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The intersection of journalism and activism

Activism is a big word. It can look like

hunger strikes, building occupations or
thousands marching on the national mall.
But it can also look like your dinner plate,
shopping bag or keyboard.
Its a word used often on this campus,
taking on a different meaning depending on
the context. In some conversations its used
proudly, a reminder of the protests that laid
the foundation for the grounds we live on. In
other spaces its said with a sigh, waiting for
students to outgrow their idealism.
At City on a Hill Press (CHP), activism looks
like journalism.
In most other newsrooms, that would
be sacrilegious. It would mean disregarding
objectivity, a golden standard of journalism
hounded into the heads of rookie reporters.
But CHP staffers have known for years that
objectivity is a myth and one that has lead to
the exclusion and misrepresentation of entire
As journalists, not only is it impossible to
separate our lived experiences from our work,

its foolish. Objectivity accounts for facts

which of course are crucial and leaves
little room for experiences and interactions
that define the world around us but are less
legible on paper. Our collective experiences
span years, zip codes, creeds and identities.
They inform our understanding of the society
so that, in turn, we can report on it more
Its that understanding honed through
books, analysis, conversations, interviews and
more analysis that keeps us in pursuit of the
truth. Thats where the intersection of activism
and journalism lies. Like activists, journalists
share a desire to see the world better than it is.
We aim to snuff out injustice and keep those
in power accountable only weve picked
reporting and storytelling as our tools of
It is not a matter of being an activist or a
journalist; its a false dichotomy, journalist
Glenn Greenwald said in an interview with the
late David Carr. It is a matter of being honest
or dishonest. All activists are not journalists,
but all real journalists are activists. Journalism
has a value, a purpose to serve as a check
on power.
As CHP celebrates its 50th year, we are
fortunate for the history of generations of
young journalists who shared our commitment
to watchdogging power. Our alumni set a
precedent for deviating from mainstream
media, shifting power dynamics and telling
the stories other outlets ignored.
In the mid-70s CHP launched an
investigative series about the UC regents


(831) 459-4350

(831) 459-2444

UCSC Press Center
1156 High St.
Santa Cruz, CA 95064

2 MAY 12

Alexa Lomberg & Montse Reyes


Founding of UCSC...................5
Vietnam War Protests...............6

LGBTQ+ Rights Movement........9
Cesar Chavez and UFW...........10

TWANAS Hunger Strike...........14
Co-ops at UCSC......................16

Mapping the LRDP.................18
Highway Blocking..................19

Founding of e2.......................23
Journalism Minor Cut.............24
Iraq War Protests...................26

UC Tuition History...................29
Amah Mutsun Garden............30


City on a Hill Press is produced by and for UCSC students. Our primary goal is
to report and analyze issues affecting the student population and the Santa Cruz
We also serve to watchdog the politics of the UC administration. While we
endeavor to present multiple sides of a story, we realize our own outlooks influence
the presentation of the news. The City on a Hill Press (CHP) collective is dedicated
to covering underreported events, ideas and voices. Our desks are devoted to
certain topics: campus and city news, sports and arts and entertainment. CHP
is a campus paper, but it also provides space for Santa Cruz residents to present
their views and interact with the campus community. Ideally, CHPs pages will
serve as an arena for debate, challenge and ultimately, change.
CHP is published weekly in the fall, winter and spring quarters by the City on
a Hill Press publishing group, except during Thanksgiving and academic breaks.
The opinions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the opinions of
the staff at large, or the University of California.
(831) 459-2430

investments in IBM and the corporations

involvement in South African apartheid. In the
aftermath of the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake,
CHP was the first to write about how the
damage in Watsonville was far worse than in
Santa Cruz. And in the 90s, staffers traveled
to Mexico to investigate the impacts of North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on
rural communities.
When we were elected editors-in-chief last
year, it was clear the legacy of student agency
and activism required to keep the paper afloat
ran deep. Hundreds of past CHP staffers gave
up their nights, weekends and even peace
of mind to keep that unyielding dedication
to truth and justice at the core of the paper,
despite no university support.
Its a unique opportunity to be part of a
publication thats entirely student-run and
self-funded, where we have a great stake in the
well-being of our community and endeavor
to create media with the potential to move
it forward. As youll read in this issue, the
journey toward change is a long one. Our role
as journalists is not one of revolutionaries, but
to tell the whole story. Journalism alone cant
fix injustice, but it can start the conversation
and create new models of storytelling.
Progress begins by writing in a way that is
fair and representative, because in deciding
to do so, you make room for discourse and
ultimately the world to change.

Table of Contents



Opinion & Editorial
Kelsey Hill
Alexa Lomberg Vanessa Magee, editor Celia Fong,
Javier Gutierrez
Montse Reyes
Jasper Lyons
Miguel Hernandez
Managing Editors
Arthur Zhu
Kaileen Smith
Shelby Clemons
Owen Thomas
Arts &
Georgia Johnson
Stephen de Ropp
Copy Editing
Ali Enright
Anna Korotina,
Allison Hollender, Gabrielle Garcia,
Megan Schnabel
copy chief
Calyse Tobias
Sara Alhanich
Marwa Safi
Maxwell Shukuya
Dieter Holger
Kimberly Tsai
Mara Paley
Anna Vandergriff
Connor Jang,
Wendy Renteria
Fact Checking
Lizzet Garcia
Michael Kushner,
Samantha Hamilton,
Harrison Gough
fact chief
Bethan Jenkins
Dustin Choto
Nick Nodine
Spencer Lin
Samantha Felce
Kathryn Palmer
Heather Rose Sydney Griffith Gladu
Alex Wilkins


How do you practice student agency or activism?


Being active on campus could be anything

from performing workshops or informing
students about the resources we have on
campus providing these services to students
and letting them know that there are resources
they can take advantage of.
Nahivy Arzate
Fourth-year, Oakes College
Sociology and Spanish studies

Im part of two different ethnic orgs that

have really active people of color, specifically
Latinos, here on campus. They look to create
leaders through education about the issues
that affect them. Im the activities director for
ELATED [Empowering Latino Advancement
Through Education and Development], and Im
responsible for a lot of the events that go on, on
the campus.
Joel Salazar
Third-year, Oakes College
Legal studies

I participate because I act. If students

are hungry, I go give them food. If there
is something happening on campus like a
protest, I go. If you want to be an activist or be
involved, just say yes.
Tamra Owens
Second-year, Oakes College
Business management economics

Im the head intern for the accessibility leadership

internship ALI program. We are a student-run
program that works with different DRC [Disability
Resource Center] programs to bring awareness [to]
and destigmatize disability on campus.
Rosa S. Melero
Third-year, Porter College
Art and anthropology

I participate in student activism by going to

different events on campus and learning about
what they promote and what they do. During fall
and winter quarters, I went to a lot of events that
dealt with issues like cultural appropriation, microaggressions as well as how to become a better leader.
I have my own definition of these things, but I
wanted to learn more about [them] instead of doing
what I know from my own personal beliefs. I decided
I should know what other people do and build off of
Zainab Abdullah
Third-year, Kresge College

Im part of TWANAS, the Third World and Native

American Student press collective, a part of Student
Media on campus. Through TWANAS, we try to
highlight underrepresented voices on campus, and
its completely student run.
Carson Blumen-Green
First-year, Porter College


4 MAY 12


Founding Activism at UCSC


Before sociology professor Walter
Goldfrank arrived to teach at UC
Santa Cruz in 1968, he was already
actively engaged in the movements
shaping American counterculture. In
fact, weeks prior to his arrival he was
in Mississippi participating in the
Civil Rights Movement.
Goldfrank was attracted to UCSC
because of the schools progressive
approach to education.
The student rebellion of 1968
cemented for me an identity of
an anti-war, anti-racism activist,
Goldfrank said of when President
Lyndon Johnsons approval ratings
plummeted, with students protesting
the draft and prolonged military
involvement in Vietnam.
As an undergraduate at Harvard,
a school steeped in conservative
values, Goldfrank went in search for
something new on the West Coast. He
felt UCSC was the right educational
institution because it encouraged
students to go against the grain and
reinvent curriculum, two ideals
UCSC was founded on in 1965 by UC
President Clark Kerr and Chancellor
Dean McHenry.
Before becoming UC president
in 1958, Kerr mapped out the next
three potential campuses with the
UC regents. He wanted each campus
to be different from UCLA and UC
Berkeley; both were rivaling each
other in prestige as research-oriented
universities. The concepts of the
three campuses were drafted in the
California Master Plan for Higher
During his time as chancellor at
Berkeley, Kerr regularly held open
office hours for students to come talk
about anything.
There were just an awful lot of
people who felt they were lost souls
in a big campus that nobody knew
them, nobody cared about them,
Kerr said in a 1987 interview with
Randall Jarrell for the University
History Series. The series was part of
an ongoing UCSC Founders Project
that documented the early history of
the university.
Kerr wanted to incorporate the
residential college system that he
experienced at Swarthmore College,
a liberal arts school in Pennsylvania.
The theory of the founders
suggested that there were too many
alienated students at Berkeley,
Goldfrank said. The hypothesis was
that when integrated into smaller
communities, students would be less
Kerr appointed longtime friend
and academic assistant McHenry
to be the first chancellor at UCSC.
Kerr combined his experiences
at Swarthmore with McHenrys
experiences at Stanford, a research
university, to mold UCSCs identity
a public research institution with

smaller personal colleges.

The dense redwood forest in
the Santa Cruz mountains was the
perfect spot. One summer day, the
UC regents and Kerr hopped in a
van in search of the new UC campus
site. They narrowed it down to the
Almaden Valley, Evergreen and Santa
Cruz, but when the regents found
themselves on a beach in Santa Cruz,
they were sold.
Almaden was hot and smoggy,
and Santa Cruz was as beautiful as
it is today, Kerr said in the 1987
Before establishing Santa Cruz
as the location for the new UC, the
regents unanimously agreed on
opening a site in the Almaden Valley.
They found it appealing because it
was already an established city and
because of its close proximity to San
The Almaden Valley would have
cost upward of $4 million. There
were issues negotiating with the
lands ownership. With over 60 people
owning the land, McHenry said it
would take five to six years to settle
this negotiation in court. In the end,
the UC regents only got 1,000 acres
of the land, the minimum they would
accept for a campus.
As the regents faced problems
like that, there was this beckoning
call from Santa Cruz, McHenry said
in a 1974 interview.
In 1961, the Cowell Foundation
sold 2,000 acres of land for $2
million to the state of California
for the creation of UCSC. Kerr and
McHenry accepted the offer when
the owner was willing to donate a
significant portion of the $2 million
in increments to expand campus
Due to the delayed construction
of colleges, the founding class of 652
students lived in trailer parks on what
is now the Upper East Field. Each
trailer park housed eight students
with one communal bathroom.
Alumni of UCSCs first graduating
class of 1969 and founding residential
assistant for Merrill College Peter
Braun remarked how close students
were to faculty.
[Cowell] Provost Page Smith
hosted weekly Saturday night
dances in the Field House, Braun
said. Students and faculty were
interacting with each other outside of
a classroom setting.
While the colleges were under
construction, the East Field House
what is now the multisport gym in the
Office of Physical Activity, Recreation
and Sports served as a dining hall,
classroom and recreational facility
for students. Faculty joined students
in daily baseball and rugby games.
As the climate toward the Vietnam
empowered to voice their opinions.
In 1968, the same year Merrill College

was founded, the U.S. military was

embroiled in conflict in Vietnam.
In response, UCSC students held
demonstrations in Quarry Plaza and
burned draft cards in opposition.
faculty members founded Merrill
College. Its mission was to encourage
students to explore global issues
with a different perspective
examining the Third World in
the sense of prejudice, alienation,
and mismanagement of power,
environment and human rights.
So much of what was going on
was very American-central, said
current Merrill College Provost
Elizabeth Abrams. We adopted
this vision of looking at the Third
World from a non-Western lens to
comprehend and appreciate the
cultures of others.
As students embraced their
political power, Kerr and McHenry
faced accusations of decentralizing
the campus to discourage protests.
One of the [student] speakers
accused us of having developed
this campus in order to reduce the
revolutionary fervor of the students
by putting them off here in the
wilderness, Kerr said in a 1987
Despite the decentralization,


Clark Kerr and Dean McHenrys vision

students protested during UCSCs

first commencement. Kerr didnt
give his scheduled commencement
speech, instead a guerrilla theater of
student activists threw their diplomas
at Kerr and McHenry.
Student activists took over the
stage and gave the honorary degree
to imprisoned Black Panther leader
Huey Newton. The first graduates
of UCSC left a legacy of activism
and questioning authority for future
generations of students. Kerr himself
couldnt predict the tense political
environment of 1969 when planning
the college.
It would have taken foresight

beyond anyones ability, Kerr said.

UCSC is still defined by this
foundation of activism and is
labeled as a progressive, close-knit
community dedicated to research.
There are two competing
narratives about the founding of
UCSC one is that the founders
vision of having smaller colleges is
deliberate. The other is that Reagan
wanted to stop anti-war protests
by establishing a decentralized
campus, Abrams said. But Clark
Kerr and Dean McHenry made this
place unique. That truly shows when
we have such an amazing faculty and
diverse student body today.



Inside the Lines: The Vietnam WAr

How the war shaped UCSC, two casualties later


military personnel served on active duty during

those years, including 2.7 million Americans.
The war was the first to be widely covered
by mainstream media. For the first time,
Americans were seeing the brutalities and
horrors of war. In response to these images,
many young people across the nation
mobilized, condemning the violence of the war
through active protest.
When California Gov. Ronald Reagan
and the UC regents met at UCSC in October
1968, they were confronted by student and
community protesters. In 1970, UCSC only had
3,600 students, 2,000 gathered for an anti-war
convocation in Quarry Amphitheater to protest
the Kent State shooting and military action in
Its hard to describe just how much the
Vietnam War and protest saturated many
college campuses, said former City on a Hill
Press editor-in-chief Alex Bloom. Both a small
and progressive place like UCSC, Santa Cruz
was very in touch with the student and youth
movement, and it saturated everything.
In May 1970, when students shut down
UC Berkeley. Fearing riots, Reagan closed UC
Berkeley, UCSC and all other state universities
for a four-day weekend.
The office of the governor sent out a letter
stating, I hope this period will allow time for


Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill

today? rang out across the country as over
35,000 men under 21 years old were losing their
lives in Vietnam.
At college campuses across the country, the
anti-war movement was brewing. UC Santa
Cruz was no exception. During the peak years of
the Vietnam War from 1969-73, students often
met in Quarry Amphitheater to demonstrate; a
few even burned their draft cards.
The war in Vietnam spread student
activism over to this campus and got a lot of
people very disaffected and disillusioned, said
UCSC pioneer class alumna Ellen Bulf in a 1969
interview. The hippie movement, if you want

to call it that, has taken over.

