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Taylor & Francis, Ltd., Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society, Maney
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ABSTRACT
economy, which at first seems as though it should be incompatible with a conservation value for natural resources.
However a conservation ethic exists wheere other traditional
values and types of labor practices persist among Mayos. In
other Cahitan, or Yaqui and Mayo villages, the conservation
ethic disappears as commercial exploitation of natural resources increases.
native economy takes place largely through religious feasts and celebrations.
They are also integrated into the national economy through wage labor and
market spending, but by far the greater amount of their income is distributed
in the context of the fiesta.
villages and rancherias, and 4. groups living in the foothills whose main
economic activities are herding and gathering natural forest resources.
*We gratefully acknowledge that the fieldwork on which this paper is based was
financed by the U. S. Public Health Service and the Social Science Research Council.
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Our focus will be upon the fishing practices and beliefs of individual
families living in more or less traditional farming villages and rancherias
whom we will call fishing farmers or part-time fishermen. These communities are situated on or near the banks of the lower Mayo River within a
few miles of the Gulf of California. Thus it is possible for the farmers to
supplement their incomes by fishing. Since farming is an important orientation of these Mayos, we will refer to them as part-time fishermen or fishing
farmers. On the other hand we must take into account the groups of more
shore villages tend to fish from dugout canoes or plank boats with sails or
motors, whereas the fishing farmers or part-time fishermen tend to work from
functional for a fishing community scattered along a sand spit was not
accepted by the Mayos in general. One the other hand in the farm villages the
settlement pattern focuses upon firstly a church-cemetery complex with some
fishing villagers in both the Mayo and the Fuerte River valley areas are
constructed near the ocean and are made of driftwood, canvas, and scrap tin
because the sand in the area is not useable for housing. This and the fact
that the housing is crowded together on sand spits gives one the impression
of a poverty-stricken community, which is precisely the attitude of the Mayo
farmers towards the more or less specialized fishermen. The traditional and
thus highly valued house of the farmer (who may also be a part-time fisher-
man) has been characterized by Charles Erasmus (1961: 207) in the following
quote:
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In terms of language use, many fishing farmers can speak either Mayo
or Spanish with ease, however, when we inquired about fish and fishing
terminology more often they would have to ask others the Spanish than the
realm, or world, of the sea) or the bawe hamyd?ola (the old woman [ruler]
of the sea), they spoke in Mayo.
Mayo fishermen and fishing farmers (bir6me, kuculhro and kucalgo,
Beals 1943: 18) use several techniques of fishing and practice several economic
uses of fish. A hand line with fish hooks (bwu?aruim) and baited with
sardines may be used from a boat to catch fish (kucum) such as corvina
(tosa kucu), red snapper (siki kucu), or shark (bawe yori). Also from the
boats they catch turtles (bawe mocik) and kauwama, a big turtle of the sea.
In the shallow waters along the shore they gather clams (hittam), crabs
(aca?akarim), and oysters (kunnas). There is a word, busome, for persons
who dive for oysters. Whether this role exists today we did not discover.
mullet (huhzb?ubo) and other small sized fish to smaller finer mesh ones
used for shrimp (bawe koce, kocem). Many Mayos weave their own nets
and one often can observe one of the men of the household or even a visitor
weaving as he chats. The net is gathered up from the center point and then
thrown so that it spreads into a full circle. When it sinks to the correct
type of net, hiat hit"im, used in blocking a small estuary at high tide. Ralph
Beals (1943: 18) colleected the Mayo word, hiatome, for this type of weir
fishing and hiatua for fishing with nets in general. They block the estuary at
high tide with a large net. Then when the tide drops one may find the fish
mentioned above as well as the following edible fish: sea bass (witau),
Spanish mackerel (citaku), white perch (hor6hteme), needle fish (semaliku),
halibut (taskari kucu), mojarra (hosd?epa), and a species of perch (yabairau).
The complete procedure involves several days, at the time of the new
moon, usually three days and two nights at the ocean. The first day involves
traveling to the ocean and getting ready. When the tide is high the nets are
placed so that the estuary mouth is blocked. As the tide goes down one
gathers the fish from the blocked area (atciu). Ralph Beals (1943: 18)
notes the use of a hitium which he describes as a wickerlike scoop type of
net. It is used inside the atau to scoop up the fish. The Mayo fishing farmer
then scrapes, guts, rubs the fish with salt, and dries them.
