Administrative System of The Marathas

BY
SUREN D.R AN ATH

LECTURER
IN
SEN, M.A., Pm.D.,
MAftATKA HISTORY
ft,NO
MARATHI
UTGRATURIi, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY
Second Editjon
Revised and Enlarged
FUbUSHED
flY
THB
UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
19*5
RAMA VARNA RECEAliri
IIICT1TUTE.
TRICHUR, COCHIN STATE.
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE

MARATIIAS
BY THE SAME AUTHOR

Published by the Calcutta University
CHHATRAPATI
SIVAVOL.
PP.
I,
Rs. 4-14
284,
Sabhasad bakhar with

from Chitnis and Sivadigvijaya .
Being a translation
of
extracts*
OPINIONS
Ramsay Muir Your work bears
Prof.
of exact
and
the marks
and both you and the

Calcutta have every reason to be proud of
scientific scholarship
University of
the
all
admirable beginning thus
made
in
the rendering
of an essential service to historial scholarship.
H. Beveridge. Mr. Sen fas done good service by

making a new translation of Krishnaji Sabhasad's
chronicle.
A. Kincaid
But
Sabhasad's bakhar.
me
had myself thought of translating

I
am
very glad you have saved
the trouble.
G- S Sardcsai
have
with the original and
am
compared the translation
glad to say that
it
is -faithful,
elegant and yet quite simple.
K. N. Sane.
(Vivida
Dnan Vista r) On
the
whole
the work of translation has been well done.
C
the
H- Keith
Jopp- The
references to
history
spirit.
R.
afforded
Leilie
me
Moore.
great pleasure
all
notes
seem scholarly and
conceived
in
a judicial
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
OF THE MARATHAS
[FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES]
BY
SURENDRANATH
SEN, M.A., Pm.D.,
MAKATHA HISTORY AND MARATHI

LITERATURE, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY
LECTURER
IN
Second Edition
Revised and Enlarged
PUBLISHED BY THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
>
92 5
puvncD
nr
upsbidbalal
i*wu
AT THl CALC on A OWITOWITT fllHi, BlNATI FOCfl, CALCUTTA.
Reg. So. 148B.
22-8-2$ - GOO.
TO MY PARENTS
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

Torna in 1646
i68o.at the comparatively young age
Shivaji, born in 1627, captured
and died
in
kingdom
Hindu
mighty
had founded
Before his death he
of fifty-three.
defiance
in
of the
Sultanates of Bijapur and Golkonda, then tottering to their
fall,
and the Chaghatai, miscalled
Mughal Empire, then
at the zenith of its
Within a decade of
under Aurangzib Alamgir.
of
The son and successor
was captured and decapitated and

heir to the throne became a Mughal
Shivaji
the
crisis.
its
power was
Maratha
founder's death, the infant
faced with a serious
power
infant
Further
prisoner.
the
question,
threatened
expansion
was
out
of
the
very existence of the kingdom was
The
Marathas undeterred by the
power, wealth and prestige of the empire engaged

in
life
favour
and death struggle which ended in their

With the return of Shahu to his paternal
kingdom
opened a new era
expansion.
the
their
the
extreme
horses
empire
The
Maratha
North-Western
drank
the
extended
of
conquest
horsemen
frontier
and
reached
of
India,
water of the Indus and
from
sea
to
sea.
The
PREFACE
VIII
Maratha empire was apparently
when
vigour
about
brought
with
conflict
Hindu empire
The
fall.
away
passed
India
of
its full
Western power
disruption and
its
in
still
last
after
chequered existence of t70 years.

It
is
commonly
by
merely
existed
believed that this vast empire
and
plunder
An
robbery.
eminent linglish writer has described the Maratha

generals as
But
robbers, plunderers and scoundrels.'
very
is
it
'
empire could
robbery
and
to
difficult
last for
over a
century and half
and plunder alone, unless

basis
firmer
of
good
how an
understand
by*
had a surer
it
government.
Grant
Ranade had
Duff does not answer this question.
himself to this task and his brilliant chapters
set
on the administrative institutions of Maharashtra

served as an eye-opener to many, but he was
cut
off
death
by
before
was
task
his
fully
accomplished.
comprehensive work on the administrative
system
materials
the
of
such
for
host of
sincere, workers
less
wanting,
but
been
fast
had
and
labours
scholarly
patriotic devotion of Sane,
Rarasnis and
less
was
work
The
accumulating.
the
Marathas
Rajwade, Khare,
known,
had brought to
but
light
not
such a
mass of original documents, that it is a veritable

Solomons mine and the very' first descent took
me
in
the
midst
of
treasures
of
high value
PREFACE
and
felt
answer
my
labour amply rewarded.
regulations
their
own
them
from
Marathas
explains
an
thus
of the last
of
the
surpassing
of
It
gives
it
system,
history
the old
of
supplies
it
an
and interesting illustration of interHindu and Muslim principles on each
and
growth
of
helps
it
Hindu
older
us
understand
to
the
the present British Indian administra-
institutions,
is
interest
development
and
administrative
other,
This
inherited
Muhammadan
and
Hindu empire,
survival
action of
had
they
not
causes of the disruption and down-
the
important
were
administrative system of the
The
is
regula-
these
that
of
Further
empire.
Hindu
their
set
excellent
institutions
inventions,
fall
this
me
convinced
predecessors.
on
mere robbers and

documents
original
and administrative
tive
trie
not
own
their
for
investigation
Hindu
got
had been seeking.
The Marathas were

From their
plunderers.
had
they
that
found
tions
ix
partly
and
indeed the
engrafted
Muhammadan
justification
work which the
as they are
toil
for
systems.
publishing
the last five years
of
has produced
The work,
is
its
an account
evolution,
treatment.
b
of
know, has
its
limitations.
It
the Maratha Government and
without
strict
serious student
chronological
will here,
hope,
PREFACE
X
find
ample
for
more
not
did
where
to
may
It
to
be
mere
describe
the
quoted
and
theorists
turn
objected
philosophers
political
were
III
they
as
information.
Hindu
that the
Book
indication
in
probably
laws
institutions,
and regulations actually prevalent in their times.

But my aim has been to indicate the origin of
the Maratha institutions, and the real character
of the Hindu works on polity do not concern me
at
they
If
all.
Maratha
many
these
is
not
better
theories
to
with
English
memory
of
institutions
have
modern
of
has
and
as
it
unfamiliar
that
been
found
suffered in the
students,
been judged
times
and
Lastly, a compari-
institutions
modern
excuse
thought
with
The Marathas have
necessary.
estimation
reader,
technical,
terms to an excessive degree.

son
my
but
the
of
his
how
well
were put into practice.
somewhat
tax
alone, the
quite
illustrate
convenience
subject
the
theories
be found repetitions,
will
the
is
with
institutions
,of
There
dealt
because
their
by the standard
why
have
necessary to compare their laws and
regulations with those of contemporary Europe.
thought
reason
history, past
bias
it
England has been

simple
is
against
unconscious
that
specially
we
selected
may
bias
It
for
the
are best familiar with her
and present, not because

her.
for
be
that
my own
have any
have
my
country, and
PREFACE
XI
unconscious prejudice against the rest
always tried not
"have
indulge
to
in
but
any such
feeling.
To
Asutosh Mookerjec, Vice-Chancellor
Sir
and President
of the Calcutta University
Post-Graduate Councils,
the
for
am
completing
after
him
approached
my
college
education,
scheme
of
with
Inspite of his onerous
work.
have
Seven years ago,
uniformly received from him.

just
grateful
specially
and encouragement
facilities
the
of
duties
research
various
of
gave me a kind and patient
kinds, he not only
hearing, but that inspiring encouragement
which
young man needs so much before commencing

a serious work with which he has not been
a
hitherto
1916 to
in
I
When
familiar.
join
prosecute
my
my own alma
that
for
Jubbulpore
should
be
there,
able
to
studies under the fostering care of
mater.
In
University Lecturer.
The
very
for
little
left
Robertson College
the
thought
little
facilities
Maratha History.
Sir
1917
was appointed a
Library
any
then
serious
offered
work
in
Asutosh promptly sent
500 to the late Prof. H. G. Limaye o

Poona to purchase published source books of
Maratha History for the University Library,
Rs.
and
it is
needless to say that but for the
he had uniformly
carried
on my work.
given
me,
facilities
could not have
I-RF.FACR
XII
Prof.
no doubt
delighted
work had he been
documents,
published'
him
have
teacher and guide.
training,
first
In
to-day.
alive
lost a true friend,
The
my
receive
to
been
have
would
Limaye
G.
11.
my
got from
the
in
use
original
of
teacher Principal R. B.
He
Ramsbotham, M.B.E., M.A.
has
laid
me
my manusand giving me valuable suggestions. He has
under further obligations by revising

cript
taken an interest
in this
teacher alone can take
am
work that an affectionate
in
that of a pupil.
D. R. Bhandarkar,
Prof.
indebted to
History
Carmichael Professor of Ancient Indian
and Culture, Calcutta University, Prof. R. C.

University,
of
the Dacca
now
Majumdar,
Dr. B. M. Barua, Rai Bahadur B. A. Gupte,
Mr.G. S. Sardesai, SardarTatyaSaheb Mehendale,
Mr. D. V. Potdar, Mr. Henry Beveridge, late
Prof. J. N.
of the Bengal Civil Service, and
Sarkar of
and
Patna,
suggestions.
opportunity
ance
for
got
Mone,
B. C.
of
enabled
from
by reducing
should
also
information
take
Messrs.
T.
K.
Buxy,
this
assist-
T.
V.
Watchmaker, D. G. Matange, and
Principal
me
useful
acknowledging the kind
G. R. Tamhankar
Mr.
Jubbulpore.
ciating
many
W.
S.
of
to devote
my
of the Robertson
all
Rowlands,
the
then
offi-
Robertson College,
more time
lecture work.
College,
to
my
researches
PREFACE
xiii
have to thank the Oxford
and Rao Bahadur D. B.
Parasnis for permission
to reproduce the portraits
The
Rajaram
and
'A History
From
Kincaid and
Poona
from his
blocks
am
The
my
by
portraits
in
Bygone
two
For
Days.
proprietor of the
to the
of Calcutta.
and
friend
been
indebted
to
last,
work
useful
Mr.
Tripurari
but not the least,
Ghatak,
Mr. A. C.
of
done
carefully
colleague
And
Chakravarti, M.A.
deeply
two
to reproduce
Index has
an
reproduced
Parasnis
tedious but nevertheless
compiling
the
Rao Bahadur
me
indebted
Masik Basumati
from
are
Maratha People' by
the
of
Sambhaji
Shivaji,
portraits
Parasnis.
has also permitted
of
and have been
Parasnis collection
Press
University
am
B.A.,
Superintendent of the Calcutta University Press,
he
is
expected to render
above what
over and
for assistance of all kinds
in the
ordinary discharge
of his official duties.