Protests surrounding the Vietnam War era
were the first rebellious acts by students at
UCSC, inspired by UC Berkeley where activism
was fiercely supported. The Vietnam War was
a factor in sparking UCSC students sense of
agency, activism and voice.
There is a lot more political activity than
there was before, Bulf said in the interview.
There was virtually none two years ago
None at all.
The Vietnam War lasted from 1955 to
1975. In 1965, the United States joined South
Vietnam in fighting North Vietnam and the
Viet Cong. It spanned the presidencies of
Dwight Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon
B. Johnson and Richard Nixon. Over 9 million

In 1970, over 2,000 students, staff, faculty and community members gathered in Quarry
Ampitheater to protest military action in Cambodia. They also protested the recent Kent State
shooting, in which unarmed college students were shot by the National Guard while protesting
the Vietnam War.

6 MAY 12

rational reflection away from the emotional

turmoil and encourage all to disavow violence
and mob action. Though the residence halls
remained open, UC President Charles Hitch
encouraged students to return to their homes
to reflect.
At UCSC, many spring classes were cancelled
or reorganized to focus on the Vietnam War,
and students continued to mobilize by rallying
downtown and in Quarry Plaza.
After Nixon resumed the bombing of
Vietnam in May 1972, around 600 UCSC
students marched to the Santa Cruz County
Building, where they delivered a petition to
the County Board of Supervisors demanding
that the U.S. cease bombing and withdraw the
troops. Three supervisors signed the petition,
and the board agreed to hold a meeting the
following evening to consider whether it
had the jurisdiction to adopt the petition
condemning the war. Over 2,000 attended the
May 10 meeting.
Following the meeting, the crowd held
a march down Pacific Avenue with torches
and candles, flanked by riot police. Police
attempted to clear the protest and officers went
down Pacific Avenue, beating protesters and
bystanders. Eight people and one officer were
treated for injuries at Dominican Hospital.


Death comes.
In the forests
and jungles
of Vietnam it
comes often.
In the quiet
of Santa Cruz
it comes as a


Scultped by Jack Zajac, the Sarcificial Goat statue honors George

Skakel and Jon Warmbrodt, two Cowell students who attended UCSC
in the 1960s. The body of a bronze goat lays twisted over a sacrificial
stake, symbolizing the ultimate sacrifice the two students made,
losing their lives in the Vietnam War.

George Skakel, known as Corporal Callibernus, wrote his first

letter to City on a Hill Press in 1967, kickstarting the Vietnam
Letter series from 1967-68.


While some students protested in
Santa Cruz, others were in Vietnam
on the front lines.
A lot of students [felt] guilty about
being in school, said Ellen Bulf in
a 1969 interview. They feel guilty
because their friends are getting
killed in Vietnam, and they feel guilty
because theyre extremely aware
of their privilege. And they want to
make this school an experience, if
they can.
In July 1966, George Skakel was
deployed. He was a 20-year-old firstyear philosophy student and part
of the 1965 pioneer class. Because
he took time off before coming to
UCSC and had not made normal
progress in his education, he was
drafted. Skakel was set to finish his
tour of duty at the end of April 1968,
expected to discharge a few months
later in June and return to UCSC in
the fall.
Under the pseudonym Corporal
Callibernus, Skakel became a war
correspondent for City on a Hill Press
(CHP), writing letters back to Santa
Cruz while deployed.
Someone came up to me and said

there is a former UCSC student who

wants to write dispatches or letters
back from Vietnam, said former
editor-in-chief Alex Bloom. We were
open to anything. [CHP] was new and
small The letters started to come,
and they were mostly published as
they were written.
In his letters Skakel described his
daily routine, the various combat
zones he experienced and his
perspective from the battlefield.
These letters were his form of protest.
Its convenient when you can
vote for a war without worrying about
your son or brother or father getting
murdered, read his letter from the
Oct. 27, 1967 issue of CHP.
Bill Dickinson, Skakels friend and
fellow philosophy major, described
UCSC as a left-leaning school with
a few radicals dominating the
protest scene. He spoke of a Santa
Cruz where students rubbed elbows
with professors and described his
fondness for the UCSC founders
vision of the university.
The older generation of professors
and others on campus had fought in
World War II and saw Vietnam as a
war of justice, while the younger
generation became more and more
opposed to the war.

Dickinson said were against the war,

fought out of obligation rather than
He went because he didnt see
any alternative, Dickinson said. My
recollection is he went out of his way
to try to avoid killing anybody.
Though Skakel and Dickinson lost
contact once Skakel was deployed
to Vietnam, they exchanged letters
in summer 1966 while Skakel was
in Alaska trying to figure out what
to do. Dickinson later followed his
letters in CHP.
Of 58,148 American troops killed
in Vietnam, 61 percent of them were
under 21 years old, and many young
men were scared to go to war.
Dickinson arranged to flunk his
physical and avoided being deployed
to Vietnam, but Skakel wasnt so lucky.
Two months before his deployment
was set to end on March 6, 1968, he
was killed in action in Qung Tri, South
Vietnam. Skakels memorandum,
issued from UCSC Chancellor Dean
McHenry, commemorated his time
at UCSC as part of Cowell College and
his travels to much of Europe and
Southeast Asia.
I remember feeling stricken,
Dickinson said. He knew Skakel was
reading philosophy while deployed,
particularly phenomenology, the

study that events and phenomena

are based purely on the perception
of human consciousness rather than
outside influence. He spoke to the
head of the philosophy department
after Skakel died and remembered
him saying, Odd to think of
phenomenology being studied on
a battlefield in Vietnam. Odder still
to think of it being destroyed there.
Not one word about a 20-year-old kid
who just lost his life.
Skakels death was announced
in the March 29, 1968 issue of CHP.
Death comes. In the forests and
jungles of Vietnam it comes often. In
the quiet of Santa Cruz it comes as a
Nearly a year later, on Jan.
25, 1969, UCSC alumnus Lt. Jon
F. Warmbrodt died in a combat
maneuver in Quang Ngi Province.
Warmbrodt was from Santa Monica
and earned his undergraduate degree
in world history.
In a way, life is sad. It isnt only
sad, but dont you think its sad that
we get to be, and then were gone?
Dickinson said. But the two students
have not been forgotten. Both of
their names appear on the Vietnam
Memorial in Washington D.C., and
UCSC created a memorial in the 70s
to commemorate the two students.

In Cowell College sits a statue

made by local artist and Cowell
art lecturer Jack Zajac, called the
Sacrificial Goat. While not originally
intended to be a war memorial, Zajac
was inspired to create this sculpture
after seeing animals hanging in the
street markets during an Easter in
Rome, according to CHP.
The theme of sacrifice is very
broad, Zajac said to CHP in 2009.
We see that same brutality right now
in the Middle East. Were no better or
freer than we were in Vietnam. Still, I
am pleased if the piece can turn just a
little corner in thinking, or be enough
to move someone from war.
Dickinson said he often visits
the Sacrificial Goat and watches
how students walk past and it isnt
very long before nobody knows
what the sculpture is, or that much
of the Vietnam War protests in the
60s sparked the future of UCSCs
Similarly, Alex Bloom said the
Vietnam era defined the form and
style of how students view protests.
It ... legitimated the idea of
student activism, he said, not
just Vietnam but other student
[movements] as well.



8 MAY 12


u c n i

Free Love

i n c u

How queer activism in the 70s set the tone for UCSCs LGBTQ+ community
It was the first time they could be themselves.
Over 120 people from around the Bay Area
arrived at Cowell College on Dec. 4, 1971 for the
first ever homosexuality conference hosted by
UC Santa Cruz. The conference, Homosexuality:
Exploring an Alternative in Sexual Expression,
included speakers from the San Francisco Gay
Liberation Front who delivered talks on student
activism. From 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., gay and lesbian
students filled the Cowell Dining Hall and the
Stevenson Jolly Room, now the Stevenson Coffee
The interesting thing was we were all buzzing about who was there, said John Laird, UCSC
alumnus and former mayor of Santa Cruz who
was the first openly gay mayor in the United
States. All of us would walk by and then talk
about who we saw there. Thats just the backdrop
of what it was like then.
Those outside the conference gossiped,
their suspicions about other students sexuality
confirmed. Those inside were unconcerned with
what others thought because they were among
those who shared their sexual identity.
For most of us, it was the first time we
met other gay men and lesbians, said Ziesel
Saunders, a UCSC alumna who was at the
conference. Not that there werent gays and
lesbians, but people werent out. The most
exciting part was just meeting other people who
were like ourselves.
Though Santa Cruz is among LGBTQ+
friendly regions of the U.S., homosexuality
wasnt accepted in mainstream society 40 years
Until 1973, homosexuality was considered a
mental illness. On June 24, 1973, 32 people died
when an arsonist set fire to the Upstairs Lounge,
a popular gay bar in New Orleans. Openly gay
San Francisco Supervisor Harvey Milk was
assassinated by former Supervisor Dan White
on Nov. 27, 1978. In the wake of open hostility
toward homosexuals, many LGBTQ+ individuals
remained in the closet for their safety. The silence
created made UCSC faculty members feel cut off
from the community.
This is really telling as to how different
things were, said David Thomas, a retired
UCSC professor who taught Sexual Politics:
Gay Politics, the first class on homosexuality at

UCSC Cant Queer Center



Alan Sables tenure denial prompted demonstrations from students against administrative
UCSC, from 1981 to 1999. During that entire
time [of my partner and I living together for four
years], we did not know one other gay couple.
Though the LGBTQ+ community was less
visible in the 70s and it was difficult to organize
a movement, students still tried. They submitted
ads to City on a Hill Press (CHP) calling for open
discussions between gay and straight people to
show that they werent all that different.
In 1975, Santa Cruz held its first Gay Pride
week and the Gay and Lesbian Alliance (GALA)
formed, creating another safe space for gay
UCSC students, along with the Gay Students
Union (GSU). Students willingness to reveal
their sexuality impressed faculty, who were
forced to hide their orientation for fear of being
fired, despite Santa Cruz County passing antidiscrimination laws for sexual orientation that
[Students are] not as vulnerable as people
who work, said former UCSC professor Alan
Sable. Im a good example of that ... I could
be fired. But it was much harder to get rid of a
student. They are much freer to think and act in
radical ways.
Sable was fired in June 1977, six years after he
came out to his class, making him one of the first
openly gay professors in the
U.S. No reasons were given
about why Sable was denied
tenure, but many assumed
sexuality was a factor.
I feel that the university
professor in Dr. Alan
Sable, said C.M. Di Maio,
M.D., former UCSC staff
psychiatrist, in a letter to
the editor of CHP in 1977.
I furthermore hope that his
rights as an American have
not been blatantly trampled
on. I feel strongly that they

When Sables tenure denial was publicized

in the fall, students organized demonstrations
and sit-ins at the chancellors office and home to
support Sable and call attention to the administrations homophobia. Later, in 1982, professor
Nancy Shaw-Stoller was also denied tenure and
many believed her sexuality also influenced the
universitys decision. Like Sable, students rallied
to support her. But unlike Sable, Shaw-Stoller
spent five years campaigning to get her job back
before finally receiving tenure in 1987.
To the students from my day 40 years ago,
I want to thank them, Sable said. For what
they did for themselves, and for me, and for
gay people and for the whole society. They were
really, really central to my freedom and other
peoples freedom.
Throughout the 70s, UCSC students were
the main organizers around LGBTQ+ and other
social issues.
At the time youre in college, theres always
an awakening going on, said John Laird.
College students are fearless about speaking
truth to power. Therefore, whether its the gay
movement or social change in general, theyre
always a powerful part of it.
Today, the Cant Queer Center, transgenderinclusive bathrooms and annual events like
Drag Ball, Glitter Ball and Queer Fashion Show
demonstrate how far the UCSC campus has
come. Yet hate crimes against LGBTQ+ students
occurred a little as one year ago at UCSC and
demonstrate ongoing prejudice. The LGBTQ+
students of the 70s set a prime example of how
student activism brings light to issues affecting
underrepresented communities.
We did it for ourselves first, Saunders said.
We had to create a school and community that
we were comfortable in. We also realized that we
were creating political change. But that was our
goal. So the people that have benefited from our
political change, well, thats what was supposed
to happen.