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The obtaining of the salt has important implications. Salt is manufactured and sold in the community of Yavaros whereas the salt near the
homes of the fishing farmers, further up the coast from Yavaros, is natural
and free. We were told this with strongly negative feeling about the selling
of salt which the fishing farmers believe should be free and used only as
needed. Salt then for the traditionlists is conceived of as a natural free resource
and its use involves values which are part of the conservation ethic.
While the men are catching and processing the fish they also have
been gathering clams and oysters which they cook and eat during the time
they are fishing. One informant showed us the large pile of shells and the
charcoal of the fires which they built especially at night for light and to cook
the shell fish.
The Mayo fishing farmers also at times use a few smashed San Juanico
tree pods to stupify the fish within the estuary net. This type of fishing is
also described by Robertson (1964: 211) for the Mayos in the Fuerte River
valley of Sinaloa:
Some estuaries had large, deep pools to which part of the fish
retreated. Into these the Mayos cast handfuls of mashed San
Juanico berries. In a few moments fish would rise to the
fishermen.
tended family. However Beals (1943: 18) mentions that net fishing may
also in some cases have been a communal or group enterprise. In this case he
feels more than likely the village chief distributed the fish to the village
member. Robertson (1964: 219) also mentions another type of Fuerte River
Mayo communal fiishing which we did not observe:
Out in the shallow bay from the village of Ohuira the Mayos
had pooled their energies to construct a primitive fish trap,
a tightly packed brush wall exending fully two miles in an
incomplete semicircle from the shore, so that the fish at
incoming tide were diverted by this great wing into the space
between wall and shore; later with the falling tide to follow
the inside line of the brush fence, seeking their way to the
where they lingered too long until the tide left them stranded,
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Mayos also recognize other ocean life which appears from time to time
in their nets or washes up on the beach and generally is not used as food
although some are used for medicinal or other purposes; for example manta
ray (abataka), the spine of the manta ray (abataka wica), sand dollar
(bawepanim), and star fish (bawe coki). A one handed (wepulai mammak)
type of crab (bo?otera) is not eaten nor is a catfish type of fish (omori).
It has no scale (ku kupek). Dolphins (huhteme) are respected and not
killed. It is said that they chase the sharks away, so one is safe when huhteme
are visible. Fish eggs (kuci kabam ki?ame) are also recognized.
After the several intense days of fishing the Mayo fishing farmer returns
home with his catch (batwepo ?am bo?bo?a). The following statement made
by a fisherman summarizes very nicely this technique of fishing:
Economically fine fish are distributed in at least three ways They may
be consumed by the fisherman's immediate family or they may be traded or
sold to other Mayos, or sold on the commercial market. The emphasis on the
latter of these uses tends to go hand in hand with the disappearance of the
conservation ethic, and with changes in the socio-cultural integration of the
community. The Mayo fishermen living in the larger fishing communities
such as Yavaros tend to focus upon commercial fish, such as sea bass, red
snappers, shrimp, mullet and ocean turtle which may be sold fresh to
mestizo truckers or store owners, or specially in the case of the mullet may
be salted and dried. It is said they often rent boats and motors from wealthy
mestizos or North Americans.
Salted fish are traded or sold to other Mayos in the following kind of
pattern. A farming family goes on a short pleasure trip to one of these fishing
communities, where they have compadres. During the course of the chatting
they will ask which Mayo fishing family has salted fish available. A transaction which we observed involved mullet of around a foot in length which had
been split in half, rubbed with salt, and thrown over the flat roof supports
of a ramada to dry. The farmer gave the fisherman 4 pesos (320) and the
fisherman selected 8 fish which he wrapped in paper and gave to the farmer.
During this transaction much chatting was going on in Mayo. Thus in this
of the fish he himself catches and divides with his partners leaving only a
few which he will trade or sell.
Fish are especially important as food around the Lenten season when they
are eaten every Friday and every day of Holy Week. During other times
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of the year fish may be eaten when it is available or other food is short, but
it is not thought necessary to eat fish on every Friday. As a matter of fact it
is felt that only the poorest families which cannot afford corn and meat must
rely on fish to sustain life, fish being thus a low prestige food. The quality
they believe that cold food will make them sick. Fish is cold in nature,
whereas some other foods, like Cokes, are hot, Mayos say.