I
could
Professor
mention
not
and Mr. Keluskar's voluminous

Maharaj
have
in
the
in
Kavis
contain
my
introduction
meantime
to
gone
life
Takakhav
of
Shivaji
Book
I.
through
Lai
Chhatraprakash which does not seem to
much
that
is
of
use to a
student of
Maratha History.
I
wish
discuss
the
could add an introductory chapter to

sources of
Book
Ji
but
ill
health
PREFACE
XIV
and lack
of time prevented
Diacritical
the glossary
tain extent,
omission.
so.
marks cause unusual delay and have
not therefore been used

in
me from doing
will,
the
it
is
in
the text, but their use
hoped, remove to a
inconvenience
These defects
will
caused
by
be removed
book ever goes through a second
certhis
if
the
edition.
Senate House
Calcutta,
S. N. S.
18th February, /pjj.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

The
edition
first
of
book
this
received
an
unexpectedly kind reception from the public and
was exhausted within
year of
its
publication.
could not, however, revise the text until three
months ago
reasons
for
and although
much
need not mention here,
new
material
have identified a few more taxes
Book
been
has
no textual change has been
utilised,
1
possible.
mentioned
in
with the help of Portuguese documents,
and two new Appendices on the Karkhanas and

coins mentioned by SaBhasad have been added.
An
introductory
Book
II
original
Military
chapter
been
has
briefly
indicating
the
records
on which
it
System
of
the
is
added
nature
of
to
the
based, and the
Peshwas has received a
more detailed treatment. The new notes on

Chauth and the naval practices of the Marathas
will,
it
is
am
hoped, also prove interesting.

very grateful to
H.
E.
Dr. Jaime
de
Morais, Governor-General of Portuguese India and

his
to
in
Chief of the Cabinet for kindly permitting
me
examine the unpublished Portuguese records

the Goa archives and to the Honble the Vice-
Chancellor and
H. E. the Chancellor
of
the
PREFACE TO THF. SECOND EDITION
xvi
Calcutta
to
tion
But
University
generous
the
for the help
Honble Sir
am
Dr.
also
Keeper
my
friend
my
friend
my
friends
P.
Prof.
Braganâ
of
facilities
H. E. Lord
that the
Lytton and- the
Ewart Greaves and the courtesy
Jaime de
Morais
indebted to
Mr
secured
of
me.
for
A. F.
M. Abdul
Ali,
Records,
Calcutta,
for
some unpublished English records and

Mr. Bala Saheb Ghorpade of Poona
has placed
for
Government.
Pangim and Dr.
the Imperial
of
the use of
Portuguese
advantage of the
recommendation
E.
recommenda-
would have been impossible to take
it
the fullest
H.
their kind
received from
P. Pissurlcncar of
Cunha
for
me under
great obligation by collecting
use a number of rare Marathi works.
My
Mr. Tripurari Chakravarti,
and colleague
M.A., has, as before, prepared the Index.
But for
the ungrudging help of Mr. A. C. Ghatak, M.A.,
Superintendent of the Calcutta University Press,

it
would have been impossible to get this book
printed within the short period of twelve weeks.

also avail myself of this
offering
my
for
opportunity for publicly
grateful thanks
the Maharaja
to
their
Highnesses
Holkar and the Maharaja Gaikwad
extending to this humble work their generous
patronage.
It is
impossible for
without a
reference
me
to
to close this
the
preface
kindly interest that
the late Sir Asutosh Mookerjee took in this work.
HREKACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

Long before
in
the
hand the
XVli
second edition could be taken
glorious
career
of
the
greatest
Vice-Chancellor of our University was suddenly

cut short while yet in
his usual
the
prime of
life.
With
enthusiasm he had gone through
this
work and promised to make some suggestions.

It
is
needless
to
say
that
the present edition
would have gained immensely
in
value had he
been spared to make them.

S. N. S.
Senate House:
The 22nd August, ty2$.
CONTENTS
Book
Page
Our Sources of Information ...

Ashta
Central
Government
;
...
Pradhan
...
...
28
...
...
76
...
127
...
158
...
164
Sources of Information
...
t73
The Period
...
183
...
209
Council
...
Revenue and Finance
Organisation of ihe Military Department
Navy
Organisation of the
...
Other Aspects of Administration
Book
II
of Transition
Village Communities
and Provincial Governments
Imperial Secretariat
...
243
267
Revenue Administration
Other Sources of Revenue
...
272
...
308
District
Administration of Justice
...
347
Prison and Police
397
Administration
...
433
*.
477
Council and State Departments
...
485
Town
...
498
Social Affairs
Other Aspects
Appendices
of
...
Book
Planning
...
III
...
CONTENTS
XX
Page
Village Communities
City Police
503
522
Land Revenue and Cesses
525
548
Army
Judicial Institutions
Appendices
...
Book
IV
Revenue Principles
Revenue Policy
...
Military Organisation
The Police
The Karkhanas
Glossary
593
609
632
Ml
647
...
554
580
Bibliography
Index
ft!
..4
656
665
672
682
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Shivaji.
Sambhaji.
Shahu.
Mahadaji Sindhia.
Shivaji's
image
at
The Peshwa and

Nana Fadnavis.
Baji Rao 11.
Malwar.
his Ministers.
Maratha Gallivats attacking an English

Maratha Cavalry.
ship.
BOOK
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF SHIVAJI
SliU
l<
'
"
Jl
fi*
I'
ij:
it
Wtlwir
INTRODUCTION
comprehensive
administrative system
history
is still
ol
Marat ha
the
a desideratum.
Peshwa period, we
are confronted with such an amazing abundance
of materials, that we can hardly expect to do
While dealing with the
fully
preserved
tions
to
both
to
us
Revenue
sale,
civil
instruc-
suits,
have come down
hundreds and thousands.

the
give us a vivid picture of
was
officials,
and other documents, judgments
and criminal
their
in
actually
regulations,
revenue collectors and higher
deeds of
in
have been care-
State-papers
justice to them.
the
in
Peshwa
They
government as
period.
it
But when
we approach the Shivaji period, we are confronted

with such a scarcity of materials as is most discouraging.
Of state-papers we have but very
and they are not very important either.

Mr. Rajwade complains that during his twenty
years of labour and research, he has hardly come
few,
twenty-five
across
Most
of
these
important
papers again
are
Ihkas Ani AiHk**ik,
Shivaji-papers.
political
and
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS
diplomatic correspondence, and do not enlighten

us about the administrative system
some
however,
be
properly
ages seen
styled as
some
useful
after
information
adherents
early
the
have
to the labour of Mr. V.
thanks
of
cannot
that
state-papers,
These give us
K. Raj wade.
about
documents,
old
light,
Fortunately,
of Shivaji,
the history of their wa/ans, sometimes an account
deeds and exploits and often a long and

exhaustive list of the taxes, cesses, and abwabs
of their
From these
of those days.*
family papers of
the
Sardars and Jagtrdars we can frame a fairly

accurate sketch of the administrative system of
old
have to be used
Shivaji, but these papers
with
extreme care and caution
Next
importance,
in
are
the
bakhars
or
Marathi prose chronicles.
Supremely
madan
people,
of
little
their
the
times
Ifith,
Marat ha chroniclers pay
They
gossiping
give
stories
lengthy
of
the
interesting
accounts
17th,
18th sod
tbs 20th
of
of
superhuman
anecdotes of
These papers K*re been published bj Mr. ttajwsd*

I8th,
Muham-
and the economic condition
deeds of their heroes,
their
attention to the administrative system
their country.
battles,
like
to everything that affected the
teachers,
ordinary
very
indifferent,
in
the 8th,
volumes of his Marathyanch^n
Itihawanthi Bodhanen.
Most
of these baihari
in fchn KavpwttMtu Sanfrafia
h*v* been published bj Kuo Bshadar 8nn*
INTRODUCTION
personages, and
well-known
narration
the
to
mainly
we
Consequently,
who wrote
Sabhasad,
most sensible as he
devotes
both
civil
in
little
1694,
the
and
from
of
Chitragupta,
military.
tional
information
gupta
is
them.
perhaps the
is
earliest
Shivajis
style,
in
short
who
elabo-
work, added a few stories and
own composition.
verses of his
events.
political
few pages to Shivajis regulations,
Sabhasads
rated
of
Condensed and concise
biographers.
he
is
confine themselves
very
learn
that
The
only
addi-
we obtain from Chitra-
page where he enumerates the
duties of the secretariat officers.
Ram Rao
Malhar
who wrote
Chitnis,
his
bakhar long after Sabhasad, does not give us any

additional
about
information
His Rajniti
system.
is
the
treatise
administrative
on
polity,
in
which he compiles the theories of public administration
from old
of
works.
It
could not,
have any bearing on the actual govern-
therefore,
ment
Sanskrit
Maharashtra as
it
then existed,
although
Pradhans might probably

have been compiled from some old papers.
Skmadtgvijaya the most voluminous work of its
the
duties of the eight
kind,
but
is
has
not
constitution
The
only
Messrs.
of
full
legends and
word
a
of
to
we
stories,
say about the working
Maharashtra
thing
impossible
should
in
Shivaji's
da ys.
note here
Dandekar and Nandurbarkar the
editors of Shivadtgvijaya,
"tHat 4
joint
have fai^^to or*we
4 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
contention,
their
Ballal,
that
son of Balaji Avaji
a very recent
lity
evidence has but
the work of
is
it
It is in
Khando
probabi-
all
and consequently,
work,-
weight
little
THE MARATHAS
with
its
modern
the
who aspires to study history as a science.

The same editors have published another bakhar
student,
S/iri
Shivaji Pratap,
which
nothing
is
but a
myths and legends

The anonymous author had not only no historical training,
but he seemed to lack historical knowledge
altogether.
This bakhar is, therefore, absolutely
compilation
of
useless both for a reconstruction of

history of Maharashtra,
an account
and
Shivaji's
of
for the
the
compilation of
administrative system.
Very recently a sixth bakhar has been

by Mr. Bhave in his Marathi Daftar.
an elaboration of
Sabhasad
Sabhasad
are
not
civil
at
bakhar
and
and military
It is
old
his
trustworthy.
all
published
regulations,
only
anonymous
The
author has copied freely from an

of
political
manuscript
own
additions
About
Shivajis
he
has
nothing
more than an extract from Sabhasad to give.

Even there he has omitted some old and obsolete
words, which he evidently did not understand.
A seventh bakhar, vis., the Shahanavkalmi
bakhar was discovered
columns
of
now
the
Prabhat by Mr.
diaeuaaed
raiaftii, fa tAi
and published
defunct
Chandorkar
the point
more
the
periodical,
the
this
fully
Mara/h* Uietory, Vot
in
my
bakhar
is
frfrort,
and
INTRODUCTION
alleged to have been found by the old
Datto,
the daftar of Annaji
who played an important

and
officer,
part in Shivajis service
not quite trustworthy
it is
An
bakkar found
English translation of a
been published by
Rairi has
Scott -Waring,
|y of
Brahman
in
however, devoted mainly to political history,
is,
It
copyist
the
has
translation
been
On
Justice Telang.
asserted
this
that
the whole,
bakhar
is
there
has
unfortu-
the
English
of
challenged
The
ayas t ha Prabhmuhe
modern and is of no use to us.
Lastly
Forrest.
1811, spoke very high-
The accuracy
lost.
Sir G.
however,
This,
original.
been
nately
who wrote in
l*rof
at
by the
may
it
not
safely
worth much
Bakhar
bakhar
remains a
be
late
very
is
peculiar
of
Discovered and published by Mr. V.K.
interest.
Rajwade
in
the
abovementioned magazine, the
Prabhat, this bakhar

value, but
it
is
The
industry.
than one
the w-hole
is
very
of
wonderful
published
historical
little
specimen
bakhar
of
human
covers
more
hundred pages honestly printed, and

of it was found inscribed on
he stone
I
walls of a temple at Tanjore.
work
of unique value
and character
is
Sam-
Adnapatra or Marathshahitii Rajniti. It

is
commonly attributed to Ramchandra Panta
Amatya.who commenced his political career under
bhaji's
EUii&de's Rxa* of Ik*
Mawtha
Potccr ,
*60/,
THE MARATHAS
Shivaji
and was responsible
He
absence at
Rajarains
Maharastra during
lived to witness the return
defence of
the
for
Jinji.
and restoration
of
Shahu but remained loyal to the Kolhapur cause

of which he was the mainstay after Tarabais fall.
The present work is believed to have been compiled
in
1716
the request of Sambhaji
at
Kolhapur and was published

century ago,
in the
Dnan
Visiar of
Bombay
was
manuscript
was
reprinted
when
its
Sardesai
its
1922
in
The
unnoticed,
meantime
the
in
time,
first
1875.
in
from
the
importance was realised
by
work,
and
the
lost.
It
printed
Mr.
text,
G.
S.
The language leaves no doubt about

and
antiquity
genuine.
remained
long
the
columns of the Vividha
half a
however,
for*
11 of
The
the
author,
work
is
most
whoever he might have
been, had close personal knowledge
government.
In the
probably
second decade
of
of
Shivaji's
the
18th
century the antifeudal policy of Shivaji had already
been abandoned
but the author
still
manner that leaves no doubt

he had served under the great Shivaji and
recommends
that
practice,
in
it
in
was merely echoing him.