First gay and lesbian

conference at UCSC
Homosexuality: Exploring
an Alternative in Sexual
Expression takes place in
Cowell College
UCSC professor Alan Sable
becomes the first openly gay
professor in the U.S. after
coming out to his class

American Psychiatric
Association removes
homosexuality from the
Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders


Gay and Lesbian Alliance

(GALA), UCSCs first official
gay and lesbian organization,
is founded
First Santa Cruz Gay Pride
Santa Cruz County becomes
one of the first counties in
the U.S. to prohibit sexual
orientation employment

Alan Sable is denied tenure at

Harvey Milk is assassinated
by Dan White; 40,000
people hold a candle-light
vigil outside of City Hall
same night First University
of California Gay and
Lesbian Coalition statewide

Jury finds Dan White guilty
of voluntary manslaughter in
the assassinations of Harvey
Milk and George Moscone;
violent protests that evening
becomes known as the
White Night Riot



More Than an Icon

Student activists past and present continue Cesar Chavezs legacy


Its hard for the bracero

That comes here under contract,
Because all he ever does
Is work every day bent over.
When he returns to his homeland
He can no longer stand upright
The Ballad of the Short-Handled Hoe,
written by Guadalupe Serna and recorded
around 1970, became a rallying cry for
farmworkers across the country.
Its focus on the tools damage on the
manual laborer is emblematic of the hardship
farmworkers faced in the fields. Using the
short-handled hoe required users to bend over
and caused severe pain and debilitating spinal
At 5 years old, Guadalupes son Francisco
Serna joined countless other child laborers in
the fields. At the age most kids begin learning
to read, Serna spent hours under the 105 degree
Texas heat picking cotton, tomatoes and bell
This story is just one of many.
Nane Alejandrez also spent his childhood in
the fields, alongside family members and other
child laborers. As a teenager, Alejandrez worked
as a melon pitcher. Forming a human conveyor
belt, workers bent over, picked up melons and
tossed them to the next worker in line until they
were tossed into a machine that washed and cut
While working in the melon fields,
Alejandrez heard a voice on the radio he
carried. It belonged to Cesar Chavez, leader of
the United Farm Workers union (UFW).
He influenced me to call for justice for
farmworkers, Alejandrez said.
In September 1965, National Farm Workers
Association (NFWA), founded by Chavez,
voted to join with the largely Filipino union,
Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee
(AWOC), in a strike against Delano farms to
demand higher wages and better working
conditions. The next year, the two unions came
together to create UFW.
On May 4, 1976 Chavez and the farmworkers
movement came to Quarry Plaza at UC Santa
Cruz for the second time in three years. After
thanking family, UCSC students and other
organizations for their support, Chavez told the
story of the UFWs ongoing fight for equality.
We organized the first strike, the grape
strike in Delano, Chavez told the crowd.
Chavez said the movement wouldnt have
gotten off the ground without students help.
During the movements infancy, many people
were unsure about supporting the farmworkers
cause. Even the church didnt know what to
make of them.
The grape strike lasted five years, during
which Chavez helped place the plight of farm
workers at the forefront of Americas conscience.
He worked closely with Robert Kennedy and
Martin Luther King Jr. who gave Chavez words
of encouragement and showed solidarity.
But before these heavyweights joined
Chavez, UFW activists and farmworkers, the
movement had a fervent ally in California
college students. The only ones who didnt
question us and helped us were the students,

10 MAY 12


Chavez said in his speech at UCSC.

UFW initiated an international grape boycott
in 1967, and three years later added lettuce
and Gallo wine, citing similar mistreatment of
farmworkers. They negotiated with California
grape growers on union contracts that included
a health plan and clinic, credit union, higher
wages and a union-run hiring hall. By 1970, they
had 50,000 dues-paying members.
Chavez and the farmworkers found support
and encouragement on UC campuses. At
UCSC, students rallied around the farmworkers
and picketed outside local stores, organizing
meetings on campus and advertising for help in
City on a Hill Press (CHP).
An op-ed by CHP staff in 1973 urged the
student body to support UFW and participate
in boycotts. Fliers from 1971 publicized
meetings at Merrill College, a speech by UFW
leader Dolores Huerta and rummage sales and
food drives to help farmworkers.
At the same time, workers like Nane
Alejandrez and Francisco Serna left the fields
and ventured into a new line of work student
During one of Chavezs trips to California
labor camps, he visited the Serna family, who
traveled along the migrant trail from Texas
to Salinas Valley looking for work. Francisco
Serna joined the farmworkers movement after
Chavezs visit.
A lead UFW organizer, Serna also worked
as Chavezs assistant and bodyguard and with
the unions legal branch Legal Eagles. Before
attending UCSC in 1976, Sernas last job with
UFW was to provide security for Chavez and
Ted Kennedy at the farmworkers convention in
I was lucky enough to have spent time with
Cesar, Serna said. To me, Cesar was a giant in
that he never backed down.
Serna worked with UCSCs Education
Opportunity Program (EOP) and served as
director of the Beach Flats Community Center.
Chavezs words reached laborers throughout

the country, inspiring demands for equal pay

and safe working conditions. Chavez motivated
a 17-year-old Alejandrez to organize a strike
with seven fellow farmworkers, shutting down
the machines used to cut, wash and package
As Cesar Chavez said, We should get paid
more and we should be organized, Alejandrez
said. We had no water in the fields, no toilets.
Of all the workers who manned different
stages of melon picking, melon pitchers jobs
were the lowest paid of them all at $1.65 an
After negotiating with [our bosses], they
gave us a raise to $1.95 an hour, Alejandrez
said. We looked at each other and said, That
really wasnt a lot of gain. But what it showed
was that eight young men, if we came together
and organized, we could stop the machine.
From then on, for myself, I have taken on
social issues, Alejandrez said.
During his time at UCSC, Alejandrez
founded Barrios Unidos, a youth violence
prevention organization. He has gone on peace
delegations around the world with the United

When I came to campus, my activism didnt
stop, Serna said.
Though Serna said he didnt meet many
welcoming professors, those who were
welcoming made a lasting impression on him.
There were some unbelievable human
beings who were teachers. They would take
us into their homes and take us into their
confidence, Serna said. As a result, they would
change, their families would change, their
children would change. And the institution
would change.
Looking at UCSC activism now, Serna says
the issues are different, but Chavezs general
message remains as relevant today as in the
1970s. That message is one of collective action
and hope for the future.
You cannot take the activism we took up.
That was our battle. You gotta take your own,

Serna said. Students at UCSC are heeding this

advice and cultivating new ways to continue
Chavezs legacy on campus.
Current student Andres Arias uses UCSCs
research capabilities to do what he calls
engaged scholarship. Through the Working
for Dignity project, Arias and other students
found that over 56 percent of Santa Cruz lowwage workers are Latinx.
Over the years, the concentration of Latinx
workers in the service sector has grown. It is an
area of employment with low wages and few
It went from agricultural work to service
sector work, Arias said. The vision of Cesar
Chavez is something were still fighting for
through the work that were doing. The
Working for Dignity researchers found patterns
of wage theft, discrimination, harassment and
unsafe or unhealthy working conditions. They
work to provide a record of these violations and
inform workers of their rights.
UCSC has held a convocation in the memory
of Cesar Chavez for the last 12 years to highlight
leaders who preserve his message through
community engagement and activism.
The Cesar Chavez Convocation is
continuing the legacy. Its continuing to
advocate for this ideal that Cesar Chavez
envisioned, Arias said. And thats the legacy
were trying to continue.
Serna is looking to the next generation
of UCSC students to continue building on
Chavezs message.

With this verse I say farewell

From this famed California.
If you have not been well-versed,
Pardon my meager effort
But what this ballad expresses Are all things that happened to me.
The 13th annual Cesar Chavez Convocation
will be held May 18 at the College Nine and Ten
Multipurpose Room at 7 p.m.


The promise of Angela Davis presence is
enough to pack a room.
When she was set to deliver the keynote at
the 2015 Martin Luther King Jr. Convocation,
seven years after retiring as distinguished
professor emerita at UC Santa Cruz, the line
of hopeful attendees snaked around the Santa
Cruz Civic Auditorium for blocks. Even after the
1,800 capacity was met, hundreds were denied
entry and left to listen to her speech on the
Davis name draw is international. Her
speeches, texts and imagery are iconic of the
black liberation movement of the 70s, and
her work around gender, race and class has
cemented her as an often-cited critical theorist
ideal makings for a big name at UCSC. She
came to campus in 1984. She taught as a lecturer,
professor, presidential chair in the AfricanAmerican and feminist studies departments,
and served as the chair of feminist studies from
Davis straddles academia and activism, and
her pull toward activism is very much rooted in
her upbringing.
She was born in 1944 in Birmingham,
Alabama, a city so subjected to racialized
violence by the Klu Klux Klan 21 bombings
in an eight-year period that it earned the
nickname of Bombingham. Perhaps the
most infamous was the bombing of the 16th St.
Baptist Church in 1963 that left four girls dead
and injured over 20.
When I was growing up, I remember


hearing that when black people moved

into previously white neighborhoods, Bull
Connor would announce that there would be
bloodshed, Davis said in a speech in Oakland
commemorating the 50th anniversary of the
church bombing. And then, indeed, there
would be a bombing, or a house would be
burned. She remembered houses across
the street from hers being bombed and the
neighborhood named Dynamite Hill.
Her experience in Alabama fostered her
political activism, ultimately leading her to
join the Black Panthers and later a lifelong
dedication to prison abolition.
By 1969, she had made a name for herself as
a radical activist. Over 2,000 students attended
her opening lecture as an assistant professor of
philosophy at UCLA. But her politics did not sit
well with former Gov. Ronald Reagan or the UC
regents, who attempted to have her fired twice,
first for her affiliations with the Communist
Party and later for inflammatory language.
The following year, Davis found herself on
the FBIs Most Wanted List and at the center of
one of the most famous trials in recent history.
Davis was charged with aggravated kidnapping,
first degree murder and criminal conspiracy
resulting in the death of Marin County Judge
Harold Haley because a gun registered in her
name was used in a hostage incident.
In August 1970, two hostage-takers forced
Haley and a prosecutor from the courtroom in
an attempt to free a man on trial and demand
the release of the Soledad Brothers three
black prisoners who killed a white guard in




Angela Davis Legacy of Activism

Angela Davis spoke at Quarry Amphitheater in May 1978.

Soledad prison. The Brothers committed the
murder in response to the deaths of three other
black inmates at the hands of a white guard that
was ruled justifiable.
After months of hiding, Davis spent a over
a year in prison before being cleared of the
charges. Her experience in prison solidified her
campaign for prison abolition and led to the
founding of Critical Resistance, an anti-prison

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Prison abolition involves the fight for
public education. This should be on the top
of the agenda of any radical or progressive
activist in this country, Davis said at the 2014
Afrikan Black Coalition Conference hosted at
UCSC. You cant talk about educational justice
without talking about prison justice.


A Future for Feminism

20-year battle for feminist studies at UCSC


12 MAY 12

In Santa Cruz, the feminist movement was closely connected to the establishment of
the academic division and the actions of motivated students and faculty.
Aptheker described the development for womens spaces as a symbiotic
relationship between the students and the organizing in town.
Students helped to found spaces and start movements
geared toward gender equality like the Womens Health
Collective, an on-campus facility founded in 1974, which today
serves as the Santa Cruz Womens Health Center and the East
Cliff Family Health Center. Students were also a significant part
of Women Against Rape, which was a community response to
the heightened sexual violence and assault in the county.
Students also wanted a space on campus for women. In
1985, that became the UCSC Womens Center, one of the oldest
womens centers in the UC system.
When the Womens Center was created, it was the same time
as the women and gender studies program was being seen as an
academic program, said Sonia-Melitta Montoya, the current director
of the Womens Center. Faculty, grad students and staff were developing
the academic side but saw a need for student support.
Montoya said the center is where women and allies can form [a]
community to talk about their experiences, to share resources and tools,
[and connect] with alumni. The Womens Center provides a physical
space to gather and connects students with tools for managing a variety
of concerns like sexual assault, mental health and body image issues.
The feminist movement is still active on this campus. In April,
students organized Take Back the Night, an annual march that is part of
the Sexual Assault Awareness Month (SAAM). SAAM intends to inform
the community of the prevalence of sexual assault and provide survivors
with a supportive environment to share their experiences.
Feminism is changing so much in your generation, Montoya said.
So much can come out of that movement.

The UC Santa Cruz womens studies program garnered student and faculty support in
the mid-1970s, but it wasnt until 20 years later when 2,000 students and 60 faculty
marched to the chancellors office that feminist studies became an official
When asked why it took so long, distinguished professor and
head of the feminist studies major Bettina Aptheker answered
simply, sexism.
Aptheker came to Santa Cruz in 1977 with her close
friend and colleague Angela Davis, who is a renowned
scholar, author and activist. At that point, feminist
studies wasnt even a major, let alone a program
at UCSC. It was a class within the history of
consciousness department. Three years later,
Aptheker was hired as the first, and only,
lecturer in the feminist studies program that
was created by students.
Despite the demand from many students
and faculty, Aptheker says the atmosphere
surrounding feminist studies generally wasnt
welcoming, as UCSCs faculty was entirely white
and almost entirely male. She said womens
studies wasnt taken seriously as a scholarly
We were on the outskirts, Aptheker said. We
had our foot in the door.
The struggle for recognition of womens studies
was a piece of a larger national movement for gender
equality, as women across America were demanding
equal pay, rights and a voice. The visualization of marches
and bra-burning are prominent in the minds of many, but
the womens liberation movement was strong in community
dialogues and civic engagement.





Representing the Underrepresented


81 TWANAS hunger strike demands remain in flux 30 years later


or five days straight in 1981, Ellen

Matsumotos mother called the
UC Santa Cruz chancellors office
to check on her daughter. The
chancellors secretary would step out of
her office and shout, Hey Ellen, your mom
called. She wants to make sure youre not
withering away!
But this was more than a friendly reminder
for her daughter to attend class and eat
breakfast. She was calling because Ellen was
one of 25 students protesting the universitys
lack of a Third World and Native American
program through a hunger strike.
When Ed Castillo, the only UCSC lecturer
teaching Native American studies at the
time, was fired in 1981, students were at their
tipping point. About a year earlier, the first

14 MAY 12

issue of Third World and Native American

Studies (TWANAS) press collective a
student-run newspaper that discusses issues
affecting people of color from the perspective
of people of color and allies was published
at a largely white university. Matsumoto
remembers the few faculty of color being laid
off for vague reasons, while students were
placed on multiple committees to talk about
solutions, though this stalled the demands of
a formal TWANAS program.
We felt like something drastic had to be
done, Matsumoto said.
About 600 students from TWANAS and
other ethnic organizations marched to the
chancellors office with their demands and a
five-day deadline.
Third World and Native American
Students have directed seminars, held rallies

and marches, participated on committees,

and sponsored conferences, the demands
document read. Much of these efforts
have stemmed from administrative advice
and guidance. After 11 years of forgotten
proposals and unanswered questions,
administrative guidance has only served to
exhaust our energy.
TWANAS members were unsatisfied with
the universitys response, which was to form
another committee to talk about solutions.
John Marcus, the academic vice chancellor at
the time, made no guarantees for permanent
funding and said the administration had
neither the resources nor the jurisdiction
to meet the demands, according to the April
23, 1981 edition of City on a Hill Press (CHP).
Days after the rally, a group of students began
a hunger strike outside administrative offices

at McHenry with similar demands.

