. They must lead but look constantly over their shoulder because, as a Malawian
proverb has it, A leader without followers is simply someone taking a walk.
Discussions of leaders and leadership customarily fixate on the people at the top the
habits and psychologies of CEOs and presidents, be they saints or sinners. But leaders
are everywhere, nowhere more than in the movements for change active in poor
communities across the world.
Among activists, many of whom have a deep commitment to egalitarianism, words like
leadership and leader elicit mixed feelings. Most of us would prefer to build the capacity of
organizations rather than invest directly in individuals with high potential. Indeed, even
talking in terms of high-potential individuals can feel somehow contrary to principles of
fairness and equality.
But addressing leadership much more systematically need not imply being seduced by a
simplistic Big Man approach to politics. On the contrary, acknowledging and supporting
the crucial role leaders play in how change happens is a vital step in amplifying the voices
of groups that currently go unheard.
The tactics employed usually fall somewhere along a continuum from sitting down with
those in power to help sort out a problem (at the insider end) to mayhem in the street (at
the outsider end).
When it comes to campaigning, the playbook was pretty much written two centuries ago,
after a dozen people met in a print shop in Londons East End, brought together by
Thomas Clarkson, a 27-year-old Quaker. Thus began a campaign to end slavery that
lasted fifty years, brilliantly captured in Adam Hochschilds Bury the Chains. The
abolitionists invented virtually every modern campaign tactic, including posters, political
book tours, consumer boycotts, investigative reporting and petitions. Fast forward two
centuries, and todays energetic activism on issues from climate change to disabled
peoples rights, corruption or same-sex marriage is built on the foundations laid by
Clarkson and his colleagues.
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Critical junctures
Critical junctures windows of opportunity created by failures, crises, changes in
leadership, natural disasters or conflicts, play a major role in advocacy and change
processes. At such times decision makers and the public can become painfully aware of
the inadequacies of the status quo and cast around for new ideas. A well-prepared
advocacy campaign can spot and respond to such moments, with striking results.
In 1972, Nobel laureate economist James Tobin suggested introducing a small tax on all
financial transactions between different currencies, which, he argued, would curb short-
term speculation and raise a lot of money for good causes, such as development
assistance. The idea got nowhere, but continued bubbling on the margins of political
debate for over three decades. It took the global financial crisis of 2008 and some
inspired advocacy to bring the Tobin Tax in from the cold. Crushed by debt repayments,
finance ministers were desperate for new sources of revenue for their cash-strapped
governments, while the banks and currency traders who opposed the tax had suddenly
become political pariahs.
A coalition of trade unions, church groups and NGOs cleverly rebranded the Tobin Tax as
the Robin Hood Tax and waged public campaigns across Europe featuring a series of
hilarious, hard-hitting videos by top filmmakers and actors. By 2011, the European
Commission had proposed a Europe-wide tax on financial transactions. Though whittled
down to 10 countries it was scheduled to come into force in 2016 and represents a historic
breakthrough as the first truly international tax.
A PSA encourages multiple strategies, rather than a single linear approach, and views
failure, iteration and adaptation as expected and necessary, rather than a regrettable
lapse. It covers our ways of working how we think and feel, as well as how we behave
as activists. It also suggests the kinds of questions we should be asking (non-exhaustive
the list is as endless as our imagination)
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How we think/feel/work: 4 steps to help us dance with the system
Curiosity study the history; learn to dance with the system
Humility embrace uncertainty/ambiguity
Reflexivity be conscious of your own role, prejudices and power
Include multiple perspectives, unusual suspects; be open to different ways of
seeing the world
CONCLUSION
Before you leave off reading and rush out to make change happen, some caution is
advisable. Progressive change is not primarily about us activists: it occurs when poor
people and communities take power into their own hands; shifts in technology, prices,
demography and sheer accident can be far more important than the actions of would-be
change agents.
That said, activists do play a crucial role. We put new questions into the endlessly
churning stream of public debate, and we can help those on the sharp end raise their
voices, shifting some degree of power from those who have too much to those who have
too little.
Such work is a joy, a privilege and a responsibility. We need to study the systems in
which we operate, immersing ourselves in the complexities of the institutions (states,
private sector, the international system) that shape the pathways of change. We must get
to know the players, those we want to influence, whether they work for the state, the
private sector or civil society organizations: how they see the world and how we can work
with them. We have to understand the underlying force field of power that links them in all
its varied manifestations.
We will have more impact if we are prepared to take risks, try new, uncomfortable things,
question our own power and privilege, and acknowledge and learn from our failures; all
the while continuing to work with the zeal and commitment that characterize activists
everywhere.
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Finally, I want to go back to what this is all about: human development, so brilliantly
captured by Amartya Sens definition, the freedoms to be and to do. Despite setbacks
and the grim filter of the evening news, that story is overwhelmingly positive. The
expansion of those freedoms over the last century has been unprecedented: millions,
even billions of human beings leading healthier, better educated lives, freeing themselves
from poverty and hunger, expanding their rights, living richer, more rewarding lives. For
me, nothing gives life more meaning than being an activist, doing what we can to support
that historic struggle.
The research project How Change Happens is funded by Australian Aid and the University of
Birminghams Developmental Leadership Program. The opinions expressed are those of the
author and not necessarily those of DFAT/Australian Aid and DLP.
www.oxfam.org
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