Mention should also be made here of Jedhi
Shakavali,
published
Yanche
by
the
late
Mr. B G. Tilak, but its main importance is
chronological
been
few Marathi
papers
have also
published by the Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak
Mandal
of Poona.
Some more
papers have beer
INTRODUCTION
by
published
Rao Bahadur Sane
Yadi Bagaire
D.B. Parasnis
sai's
by
and
is
respect, though
we have
it
in
Patre
in his
P. V.
Mawji and
Letters. Sarde-
much importance
not of
And
of political history.
materials
Messrs.
Sanads and
in their
Marathi Riasat
in this
invaluable to a student
is
exhausts
this fairly
the
Marathi
Sanskrit Sources
A
vie.,
Shiva Raj Prashasti
Shiva Kaiya
The
ago only two
few years
of
of
works
Sanskrit
Gaga Bhatta and
Purushottam Kavi were known.
was a Maharashtra Brahman and the

former a contemporary of Shivaji and their works
latter
are useless for our purpose.
But the untiring labours of Maratha

are daily unearthing
by contemporary
Parvat
scholars
many new works composed
poets.
Grahanakhyana
Of these the Partial

by
edited
Sadashiv
Mahadev Divekar and Radha Madhava
Champu
edited by V.
been published.
K.
Vi/asa
Rajwade have
The author
already-
of both these
poems
was one Jayaram Pinde, a scholar and linguist of

no mean ability. These works may be made to
yield, after a careful
examination,
ing historical information.

tant
of
all
such
impor-
biographies,
Shiva
poetical
discovered
by
Mr.
interest,
But the most
Bharat yet awaits publication.

first
many
The work was
Divekar
in
its
Tamil
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF T1IE MARATHAS
version
the
in
Tanjore
But a
Library.
critical
examination of the text led Mr. Divekar to suspect
must be
original
that the
Sanskrit.
in
borate search proved that he was
right,
An
ela-
but
we
do not as yet know what new light it may throw

on the civil and military institutions of Shivaji.
The most important Sanskrit work for our purpose is Rajvyavahar Kosh attributed to RaghuPandit.
nath
Shivajis
is
request
in
which
have been supplied
and
sian
verse and divided

sections
The
after
words
the
manner
is
in
chapters or
Amarkosha.
the
of
Per-
of
dictionary
different
into ten
at
synonyms
Sanskrit
for all current
Arabic origin.
compiled
dictionary
It
The author knew the institutions and their working

and his list of the Karkhanas and the Karkhana
The
elsewhere.
work, short as
is,
it
not only on the civil institutions but

Shivaji
military establishments of
able
little
is
that
will
it
throws
also
This
on
light
the
invalu-
work was published at Bombay as early
as t86o by
but
available
not
information
supplies
officers
one
Kashinath Gangadhar
now extremely
rare.
It is
Kshatri,
needless to
say
deserves republication and a critical edition
be of immense use to
all
students of Maratha
history.
Hindi Sources.
In
work
Hindi,
there
the poems of
is
only
one contemporary
Shivajis court poet
Bhushan.
INTRODUCTION
His Shiva Raja Bhus hat/ and
little
interest
to
Chhatra
system.
administrative
Shivajis
reference
slightest
of
Moreover,
a historian.
to
do not make the
they
poems may
other
literary merit, but they are
be of considerable
very
Prakash by Lalkavi is useless to a student

Maratha administrative institutions.
of
Tamil and Telugu Sources.
As has already been pointed

was
discovered
first
in its
out,
Shiva Bharat
Tamil rendering.
Prof.
Krishnaswami Ayangar told me that linguistic

evidence led him to believe that the Tamil version
could not be very old.
In
paper read before
Second Oriental Conference at Calcutta, the

Late Pandit Subba Rao of Madras pointed out
that a short biography of Shivaji was available in
the
the colophon of an old Telugu work
one
of his
Tanjore relatives.
dedicated to
The Tamil and
the
Telugu sources, however, are for most students of

Maratha history a sealed book and cannot be
utilised
without
the
co-operation
of
Madras
scholars.
Persian Sources.
Both Hindu and Muhammadan writers must
have written a good deal about the wonderful
career of Shivaji
over very
2
in
important
There are more-
Persian.
letters,
so
far
as
political
IO
history
other
concerned, written
is
Whether
make
these
ence
to
yet to
be
any
fruitful
For the present,
incidental
This
investigated.
fragmentary
Elliot
and
Khafi
Khan,
work to help us
system
tive
as
in
of the
given
by
History of India.
there the most important
there
our
has been
their
in
but
Scott's
in
more inaccurate and
still
Of the authors selected

is
however,
source,
more than one way.
in
translation
Dowson
and
is
have to be satisfied with such
II.
refer-
system
imperfect English translation as vve get

Fcrishta, Vol.
Deccan.
the
administrative
Shivajis
promises to be
Singh and
Jai
Aurangzib from
of
officers
by
very
is
study
of
in
little
his
administra-
the
Marat has.
French Sources.
French
Dr. Dellon, a
western
coast
of
India
physician,
the
visited
and published a short
account of his travels on his return

small volume was so interesting that
home.
The
was
tran-
it
slated into English shortly after its publication.
He
praises Shivaji as a tolerant and liberal prince.
But
his information
was derived mainly from hearsay
Many French
when
Shivaji rose to
of Bernier
and Tavernier are well known.
them made reference

and
the
came to this country

power. Of these the works
travellers
terror
he
to
Shivajis
created
in
Both of
military
power
the minds of his
INTRODUCTION
Bernier
enemies.
alludes
character and piety during the
devotes an
According
bom
was
Basse in and was
at
Shivaji.
He
career
is
but
his
hopelessly
Thevenot,
to
of
sack of Surat.
first
to
account of the great Maratha

inaccurate.
persons
for
and
respect
visited India in 1666.
chapter
entire
the
to
shown
consideration Shivaji had
Monsieur de Thevenot
thirty-five
Shivaji
1664,
in
when he sacked Surat. He docs not mention the

Afzal Khan incident and credits Shivaji with the
capture of Shaista Khan's daughter, who was
treated with
was
all
honour and respect to which she

His account of Shivaji's
entitled.
the Imperial Court
Memoirs
is
great
of
military history
J.
N. Sarkar
is
in
flight
Martin's
also untrustworthy.
importance
to
from
students
the extracts published
by
of
Prof.
the Proceedings of the Historical
Records Commission, however, throw

of
the civil institutions
Karnatak
account
of
been
left
by the Jesuit
This
is
Shivaji's
available
in
An
Shivaji
no
light
on
interesting
expedition has
Madura
Bertrands Mission de Madurc
missionaries of
and an English translation of the relevant portion

will be found in the appendices of History of the
Madura Kayaks by
The
Trichinopoly.
Prof.
Jesuit
R.
Sathinathayer of
letters
corroborate the Maratha account of
substantially
the
expedi-
and as Shivaji undoubtedly made an adequate

arrangement for the government of the conquered
tion
country,
we may
unhesitatingly hold that the aim of
IS

was conquest and annexation and
this -xpcdition
not merely
nath
plunder as suggested by
Like Martin's Memoirs the con-
Sarkar.*
temporary Jesuit
compiled by Bertrand and
letters
the earliest French biographies of
very
little
Prof. Jadu-
use to a student
of
are
.Shivaji
of
administrative
his
system.
Portuguese Sources.
One
of the earliest biographies
of Shivaji
was
The author, Cosine da

Guarda, styles himself as a citizen of Marmugao
near Goa.
I f is
work,
though composed m
written
in
Portuguese.
1695,
was not published
says
that
the
1730 and the editor

manuscript was discovered by a
till
fortunate accident only.
absolutely nothing.
f*
Of the author we know
According to the Diccionario
Prof. Knrk.tr himaalf admita tht civil
h# newly conquered trade and an
qnetl
all
diatarbonrva and riainfi*
Ooreraora were appointed
army
wn
of occupation
goo.
lie
farther and
loft
eaya-"
to
Tb*
diatriote that he retained in Central and Baatern

My* ore a* the reealt
of hit Kainatak expedition, had to be ooencctrd with hi* old
dominion,
by the eonqneet at the Southern comer of BIJepiir," Thla waa uSected

aad "the country waa formed into a regular province nf Shirnji'i
kingdom and placed and. r Jaaerdau Namyan Hanumenlo at Viceroy"
(Bbtvnji and Hi* Timea. pp. 405.407). It (a difficult to reread!*
thia
with the Profaa.or'a dictum that.
lika ShJtaji could hare- really
tory on the M.drea eeatf, which
by
two
powerful and
It ia
intended
annex permnnently a tarriwaa aeparatad from hia own dow.inioaa
potentially
Oolkonia. and more than 700
iacrndiblo that a born atrw*w-.

to
bOatile
utile* diatnnt
and Hia Time., Fire! edition, pp. MM7).

place to examine thia qneatioa in datail
like
from
Bljapur and
hi* copital."
Thia
in.
(Shivaji
however, rot the
INTRODUCTION
For fugues,
Btbliograpico
informs us,
>3
Prof
Cosme da Guarda
Pisurlrncar
was
the
not
name of Shivaji's Portuguese biographer

(0 nome de Cosme da Guarda e affectado) and
real
the late Sr.
A. Ismael
J.
not belong to Portuguese India at
work seems to have been

English
fatigablc
among
work
we
to that inde-
Robert
Orme,
an
find
Cosme
da Guarda, whoever he might have been, did

care,
many
like
for
index of a
Sevagy}
Celebre
V'tda de
called
Guarda's
all.
known
historian
manuscripts
his
held
seriously
though a genuine Portuguese, did
Guarda,
that
Gracias
not
of his contemporaries, for accu-
racy and he gravely asserted that Shivaji, though
known as the youngest
popularv
twelve
sons,
was
between
relation
Menezes,
but
really the offspring of an
story
Guarda
strangely
historical
about
The
credulity
incapable
enough
criticism
story
Ximji
Hill,
of that
Guarda's
Muhfti'ftj
these
in
ren-
days
of
tory has afforded

hitter
was given currency

in
age
being overcritical,
of
even
Late Dr. Gcrson da Cunha
Manoel de
the Abyssynian origin of
a source of interminable and
The
Dom
and
Jijabai
illicit
Portuguese gentleman of Virar near

This naturally reminds us of Clement
Kanoji Angria.
dered
Shahajis
Bassein
Dunning
of
in
controversy
English by the
the 'Journal of the
Coin Snnjpie Portuipioa
C*ialofr*e oF ManiucripU in Kuropoan Language* belong
ing to the Library of the India Ofcc*. Vo] If. pt
I, p.
2C4.
ADM N ST AT V K SVSTKM OF THE MAkATHAS
14
l<
hombay Branch of the Royal

it
once drew an angry
at
Raj wade
demolished
thoroughly
that
his article
the controversy
absurd
Rut
another Luso Indian writer Dr
come
vindicate
to
forth
only
He
suggests
" doze filhos de
and
we
if
Sagy
crushing
Guarda
Full
of
small
Vencedar
to
difficulty
in
dt.
in
Pissurlencar
accepting
has
inaccuracies
altogether
Maratha history
for
it
given
Fragoso's contention
in his
Port agues
need not detain us any
gross
not
in
has
the word doze
that
Maharaj Com Sangue
question
is
Prof.
reply
this
it
recently
substitute dois (two) for doze (twelve),
Guarda's story.
Xivaji
to give
was a printing mistake
need not be any
there
"
so
Fragoso
J. J.
pamphlet entitled Xivaji Maharaj
Abdulcan.
story
was expected
quietus.
Rajwade
Mand'tr.
palpably
this
from Mr. V. K.
retort
Saraswali
the
in
Asiatic Society and
and
longer.
as Guarda's work
useless
to
supplies
student
is,
of
some information
about Shivajis navy.