In 1981, Chancellor Robert Sinsheimer
told CHP he was sorry that students feel they
must resort to a hunger strike to have their
demands met. I cant just wave a magic wand
and clear this all up, he said.
Hundreds of students gathered outside
the library in solidarity, singing, playing
drums and sharing stories. Some would
sign petitions or participate in a one-day
solidarity strike with the 25 students camped
out in tents outside administrators windows.
Four days after the hunger strike began,
UCSC administration conceded to almost
all of TWANAS demands. This included
hiring two tenure-track faculty positions
between Asian American studies and Native
American studies, permanently funding
the Third World Teaching Resource Center,

incorporating TWANAS courses into the general requirements

and establishing a new search committee for the director of
Though it was a victory, TWANAS member Robert Chacanaca
had it right. This is not the end, he told CHP in 1981.
Years after the strike ended, demands remained unmet.
Funding was increased for the resource center but a GE was
still not established. It took until 1985, after over 1,500 petitions,
for the Academic Senate to approve an Ethnic Studies GE.
Until critical race and ethnic studies (CRES) was approved
as a major in 2014, UCSC was the only UC without an ethnic
studies program. The university relied on American studies and
community studies majors to discuss intersectionality and race,
and both of those programs were cut.
Students continue to advocate for diversity, but
administration on the campus and UC level are often slow to
act. Out of all UC campuses last fall, UCSC admitted the highest
percentage of white students 32.2 percent of admitted
This woke me up to how hard it is to actually create social
change, said Ellen Matsumoto, an original TWANAS member.
Youre not going to get as far as you think. You have to keep
reaching, and even if you get set back, you have to keep going.
Matsumoto emphasized the protest wasnt a spur-of-themoment decision. TWANAS members obtained the proper
permits, had police escorts when necessary and notified
administration that the hunger strike was their next step.
Nothing was spontaneous. It was well thought out, she
said. There was no hint of violence. It was the result of looking
back at history, putting together a timeline of everything that
had been done for 20 years.
This form of nonviolent resistance still occurs on campuses
in the Bay Area and beyond. In 2009 at UCSC, the Student of
Color Collective went on a five-day hunger strike at the base of
campus to protest budget cuts and demand short- and longterm administrative actions. Last week, four San Francisco State
University students called Third World Liberation Front 2016
went on a hunger strike for 10 days, demanding $8 million of
funding for their College of Ethnic Studies, after funding for two
positions in the department was cut. Established in 1968 after
a five-month student strike, SFSUs College of Ethnic Studies

The Demands:
1. One tenure track and one full-time position in both Asian American Studies and Native
American Studies plus adequate staff support. Position must be filled by Third World and
Native American instructors offering a Third World and Native American perspective.
2. The guarantee that Third World faculty on leave who teach Third World related courses
taught by Third World instructors in their absence.
3. The University incorporate domestic and international Third World Studies courses,
including the courses which will be taught by the new Third World faculty to meet the
campus breadth requirements for Humanities and Social Science.
4. The University must support an autonomous Third World Teaching Resource Center with
permanent funding, a visible, easily accessible location, sufficient space, and maintain the
original purpose and goals of the Center.
5. The University must recognize that the current search committee chaired by Helene
Moglen, failed to find a qualified candidate for the vacant position of Director of Counseling,
and that the search be re-opened. Furthermore, because of Helene Moglens past history
of insensitivity to Third World student needs, a new search committee be convened, under a
new chairperson and without the participation of Helene Moglen.
6. Students must be guaranteed their constitutional rights to freedom of assembly and
7. We must have a written reply to these demands in 5 working days, by noon Wednesday, April
15, 1981.
is the first in the nation. One student was hospitalized on the
eighth day.
As Matsumoto said, you have to keep reaching. Its been
over three decades since the TWANAS protest and yet there are
only five Native American faculty at UCSC today. Two percent
of faculty are Asian, 2 percent are American Indian and over
60 percent are white. Out of the UCSC student body, American
Indian students are the least represented at 0.3 percent.
Santa Cruz, especially at that time, was just so extremely
white, Matsumoto said. I would walk around campus, and
everybody would know my name because I wasnt white. It
wasnt even who I was. It was because I wasnt white.
During Matsumotos time with TWANAS, staff members
also led identity organizations on campus. TWANAS was a way
for students of color to amplify their voice and organize as a
collective, and it still reflects that mission today.


Highlights of UCSC student

involvement in nuclear disarmament
movement 1980-85

In the first half of the 1980s, UC students

across the state became critical of the relationship
between the institution and the countrys nuclear
arsenal. Since the founding of Los Alamos National
Laboratory in 1943, the UC regents fostered strong
ties with the countrys creation of nuclear weapons.
The bombs dropped in Hiroshima and Nagasaki
were created by UC employees, in conjunction
with the Atomic Energy Commission which later
merged with the Department of Energy. Lawrence
Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL), the nations
second nuclear weapons manufacturer, was
founded by the UC in 1952.
UC Santa Cruz students, just 70 miles from
Livermore, played a significant role in the direct
actions against the regents ties with the facility.
In alliance with the Livermore Action Group,
many students were arrested at protests during
this period. Campus demonstrations were also
common. These displays of civil disobedience are
embedded not only in the history of this campus,
but also the larger national nuclear disarmament
movement as a whole.

Third-year Nataly Ramirez-Rayas joined TWANAS her

first year when her core professor, a Native American faculty
member, encouraged her to submit an essay she wrote for the
class to publication.
I feel really empowered being a part of this publication and
seeing the growth of myself and our members, how much more
confident and vocal weve become, Rayas said.
TWANAS is staying grounded in its roots with a collaborative
event this quarter. Alongside UCSCs Big Five ethnic
organizations, TWANAS hopes to bring an event focused on
solidarity, boundaries, allyship and organizing strategies.
Were an ally to the ethnic organizations and other groups
on campus, Rayas said. TWANAS is a piece of everything. Were
a way for students from all communities to get their news out
and their voices heard.

JUNE1980: Over 100 nuclear disarmament protesters attend UC regents meeting to persuade them to
sever ties with Los Alamos and LLNL.
FEBRUARY 1982: First demonstration held at LLNL in over three years, 150 protesters arrested. Among
them are UC Berkeley and UCSC students.
JUNE 21, 1982: Over 1,300 people are arrested in a nonviolent blockade at Lawrence Livermore National
Laboratory, some of whom are UCSC students. Three thousand people attend the demonstration,
intending to stop the bomb where it starts. Among those arrested is Daniel Ellsberg, the activist
associated with the Pentagon Papers scandal. He told the New York Times, the business as usual at the
laboratory is creating first-strike weapons like the neutron bomb. It must be stopped.
1983: UCSCs Academic Senate becomes the first to support UC disarmament, passing a resolution
(48-2) saying, We do not believe that it is part of the Universitys mission to be involved in the design and
development of weapons Nor do we believe that the University or any committee of the Faculty can
realistically oversee and control what is done at these institutions.
JUNE 20, 1983: UCSC students join in International Disarmament Day, a movement of thousands of
protesters across 18 states. Over 900 people are arrested at a demonstration in Livermore and 33 at
Lockheed Plant near Santa Cruz. Afterward, the Department of Energy places a 196-acre buffer zone
around the lab.
SPRING 1984: UCSC Adlai Stevenson Program on Nuclear Policy is forms to discuss and educate the
campus community about nuclear issues.
MARCH 1985: Students form the Student Alliance for Fallout Emergency (SAFE) and get a referendum
placed on the spring ballot, requesting the Health Center to stockpile suicide pills to be distributed
on request to registered students in the event that the UCSC campus is exposed to lethal quantities of
nuclear radiation. The referendum also called for the creation of burial sites and radiation monitors at
each college.
The only UC chancellor to support nuclear freeze at the time, UCSC Chancellor Robert Sinsheimer, stated
that he would never allow such a measure to be enacted even if passed, calling it a nihilistic, Jonestown
APRIL 1985: SAFEs suicide option fails by a margin of 60 votes. In the largest campus voter turnout in a
decade, the measure is struck down with 1,599 votes against, 1,539 in support. Its defeat, however, doesnt
derail the anti-nuclear movements message on campus. We insist that this election is a victory for
us, said student Peter Blackshaw, one of the authors of the SAFE referendum, to the Los Angeles Times,
because we forced so many students to think about the human consequences of nuclear decisions.



Exploring the past and
future of co-ops at UCSC
and in Santa Cruz

Zami! is a housing cooperative in Santa Cruz. It houses 12-16 people and

is grounded in ideals of diversity, cultural awareness and providing a safe

16 MAY 12

Kresge Food Co-op

Foods was one of the co-ops headed
under. Roseman offered to buy what
was left, and turned it into a natural
foods grocery store now called New
Leaf Community Markets.
You look at New Leaf and see the
success that weve had, and I think its
a lot to do with the roots of where we
came from, Roseman said.
Co-ops provide a platform for
members to create a space they want
and incite action through it. Kresge
co-op members often participate
in student actions, most recently
through their Save the Meadows
campaign to raise awareness for the
universitys plan to build housing on
the Porter meadows. While many coops that exist outside of a university
have paid employees, the Kresge
Food co-op is entirely volunteer-run
and is able to stay afloat because of
its $10 annual rent.
One of the biggest challenges
specific to working and living in
Santa Cruz is its really expensive
to be here, said a volunteer for the
Kresge food co-op. People often
have to quit working with us because
they need to get a job. Its really hard
to find people who have the time to
commit to the space.
This is one reason why cooperative
businesses and households are
hurting. Santa Cruz has seen massive
closures in the past five years of
housing co-ops, and UCSCs bike
co-op doesnt have a space this year.

The North American Students of

Cooperation, an organizing network
of co-ops that owned the local Zami!
and Cesar Chavez houses, decided
to close both houses. Twelve Tribes
Jewish co-op and Food Not Lawns
also closed their doors.
In the battle for preserving
alternative housing options for
students, like the Kresge Camper
spaces are losing out. The land the
trailer park occupies is slated for
development in UCSCs Long Range
Development Plan, but the exact
time and plan has yet to be specified.
This isnt the first time increasing
alternative living spaces. PAD closed
in 1985 when the university needed
dorm space.
Mark Lipson notes that recreating
an on-campus housing co-op like
PAD would be nearly impossible
expand to accommodate increased
enrollment the target freshman
enrollment for fall 2016 is 4,300
students. But the recent roadblocks
for co-ops in Santa Cruz didnt sway
his support for cooperative living at
Campus is still growing and
by God housing is just a terrible
crisis, Lipson said. So I dont know.
Somebody ought to put that idea


The typewriter sat on the kitchen

table for five years. Anyone who
passed it was welcome to sit down
and type something, adding to the
narrative of the group journal kept
by UC Santa Cruzs first and only
housing cooperative Peoples
Alternative Dwellings (PAD).
Co-ops like PAD are owned
democratically and arent under
the authority of university housing
or a landlord. Residents have the
agency to make living choices as they
see fit. They can establish a living
environment directed toward their
own community values and morals.
These vary between organizations,
but typically revolve around values
of self-responsibility, democracy,
equality and solidarity.
We had a very intense experience
being in the co-op and developing
this consensus process around our
campus life together It was a
very dynamic group, said PAD cofounder Mark Lipson. Everybody
shared a lot of what was going on in
their schoolwork and their life.
The first generation of about 20
PADsters moved into the co-op in
the Merrill A building in 1979, when
university housing gave the students
two unoccupied floors. Because
the dorms had their own kitchen
students didnt need a meal plan,
which cut down the cost of living.
You learn so much about how
to live with other people, you learn
how to cook, said Anne Bikl, a
former PAD member. These people
basically become a family.
Throughout the 1970s, co-ops
flourished at university, city and
state levels, and the ideologies
of cooperatives as autonomous
associations werent limited to
housing, but were also models for
The Associated Press or UCSCs bike
In the 70s, food co-ops were all
over California, said Scott Rosen, an
employee of Neighborhood Foods, a
Santa Cruz food co-op. But with the
rise of supermarket chains, those
numbers declined and Neighborhood




RENT $440-

RENT $500$800/MONTH

RENT $830/

Food and utility costs are included in these estimates.