Fishing and fish eating are also important for the Yaquis, living in the
river valley just north of the Mayos. The similarities in beliefs and techniques between Yaquis and Mayos can be seen in the following short quote
one begins fishing. She gives the fish as a gift to those who supplicate her.
This power, magla orutteata, which she has enabling her to command the
sea life and give fish, comes directly from Itom Acai, Our Father, God. Thus
one may logically assume that wasting the fish or taking more than one needs
personally is an attempt to take unfair advantage of the gift from the bawe
hamy6?ola and indirectly from Itom Acai, Our Father, God.
Ralph Beals (1943: 19) also mentions the bawe hamy6ra, the "queen"
of the sea and has collected the following songs which he reports are sung
before the fishermen go out to the ocean:
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and gave us the names of the biting insects which disturb the fishermen
while he is at the beach. Beals (1943: 18) mentions taboos associated with
fishing, "Men with menstruating wives, recent widowers, and those who
disposed of the dead could neither fish nor hunt."
Out near the ocean is an area in which are planted three Santa Kurusim,
Holy Crosses, where certain ceremonies take place and where one may visit
when he goes fishing, praying to Itom Acai, Our Father, God, for forgiveness
and protection and may take flowers as an offering. Also near this place
treasure was buried a long time ago. It is said to glow at night. Today nobody
knows exactly where it is, however there are large holes near the sleeping
and fire place where persons have dug looking for the treasure. There are
vampire bats associated with the treasure which will kill the finder or the
finder's children unless he has arranged for the removal of the treasure with
the ghost of the dead person who buried it. This involves obligating one's
soul to the devil or the dead burier of the treasure or may obligate the
paying of any debts which the ghost may have. Thus the ocean and the
shore is a place full of power which may be dangerous if the individual
does not know how to handle it. If one makes a great deal of money it may
very well be said that he has obligated his soul to the service of the devil
or the powers of the sea. Thus it takes a very brave, powerful individual to
be willing to stay near the ocean and to fish.
The Mayo conservation ethic is part of a relatively old and very traditional way of life. The names of the sea creatures are Mayo and not Spanish
loans. The old woman of the sea represents one of the absolute powers which
controls a part of the total Mayo world. Her stipulation that the resources
of the sea not be wasted is parallelled in the restriction which the powers of
the animals and natural resources of the forest world (huya aniya) place upon
their use.
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Ralph Beals (1943: 19) also suggests that these beliefs and some of the
practices are old:
shrimp-fishing season.
the Mayo area as early as the late 1500's and on into the 1600's (Perez de
Rivas 1944: 10, 12, 13). This all took place within an environment of
limited but rich natural resources which often were variable depending upon
the intensity of the flooding of the Mayo River. The ethic then would be
functional in conserving a greatly variable supply of natural resources.
ation which will yield some insight into the question of the continued existence
Other differences noted by Bartell (1964) which seem to have appeared along
with the loss of the conservation ethic are as follows: 1. cement block houses
with electricity, running water, cement floors, and toilets, 2. a grid settlement pattern with four parallel streets, a school at one end and no church,
3. the use of motors boats, casting nets, and hand lines with hooks, 4. the
loss of most Cahitan names for fish and fish supernaturals and the use of the
Yaqui language only while trading salted fish with Yaqui farmers, 5. the
commercial selling for cash of most of the fish with only a few salted for
trade with other Yaquis, 6. the use of festizo clothing, lipstick, short hair
styles, and permanents for the women, 7. the feeling that fishing is enjoyable
and not such hot boring work as is farming and that the fisherman is of
equal status with any other Yaqui, 8. the contrast from the lack of ready
cash in the farmer's pocket to the Yaqui cooperative member who is paid for
his catch in cash and thus often has money, and 9. the contrast of the
intense Mayo ceremonial participation of the fishing farmer to the meager
participation of the Yaqui cooperative member who feels, "They [the tradi-
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tional Yaqui farmers] are backwards. . ... All of their ceremonials are old
fashioned. When we build our chapel it will have a priest and none of that
that this was only one part of the whole complex of change noted in the
above data and that sorting out one casual factor would not provide an
seen as aiding in the integration of a traditional and very rational Mayo way
Bartell, Gill
1964 Directed Culture Change among the Sonoran Yaquis. Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Arizona, Tucson.
Beals, Ralph
Spicer, Edward H.
1954 Potam, A Yaqui Village in Sonora. American Anthropological Association,
Memoir No. 77, Menasha.
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