Firmino Judice
Julio
his
Hiker
has published
in
Coolecfao de Trat ados e Concertos de pazes
Estado da India Portugueza fez com os

Reis e Senhores com i/ue fere relates nas partes
<jue o
da Asia e Africa Oriental the texts of two treaties concluded between Shivaji and the Portuguese
light
in
on
1667
and
They throw
some
and naval exploits of the

as well
as on
his diplomatic
the military
Maratha hero
1670
INTRODUCTION
An
activities.
summary
English
portant clauses of these treaties

the present
Report
writers
more im-
of the
be found
will
on
in
Historical
the
Records at Goa.
The
there are
to Shivaji
of
Sarkar that
Prof.
one to the same conclusion.*'
leads
of these
Goa
the
informed
Academy
the
of
no Portuguese State papers relating

The perusal of Danvers's
at Lisbon.*
also
report
Dalgado
Lisbon,
Sciences,
None
Dr.
late
make any
scholars
reference
The courtesy
records.
Jaime de Mora is,
late
Portuguese
afforded
India,
H. E. Dr.
of
Governor
General
present
the
to
of
writer
an opportunity of going through some unpublished
Portuguese records embodied
dos Reis
Visinhos
The
Visinhos.
in
the Ltvros
volume of
first
is
of Shivajis administrative institutions as
across here
some
the origin
of
of
these
lished in
Chauth.
letters
my
letters
further
English
light
on
translation
first
Goa,
time pubbut
the
not yet
available to the
am
inclined
to
K*rkar, Shivnji, lit Ed.,
)>.
Repoit to the Secretary

PartiHmeae Booorda
we come
is
researches at
relating to
think
that
Goa and Lisbon may be

50$.
of Heal* forf I Odin in Council
the
Indian,
on the
contained In thf
Do Tom bo, nod the |mblio Libraries at Lisbon *cxj

Don vara. Registrar and Bapeiintendent of Uocordt,
Aichiro Da Torre
Ever*, by F. 0-
An
Historical Records at
reader.
new
throwing
has been for the
Portuguese original
general
Reis
of unique importance to the students
India Offlr*. London,
l6
rewarded with adequate
had
for
so
many
The Portuguese
results.
centuries
Marathas, both as friends and

events
contemporary'
The Portuguese
have found place
The
results
Foral
available in a
privileges
Goa and
of
of the village
one such enquiry are
by Alfonso Mexia,
issued
The
Veedor da Fazenda, as early as 1526

of
this
Foral
publications
Codigo da s
like
only
not
available
is
An
abstract
of
document was published bv
R.
in
Rise
his
India
and
B.
in
text
official
Cammunidades
also in such popular works as India
Lopes Mencdcs.
the
about the
instituted enquiries
customary rights and perquisites

officers.
in
from
deliberately refrained
village communities' of
Government often
many
foes, that
the ancient rights and
interfering with
the
and despatches.
their letters, reports
enjoyed by
must
with
deal
to
but
Portugucsa by
this important
S.
Portuguese
White way
Power in
of
the
H.
Baden-Powell dealt
with
it
more minutely in a learned paper contributed to

the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1900
under the heading The Villages of Goa in the
The Portuguese
Early Sixteenth Century.

decided
by their
result
guese
in
in
to
retain the old taxes
Muhammadan
many
and duties levied
predecessors and as
of these old taxes survived in
India long after they
Maharashtra.
also
Portu-
had hecome obsolete
reference to taxes and duties
Portuguese India therefore sometimes enables
INTRODUCTION
us to ascertain the real nature
taxes
similar
in
and incidents
of
old Marathi records.
Saldanha's History
respect,
this
In
mentioned
Goa,
of
work on Daman, Joao Baptista Amancio

Gracias Snbsidios para a Htsloria Econo mica.
Financeira da India Portugnesa and Phillipe
Moniz's
Nerry Xaviers works on
communities
village
are of very gretrt use.
As
the
average British
aware
sufficiently
Indian reader
is
not
the importance of the Por-
of
Maratha History, I may here

briefly indicate how much we can learn about the
army and navy of Shivaji s successors even from
tuguese sources
of
Almost
Portuguese works.
published
important records of
all
have
character
political
been published by Cunha Rivara, BalscmAo,

Nerry
lipc
Most
They
tary
published
of these
place
in
Ismael Gracias
Xavier,
records
monumental work
the
and
have
and naval organisation of the

life
get an interesting
paign against
and
civil
account
Goa
in
of
others.
found a
the
A Porto* nesciK'cccint
institutions.
Hint
Uma Dona
know.,
It
ntitiMi H**pov
bjr Prof.
Sarkar in the Journal
Society (11*11* 20).
sUtuds
In the
of this ootnpai|pi translated into Bnplith far
paper (ju 15) however, hrm
Hrcfessrir,
We
Sambhajis cam-
Ismael Gracias
tho India Ofiee has tieen published
Hyderabad
mili-
Marathas but
Portugnesa no cor to do Grao AfogolP

11
Phil-
of Judice Biker.
afford us an insight nut only into
also in their court
the
toinewhit
The mini
pimled
nj
Laecarin im
the
Latticed
ns ererj stadent of old Partoguaae reroedf
foe,
Du g ado ha* * plained ike word

I
in Inf
>o
l8
appendices of
few original
about the maritime activities
letters
Ismael
Angrias.
of the
same work wc come across
the
Gracias
has
published
Maratha
conquest of Bassein in O Oriente Vortuguez of
which he was long the sole editor and principal
No more important and reliable
contributor.
account of the Maratha military system can anyalmost
papers
all
relating
where be obtained
exceptionally
Alorna,
in
than
the
the
he
instructions that
Marquis of
for
left
The
Marquis of Tavora.
successor, the
by an
supplied
that
Viceroy,
brilliant
the
to
his
original
Portuguese work was published more than seventy

years ago under the able editorship of F N. Xavier
and
in
Portuguese in
his
the
present
The
India.
been rendered
however,
has,
by
few extracts were quoted
The
writer.
into
Marquis
Danvers
English
his
tion
of
weakness
Maratha
deserve
empire and
careful
Joae
/.
is
found
also
in
its
inherent
consideration.
estimate of the military and naval
Marathas
alone,
upon the peculiar organisa-
remarks
the
by
Alorna
of
did not confine himself to military matters
and
work
entire
power
of
An
the
lustruefoes do /Join
the authorship of which
is
rightly attribut-
ed to the celebrated Marquis of Pombal. Pombal

had no first-hand knowledge of Maratha affairs,
but he must have
found ample materials
reports
and correspondence from
subject
in
India.
Space does not permit me
the
for his
to deal with
INTRODUCTION
nor
this subject in detail here,
to
give
list
the
of
'9
am
in
position
manuscript
interesting
accounts of naval encounters between the Portuguese and the Marathas, preserved at Lisbon
Curious readers are referred
and Evora.
to
the
works of Cunha Rivara and Ismael Gracias. It is

superfluous to sav that the unpublished records
Goa have not all been exhaustively studied

and they may be made to throw light where darkThe Portuguese Government
ness now prevails.
of
have
as
Indian
distinguished
appointed a
scholar
Curator of their archives at Goa, and there
every reason to hope that
knowledge
Maratha history
of
made by
important than that

teacher
J.
his contribution to
will
is
our
not be less
predecessor and
his
Ismael Gracias.
A.
English Sources.
we have a number
In English
and
Shivaji
the
Marathas.
Bombay Factory Records

cal
documents, and
overestimated.
of a political history,
Shivajis
navy and
his
The
and
Surat
are invaluable histori-
their
They
works about
of
are
importance cannot be
useful
to
the
writer
and some information about

commercial policy can
be
gleaned from them.

In addition to these old factor) records,
lish
travellers
travels
in
the
have
left
Maratha
Eng-
us the accounts of their

country,
and
English
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP THE MARAT HAS
20
have
historians
The
researches.
account
write an
Shivaji's
he
profession,
some
parts
stay
his
accurate.
his
result
English
Fryer.
is
Khan,
him
Maratha
for
by
seen
dominions.
But
was
very
country
information
by
no
means
Brachmins
with Pincers heated Red
wa..
Several
the
abusing
in
respect
extreme
to
humour,
of
Even
untrustworthy.
who delighted
credit
to
Bombay and
Shivaji's
His account of
evidently
traveller
physician
whose Flesh they tear

hot, drub them on the Shoulders
Anguish," betrays a good
deal
but
their
of
Maratha country and
had visited
the
and
short,
the
of
of
in
the
earliest
was
court
u9
left
Khafi
Shivaji,
had
he
gave
usually
shown to holy places and holy men both Hindu

and Muhammadan.
Mannucci's Storm Do Afogor, another contemporary work, has been translated into English
by a great scholar, the late Mr. Irvine.
The
gossiping adventurer
in
loved
to
give
He
claims
which he himself figured.
met
Shivaji
most
in
F.uropean
any account
of
Jai
Singh's
writers
his
camp,
refrains
anecdotes
to
but
from
dominions,
his
have
unlike
giving
people and
government.
Robert
Orme
Shivajis death.
great
Maratha
wrote his Fragments long after

But all that he learnt of the
ruler
were
popular
These were reproduced by John
legends.
Bruce,
Esq.,
INTRODUCTION
and
M.P.
Keeper
F.R.S.,
21
Majesty
His
of
State-papers and Historiographer to the
India Company.
his
in
system of
give any account of the administrative
is
What
worth,
be
political history
version of
their
will
from
evident
the
account of the night attack on Shaista

In the next campaign,
Chaest Chan
the
of
to
Joudpore to
the
who escaped
slain.'
Statistical
junior
of
These
join him.
with each other
murderers
the
with severe
broke
wound
on
in
but his
'*
The most important English

point of view,
Sevagee undertook to
gratify
assassinate Chaest
son was
Khan
Aurungzcbc reinforced
generals were at variance
Chaest,
following
army by sending the troops
Maha- Rajah
Maha- Rajah,
Hon'ble
Annals of the East

Moth Ornie and Bruce failed to
East India Company,
Sfmaji.
is
Major
of
He was
of
him.
While so engaged,
he
gathered
popular traditions.
many
things about Malik Ambar's
land
revenue
settlement,
Hr
and
to
valuable
information about land revenue settlement,

probability, from
and the
Elphinstone,
Konkan was entrusted
work
surveying the
our
Geographical and
Jerviss
Mcmior of the Konkun.
contemporary
from
work,
in all
tells
us
Shivaji's
Annaji Dattos survey
and assessment, but never quotes any authority.

It
is,
therefore,
extremely
difficult,
impossible, to verify his assertions.

11
Brin;*, Vol. 11. p. 8tf.
Onut
more
aot:iirut
or
rather
Hitherto
tL-n ttraue.
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP THE MARATHAS
22
have
come
across only one Marathi document
Annaji
a circular letter of
account
Jervis's
this
does not
can,
without
accept
hesitation,
We
Sir
India
Iilphin-
system
administrative
the
of
Central
the
of
much
Peshwas or
of the
But
improve our situation much.
account
stone's
supports
that
bighaoni survey.
the
of
Datto,
13
,
John Malcolm's account

For both of them
chiefs.
had personal acquaintance with men who had

served under the Peshwas and the Maratha and
Rajput chiefs of Central
them
give
of
Jervis
altogether
is
to
lived
Most
Shivaji.
unknown
in his
upon popular
mainly
rely
He
different.
after
old documents were yet
had
But the case
first-hand information.
wrote two centuries
he
and who could
India,
of the
or
it
reject
to
extremely
is
views of Jervis.
the
Bombay Gazetteer
the
difficult either
traditions
Con-
sense of
with
and
educated
combined
in
pensable
for
He
historian
I.
V(J.
XV,
my
in
of
the
iium
%ums
to
Ranade
Ranade
so
indis-
Marathas.
traditions
of
his
pp. MS-70.
born
tUafttMio
doanrat published in tt/ijw&de, Vol. XXI, which,
barmtew omo of Jcrrifl*!
S-.now tki*
1*
Maharashtra,
qualities
knew the language and
Rjic*d
wricer of
method,
western
him the three

a
we turn
Bom
relief.
in
The
on the subject.
authors
old
to accept
however, has accepted
Jervis as the sole authority
From these
and
time,
transmitted from generation to generation.

sequently,
and
drmwn
to MfcrftOii
corro-
INTRODUCTION
country,
was
method
of
conversant
well
23
with the historical
west and had ready access to
the
With
papers
then
instinct
he made a deliberate departure
beaten
track
available.
and selected a course

on
His fame to-day does not rest

of
new document
He
history of his people.
dry
discover
of
the
the
institutions
were,
of
of
Shivaji
according
Shivaji's
genius
Ranade was the

the
the
study
only
It
is
scholar
to
for
they
outcome
expression
that
guide us pro-
of
leisure
system of
entirely
to
solely
to
It
is
him to devote
the
study of his countrys
researches
have made some of
out
him.
but
new angle of
He might have
details, but while dealing

ples, his
Shivaji.
regret that the many-sided activities
Modem
pointing
as
to perceive the real importance
first
his conclusions untenable to-day,

of
civil
beyond doubt
of the great savant did not permit
past.
the
the
an
also
the
of
carefully,
not
but
first
administrative
a matter
his
tried to
to the real sources of Maratha history,
he was
of
very
him,
to
downfall
him
Maratha aspirations.
perly
of the
interpretation
and
progress,
of
event, but on
and sieges, but
This made
Marathas.
own.
of his
cause, remote and immediate,
real
rise,
from the
did not confine himself
of battles
details
historical
the discovery
unknown
or an
the surer basis 6f the right
to
true
all
judgment never
with the
failed
the
credit
vision belongs
erred in minor
broad princi-
him.
It
is
true
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATH AS
24
we do not get
mation as we wish
that
now
papers,
in
but that
for,
comprehensive
we get
little
events
in
history
Scott-VVaring
more
Marathas',
of
Century,
than
in
But
1 .
political
In
the
another
famous as the historian of

write
to
out
Captain Grant
history.
fortunate
tS 1
in
History.
Marathas, undertook
satisfactoty
light
attempt
to
narrative
19th
the
of
scholar, destined to be
the
the
of
more than a
decade
third
writer
first
His work was published
English.
because many
is
and wrote.
lived
Scott-VVaring was the
infor-
had not yet seen
published,
when Ranade
work as much
his
Duff
predecessor
his
more
in
was
the
more than one way.