SOURCE: Berkeley Student Cooperative, Santa Cruz Student Housing Cooperative, UC
Davis Student Housing, Santa Barbara Student Housing Cooperative




UCSCs Blueprint





Building a university in the redwoods

When UCSCs first LRDP was written, it projected the campus would accommodate 27,500 students in 20 colleges with 10 professional schools by 1990. Most of upper campus would be developed to
house over 50 percent of students on or close to campus. The 1963 LRDP featured plans for expanding across campus each decade (bottom right).
At UC Santa Cruz, buildings dont
haphazardly sprout up like trees.
The Long Range Development
Plan (LRDP) decides where and
when these buildings are developed.
While not binding, its the guiding
document that helps inform campus
planners of future development. Its
re-evaluated every decade to meet
the ever-changing needs of the
In the 1990s, the university
developed Colleges Nine and Ten.
Students and community members
attempted to delay the logging which
encroached into Elfland, protesting
the clearing of 150 of about 2,000
trees on the 42-acre upper-campus
site and destruction of the area.
eight students, were arrested on
trespassing charges during the
protest. Twenty-three officers from
UC Davis and UC Berkeley assisted
the UCSC Police Department.
One lesson learned is how
difficult at times futile it can
be to try and fight development,
Melissa Campos, a student during
the protests, said in the collection of
oral histories titled The Unnatural
History of UC Santa Cruz.
By the time we got involved,
the mammoth wheels of the Long
Range Development Plan had been
in motion for months, and to try and
stop the momentum of a machine
like the university seldom results
in success, Campos said in the
The Unnatural History of UC
Santa Cruz, written by a UCSC
writing class and edited by writing
lecturer Jeff Arnett, details the
intricacies and values of Elfland. The

18 MAY 12

book describes Elfland as containing

over 48 different sites ranging
from dens and forts to shrines and
natural wonders. The development
of the area was also under scrutiny
for its proximity to Ohlone Indian
archaeological sites.
Students frequently visited the
area, and when the LRDP called for
a portion of its destruction in the
development of Colleges Nine and
Ten, people tried to stop it.
[Many] who visited it created or
added new sites. There was a strong
attachment by people who came to
it, saw it and appreciated it, Arnett
said. The depth of the protests
demonstrated how strongly some
people felt about it.
But protests arent the only way
that students attempted to shape
student participation is encouraged,
the LRDPs complexity and lengthy
drafting process can make it difficult
for students to engage and learn
about it.
I think the majority of the
student body doesnt know what it
is or what it means, said Student
Union Assembly (SUA) President
Julie Foster. Theres so much
confusion about the LRDP.
Ami Gonzalez, a second-year
serves as the coordinator for the
Green Building Campaign, run by
the Student Environmental Center.
The group advocates for student
involvement in the LRDP and other
development decisions.
We need more students to know
about it now, so when it comes to a
new LRDP, which [will] happen soon,
people will know what it is, Gonzalez

said. Campus planners expect to start

the next LRDP within a year.
Gonzalez and other members of
the campaign host workshops to help
students understand the history and
context of campus development so
they are prepared to be involved.
In the last LRDP committee,
only two students participated.
How are you going to get a sense of
student life with only two students?
Gonzalez said. Every student is a
critical thinker. They might be able to
think of a better solution.
The LRDP takes three to four
years to develop, and includes
various planners and stakeholders
from across the campus and city.
At the beginning of each LRDP
drafting process, organizers reach
out to SUA and the Graduate Student
Association to encourage student
A number of different parties
come together in a long, laborious
information representative of news
and media relations Guy Lasnier.
The LRDPs take years to develop,
Lasnier said, and they arent the only
documents that inform campus
planners. The LRDP is accompanied
by an Environmental Impact Report
(EIR), which outlines the impact
potential plans could have on an
area. Water usage, housing and traffic
are detailed in the EIR.
A series of agreements and
lawsuits with the City of Santa Cruz
also limit the expansion of campus.
Measure J makes sewage and water
delivery and removal to new areas
subject to city approval and Measure
I allows the city to withhold services
to the campus if the UC doesnt fully

address environmental impacts of

expansion. Both passed in 2006.
development plans, the campus
would look much different today.
The first LRDP, written in 1963,
projected the campus would
eventually grow to 27,500 students
by 1990 and house 20 colleges and 10
professional schools, while housing
at least 50 percent of the student
body on or near campus.
reached 27,500, UC President
Janet Napolitanos recent call for
UC campuses to accept more
undergraduate students is a growth
increase that the LRDP was created

to accommodate.
The current plan was written in
2005, and calls for 19,500 graduate
and undergraduate students by
2020, which is 2,220 more students
than enrolled the last fall quarter.
UCSC had 17,866 graduate and
undergraduate students enrolled in
With expansion on the horizon,
students continue to try to shape
campus development. Groups are
actively opposing expansion into
the Porter Meadows and other
areas on campus that are slated for
development within the next few


Standing Against the Gulf War

Highway blocking as a form of protest: 1991 to present





As the United States dropped 88,500

tons of bombs on Iraq and Kuwait on Jan.
17, 1991, thousands of students around the
nation erupted in protest. Within hours,
UC Santa Cruz students and community
members took to the streets. An estimated
3,500 protesters marched from Quarry Plaza
to Ocean Street, with hundreds diverging to
disrupt traffic on Highway 17.
There were thousands of people walking
down the street, there was an understanding
that stopping traffic had some purpose,
said UCSC alumnus and Santa Cruz resident
John Malkin. Im sure that some people in
the moment were upset [but] people saw
it as overall an important thing to do.
The 1991 bombing of Iraq, known as
Operation Desert Storm, was the U.S.
response to Saddam Husseins invasion of
Kuwait on Aug. 2, 1990.
Iraq invaded Kuwait to control its oil
fields and cancel its accumulated debt. Iraqs
invasion was the first full-scale international
crisis since the Cold War, and the allied
response lasted until Feb. 28, 1991.
The highway blockage was a dramatic
way to let the community know that the
use of U.S. military power in the Middle
East was wreaking havoc on the lives of
hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of
other people, said Gary Patton, adjunct
professor of legal studies who served on the
Santa Cruz District Board of Supervisors
from 1975-1995.
Following initial bombings, UCSC allied
with four other UC campuses and students
from Oberlin College, USC and Humboldt
State University in street marches and
national protests continuing throughout the
week. A protest in Washington D.C. attracted
75,000 people and another in San Francisco
attracted thousands to stop a war that many
felt wasnt in the interest of the U.S.
The protest was intended to say that
our government should not be able to carry
out this kind of action without everyone in
the United States having to confront some
sort of similar disruption in their own lives,
Patton said.
On the day of the bombing, thousands
of UCSC students gathered in Quarry Plaza
before marching down to Bay and Mission
with the intent to block traffic. As the
protesters marched, chants of Stop the
war now! and No business as usual! filled
the streets. Santa Cruz police officers situated
themselves along the protesters route but
didnt intervene until the protesters went onto
the highway.
We are not seeking victory over nations,
said a student at the 1991 rally to City on a
Hill Press (CHP). We are seeking victory over
ignorance, racism and human degradation.
For the duration of the protest, cars were
stopped throughout the city. The group caused
even more disruption when they blocked
Highway 17 for about an hour. CHP reported
that police repeatedly pleaded with the crowd

to stay off the freeway because of the darkness

and possibility that ambulances might have to
use the road. At least 12 people were arrested
for civil disobedience.
Some people were very emotional because
the stakes were so high, [and] peoples lives
[were] at stake, said UCSC alumnus David
Goldberg, who participated in the 1991
The highway blockage was effective in
provoking opposition to the Gulf War, but
was met with anger from many locals. Several
motorists drove by yelling obscenities, and a car

drove into a crowd of protesters injuring two,

according to a 1991 CHP article.
With memories of the Cold War and Vietnam
War fresh in American minds, participating in
another war seemed absurd. Obstructing traffic
was a common tactic used by protesters during
the Vietnam War.
The [Vietnam] protests were about
disturbing business as usual and making
the country seem not governed, said UCSC
alumnus and literature professor Chris
Connery, who was present for both the Vietnam
and Gulf War demonstrations. The idea was to

change things, and [protests] work.

UCSC feminist studies professor Bettina
Aptheker spoke at the rally in Quarry Plaza and
joined in the march as a faculty member in 1991.
She said the protest was significant because
it highlighted the importance of a coalition
among students as an effort to oppose war.
[The coalition] was an effort by everyone to
try to register an opposition to war, especially
with Iraq at the time, Aptheker said. It was
great to have [a] coalition between Palestinian,
Arab and Jewish students. That is not something
you see too often.
Continued on the next page



A Marcher in Santa Cruz held a sign in front of a sea of Gulf War protesters on Jan. 17
1991. Over 3,000 people rallied in the streets to show their outrage over the start of the

misdemeanors of creating a public

nuisance, failure to obey lawful order
and failure to obey an executive
order from a police officer. They
were convicted of resisting arrest
and creating a public nuisance and
sentenced to 30 days in jail.
There is this impression that
everyone was pissed off about the
Highway [Six] blocking we had here
last year, Connery said, referring
to negative response circulating on
the internet following the protest.
Students and locals were split on the
intention and impact of the action.
A motorist stuck in traffic berated
the protesters with threats and
profanities for blocking his path.
Posts on the Official UCSC student
Facebook page threatened the
students, calling the form of protest
a disruption and a major safety
hazard. But many students voiced
their support, saying the protest
continues UCSCs long history of
peaceful highway blocking and civil
disobedience to challenge important
suspension was immediate, and

an online petition calling for

their expulsion garnered 4,348
signatures within a few weeks. The
demonstration brought national
attention to tuition hikes.

Police used jackhammers and other tools to break apart the Highway Six as they
blocked Highway 17 in protest of tuition hikes and police brutality on March 3, 2015.
The students arms were chained through metal pipes and concrete-filled trashcans.

The Impact of
Highway Blocking
Our country has a long history
of civil disobedience, said feminist
studies professor Bettina Aptheker.
The Civil Rights Movement used
the tactic of highway blocking during
their demonstrations. In other words,
they did various things in which they
knew it would lead to arrest.
The First Amendment guarantees
peoples rights to assembly, but
there are constraints to that right to
ensure public safety, making highway
blocking illegal.
People should keep protesting,
Connery said. Its often effective and
it keeps the powers that be on their
toes. Its always good to do that. Dont
let the powerful get complacent.
With current contentious political
situations in the U.S., the obstruction
of traffic persists as a form of


Highway blocking is a national

platform for activists to shed light on
political and socioeconomic issues.
In 2011, Occupy Wall Street protesters
blocked the Brooklyn Bridge and
amassed global attention about the
unequal wealth distribution in the
U.S., inspiring a chain of similar
demonstrations across the world.
Earlier this year, Black Lives
Matter protesters in Oakland blocked
the Bay Bridge to oppose the killings
of black men by police officers.
The Black Lives Matter campaign
made a difference because it was
happening in many cities, Connery
said. If young people around
California rose up across the state,
and demanded free education in the
UC and CSU, a lot of non-students
would support that too.
On March 3, 2015, six students
blocked Highway 17 as part of the 96
Hours of Action protest that week,
which denounced tuition increases,
privatization of education and
police brutality. Around 9 a.m., the
students chained their wrists through
metal tubes in trash cans filled with
700 pounds of cement, blocking
southbound traffic on Highway 17
near Highway 1. It took about five
hours, from the time they blocked
the freeway to the time they were
disentangled and arrested.
UCSC Police Department, City of
Santa Cruz Police and the Sheriffs
Department responded, some clad
in full riot gear of bulletproof vests,
visored helmets and batons.
The six students were arrested
and charged with one felony of
conspiracy to execute a crime, three


UCSC and California

Take Action

Students marched down Hagar Drive as they headed downtown during the Gulf War
Protest in 1991. Traffic slowed throughout the city as protesters voiced their anger over
the U.S. bombing of Iraq and Kuwait.

challenging injustice.
The point is this we make
the laws that govern our society.
We are jointly responsible for what
our nation does, said Gary Patton,
adjunct professor of legal studies.

When the nation is doing something

wrong, a major change is required.
It is appropriate to break the law
because that signals that we need
to rearrange what we are doing in
fundamental ways.

The History of UCSCs Resource Centers

UC Santa Cruz
is home to
many resource
centers. Four are
ethnic resource
centers. The
centers developed
because of
student demands
for resources and
recognition, as
well as a desire
for safe spaces on

The Womens Center

UCSCs Womens Center started in 1985 to serve the campus, as well as the
community. It was envisioned as a resource for the womens studies department,
and served as a space for research and service. Today, it puts on annual events
such as Take Back the Night and provides resources for domestic abuse and
sexual harassment.

African American Resource Center (AARC)

In 1990, students gathered around Hahn Student Services to peacefully protest

the lack of on-campus support for students of color. Out of this protest, the
first ethnic resource center, the AARC was formed. Its mission is to provide
support and resources for the black community at UCSC through employment
opportunities, alumni networking, cultural resources and leadership training. The
AARC supports the African/Black Student Alliance, Rainbow Theater, AfricanAmerican Theater Arts Troupe and Destination Higher Education.

El Centro

The Chicano Latino Resource Center, also known as El Centro, was established in
1995 to serve the educational needs of Chicanx/Latinx students. It aids students
in their transitions to college, retention and graduation, providing scholarship
information and STEM resources. It also provides information for undocumented
and AB540 students.

20 MAY 12

Asian American/Pacific Islander Resource Center (AA/PIRC)

Prop 209 was on the 1996 ballot, which would amend the U.S. constitution to prohibit
discrimination based on race, sex or ethnicity. UCSC students mobilized, fearing that the
proposition would end affirmative action efforts, and called for a more diverse campus
from campus administration. They demanded an AA/PIRC, which opened its doors in
1999. AA/PIRC provides students with a network of identity-based organizations and the
opportunity to participate in planning committees for events like Heritage Month.

Cant Queer Center

In 1997, UCSC alumna Deb Abbott became the founding director for the Lesbian, Gay,
Bisexual Community and Resource Center. In 2004, it was renamed in honor of Lionel
Cant an openly gay sociology professor at UCSC who died in 2002 while working
on his dissertation on the impact of sexuality on migration. The center is an inclusive and
safe space for LGBTQ+ students as well as educational, health and hate bias resources.

American Indian Resource Center (AIRC)

In 2003, the most recent ethnic resource center was founded to support American
Indian students and increase American Indian visibility and diversity on campus. In
addition to providing advising, internships and other on-campus opportunities, AIRC
seeks to partner with local Native communities to promote college application and

Notable Movements in the 90s


Looking back at three defining moments at UCSC










Over 1,000 demonstrators occupied Hahn Student

Services in May 1977, demanding the UC divest from
South Africa, which was in the midst of legislated
racial discrimination known as apartheid. Racial
segregation and white supremacy werent new issues,
but in 1948 when the predominantly white National
Party came to power, segregation became law.
Led by Nelson Mandela, South African antiapartheid revolutionaries protested and were met
with violence from National Party supporters.
Thousands died and Mandela was convicted of
sabotage and charged with life in prison.
UC Santa Cruzs Coalition Against Institutional
Racism organized the Hahn occupation where over
400 were arrested. This was the first of many protests,
including sit-ins, rallies and mock shanty towns, that
demanded the UC regents divest holdings in South
African Business. In the height of apartheid protests
in 1985, the UC had $1.7 in billion invested in firms
operating in South Africa.
The situation is this the university does not
invest in countries, it invests based on financial
considerations, said UC spokesperson at the time,
Mike Alva, to City on a Hill Press.
Bart Stratton, spokesperson for the UCSC Student
Divestment and Anti-Apartheid Coalition, said some
students at 22 colleges across the country reported
they had boycotted classes, according to the Los
Angeles Times. Marches and rallies were reported at
51 other schools.
In 1978, divestment was rejected by the UC regents.
The same year, a student referendum for divestment
passed 5-to-1 at UC Berkeley, UCLA, UCSC and UC
Santa Barbara. A similar statewide petition received
10,000 signatures, yet both were ignored.
Eight years later, the UC regents met at UCSC and
voted to divest from South Africa by the end of the
decade. The UC became the largest public institution
to take a stance on the South African apartheid.
Today represents a major victory for the
movement, said Pedro Noguera, Associated
Students president and an organizer anti-apartheid
demonstrators during a protest at UC Berkeley. This
meeting today with [the UC regents] is a clear sign
they are feeling the pressure and we are having an
In 1990, apartheid collapsed under the outside
economic pressure from other countries and Mandela
was released from prison after 27 years. He became
president of South Africa in 1994. His first stop on
his U.S. speaking tour was UC Berkeley, where he
thanked the students for their support throughout his
peoples struggle.