As Political
Agent, he had ready access to all papers in the
attempt
in
The
Satara archives.
was ever ready
owed
their
him
to assist
many
Perhaps
descendant of
of
origin
the
in all
possible
ways.
spurious bakhars
later
to the
Shivaji
zeal
of
Chhatrapati
Agent Saheb.
Above all Grant Duff had the great advantage
u
of working under the guidance of Elphinstone.
Pratap
Grant
But
for
Singh to
Duff
sketching out
administrative
Rawlinson's
recent
11
the
gratify
had not
a
graphic
account of the
system of Shivaji.
Shivaji the
publication,
but
Marat ha
it
materials
sufficient
does
Prof.
H. G.
very
is
not
aim
at
See ElphiciHtonci letter quoted in Culebrooke'fl Lift f Klpfcin
tonf.Yol.
II,
ppi 13S-3B
INTRODUCTION
Another
Shivaji.
Shivaji
the
is
the
with
in detail
dealing
institutions
civil
work dealing
recent
volume
first
=5
with
History of
the
of
of
Maratha People by Messrs. Kincaid and

From the great mass of published
Parasnis.
the
and
materials
the
documents
unpublished
Rao Bahadur D*
long
the
that
from
giving
authors have not even

to
last
be
comprehensive account
us a
administrative
Shivaji'*
of
at
But we have again been disappointed.
removed.
Far
of
was expected
it
would
want
felt
of
possession
the
in
Parasnis,
B.
mass
greater
still
system,
made any
knowledge
supplement our
the
joint
serious attempt
in
that direction
Takkhav and Mr. Keluskar have devoted
Prof.
one long chapter to the administrative institutions

in their voluminous Life of Shivaji Maharaj.
Sydney Owen
sketch
of
Shivaji
the British
of
Oxford has drawn
of
Conquest
Shivajis
India
his
in
;
political
but
it
Moghuls.
the
in
original
of
picture
They
on such secondary authorities,

to write
we should
4
as
relied
Khafi
Shivaji
Great
studied
mainly
Khan,
and their aim has been

readable and sensible summary for
the general run

fore,
of
these scholars
documents.
Orme and Grant
Kennedy
History of the
his
But neither
on the Eve of
only a study
Pringle
career,
has also given us a charming
and Maharashtra
is
a brilliant
Duff,
of readers.
not
From
them,
there-
expect anything that we
do

26 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
OF THE MARATHAS
for
them
and
His
Maratha history has
not get elsewhere.
only a relative interest.
Jadunath Sarkar's Shivaji
Prof.
Times
He
way.
many
has utilised
history
hitherto
Shivaji s
navy
and interesting
important
is
own
Maratha
in
its
sources of
The chapter on
unexplored.
of special interest to us.
is
few articles on Maratha history
were pub-
Journal of the Bombay Branch of

The following are
the Royal Asiatic Society.
lished in the
the most useful for our purpose
and Mints under
Kanade Currencies
Maharatta Rule.
1.
2.
J.
Abbott
E.
preliminary
study of
the Shiva rat or Chhatrapati Coins.

P. V.
4.
Codrington
So
yet
Mawji
3.
far
as
my
and examining these

on scientific lines and of
sifting
presenting the results
form
will
contest
making.
my aim
the
that
In the
to present
Maratha
working.
in
handy and
student
ordinary
the
to
such an endeavour
following
a
fairly
government,
pages,
treatment, divided
the
history
into
first
period opens with
the
No one
is
worth
has
been
sketch
of
and
sake of convenient
the
system
intelligi-
principle
its
for
administrative
it
accurate
have,
Kingdom
information goes, no attempt has
materials
ble
Sicarajya.
Seals of Satara
been made of
scattered
Shivaji
two
rise
the
of
Maratha
periods.
of
Shivaji
The
and
INTKOOUCTION
closes with the accession of
period begins with
ends
finally
continued unchanged
in
British
system
administrative
leave
accession
the
annexed to the
and the
Shahu
when the Peshwas
1818,
in
till
of
the death
it
government.
practically
therefore, be
differences that
convenient
made.
my
He
ad-
essential
Peshwas.
theory and
the
It
few
practice
his
enquiry
interesting
modified
creator
of
to
the past
be
new
and reformed what he
Hindu and
Muhammadan
Every administrative system
predecessors.
roots in
in
all
the
indicate
to
was not the
had inherited from
its
duty
existed
another
Shivaji
system.
to
governments of the two periods.
the
is
Rajaram,
of
Otherwise,
purposes, identical with that of the
But there
The
dominions.
ministrative system of Shivaji was, for
between
were
territories
system intact with a few changes
old
the central
will,
The second
Shahu and
Shivaji
of
Peshwas also found
the
*7
has
and the Maratha system
was by no means an exception. I have made

an attempt to trace the growth and development
of the
Maratha
prototypes.
to be
institutions
But
from their old Hindu
my account
complete and should not
does
be
not
claim
treated
the last word on this comprehensive subject.
as
CHAPTER
Central Government
Ashta Pradhan
Council.
Disorder and anarchy a heritage
/.
Shivaji
Raja was famous for His forts," says
LokahitavadL'
two
than
less
keep
forts
in
and
forty
in
Mughals,
moment
that
and rocky
the
perhaps
no one
yet
will
fortification
isles
as a military
lifelong
his
formed
reverence
of
civil
still
from time immemorial.
these
of
struggle
against
concede
for
His
best
pp. 08-101
Rajwade,
I.
hills
claim
greatness
contested,
administrator
is
The Marathas
military prowess
old Rashtrikas, their
Lok*bilavmli. Aitih.uk Goahti.
The
their up-
amply
Shivajis
more undoubted.
have been well known for their
highly and
been
has never been

as a
and
inaccessible
posterity.
of
leader
greatness
his
war had
no
built
forts
them
to prize
defensive
demonstrated
but
hundred
and
sums were usually granted for

and repair.* The importance
large
to
captured
He used
strongholds.*
the
He had
sod 8en. 8 iv 4chl.atn4 p.li, p p. 140-148

R, VoL VIII, ,.p. 17-10
ASHTA PRADHAN COUNCIL

were
ancestors,
soldiers
the victorious
Ferishta
how
to
it
and beaten back

the
difficult
Bahmani
mountain
the
tackle
They
Maharashtra.
the
of
the great Ifarshavardhan
of
us
tells
found
kings
army
banner
the
Pulakeshin
prince
Chalukya
no mean reputa:ion.
ot
under
had fought
They
29
chiefs
had again
won fresh
under the celebrated
laurels
Malik
Ambar,
when the Mughal forces of the great Akbar
of
ignominous retreat
had to beat an
found
therefore,
Shivaji,
efficient
army ready made.
the mountain
passes of
him
sites
suitable
neither
the
for
nature
the
character of
of
materials
for
The rocks and

native
his
was
hills,
But
forts.
country
the
an
land, offered
impregnable
inhabitants
its
before them.
in
nor
the
favour of
the establishment of an orderly government.
Shivaji had to evolve order out of chaos.
dynasty had
Nizamshahi
The
been overthrown by
Mughal arms while Shivaji was still a

little
child
The Bijapur government was not
strong enough to maintain peace and order.
The country was devastated by war. and even
the
the
neighbourhood
Dadaji
ing
fields
who
of
Konddev had
wolves'
that
Poona was depopulated.

to
rewards for
offer
infested
the
kill-
uncultivated
and deserted homesteads and the people

lived
in
the
Mawal
Bombay
valley
were
in
many
30 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

blood leud was
respects worse tnan wild oeasts.

the order of
the
formed
normal
the
day,
ever)'
watan had two
ihey
fought to
fury
the
Maratha
rivals
widow
the
apparent
his
even
and plunder and rapine

state
of things.
Almost
the
more
or
watandar
blind
his
no
felt
orphan
and
In
end.
bitter
and
claimants
pity
But
children.
destruction
of
for
the
family
would not bring the feud to an end.- The loyalty

of an old adherent would often save a pregnant
lady
or
an infant
fastness
tain
The
child
wrongs
was
far
heir
some
in
away from
moun-
village or
their native hamlet.
would never be allowed to forget the

When grown up he
family.
of his
sure
plundered
to
avenge
his
dead
The anarchy
relations,
and
the
time
marks on the family papers
of the
house.
of
has
left
old
Deshmukhs, and nowhere do we get a more
terrible
its
account
these
of
feuds
in
all
their
and bloodshed than in the papers of the

Jagdales of Masur and the Jedhes of RohidThe Jagdales could not even count on
khorc.
horrors
the fidelity
of
their
own
history runs as follows
four
Their family
Karhad was Jagde Rau RajgarDeshmukh. He had two wives, they had
sons
Babaji Rau was the son of the first
"The Desai
dal
servants.
of
lie wo old often seek the eawatanc* of e powerful neighbour,

ganermUy at the price of a portion of the riieputad watan, and (hit tnan
woald take *p the qunrrw) u* If H wi* hie on a. See Raj wade,
Vol. XT, pp 117-1 ia.
second were three, the
wife.
The sons
eldest
Ramaji Rau, the second Vithoji Rau, and
began
Then
Rau
father
The
shall
he
so
yours
Babaji
the
to quarrel.
not quarrel
Rau.
Dayaji
the youngest,
(sons).
the
of
Such were the four

became old, and they
father said,
divide
You should
among you what
is
Then he gave to the eldest

Patilship and the Deshmukhi of
said.
the
Masur and the villages under its jurisdiction

To Ramaji Rau (and others) he gave four
Karhad. Aud and two other villages
villages.
under the jurisdiction of Karhad.
Then Ramaji
Rau stationed two barbers
as his agents
Karhad and two
of
Aud
Raghunath Pant and

*
*
another, for the work of management.

At that time the barber, the clerk and the Mokasi
had united. Then these three decided to murder
at
clerks,
the three
Ramaji Rau, Vithoji Rau and

They shut the two brothers Ramaji
brothers
Dayaji Rau.
and Dayaji Rau
in a room and murdered (them).

Then the remaining brother Vithoji Rau fled
and came to Masur. * * * At that time
the
Patilship
of
Targaon
also
was
ours.
Brahman was stationed there as an agent. The

Brahman engaged two servants Kaligade and
Khochre and he and his son proceeded to
Benares
Kaligade
to
on
and
quarrel
And
Babaji
way they were murdered by

Khochre. Then these two began
the
about
Rau
the
Patilship.
became very
old.
He had
32
two* sons
the
A
Kumaji.
Every day
on
elder
mali (gardener) was
maunds
five
bedstead for
his
of
younger
and the
Vithoji
service.
his
in
flowers were strewn
enjoyment.
Raus
Babaji
and the mujavar

(sweepers of the mosque) waxed strong in the
The sons of his old age (being very
village.
young) were 4 and i years of age. So he
engaged the mali for the management of his
household, and for the management of the
fields was engaged a dhangar who tended (his)
Mangi dhangarin was his mother. The
sheep.
Then he became very
old
and the dhangarin made a

common cause and decided to murder Babaji
And then the

Rau and his children.
murderers came. They wrapped the younger
son in a rug and threw him below the cot and
murdered Babaji Rau in his bed. Then the
mujavar,
mali
the
elder son said,
the
murdered
and
they
concealed
Chitli
my
him.
herself
arc by no
the
younger son
Jagdale
escape
wreaked
three
them.'
of
She
comer.
unpunished.
terrible
family.
fled
in
the
The
Young
to
These
Kumaji.
means the only murders
annals of
not
in
are
mosque and you

Thus he spoke,
Babaji 5 wife had
father.
murdered
with the
You
have recognised you.
sweepers of the village
have
did
'
bloody
inujavars
Kumaji
vengeance and decapitated
Shahaji,
the
father of Shivaji,
M.t -S-. VoL XV, p
9.
ASHTA PRADHAN COUNCII

took the Patilship of
Masur with
the
irreconcilable
The revenge of those

no awe or respect
of
life
its
Deshmukh
an uncle of Mahadji Jagdale
owner,
33
7
.
knew
spirits
power, and the Jagdales
for
sought a strong ally to assert their claim against

But their connection
SHahaji's son Shivaji.
Mughals brought
the
with
them and
had
pride
their
on
disasters
length these turbulent
at
forget
to
fresh
Deshmukhs
and seek
Shivaji's
protection and patronage.

If
the Jagdale anna!
gruesome
that
is
Jedhes.
while
One
returning
less
of
the
from
the
with a farman for their watan,
capital
Adilshahi
the
of
brothers,
two Jedhe
a savage one, no
is
was waylaid and murdered by one Khopre, a
The
claimant.
rival
surviving brother Baji fled to
the
assembled a few adherents, purchased

the assistance of twelve good swordsmen at the
cost of a portion of his ancestral property, and
sea
coast,
calmly waited for a

an
opportunity
were the
nuptials
followers
him with
sixty
descendant of
defied
He
left
the
Naikji
his
of
Baji,
won
was
'
sons
Jedhe
with
Khopre and murdered

attendants.
of
over
Rajiradc,
Hardly
Kanhoji,
became so powerful
authority
seven
Baji
his
off
marriage.
than
upon
fell
Khopre,
his
over,
Such
opportunity.
when
came,
was celebrating
guard,
his
suitable
king.
youngest of
whom
by the
Vl.
that he
Adilshahi
the
the
Sultan
XV. V
1.
two
of

his
brothers
elder
and were
in
their
anger,
by
Naikji's
murdered
turn
their
in
him
killed
widow Ansaba,
who afterwards gave birth to a

posthumous son.
Her infuriated brothers-inlaw had no mercy either for the widow or for
her baby.
Ansaba was soon after murderdd.
but
the
devotion
who took
shelter
nurse saved
of
with
Baji
the
Hardly
Pasalkar.
was the family dissension over than

son
of
began
Xaikji,
Deshmukh
Bandal
and
Kanhoji entered the

the
Khopres,
rendered
Afzal
were
service
though
rivals'
the
battle
was
when
But
Shivaji.*
had
not
They
harmless.
against their
with
settled
of
humbled,
altogether
Khan
bloodv
W
Their differences
fought.
Kanhoji,
quarrel
to
child
been
joined
master, Shivaji. 1
Such were the men whom Shivaji had to deal

with and the times in which
he
had
to
work.
3.
Further
He was
Difficulties'.
further
and
reorganisation
indifference
of
comprehension
his
handicapped
reform
by
subordinates
on their
a source of honour and
them more than the
in
part.
The
his
the
and
work
of
ignorant
lack
art of war,
of
as
emolument, appealed to
art of
peace.
If
they had
been allowed to follow their individual inclination,
Srdri,
fUjn^de, U.T.S., VoL XV, p.
p*..
173.174.

they would
have
man
less
renounced the work of
gladly
campaign
consolidation for a
than
35
of
Mazumdar had
Pant
Nilo
No
conquest.
prayed to be relieved of his civil duties

so that he might render military service, like
earnestly
other
men and
capture
forts
when
necessary.'
Nor was he reconciled to his duties until

had assured him that his services in
were
capacity
important
as
as
Shivaji
his civil
those
of
commanding officer and would be appreciated

in the same manner as the military exploits of the
Peshwa
But Shivaji never tried to achieve the impos-
sible.
all
practical statesman, he wisely rejected
unworkable
culties
way were
his
in
He knew
ideals.
diffi-
great, but he also
knew
government
that without an orderly
would not
the
that
kingdom
his
moments purchase, and

so long as private war and blood feuds continued,
worth
be
he would not be able to
army
that
required
order
he
ous
Peace
absolutely
necessary.
But
under
who
Maharashtra,
in
would
"
be
BnjwiWle.
an
M.
Important, bnt Mn
jjiren nbovr-
essentially
existence.
his
unite
chiefs
was
infant
very
for
could
his
in
discipline which
strict
were
introduce
I.
exercised
a
strong
idle
dream.
8..
banner
his
Vol.
Till.,
trs&slntlnn
Is
the
petty
pp. S.B.
Hr!
unless
numer-
sovereignty
orderly
Once
and
government
his
Tfce
aim
was
i.
ns Iks pmih
rmy
THE MARATHAS
hampered by ordinary
defined, he refused to be
conciliation
he did
failed
stronger
measures
Deshmukhs
the
by one,
frequently unsuccess-
conciliation
take
to
hesitate
not
he should try
that
He was
first
whenever
but
fill,
required
Policy
scruples.
One
Mawal submitted
of
tn
and a considerable portion of the

It
was now
Bijapur territory was conquered
that Shivaji had to frame a working scheme of
his authority
was
government; but he
very
the
far
had to decide how

be continued
system should
old
and wholesale reform were equally out
tion
The
question.
would grant a fresh lease
first
with
to feudalism
concomitant
its
private war, blood feud, anarchy
and
Wholesale conserva-
reformed.
to what extent
life
He
problem.
difficult
with a
confronted
keen observer, he
evil
effects
kingdoms
Bijapur
of
of his
some
of
But
hc
that
was
submitted
the great
its
selfish
The Maratha watandar thought

first
and
of
his
country afterwards.
strike
two extremes that would
at
Shivaji had. therefore, to
the
the
the tottering
whom had
defect of the Maratha character
watan
in
He knew
to him but reluctantly
of his
of
feudalism would alienate most
of
countrymen,
individualism.
to notice
fail
Golkonda.
and
of
and oppression.
system
of the feudal
abolition
total
not
did
evils
of
reconcile the watandars
order and peace.
mean between
the same time
and ensure comparative
ASHTA HKADHAN COUNCIL

General Structure of Govern turn t
J.
The
communities
village
dawn
flourished from the
none can
tell.
11
But
came
first
Shivaji
undisturbed
in their
the
republics
village
powers, enjoyed the
same
went
the
their
origin
these
into existence
the
in
communities served
admirably.
When
absence of a highly
government, as we now have,
developed central
the village
Soul hern India
in
of history.
democratic institutions
time
37
the
decided
to leave
internal organisation.
them
In fact
exercised almost the same
same
the
to
and under-
privileges
responsibilities
down
needs of the
from the lime of
establishment
of
the
Government in India, when many of their

immunities and privileges were found incompatible
British
with
centralised
highly
Over a group
formerly
of these
been placed
Deshpandes.
this state of things to
the
revenue
their office heredi-
therefore,
officers, but
Tit*
the
of
the times,
and
But Shivaji could not allow
go on uninterrupted.
meant the negation
Shivaji,
made
for
had
features of the country, helped
this feudal evolution
appointed
The circumstances
geographical
ism
Deshmukhs and
the
Originally
units
and assumed and exercised almost sovereign
authority.
the
government.
self-contained
collection, they gradually
tary
modern
of
a strong monarchy.
appointed his own revenue
Deshmukhs and
lUr*la* TilUge
Feudal-
the
Deshpandes
will b# full}* ile*eribe<l in
Bcok
II.
were
and
rights
enjoyment
the
in
left
that
old
their
were
no
on
Rayats
old tyranny.
their
were given to understand
they
henceforth
have nothing to do with the Desais and
Deshmukhs.
the
of
They
perquisites.
account to exercise
would
THE MARATHAS
harmless
Shivaji
To
them
render
further
altogether
them
prohibited
to
any walled or bastioned castle, and like

Henry II of England, demolished some of the
build
strongholds
of
provinces,"
Sabhasad
says,
subjected
to
not
to
be
regulations
mukh and
these
the
of
" the
the
the
lie
in
they
If
offer
rayats
[by
plunder
to
(over them],
The Adilshahi,
Mughlai Desh were
In the Dcsh all the
their power.
Nizamshahi and the
conquered
and
Zamindar, such as the Desh-
the Desai.
does not
the
were
rayats
jurisdiction
the rayats, by assuming authority

it
In
tyrants.
local
Shivaji J.
used to be under the
Patil
and
the
and the Deshmukhs.

make the collection and to pay
Kulkarni of those places,
They used
to
an unspecified sum
(as
tribute).
For a
village,
where the Mirasdars took one to two thousand

(lions or Rupees?), (they) used to render two
hundred to three hundred
as
Therefore
quit-rent.
wealthy and
the
strengthened
bastions,
ing
p|i.
castles
to
the
Government
Mirasdar
grew
by
build-
(himself)
and strongholds
lid Sen.
i vncKh*Wi|ur
jiju
in
J!7*3v
the
ASHTA PRADHAN COUNCI

village
They
39
I.
and enlisting footmen and musketeers

revenue
did not care to wait on the
the
If
officers.
revenue officers said that they
could pay more revenue (the Mirasdars) stood up

to
them.
with
quarrel
way (they grew)
In this
and forcibly misappropriated the (lands

On this account did the Raja
the) Desh.
unruly
in
demolish the bastions, the castles and the strongWhere there

holds after conquering the Desh.
were important
forts,
And nothing was

This done,
dars.
he posted his
garrison
the hands of the Miras-
left in
(he)
own
prohibited
the
that
all
Mirasdars used to take at their sweet
will,
by
main (right) or revenue farming, and fixed the

rates of due in cash and grains for the Zamindars,
as well as of the rights and the perquisites of the
Deshmukh,
(and)
the
the
Deshkulkarni,
the Kulkarni,
village.
and
the
Patil
according to the yield of
were
The Zamindars
prohibited
(They were to) build

Such were the
houses (and) live (therein).
In this manner
regulations for the provinces.
the danger of feudal anarchy was to some extent
to build bastioned castles.
averted.
4.
Ashta Pradkan Council
Like the Kamavisdars and the Subhedars of

the Peshwa period, the Karkuns, the Tarafdars,
the Havaldars
look after
all
and the Subhedars
of Shivaji
had
to
the branches of Civil administration.
40 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP TUP. MARATHAS

government was the king
It was
himself, assisted by a council of state.
known as the Ashta Pradhan Council, as eight
At the head
the
of
ministers had seats
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
When
These were
in it.
Pcshwa or the Mukhya Pradhan.

Mazumdar or the Amatya.
Waknis or the Mantri.

Dabir or the Sumanta.
Surnis or the Sachiv.
Pandit Rao, or the Royal Priest.
Senapati or the Commander-in-Chief.
Nyayadhish
was
this council
not precisely know.

4
tion the eight
or the Chief Justice.
organised, we do
first
At the time
pradhans
of
the corona-
(ministers)
had stood
on either side of the throne to pour holy water

from gold and silver jars and basins, over the
king's
us
head.
that
into
14
14
Though
no means new.
the
Amatya,
Sabhnati<l, p.
ObltdU,
Bui
nit
Ram Rao
Chitnis
tells
was then that the council came

These offices, however, were by
it
being.
Malhar
the
W;
the
Mantri,
ChitnU,
p. 162.
Mukhya Pradhan,
Sumanta,
the
the
Sen. !*hivaehh*ir*pMi, p. 115.
p. 161.
ihrue office*, exieted loag
Mar*
the coronation.
Bj
tin?
not mew
won! AehLapradhnn her*. Chimin, therefor*.
Id the east wmtenoe he mention* the appoint
the mere
of) cm hut the ooaecil
went of tbn two

appointment -
ll
Socretariet.
Then* wh/p nl*o by m means new

tbit old officer* were formally
quite pomiblo that
reappointed, according to the rite* pro Kiri beil
coronation Of remnej.
lr
the ShiufroA for the
See a !*1 LofcahKaTadi, Aitihmsik OoihtJ, p ?
ASHTHA PRADHAN COUNCIL
4
%
Senapati were unknown, people
Sachiv and the
were quite familiar with the Peshwa, the Mazumdar, the Waknis, the Dabir, the Sumis, and the
What
Samobat.
was
did,
Shivaji
to retain the
old posts with
But
whether
any
new Sanskrit designations.

these new designations meant
new power
new
or
however,
It is,
responsibility,
an
that
significant
is
not
certain.
official
paper
was drawn in the first year of the

Abhisheka era to enumerate the duties of the
eight Councillors (pradhans) and other heads of
(kanujabta)
departments. 1 '
But
it
paper was drawn up simply
method
in
the
tells
us that
the
privilege
existing
taking
of
to enforce a stricter
Sabhasad
organisation.
following
the
possible that this
quite
is
ceremony as members
officers
part
of
in
the
had enjoyed
coronation
the
Pradhan
Ashta
council
Moro Pant, son

Mukhya Pradhan.
1.
of
Trimbak
Pant,
as
Naro Nilkantha and Ramchandra Nilkantha as joint Amatya.

The son of Kaghunath Rao as Pandit
3.
2.
Rao.
5.
Hambir Rao Mohite as Senapati.

Dattaji Trimbak as Mantri.
6.
Ramchandra
4.
Pant, son of Trimbakji Son-
dev Dabir as Sumanta.