When UC Santa Cruz opened its doors in

1965, the university aimed to be an alternative
to traditional UC campuses. The founding
mission was to be a progressive educational
space an education of the whole person and
not just technical training. This took shape
with the Narrative Evaluation System (NES),
where professors graded students with written
evaluations instead of letters.
NES was different from how most modern
universities operated and made it difficult
for students to apply to graduate schools and
scholarships. But this feature appealed to
students who were seeking a more progressive
education. The tug-of-war of interests meant
that the system was contested for decades before
officially changing.
The faculty will not vote to institute grades
if it is clear that students are opposed, wrote
City on a Hill Press (CHP) columnist Craig Block.
If you believe, like many of us, that UCSC does
not need grades, talk to faculty members. Time is
short. Act now.
Blocks demand fell flat. In 1979, UCSC faculty,
who control grading policy through the Academic
Senate, approved to offer a letter grade option as
a supplement to the NES.
Faculty worried about the reputation NES
imparted and the capability of professors to write
thorough and thoughtful responses in a short
amount of time for the growing student body.
In the 90s and early 2000s, faculty motioned
multiple times to replace written evaluations
with grades. In November 1999, 1,200 students
protested against mandatory grades, temporarily
halting the change.
Linking arms, we formed two corridors,
each more than 150 yards long through which
professors had to pass to reach the meeting hall,
wrote Patrick McHugh in CHP. That mass of
students peered into the eyes of their professors
... That wordless cry spoke volumes. At that
moment, and by the slimmest margins, we won.
The victory was short-lived. A few months
later, 170 UCSC faculty members moved again
to end NES and on Feb. 24, 2000, letter grades
became mandatory.
We want to be a part of this process because
we care so much, not because we want to give
faculty a hard time, said Student Union Assembly
Chair Kirti Srivastava in 2000 to CHP. We want to
be a part of this because we love our education.

An unsuspecting, diverse set of eyes peer out

beneath baseball caps as nails tap loudly on desks in
Oakes Classroom 105.
Who are you, whats your purpose, whats your
drive, whats your goal? How do you make things
change? Don Williams asks the room.
Apart from being director of the Cultural Arts
and Diversity (CAD) Resource Center, Williams is the
lecturer of the Rainbow spring class that studies a
range of plays performed the following fall quarter.
Rainbow Theater, now in its 22nd season, began
as a multicultural theater troupe dedicated to telling
the stories of African American, Chicanx/Latinx
and Asian American narratives in one-act plays. It
derived its name from the Rainbow Coalition of the
1960s, inspired by the activism and collaboration of
different organizations and collectives that pushed
for national change regarding people of color.
Rainbow Theaters newest additions include
Poets Corner, which weaves poetry with scenes
to tell students stories, Outreach, which travels to
high schools in underrepresented neighborhoods
every year to inspire higher learning, and the
Rainbow Theater band Kadence Keys.
In 1992, Williams founded the African American
Theater Arts Troupe (AATAT) at UCSC to highlight
African American culture through plays, a project to
which he dedicated an additional unpaid 30 hours
a week. Two years after AATAT was established,
Rainbow Theater was born.
[The] mission is to bring as many students
together as possible, to give them a greater sense
of identity, a greater sense of self worth and an
appreciation of the arts, Williams said 21 years ago
in the student publication, Currents.
In the mid-90s, students of color represented
around 20 percent of the student body. Some of
those students approached Williams to help tell
their stories. After watching AATATs success,
professor Kathy Foley, who advocated for the group
to perform, helped secure a space at Theater Arts.
Soon after, other students of color demanded spaces
in the world of theater. Students told Williams they
wanted to tell their stories too.
There was more isolation back then,
Williams said. Students did not know each other,
especially when I think about the African American
Rainbow Theater, which began as a platform
for students of color to share their stories with the
university, has evolved into a resource center, a class,
a large-scale annual event and, most importantly, a
family that remains open to change.


22 MAY 12



Creating a center for student
agency and activism

After two hate crimes against
Filipino students at UC Santa
Cruz, students of color unified
and mobilized to create Engaging
Education (e2).
In spring 2000, a Stevenson
affiliate threw empty alcohol bottles at
prospective UCSC students during A
Step Forward, now one of e2s studentinitiated outreach (SIO) programs. A
separate assault in December ended
with the hospitalization of a Filipino
student who was attacked by two
white students.
People were angry and upset,
said Kimi Mojica, a UC Santa Cruz
alumna was an active member of the
Filipino Student Association (FSA)
and Rainbow Theatre. We really
wanted to direct that energy in a way
that would be proactive and positive,
and not replicate the same kind of

violence or attitude that led to that

kind of act on campus.
e2 was created out of the
frustration felt by the Big Five ethnic
organizations FSA, Afrikan/Black
Student Alliance (A/BSA), Asian
Pacific Islander Student Alliance
(APISA), Movimiento Estudiantil
Chicana y Chicano de Aztln
(MEChA) and Student Alliance of
Native American Indians (SANAI)
about the universitys slow response
and failure to address the incidents.
FSA organized a peace vigil,
inviting other students of color
across the ethnic organizations to
stand in solidarity. There Mojica said
she envisioned e2 as a bat call or
symbol of students ownership of
their education and lives.
The immediate response I saw to
instances of injustice in my college
experience came from students

themselves, said Rocky Armenta,

one of e2s founding members. It
didnt come from administration at
all until much later, and it came only
because students pressed them to
take a stand on it.
Armenta was a student at the time
of the incidents and remembers the
impact they had.
Some students felt like it was
just a misunderstanding, Armenta
said, ... But from a student of color
perspective, getting bottles thrown at
you on a college campus where you
dont see a lot of people who look like
you can feel very disempowering.
In 2000, more than half of the
UCSC student body was white.
Armenta said students of color
wanted to make sure there was an
umbrella ethnic organization on
campus for anybody who wanted to
be a part of challenging injustices and
promoting education.


Today, e2 is a hub for student
agency, activism and mentorship.
Part of the mission statement is to be
a supportive and dynamic space for
programming that addresses the low
rates of recruitment, retention and
graduation that historically underresourced communities face within
higher education.
e2 has two primary focuses
outreach and retention. Outreach
works to get underrepresented
students to the university and
retention ensures those students
As part of e2s outreach efforts,
A/BSA, FSA and MEChA host their
annual SIO weekend, where newlyadmitted students are introduced
through workshops and cultural
For the last five years, e2 has
garnered a 65 percent statement of
intent to register rate for the high
school students brought up through
SIO more than three times UCSCs
average rate. The enrollment of Asian

and Latinx identifying students

has nearly doubled and tripled,
respectively, since 1994. But black
students represent about 2 percent of
the student body, and Pacific Islander
and American Indian students each
hover around less than 0.5 percent.
The retention programs consist
of Ch.A.L.E. (Chican@s and Latin@s
Educandose), Umoja (in Swahili,
Umoja means Unity), C.U.S.N.
Network) a Pacific Islander program
and K.A.M.P. (Kuya/Ate Mentorship
Program) a Filipino program
collectively known as Ch.U.C.K.
Ch.U.C.K. is an alliance of peer
mentorship programs aiming to
foster community and provide
students with support to graduate.
They provide academic resources,
host social events and encourage
cultural identity.
To engage with the broader
campus community, e2 hosts notable
speakers to promote dialogue among
students. In November 2014, Dr.
Cornel West, a prominent author
and social activist, gave a keynote
sponsored by e2, Student Media and
A/BSA in response to the Ferguson
unrest and Black Lives Matter
Movement. Wests keynote was the
first formal venue on campus to
discuss these issues after Michael
Browns murder in August 2014.


Despite e2s major impact on
increasing diversity on campus,
it faces threats to its permanent
location and funding.
The tenants of the Redwood
Building, home of e2s office, faced
potential relocation due to seismic
retrofitting. The plan was to move the
tenants of their office and the Student
Union to the largely inaccessible
Crown College parking lot, known
as the Crown Pit. It took over 1,500
signed petitions and campaigning
to Resist the Pit, for e2 and other
residents to be granted space in the

Cowell apartments.
It wasnt only a push to keep our
resources available for students, said
former e2 co-chair Adlemy Garcia,
but also almost having to prove
that we are valuable to the university
when we have continuously shown
that our dedication is to make sure
that students are being successful at
This success is short-lived, as
student-governed spaces, including
uncertainty as the student fee that
funds the maintenance and operation
of these spaces expires in fall 2017.
Without the passage of Measure 66,
e2 is one of the several centers that
could lose its space on campus.
Its hard to do work when your
home is being threatened, said
current e2 chair Guillermo Carrillo.
Its challenging to think about the
future when you have to think about
the now. And when the now is very
urgent, youre thinking about, are we
going to have a place to live? Are we
going to have a home?
Securing adequate funding is one
of e2s majors concerns, especially for
its SIO programs. While e2 and SIO
are funded by permanent student
fees under Measure 10 and Measure
15, the amount of money restricts the
number of students the programs are
able to host.
As part of a Memorandum of
Understanding from Chancellor
George Blumenthal, SIO receives a
$1.25 match for every $1 raised by
the fee, although a $2 match was
originally promised in 2005.
The reason e2 has been successful
and the reason why e2 is here is
because its student-run and led and
it was student-created, Garcia said.
We embody the model of student
agency for students to feel like they
have the power to empower other
*Latinx is used to be inclusive of
both males and females, as well as
those who do not identify within the
gender binary.



Suspended and Cut
The trials and triumphs of
UCSCs journalism minor

24 MAY 12

and former chair of the writing program.

Nobody was willing to make clear what was
being cut and why it was being cut. Why did this
accomplished minor become a big priority to
The humanities division also faced budget
cuts four years prior in 1997. The UC suffered a
$433 million loss in state funding from 1990-95.
Despite the cuts, Freeman negotiated with Jorge
Hankamer, the dean of humanities from 19952000, to keep the journalism minor in place.
Hankamer said the minor attracted students to
the university and the humanities division.
The journalism minor wasnt too big a price
to pay for a unique program, Hankamer said.
It was serving students. The decision to not cut
it was a judgment based on what the best use of
resources was, and that money was being put to
good use.
Hankamer made clear there were certain
parts of the humanities division that he did
have to cut old wounds he didnt want to
open back up. He said while deans face these
kinds of decisions on a regular basis, they have
the authority to save programs they value.


ore than 32 students were

left out of Martha Mendozas
Newswriting Workshop in winter
2003. Those students didnt just
miss out on taking a course with the first UC
Santa Cruz graduate with an independent major
in journalism and a Pulitzer Prize-winning
Associated Press journalist. Being left out of that
class meant missing out on something greater.
We knew that whoever got into that class
would get a journalism degree, and those who
didnt wouldnt be able to join the minor,
recalled Erika French-Arnold, who was grateful
to earn a spot in that class and graduated with a
journalism minor in 2005.
Over the span of 20 years, Conn Hallinan,
Paul Skenazy and Roz Spafford founded a
journalism minor grounded in UCSCs writing
program. From 1991-2005, the program
awarded 223 minors. Prior to 1991, over 75
students graduated with independent majors in
journalism. It took two rounds of budget cuts,
one dean of humanities influencing central
administration and less than three years for the
entire program to crumble.
In 2001-02, the UC system faced over $240
million in budget cuts and the journalism
minor was quickly targeted as one program to
eliminate, though it cost less than $55,000 to
maintain. The division of humanities operated
on a $14,693,856 budget that year.
It was a terrible, unnecessary loss, said
Spafford, who began teaching in the writing
program in 1978 and served as chair of the
program from 2001-04. I was devastated
because I knew what students were doing and
went on to do.
In 1998, City on a Hill Press (CHP) staff and its
annual summer magazine, Primer, earned nine
Gold Circle Awards in the Columbia Scholastic
Press Associations national contest sponsored
by the Columbia School of Journalism. Primer
earned best all-around annual student
magazine and CHP earned second place in
best all-around non-daily newspaper in the
regional rankings in the Mark of Excellence
contest sponsored by the Society of Professional
When I first applied for a job as a journalism
instructor at UCSC, we got copies of CHP off
the racks and I was flattened, said Hallinan,
who spent 23 years as a journalism instructor
and CHP advisor. CHP was and always is the
organization that prevented UCSC from hiding
itself and by insisting that its a city on a hill
because you can see it.
But when former Dean of Humanities Wlad
Godzich had to respond to the 2001-02 budget
cuts, it was unclear whether the journalism
minor would survive.
nontransparent, said Carol Freeman, founder

Cutting the Journalism Minor

Godzich was appointed dean of humanities
in July 2000. He joined the UC system directly
from the University of Geneva in Switzerland,
where he was professor of English and
comparative literature, chair of the Emergent
Literatures program and a professor in the
universitys Graduate Institute of European
Studies. Godzich, who still teaches at UCSC, is
an esteemed faculty member in the humanities
He looked to bring a collaborative aspect to
research and an approach to the humanities as
a series of issues we examine together.
He did just that. That October, Godzich
committed $60,000 per year from 2000-03 to
support a distinguished lecturer series for the
Institute of Humanities Research (IHR). The
IHR, established in 1999, was created to support
humanities faculty, graduate student research
and academic programming.
Yet in March 2003, when he gave the writing
program faculty its budget, there was no room
for the journalism minor despite student
interest. In Godzichs Long Range Plan of the
Division of Humanities Executive Summary in
March 2001, he projected the journalism minor
to grow by one-third its size by 2010-11.
The central administration [was] firm on
its budget line and would not give any more
money to fund journalism, Godzich said.
Carol Freeman, former chair of the writing
program, strongly disagrees with that analysis.
There was support around the campus,
Freeman said. Those supports said that the
writing program and journalism were good



This image appeared in CHP in 2005 when the journalism minor was being defunded. Students
protested the program cut by collecting petitions.
programs, but nobody was successful in
changing the deans mind. For the very small
amount that the journalism program cost, it
was a huge cut. Its very hard to believe that
there werent other possibilities.
Chancellor George Blumenthal, who served
as chair of Academic Senate from 2004-5, said
that the minors academic program reviews
were exceptional and never heard anyone say
it wasnt an outstanding program. For me to
say that meant [the members of the academic
program review] were using words like this is
one of the best in the country, a jewel in the
crown, he said.
Blumenthal also recalls the Academic
Senates lack of involvement in the decisions

that led up to the cut of the minor. He called it

a process issue, and as much as he advocated
for a full senate consultation of the cut, it never
It didnt feel good to me to just dissolve a
program that was regarded as outstanding
and excellent, and do it without adequate
consultation, Blumenthal said. Throughout
the process I was puzzled, trying to reconcile
[Godzichs] desire to build up the humanities
division versus keeping this outstanding
The writing program had enough money left
over to get all students already in the journalism
minor graduated by 2005. But the minor, and its
students, didnt go quietly.


Members of the Journalism Now Committee fought to bring back

the journalism minor in 2006 after the program graduated its last
class in 2005 (left and above). Almost a decade after the program
was cut, CHP continues to produce award-winning journalists
and exist as an independent study class. You dont have to go
very far to see how successful the program has been, said Patrick
Knowles, a former CHP editor-in-chief who graduated in 2004
with a journalism minor. Martha Mendoza just won a Pulitzer
Prize, Chris Amico is a Peabody finalist for his work with Frontline,
William Finnegan won a Pulitzer for his story on surfing this is
all in the last three weeks.

Over 200 students held a protest outside of McHenry Library while

others gathered hundreds of petition signatures to support the minor.
Later in the year, students managed to pass Measure 13, the Student
Media Council Fee, which supports equipment, software and facility
improvements for campus Student Media organizations. Without it,
Student Media couldnt operate.
A lot of us felt powerless, we knew the cut was a political thing and
students couldnt turn it around, said Ian Sherr, a 2005 alumnus with
an independent major in journalism. The measure was the only way
we thought we could protect Student Media.
Sherr also prolonged the cut of the minor by declaring the
independent major, which forced the university to offer classes to fit
the major and thus, the minor.
That was my subtle piece of protest, Sherr said.
Carol Freeman said despite Godzichs administrative position, he
was not the sole figure for the minors defunding.
He was the person we concentrated our anger at, but I dont think
it couldve happened unless the [Executive Vice Chancellor John
Simpson] and Chancellor [M.R.C. Greenwood] were willing to let it
happen too, Freeman said.

Defining Journalism at UCSC

With its origins in the writing program, Roz Spafford, one of
the founders of the journalism minor, argues the minor took an
unconventional approach to journalism as more than solely a skill set.
She said most journalism programs dont have a connection with a
writing program.
It was about trying to learn to speak with people different from
ourselves, whatever that difference meant, Spafford said. To try to
learn who was going unheard and how to get their voices in. Those
commitments were central to the minor.
As a Ph.D. graduate of Columbia University, which has a top-ranked
journalism program, Godzich had a different expectation of what a
journalism program should be. He referenced San Francisco State
University as an ideal program because of its broad take on print and
multimedia journalism, along with opportunities for students to get
published in local publications.
Godzich felt UCSCs journalism curriculum was a fly-by-night
operation and fell short as a program because journalism students
should learn how to interview people, how to cultivate sources and
how to research stories skills he believed were not taught at UCSC
courses. But Conn Hallinan, journalism instructor and CHP advisor,
said while those skills are important and taught in introductory classes,
they were far from the main objectives in his teaching and advising of
Our purpose was not to produce journalists, Hallinan said, but
to give students an insight into the intellectual [processes] which are at

the heart of media. We didnt teach journalism like they do at SF State

or [San Jose State University], but in a way that was consistent with
a university education. That is why we spent so much time on media
The minor wasnt serving as a vocational or professional degree,
rather a complement to students majors. Godzich, however, argues
this could easily be accomplished in college core courses that focus on
social justice. Former journalism students like Erika French-Arnold,
who was a literature major, said the minors classes helped her become
a better writer overall.
As the great Conn Hallinan always said, humanities teaches you to
write long, journalism teaches you to write short, French-Arnold said.
I needed a program to give me an opportunity to look at new stories
from a different perspectives and how to write in a lot of different styles
and perspectives.
Godzich remains firm that journalism is best suited as a
professional, graduate program.
It wasnt training them in journalism, it was telling people they
could write about things that affected their sense of justice, he
said. That wouldve been fine if they had been published in real
newspapers, but otherwise, what was it? Just a little released valve
thats not a program.
Still, alumni like Ian Sherr hold the award-winning program and the
skills it taught in high regard. Sherr is the west coast executive editor at
CNET News and former reporter for the Wall Street Journal.
Martha Mendoza got people jailed and saved thousands of people
from slavery, Sherr said, referencing Mendozas most recent Pulitzer
Prize for Public Service. Mendoza earned the award with the Associated
Press after an international investigation of the fishing industry in
Southeast Asia that freed over 2,000 slaves and traced the seafood they
caught to supermarkets and pet food providers across the U.S.
I wouldnt have a career without Conn, Roz and Martha and what
theyve done, said Sherr, who went on to get his Masters in journalism
at UC Berkeley. Thats the bottom line. CHP helped start my career
and bind who I wanted to be. It encouraged and nurtured that, its
something Im always going to be thankful for.
Despite the university phasing journalism out, CHP and Student
Media live on. It survived potential budget cuts of Student Organization
Advising and Resources (SOAR) and the layoff of the director of Student
Media in 2009.
Students continue to organize, fight back and see journalism as
more than a vocation, but a means to critique the world around them.
I have absolute faith in the students, these young journalists who
have a commitment to truth, commitment to afflicting the comfortable
and comforting the afflicted and reporting the news, Hallinan said.
You measure success by how many people become good citizens and
activists, not [by] how many people become journalists.

MINOR IN 2003-04
The writing program accepts students
each quarter into the minor in journalism.
The minor consists of a series of courses
and internships that emphasize not just
craft but critical analysis. The program
immerses the student in studies of the
rhetoric of nonfiction writing and of the
significance of public discourse. It is
designed to coordinate with a students
major in any field of study in which the
practice of writing for newspaper and
magazine publication might complement
normal course work.

Introduction to the basic techniques of
newswriting, including practice in leads,
formats, and different kinds of news
reporting. Emphasis on developing skills
in research, interviewing, and shaping
stories. Includes an examination of the
contemporary media.


Overview of Latino mass media outlets
in the U.S. and their role in the face of
increased concentration of mainstream
media ownership. Focus on development
of strategies and writing skills to enable
grassroots and community organizations
to access print media. Bilingual approach.


In-depth, community-based reporting,
with an emphasis on skills ranging from
interviewing techniques to profiles,
integrating research with writing.
Students choose a specific area or desk
of concentration, and all the stories reflect
that beat.


Introduces students to the various
forms of magazine writingas well as to
pertinent reporting techniques. Students
work intensively on process, style, and
editing, producing numerous formal and
informal pieces.

Students acquire basic investigative and
research skills, with particular emphasis
on how to develop investigative subjects,
obtain data, check accuracy, and convert
information into well written, publishable


A writing course examining news and
feature articles in popular print media.
Students write their own articles and
analyze how a particular content is
mandated by conventional forms, by the
structure of the industries, and by ideas of






Over 100,000 lives lost, $815 billion spent and years of fierce
President George W. Bush announced his global war on terror
after the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. Just over a year later, he
announced a full-scale invasion of Iraq, using suspicion of active
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) as rationale.
Yet 18 months into the war, Charles Duelfer, head of the Iraq
Survey Group, released a report showing there was no evidence
of any active WMDs.
The Iraq War was one of the most heavily protested events in
world history, both before and after no WMDs were found, with
an estimated 10 to 15 million people demonstrating in more than
600 cities on a single day in February 2003.
A lot of pro-war people turned against the war within a year
of the invasion, once we learned there were no weapons of mass
destruction, said Paul Ortiz, associate professor of community
studies at UC Santa Cruz at the time, who was heavily involved in
faculty protests against the war.
Ortiz helped draw support for a faculty resolution against the

war, which passed unanimously in UCSCs Academic Senate on

Feb. 19, 2003. This came three months after the Student Union
Assembly passed a resolution condemning a preemptive military
attack on Iraq.
Driving forces behind UCSCs anti-war movement were the
student activist groups Standing United for Peace (SUP) and, a
year after SUPs disbandment, Students Against War (SAW).
Marla Zubel, a key figure in both SUP and SAW, was a firstyear student when Bush announced his plans for Iraq military
intervention on Oct. 2, 2002. Later that week, she joined about
700 fellow students in SUPs walk-out against the potential
invasion of Iraq, coinciding with the first anniversary of the start
of military operations in Afghanistan.
There was this sense that we were going to war, Zubel said.
And there was this real hope that maybe we could stop it.
SUP met every Friday above the Bay Tree Bookstore, to
organize students. This led to a 150-strong march on Nov. 20,
2002, as part of a national day of action. Protesters chanted and
danced through the UCSC campus, dressed with drums and


Members of Standing United for Peace (SUP) conducted an anti-war rally demonstration on Oct. 7, 2002, shortly after President
George W. Bush announced his first plans for Iraq military intervention.

26 MAY 12

military fatigues. Some protesters partook in a die-in, where

members pretended to execute each other while corpses laid
among the crowd.
While trying to engage and educate students on campus,
SUPs members were supported by the anti-war efforts in town.
After Bush made his case for an Iraq invasion to the UN
Security Council on Sept. 12, 2002, Santa Cruz City Council voted
on Sept. 24 to pass a formal opposition to the Iraq War the first
city in the U.S. to do so. Over 90 city councils across the country
followed Santa Cruz, passing their own anti-war resolutions.
The Santa Cruz community, including students and faculty,
raised both moral and fiscal concerns about going to war.
If we have money to invest in war, why not invest in
students? Thats understood by students here and at many other
universities, said Hiroshi Fukurai, a sociology professor who has
been at UCSC since 1990 and was involved in the Iraq anti-war
protests. The Hellfire missile, used in wars all the time, costs
about $70,000 a missile. And what is it good for? Destroying
people. Why not invest in education?
With so much anti-war sentiment on campus and in the city,
Zubel said SUP members felt that if they just demonstrated,
plugged in and organized, they could stop the war.
But SUP had its last protest on March 5, 2003, two weeks
before the official invasion of Iraq. About 300 students marched
through campus as part of a nationwide day of action called by
the National Youth and Student Peace Coalition. In addition to
student, faculty and activist speeches, about 50 students formed
a human peace sign on East Field below Stevenson College.
Despite protests on local and national levels, the government
continued with military action.
We expected more of a quick fix than we [got], said Zubel.
The fact that Bush could just get up there and say, No, I dont
care that people are protesting all over the world. It kind of
destroyed the organization I think the blow was too much.
SUP became inactive in mid-2003 after the organization lost
morale and key members graduated.
In hopes of keeping activism alive on campus, Zubel and
other students created a monthly newspaper called The Project
in fall 2003. Their objective was to document and inspire
strategic radical actions relevant to local, regional and global
socioeconomic injustice, according to the papers mission
By allowing student activists to continue the anti-war
conversation, The Project helped to create a new group on
campus called Students Against War (SAW), over two years after
the formation of SUP.
On Jan. 20, 2005, SAW formed following an anti-war
demonstration of about 20 students in front of McHenry Library.
Participants met after the rally to discuss the groups next steps.
It wasnt happening on Facebook or Twitter, it was happening
on butcher paper and marker pens, Zubel said.
From the beginning, SAW gravitated toward local and more
specific and achievable goals than SUP. One main goal was to
stop military personnel, scheduled for their annual appearance

at UCSCs Career Fair on April 5, 2005, from

recruiting on campus.
We had never done something where a
large group of people had marched in and
forced [military recruiters] out, Zubel said. We
were pretty nervous about it.
In preparation, SAW flyered, spoke to
packed lecture halls, phone banked and dorm
stormed, or knocked on students doors to give
them a copy of The Project to advertise its next
action. Members also delegated responsibilities
of writing press releases, leading marches,
starting chants and riding ahead of the
procession on bicycles to ensure no police
We thought if we could do it, and other
people could see that we could do it, Zubel
said, Then we could really try to put a wrench
in the war machine.
On the day of the career fair, SAW organizers,
carrying walkie-talkies and handmade posters,
headed for the Cowell/Stevenson Dining
Hall. Once inside, SAW members flung open
the emergency exits as dozens of protesters
crowded the room, while about 400 more
remained outside.
Students chanted as about 50 demonstrators
surrounded the recruitment desk, seizing
military paraphernalia and demanding
the recruiters leave campus immediately.
Protesters were ecstatic when university staff
and recruiters agreed to the demands.
Six months later, military recruiters returned
to campus for the next career fair. This time,
the university was prepared for SAWs protests,
giving the military recruiters their own separate
room with campus police on guard. But SAW
protesters were still undeterred.
We marched pretty militantly. The crowd
was smaller [this time], but emboldened and

empowered, Zubel said. Protesters were in

black bloc, dressed head to toe in black
clothing with faces covered.
Though SAW faced a greater challenge of
protesting the second time around, recruiters
and protesters negotiated to let a few members
into the building. After entering, they tore
down the recruiters display, ripped up flyers
and military paraphernalia and once again
demanded the recruiters leave campus. The
military recruiters left and, for a second time,
SAW achieved its goal.
But their triumph was short-lived. In
December 2005, SAW members discovered
they were the only group considered a credible
threat to national security on a 400 page list
of mostly anti-war protests compiled by the
Pentagons Counterintelligence Field Agency.
The list was part of a database of information
indicative of possible terrorist pre-attack
SAW members were shocked and outraged.
Denice D. Denton, who was chancellor at the
time, and Democrat Representative Sam Farr,
among others, demanded an explanation for
the Pentagons actions. After considerable
campaigning, the Pentagon removed the
students from the list in February 2006.
Even with the support of faculty and several
successful protests, SUP and SAW failed to put
an end to the Iraq War. But their efforts did not
go unnoticed.
In terms of success, its always a continuous
movement, said Hiroshi Fukurai, a faculty
member involved in anti-war protests. You
have to keep continuing [and] struggling.
Perhaps in your generation or lifetime, you
may not achieve what you want to achieve. But
unless you start, nothing is going to change.