'*
Sabhnml.
p.
8'J.
SLiv*chhatraf*u,
p. Iltt.
OF THT MARATHAS
7.
Annaji Pant (Datto) as Sachiv.
8.
Niraji Rauji as
Nyayadhish."
These men had already held these
some time
Sabhasad, while describing the
past.
coronation, refers simply
to
newly
created.
had
posts
these
that
quite
is
It
new Sanskrit
their
designations, but does not say
were
offices for
possible that
mind the introduction

Sanskrit designations when he wrote of the
Chitnis
of
also
his
in
Raja s decision of appointing a
make
Both Sabhasad and Chitnis

tion
the
of
past
council of eight.
frequent men-
incumbents of these
Sham Rao
Sabhasad, for example, says that one

Nilkanth was
Moro Trimbak
the Peshwaship.
in
Pingle s
offices.
predecessor
Sarnobat was
Shivaji's first
Chor Maratha. He was succeeded

by Mankoji Dahatonde.*' We do not know why
Tukoji
one
Tukoji lost his master
confidence, but after the
conquest of Jawli, the chief
command
of the
army
was conferred on Netaji PalkaP* as Mankoji had

in the interval died.
Netaji was dismissed for his
succour Panhala, and an enterprising
failure to
lf
'
Raimi,
Patrjdi
by P.
V Mawji ad a U
do im*
Moretbu**,
call
p,
bun
A 1*0
367.
V.
pf>
Umd Trim*
bo
imsUwiir son of Triro'^k, in
in*
Saimi* And
123-24
dmcribtd a* Trimbak mint
lb* oouploi
on bia
*e*J
'
Sabbamd,
pp. 7,
8,
Hi
Kehir*a'
Dmnea. Vol
1,
Satihaaad.
p 8.
Ibid, 9.
* !d\d, II.
* *
ShnbhAmd,
p. 59.
p. 41.
ASHTHA PRADHAN COUNCIL
43
cavalry officer, Kadtaji Gujar, obtained the
Samo-
balship
Finally
with
the
Pratap Rao.
of
title
after Pratap Raos heroic death
moted
Mohite was probe Commander-in-Chief .* 4 It was this

lieutenant
his
battle,
to
Hasaji
hard-fought
in
Hasaji
Hambir Rao,
or
the fifth or according to
another account, the sixth Samobat, who stood

a
with
silver
ceremonial
the
of
jar. filled
bath,
at the
milk
with
during
time
Shivaji's coro-
Sondev and Gangaji

Mangaji had served as Sumis and Waknis respectively,
before
Annaji
Datto and Dattaji
*7
also certain that both before
Trimbak
It is
and after his coronation, Shivaji held a council of
these and other officers
To cite only one
instance, when Afzal Khan invaded his infant
nation.
Similarly
Nilo
kingdom, Shivaji called a

ministers,
among whom
Gangaji
Pant,
council of his principal

figured
Mangaji,
not only
Moro
Palkar
and
Netaji
Raghunalh Ballal, (most of them afterwards

members of the Ashta Pradhan Council), but
also men like Gomaji Naik, Krishnaji Naik and
Subhanji Naik."
the
that
ifca,
11
,1.
|.
docs
council was
coronation.
the
of
It
not
first
appear, therefore,
organised at the time
Nor can
it
be
Tv.
ftuiiir ma(VI
Him ncoinJin^
ho
/iiyaifi
8luvtvi
Pratap K* Oojor.
Chita*,
maintained
p.
162
.bhaaaii, p. 11.
" ftahhtmd.
y U.
&?o, Slvaekkaiimpati, pp. 7-n

gtVMttlikaLrstpati,
it.
Adrjkj Kai>
44 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE

Ashta Pradhan Council owed
tnat the
such
designation of
Sumis,
shows
Waknis, and
the
as
officers
been
made
old
Hindu works on
polity
for
example,
has also
Chief
the
Dabir,
that analogous offices did exist
Muhammadan governments
tion
the
Mazumdar
the
find
this
such
of
Ifl
the
clearly
under the
Men-
of the south
councils
the
in
Shukranili,
the chief Priest and
that
have
should
Justice
and
cabinet,
we
origin
its
The Persian
genius of Shivaji.
creative
the
to
MARATHAS
seats
was a special feature
the
in
of
Shivaji's
council.
When
these
the
offices
Shivaji's
time,
Peshwas rose
had become
dismissed
at
but
hereditary,
in
pradhans (councillors) were
the
not appointed for
power, most of
to
They were
life.
pleasure
kings
the
be
to
liable
and
could
transmit their office to their sons or brothers.
not
Peshwa period
became founders of
In the
impossible
in
principal
new
Shivajis
good care
he
took
and
low, free from
to
generally
officers
This
families.
First,
because
all offices,
both high
time.
keep
was
hereditary
We
character.
have seen how six Commanders-in-Chief had been

in
succession appointed
single
near
case
relative
Malsure
by
Shivaji.
had he selected
of
the
last
for
A luvv
tlt-iJiiTciJ
ditrotnirxi
the
incumbent.
was no doubt appointed
i* r*fi*>rvei f'ir
not
but
post a
Suryaji
Subhedar
B<vk
in
HI.
of
ASHTHA PRADHAN COUNCI
45
I-
brother
the Mawali forces, after the death of his
Tanaji
had
but
such
rendered
It
was
military
any
to
Jagir
office,
down
strictly
laid
officer
should
was,
in
hardly any
no soldier or
any thing to do
country and
the
of
anarchy and
who was
war,
not required to take
we
In Sabhasad's account
up arms.
military.
that
those days of
officer
assign
to
or
civil
have
with the revenue collection

there
Secondly,
not
rule
it
as
service
distinguished
because Shivaji made
question
in
public recognition.*
deserved
fully
case the officer
this
in
find
that,
'
the balance
of their
dues (was paid by)
Huzur
(orders) either on the
ment)
In
on
or
the
manner
this
punctually
granted
were
and the garrisons

should
of
made
be
should on
(men
the
to
annual
their
Mokasa mahals
rights
in
the)
the
fort.
by
'
treasury.
None
authority
over
lands.
the
govern-
no
accounts
or villages
account
army, the
be
militia
Every payment
varats
from the
varats
(establishments).
district
settled.
with absolute
(central
'
or
with
cash
but the Karkuns had

All
payments
to
and the garrison, should

81
These wise regube made by the Karkuns."
lations had their desired effect, and arrested for
the time being the growth of feudalism in Maha-
the
army,
rashtra.
,n
the
In
militia,
the
words of
Ranade, None of
SabbBHul. pp. MI-67. Son. 8ivchh*txnpnti, pp. 72-74.

8 k>.
p.
pp. *8-84
THE MARATHAS
men, who distinguished themselves
the .great
Shivajis time, were able
hand over to
to
or
Datto Annaji or
nor
Brahmans,
Pratap
Rao
Mohite
or
Raoji,
Niraji
or
Ranks, .or
Palkar.
Hambirrao
Malusares
the
Gujar,
Nctaji
Maratha Sardajs,
the
found ancient
such
families
ministers
Shahu's
Ragho Ballal
among the
nor Abaji Sondcv, nor
Pingle
the
in
as
early
eighteenth century succeeded
their
Neither Moro-
descendants large landed estates.

pant
in
in
were able to
which
those
the
of
part
doing.*
know precisely when the

Ashta Pradhan Council came into being, yet we
Though we do
have a
not
knowledge
accurate
fairly
expected of the pradhans
In a
of
what was
paper already
referred to, their duties have been clearly defined
and other state papers, it does not

appear that Shiva ji aimed at a bureaucratic form
A great Maharashtra scholar,
of government
From
the
this
hints
Ranade,
Justice
late
the
that
thrown
Ashta Pradhan Council,
blance to the Viceroy's Executive Council.

the
great
Minister,
of
and
both
The Pestma
savant,
next
the
sat first
to the
in
its
was
Says
Prime
king and was at the head
and military administrations,

on the right hand below the throne.
civil
The Senapati was

*
clear
bore a striking resem-
characteristics,
essential
has
in
R M.
Hum-. Rnlrn
charge
*.,
of
pp. 1W-131I
j*.
3-S7.
the
military
ASHTA PRAOHAN COUNCIL
47
and sat first on the left side.

Amatya and Sachie sat next to the Peskwa,
while the Afantrt sat next below the Sack tv
administration,
and was
in
charge of the king's private
The Snmant was Foreign

on
below the Senapati
Pandit rao
who had charge
Chief Justice.
of the ecclesiastical
that
details
the
the
left
side
Ashta Pradhan system has

present
the
counterpart
in
Government
of India.
constitution
of
Commandcr-in-Chief
The Finance and Foreign

In the
cil
Government
makes no room
its
the
The Governor-General and
Viceroy occupies the place nf the Peskwa
comes the
sat
be seen from these
will
It
sal
came
Next
left.
department, and 'below him on

the
and
Secretary,
the
affairs.
army.
come
next.
the Executive Coun-
o! India,
for the
the
of
Ministers
next
;
head
of the ecclesiastical
department, or for the Chief Justice on
one side
and the Private Secretary on the other, and

in their place sit the Member in Charge of the
Hbme
Works
Public
due
Member, and the

These variations arc
Department, the Legal

Minister.
of circumstances,
to the difference
conception
which
systems
the
is
at
lies
same
of
of
both
having a council
of the
the
highest officers of the State,

assist
the
duties.
king
in
the
bottom
sitting
It
together to
proper discharge of his
**
Bcnade,
but the
P., p|>. 126-1 /I
48 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK
Although there seems
THE MARATHAS
be some apparent
resemblance between the Ashta Pradhan Council
of Shivaji and the Executive Council of the
to
and the Governor-General
V'iceroy
the
India,
of
two are by no means

The Government in India is widfcly
be a bureaucracy.
The subordinate
principles underlying the

identical
known
to
officers are responsible to the hevtds of
partments and
responsible
mainly
in
these
the
entrusted to them
deliberate
of
administration
upon grave questions affecting departthere
theirs,
is
clear-cut
The Law Member
division of duties.
upon to lead a military expedition, nor

But
out
six
of
the
eight
and
whenevcr.necessary,
first
service,
Singh.
The
both
in
members
llazir
is
to
render
Viceroy, though he can
expected
i*
SUbluand,
to
diplomatic
to
Jai
not, however, the only difference.

in
theory
the decisions of his Executive Council,

tice
of
duties
Majalasi
when he was sent on an embassy

This
title
and criminal cases.
civil
Rao had
Pandit
is
the eight had, as
all
occasions arose, to attend a
hear appeals
had to perform military
Shivajis council
The
never
is
the Commander-in-Chief required to hear

suit.
policy
Although they can and do
ments other than

called
the
initiating
branches
particular
heads are
departmental
for
de-
their
to
be
p. *1.
guided by
Son,
it.
override
is in
prac-
But neither
PP 504U-
ASHTA PKADHAN COUNC1I
49
X
expected
his subjects, nor his officers ever
Shivaji should always be guided
He was
of the Councillors.
them, unless
he
were
ministers
some
on
distant
further
of
them
were
encumbered with the heavy
work
of
governments.
fore,
if
means
bureaucracy.
an autocracy.
anything,
autocrat, fortunately for his people,
statesman
Despot.
and
acted
as
Muhammadan
Government
and
conclusion
his
era
the
first
the
of
of
Hindu
his
than
with
the
will
kanujabta
duties
confirm
further
will
of
the
the above
serve our
purpose
(memorandum) drawn
year of the coronation (Abhisheka)
and published by
Narayan Sane.
Rao Bahadur Kashinath
All that
reproduce the paper

7
government
of to-dav.
And nothing
better than the

in
predecessors
statement
detailed
eight pradhans
up
practi-
Benevolent
The Duties 0/ the Prad harts
5.
was a
had more resemblance with those

British
But the
His ministers were his servants, proud
to carry out his instructions
and
there-
be regarded as heads of departments and his
was,
cal
provincial
Shvvaji's ministers cannot,
Government was by no
It
The
do so
to
absent
frequently
and
expeditions
wisdom
the
not bound to consult
inclined
felt
by
that
is
in full
required
here
is
to
50
administrative SYSTEM ok the marathas
Shri.
The
Kanu JabU
of
year
tlie
the Sambatsar being
lion era
of the corona^
Ananda by name,
Tuesday, the thirteenth day of Jestha.
The Mukhya Pradhan

works
should
He
administration.
of
perform
should
all
put his
and documents.
He should
with
the anny and wage war
make expeditions
and make necessary arrangements for the preseal
on
official letters
may come
servation of the districts that
into (our)
possession and act according to the orders of the