Written by Standing United for Peace


Students Against War (SAW) protested against military recruiters on campus, from the student
activist newspaper The Project, courtesy of the UCSC Special Collections (top). Protesters engaged
in a march led by SAW against military recruiters at the UCSC Career Fair on Oct. 18, 2005 (above).



28 MAY 12


















































increasing tuition by 27.6 percent

over the course of five years. The
proposal was met with opposition,
as hundreds of students assembled
at UC San Francisco, where the
regents meeting took place. Students
linked arms and blocked the
entrances to prevent the regents
from getting inside and the meeting
from occurring.
UCSC students protests of the
proposed hikes lasted for months,
and included blocking Highway
17, shutting down campus and
occupying the humanities buildings.
Today we are looking to build
solidarity and begin a long standing
occupy movement across UC
campuses, a student said to CHP
during the Humanities Occupation
in 2014. There have been
historical examples of when occupy
movements were used to protest
tuition hikes. Theyve worked, and
we are hoping this occupy movement
will do the same thing.
The regents officially announced
in May 2015 that tuition would not
increase for California residents
through the 2016-2017 school year,
but would increase for out-of-state
students. Since the UC first imposed
tuition, it has increased by almost
2000 percent.
Tuition hikes are back on the
table next year.


The UC was founded in 1868 in

Berkeley, where in-state students
enjoyed a tuition-free public
education for over 100 years. It
wasnt until 1975 that the UC regents
imposed tuition, which cost $630.
Today, that comes out to just under
$3,000 chump change compared
to the average $12,192 UC students
pay now.
From 1868 until 1921, California
residents enjoyed freedom from
fees. The UC began charging a $25
incidental fee in 1921, which in
todays dollars equals about $300.
The incidental fee crept up year after
year, but tuition for in-state residents
was still non-existent.
In 1960, then-UC President Clark
Kerr spearheaded the California
Master Plan for Higher Education,
which upheld that UC education
would still be tuition-free for
students would be charged fees
to cover the costs of athletics,
laboratories and other services not
related to instruction.
UC Santa Cruz opened in 1965
and was the seventh campus in the
UC system. Its students also paid
no tuition like UCLA and Berkeley,
until the 1975-76 school year when
UC regents charged students tuition
for the first time in the universitys
Once you get into tuition, raising
it is irresistible, said then-UC

President David Saxon in a 1982 issue

of City on a Hill Press (CHP).
Saxon was right. Imposing tuition
in 1975 set the tone for a series of
increases over the following 40-year
In April 1982, Gov. Jerry Brown
asked the UC regents to cut
approximately 10 percent of their
budget for the coming year. [The
college system] is the most flexible
part of our budget, Brown said
during his second term as governor.
[It] is one of the first places the
legislature will look.
Almost a decade later, UC
students saw the largest single-year
tuition and fee increase in university
history. The yearly cost of attending
the UC increased from $1,820 in the
1990-91 school year to $2,486 in the
1991-92 school year a jump of over
36 percent. The tuition hike took
place under Gov. Pete Wilson during
Californias historic budget crisis
in the early 1990s. At $14.3 billion,
Californias deficit was larger than
the budget for over 45 states.
Schwarzenegger and Jerry Brown,
the UC has seen substantially higher
fees than under other governors.
During Schwarzeneggers tenure in
office, he cut the UC budget by 15
percent and tripled the 2003 tuition
and fees to $11,279.
UC tuition increases made
national headlines in November
2014 when, following a threeyear freeze, the regents proposed





Reviving From the Roots Up

Amah Mutsun tribe relearns indigenous botanical knowledge



Rick Flores, curator of the California Natives Collection at the Arboretum, shows off a portion of the 40-acre parcel of land that constitutes the native garden. In addition to his involvement in the
Amah Mutsun Relearning Program, Flores is a Ph.D. student in environmental science.



The first step to making acorn flour the traditional Amah
Mutsun way is to gather the acorns.
Matt Lopez wanders through Big Basin State Park scouring
the ground. He fills five 5-gallon buckets with tanoak acorns.
When he gets home, he lays them out in the sun until theyre dry
enough for the nuts to rattle inside the shells, about two
He picks up an acorn, cracks
it open with a hammer,
takes to it with a mortar
and pestle and grinds
it to a fine powder. It
takes him two days
to grind the 350 nuts
he collected. Its a
grueling process, but
Lopez wants to do things
the traditional way.
I just wish there had
been someone to guide
He didnt learn about
this process by speaking to
his grandmother or other tribal
members. He found it on the internet.
Lopez, 32, has been a member of
the Amah Mutsun tribe all his life but
has no memories of eating traditional
Mutsun food growing up. He only started
cooking with acorns over the last two
years. He has cooked with manzanita and
elderberry, two native Californian plants
the Amah Mutsun used centuries ago. But
even as the son of the tribal chairman, Lopez
is struggling to get past the learning curve years
of genocide created.
Along with hundreds of other Amah Mutsun
tribal members, he is trying to relearn the traditional
ecological knowledge their people lost. The tribe has
made significant efforts to establish plots of land where members
can practice plant identification and traditional ways of resource





30 MAY 12

management, as well as harvest these crops to use in their own

The Amah Mutsun work with public agencies to give tribal
members the opportunity to learn on plots throughout Central
California, including at UC Santa Cruzs Arboretum. In 2009, the
Arboretum teamed up with the tribe to make the Amah Mutsun
Relearning Garden. Outside the garden, UCSC students only hear
about the tribe through guest lectures and peripheral reading,
even though the campus is housed on traditional Mutsun land.
For thousands of years, the original Amah Mutsun territory
encompassed all or portions of what are today the counties of
Santa Cruz, Monterey, San Benito, Santa Clara and San Mateo.
That all changed when the Spanish arrived in the late 1700s
and established missions to spread Catholicism throughout
California, including on Mutsun land. When the Spanish
got to the area, they forced the nearby Amah Mutsun
into slavery to help build the missions.
The Amah Mutsun were taken to Mission
Santa Cruz, founded in 1791, and Mission San
Juan Bautista, founded in 1797.
When they were taken to the missions,
men were separated from women,
children were separated from their
families, so that passing down of
knowledge could not happen under
that time, said Rick Flores, steward for
the Amah Mutsun Relearning Program
and a doctoral student in the environmental
studies department. They werent allowed to
practice their culture, their languages, their
ceremonies. So, so much was taken from them.
But the damage continued even when the missions
were secularized in 1833. The pain inflicted on the Amah
Mutsun had detrimental effects for centuries to come.
The Spanish conquest meant California Indians no longer
owned any land. Without a land base, tribal members splintered
into different parts of the region, dismantling any sense of
geographic unity. During the gold rush of the mid-1800s, many
settlers came into conflict with Native Americans. They set
bounty prices of 50 cents a scalp, $5 a head, making it yet again
dangerous to be a Native American in California.
The lack of a unifying land base made it difficult for Amah

Mutsun to connect with each other, but the racism made tribal
members want to hide their identity altogether. This combination
resulted in a loss of thousands of years of indigenous knowledge.
The few decades of the mission system had undone it all.
Almost 20,000 Indians died at Mission San Juan Bautista.
Today, there are only about 600 members of the Amah Mutsun
For our tribe to heal from that historic trauma, we have to
relearn that
knowledge so that we can fulfill our
obligation to Creator to take care
of Mother Earth and all living
things, said tribal chairman
Val Lopez. The Arboretum
provided us the opportunity to
do just that.
Several times a
year, the Relearning
work-learn days on its
40-acre plot of the California
Native Plants Garden. Visitors
the Amah Mutsun used, like
seed scattering, seed sowing,
soil tilling, selective harvesting
and coppicing. They also
learn traditional Mutsun
techniques to create
pine needle baskets
and process acorns and
native grass seeds for food.
The idea is that tribal
members can come to the California Native Garden and
harvest materials.
The Relearning Program receives California native plants
donated by local nurseries. Although not all of the native plants
grow in the Arboretums garden naturally, the donated plants
take to the ground well.
The program wants to help the tribe restore its native plants,
used for food and medicinal purposes. Val Lopez remembers
his mother preparing concoctions for him to ease an upset

stomach when he was a boy. He said people still

use plants today to treat arthritis and headaches.
His sister, who has multiple sclerosis, even uses a
plant to relieve the pain.
Its a traditional Mutsun practice to manage
the landscape, like by pruning trees or setting
low-intensity fires. Rick Flores, a steward for the
Relearning Program, said some conservation
methods today have moved in the opposite
direction. One of the more common approaches is
to put do not enter signs in front of ecologically
sensitive areas, but Flores said this isnt conducive
to increasing biodiversity.
There are the old hands-off kinds of practices
where you just put a fence around something and
call it preserved or conserved, Flores said. That
kind of ethic isnt necessarily working anymore.
Flores advocates for an ethic that uses
traditional ecological knowledge to manage
landscapes. He insists nature depends on human
interaction and calls for a philosophical change
among ecological restorationists.
All the efforts the Amah Mutsun are doing
in their traditional territories is really showing a
shift away from this kind of old-school wilderness
perspective where man was just seen as a visitor
and didnt affect the landscape, Flores said.
The tribe held a work-learn gathering at a
small plot of land across the street from the San
Juan Bautista Mission on April 30. As Matt Lopez
surveilled what an untrained eye might view as a
beautiful garden, he took one look at the waisthigh weeds and the flowers that were way past
their season, shook his head and said, It looks
like trash to me.
Hes determined to get back on the path of his
ancestors and expressed frustration at how far
off the current Mutsun territory is from when his
ancestors lived on it.
Instead of growing the population of a plant
thats already there, were having to start from
scratch and plant new plants, Lopez said, taking
off his ball cap and wiping his brow. And instead
of using fire to weed the area and restore the land,
Im using a pick.
Lopez and other tribal members may not be
digging with manzanita sticks like their ancestors,
but every act of planting and weeding pays a
small homage to the traditional Mutsun people
because of the process behind deciding which
plants to include in the garden. Lopez, Flores and
other land stewards consult historical notes from
Ascencion Solrzano de Cervantes, the last fluent
speaker of the Mutsun language.
Between 1929 and 1930, the American linguist
and ethnologist J.P. Harrington conducted four
months worth of interviews with Solrzano.
He wanted to catalogue the Mutsun language
before she passed away. The interviews included
not only the Mutsun dictionary and grammar,
but also tribal lore, customs and knowledge of
native plants. Amah Mutsun tribal chairman Val
Lopez said Harrington wrote about 78,000 pages
of anthropological field notes from his interviews
with Solrzano.
Solrzano is a huge figure in Amah Mutsun
history. Despite her significance, the destructive
forces at play have resulted in even her
descendants losing the indigenous knowledge.
Josh Higuera spent the work day at the San
Juan Bautista garden weeding while wearing
a hoodie under the hot April sun. He is six
generations away from Solrzano herself.
Higuera said his grandfather recalled learning
about the Amah Mutsun folklore as a boy while
going on drives around Hollister. He knew
the stories of all the mountains, because every
mountain had a story, Higuera said. He knew all
those but I never did. There was disconnect and a
lot of the knowledge was lost.
His mothers great grandmother was so scared
by the threat of 50 cents a scalp, $5 a head that

A volunteer works in the California native plants garden across the street from Mission San Juan Bautista. The tribe worked with California State
Parks for about five years to obtain permission to plant in the garden.
Higueras mother did not grow up with Amah
Mutsun culture at all.
A lot of Indians had to say that they were
Mexican, Higuera said, and so [my mothers
family] kind of adopted that lifestyle and culture
when she was growing up. Her great grandmother
would just make enchiladas.
Higuera is involved with the tribes activity,
and he said he identifies more closely with his
Mutsun identity, although his father is Mexican.
Higueras mothers story is not uncommon.
Centuries after the mission system and bounties,
tribal members still struggle with historical
trauma. To work through those feelings in a
community setting, the Amah Mutsun have held
bi-monthly wellness gatherings for the last four
and a half years, chairman Val Lopez said, in
which they discuss personal and tribal issues.
None of our members live in their traditional
territories anymore, said tribal chairman Val
Lopez. All of our members are unfortunately at
or below poverty line.
The high cost of living on the Central Coast
combined with the high rates of poverty among
tribal members makes it difficult for many of them
to attend work-learn gatherings at the Arboretum.
The tribe developed the Amah Mutsun Land
Trust in 2011 to ensure places for stewardship,
management and access to traditional lands so
tribal members throughout the area can harvest
natural resources, regardless of their income.
The Amah Mutsun are not a federally
recognized tribe, meaning they are not
acknowledged as a sovereign entity and are
not entitled to the same benefits, services and
protections that federally recognized tribes are.
The Relearning Garden is just one aspect of the
tribes overall goal of cultural restoration, which
also includes language revitalization, overcoming
trauma and acquiring federal recognition.
Where the Amah Mutsun once danced, ate
together and reveled in each others company,
students now congregate for lectures and rallies.
The landscape may have changed, but the Amah
Mutsuns time in Santa Cruz was not so long ago.
We want to give people a message, Matt
Lopez said. Were still here.

Amah Mutsun tribal member Matt Lopez holds a tule reed mat at the tribes work day in
San Juan Bautista on April 30. The Mutsun traditionally wrapped tule reed mats around a
wooden foundation to create housing.


32 MAY 12