All military officers should
king.
them
and he should proceed with
manner (should
go
with
him
In
this
all.
he work).
The Senapati should maintain the army and

make war and expeditions. He should preserve
the
(newly)
acquired
account of
(the spoils),
orders
the
(of
say.
render
and act according
He
king).
(to the king) what the
territories,
men
should
of the
All military officers should
an
to the
make known
army
had to
go with him.
The Amatya should look after the account of

income and expenditure of the whole kingdom.
The Daftardar and the Fadnis should be under
him.
He
should carefully
He
work (to be done)seal)
on the
Chitnis's
letters
office.
from
estimate
should put
the
He should
the
his
writing
sign
Fadnis s and
(render)
(or
the
military

service
in
He
(times of) war.
5
look
should
after
the districts and be guided by (our) orders.
The Sachiv should carefully look into the royal

correspondence and make (necessary) correction
of
the
He
should serve
whenever a
contents,
annexed
districts,
orders.
On
preserve
war,
in
letter
omitted.
is
the
(newly)
and behave according to
(our)
royal letters (and official documents)
he should put his seal as a sign of his approval.
The Pandit Rao should have jurisdiction over

religious questions.
He should punish (all
all
offences) after judging what
He
wrong.
is
on
all
should put
sign
his
of
papers relating to custom,
what
approval
conduct
and
He should receive good scholars of

He should perform, when occasion
penance.
reputation
arises,
and
right
is
and
charity
appease offended
(performances
shanti
and celebrate
deities)
to
other
religious performances."
The
over
Un In
all
The
Navadhish
suits
lute
JlMlk* Teleng,
the following manlier
ere to eierdeo
ell
pmiiahmant to be
in
on
kingdom
the
in
rattiniiifletl
It
jurisdiction
and
the duttee
"f
inflicted after in veaMgntiug into
end
FandU
the
the eccleaUatfcal powere of the Scale, and
State,
them
try
Uiat the Pandit. lUee tlntioa
accordance with the rc!igio law.

bfthalf of ihe
have
should
He U
eoanreraign
to receive learned
all
order
to
what U and
la
nor
perrone
document! that may he
iaanod from the Sovereign rotating to Achara, ryatahara, and

rAiffo, (hat ie to any,
pf*naiK*t'e,
took
rule#
of
coednot,
tba three department* of Ibe
lifter tli;
pci foraaacecf
civil
aad criminal law, nnd
9ha*tii nnd other
dietribntion of the royal bounty.**
He is aleo to
cemnomja, and the
JMnrw e*t*h*i nr.
UiQidh
R.
M.
P-, p.
HH.
52 ADMINISTRATIVE
righteously after
what
finding
On
wrong
is
SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

what
out
and
right
is
he
judgment paper,
the
should put his sign of approval.
The Mantri should

political
The
and diplomatic
invitation
He
are under him
and serve
approval on
official
kingdom.
the
of
departments
intelligence
should look after the districts
He
war.
in
affairs
and the
conduct the
carefully
should-' put
of
sign
his
documents.
The Sumanta should have the charge of foreign

He should receive and entertain ambasaffairs.
sadors from other kingdoms when they come
war and put his sign of approval on state documents and letters."
Besides the duties enumerated above, three
He
should serve
in
pradhans were
of the eight
sive provinces. *
When
metropolis,
their
agents
Sabhasad
says
that
demand
for
the
resided
governance
of
the
at
response
in
sides.
How
to
?
from
Kolawan up to
Ghats and the
*.).
Salheri,
Bhivandi,
the
Then
in
the
including
country above
the
Lohagad and Junnar
Konkan
Aooji Datto. for initaroa.
?u>*dx-mor or
fol
Kalyan and
on
carry
Moro Pant Peshwa's charge were placed

country
the
to
"The kingdom
kingdom
the
court.
clumsy
apparently
this
good government.
was extended on four
exten-
of
they were away from the
made
was
arrangement
charge
in
la
GomrDor GmaiaI of Eookao
a Porto gar e
letter
|Rel Yloinbcn,
!.
u
I
53
Mawals from the pass of Haralya

(were placed) under the Peshwa.
The Konkan
with the twelve
from Chau) to Kopal, including Dabhol, Rajapur,

Kudal, Bande, and Phond, was placed under
The VVarghat (country above the

ghats) from Wai to Kopal on the Tungabhadra
Annaji Datto.
(was) the
province
placed
under
Dattaji Pant
Waknis.
Dattaji Pant was stationed at Panhala.
In
manner
this
was
under three Sarkarkuns

(five to
ed
in
kingdom
the
placed
Besides these,
few
seven) Brahman Subhedars were station-
the
Mughal
They were kepi

Peshwa.
The Sarkar-
provinces.
under the orders of
the
kuns were to enquire into the needs and welfare

of the forts and strongholds.
But what Killedar
and Karkuns were .to be appointed, the Raja
himself should
If
appoint
after
the Sarkarkuns found any
they should enlist
number
of the
him
in
personal
serviceable
scrutiny.
soldier,
excess of the
fixed
The agents
of the
quota (tainat).
Sarkarkuns should remain with the Raja. The

Sarkarkuns should come to see the Raja (once)
every year with
the
of their provinces.
accounts and the revenue
When
Shivaji
made
this
and placed them under

three of his principal ministers, we do not know,
for Sabhasad does not give any date
But that
the pradhans had still some districts under their
division of his territories
pp.
77-78.
Son. Birarhhatnpati. pp. 108-107.
OPTHB MARATHAf
charge and had to leave their agents or mutaliks

at court during their absence in their respective
provinces or on a distant
expedition,
even after
and the reorganisation of the
council, can be proved by the following entry in
the
coronation
the
memorandum
dars appointed for (the
and market
and
cities
should
management
work
The darakhof)
districts
placed under the eight pradhans,
them when on a
to assist
14
already quoted.
name
the
military expedition,
Huzur and
their correspondence in the same manner
pradhans) when they would go on an
all
in
the
of
carry on
(as the
expedition
should
mutaliks
the
continue
all
their
appointed
work.
them
for
They should
stay at the court."
Before we lake leave of

it
should
be
noted here
the
eight
pradhans
they
that
could
not
own subordinates
These were invariably appointed, as in the Peshwa period, by

the supreme head of the state
Even the muta-
select their
liks,
who were apparently expected
to
behalf and in the interests of an absent
were not
We
do
appointed
not
by
but by
him,
know whether on
such
act
on
minister,
the
king.
occasions
the approval of the officer affected was sought or

not.
This
was
practice
Pane. P. Y. U.
p.
SAM.
evidently
The Poruuw
tinned in i previous note also prove# flint
Governor ftrntrnl of Rrwkan

written-
In
letter,
the iUcbtT
borrowed
Altcbd?
the
m eB
tiffice
Jenunrr, IS7A w'jeo (be lettor wet
on
generals
agents
their
during
acted
absence
their
leave
imperial
court
These agents
duty.
same manner as the mutaliks
the
in
the
at
on
to
service
active
wakils
or
governors
provincial
rulers of Delhi required the
and
Muhammadan
The
Muhammadans.
from the
55
of
Shivaji's pradhans, but they generally considered

it
their first
their
duty to safeguard
interests
the
of
immediate masters
The number of councillors was by no means

fixed.
From Sabhasad's list already quoted,
it
appears
were
there
that
them
nine of
Amatya's
the time of Shivaji's coronation as the

office
was
and Ramchandra.
many
his
of
Sambhaji had a council
one
Kalush
except
his
notorious
in
name
been styled as Chhandogyamatya

papers
was
The
to
entitled
Rao
Pandit
the
Chhandogyamatya.
only,
Kavi
He
has
contemporary
time
Shivajs
in
designation
of
suggested
been
has
Sambhaji's
was not
that Kavi Kalush
in
old
consult
favourite
additional
It
to
Brahman.
Kanojia
or Kavji, a
decapi-
father's
he ruled as he liked, and did not care
any
Naro
brothers.
Sambhaji dismissed,
tated and imprisoned

servants.
two
by
held
jointly
at
Pandit
Rao. Kalush enjoyed so much influence and

*
Bhtrnt ftikaa 8nr#hodhnk ManitiU
V*r*bik
Itlvr.tl*
(IK3?i,
HI. 13.
ft
Thu A* htA
&**fc*\
Council
Fi-ttihufi
detAil-d examination
of
it*
bowerer. aecm* to
vcrtutulT
constitution
hold
tin the
diffeieot
not a cab Dec a

text)
show#.
Prr.f.
vi#w whoa ho writ#*
OF THE MARATHAS
much power
so
When
prime
the
purposes
was
he
that
minister
Pralhad
both
others
all
under
who
super-
was
Niraji
appointed
the kings vicegerent at

gle
always
Pratinidhi
the
held
the rise
council, until
Secretaries
6.
Henceforth
the
seat
the
first
Peshwas revoluthe Maratha empire.
but
in
no way
had stood
Just below the pradhans
Prabhu
Nil
of
Shivaji's coronation.
of
an autocratic
influence
and
" Pralliail Niraji,
V,
mlninten
p. 26).
non
bio
tho high
till*
(AbU Pradhan)*'
il
< I*ra
great
Balaji
iniUh
abort Ikt
and
'Hitfory
Mm,
bat
notico,
of
>
cabinat
Vol
Aarnngiib.
hT*
th* Pratinidhi.'
it
wu
<r*o
tub
writ** nt nnather plnoo.
mini tnnunntinl oncmolt,
ho admit* that
boon uMd tho
hn*o roooDiidrred Uie qaoition nod

To provide pool,
u* ho ooeait to
whon ho
wo
thn normnl reonca of alht

men.
aiintMert w. expauded by uddiay two
Rogont
of
Mlrfio
thus rood
n paaalog
chmr.goil hi*
nil
enjoys
Too opinion of n di.iiagniahad aobolnr e*rtoir!y dnooi
than
of refuting
for
whom
on
Secretary
a power behind the throne.
and who
ccmferrrd
of right
is
the time
at
Private
naturally
king
Prabhu
Bal
**
Parasnis,
The
inferior to
or Secretary.
the eight ministers was the Chitnis
and
in
Outside the council
Chitnis,
strug-
the
the
of
the constitution of
tionised
pay
in
Pratinidhi- or
during
Jinji
existence. 4
national
for
and
status
in
Sambhaji.
revived
Rajaram, a new member was added,

seded
practical
all
of
was
Rajmanda)
the
for
(Hmtury
a council nod tho
by no mrnni rigidly fixed

Habbaond, p. 84; Cbitaia.
Tb Uakmmat Paooh
V. p. 196), Thai
of Aarang.ib, Vol
p.
152.
number
of oou&eillori
8n, BiuuchhuuapuU,
ww
11?.
ASHTA PRADHAX COUNCIL

Avji, Shivaji's chitnis
was a man
Not only did
ability
his
duties of
exceedingly
entrusted with the
ordinary
the
been
had
he
but
office,
exceptional
of
perform
he
57
further
task
delicate
of
down the behests of the great goddess

BhaVani communicated through Shivaji's mouth.*'
taking
said that
It is
a seat
the
in
had actually offered him
Shivaji
modesty
the
but
council,
The
great Prabhu statesman stood in his way.

duties
of
Malhar
lekhak
Ram Rao
will
write
he
should at
Chitnis Patra-
and
letters
royal
Divining what
correspondence.
heart
The
Chitnis.
all
enumerated by
thus
are
office
his
the
of
diplomatic
the
in
is
once cleverly put
king's
it
into
writing discussing the various aspects of the case.
He
should write
in
manner
such a
what
that
is
generally accomplished by war and great exertion,
hould
He
may
be
should
achieved
means
by
answers
write
to
of
letters
only.
the
letters
that
memorandum published
we come across the
by Rao Bahadur Sane
He should write
following entry under Chitnis
the State.
He
all official letters and papers of
come.**
In
the
write
should
'
answers
diplomatic
to
letters.
SiibhuMkd, Chirm*. Cb*t/niiupai mui nil ld ehrt*ifcU*rt u?ll n* that
ivhtMiever Shivaji hmi to
fact uny
fthnrnni umhI to t*ko pnoecrioti of
aieaprioouJ uiibralty, tbo

Him
tori)
At tho king lay no Pont cion* aU
than Id do
tta dlty
wm taken
Mamba
Feoplr?
by
BaUji
th
toll
him
goddoM
wli*r
Umo, tbo
Mlto
Rtoory
by Kincaid and Parnante.
Obitni*. p. 170.
doô
Avji.
and
Chitaia.
16*.
of
t.f
tku
THE MARATHAS
Sanads, deeds of grant and other orders to be

issued (to
written
according to
for the
Fadniss
the
On hand
papers.
The
of the other officers.
be
and no
only,
Chitnis
Such were
put his sign."
and
notes
should
there
signature
king's
framed
regulations
importance
letters of special
seal or the
be
officers in the districts) should
the
seal
should
alone
the duties
the
that
Chitnis had to perform.
is
Although
in
required
to
draw up
write
Chitragupta
no other
tells
official
All letters
extent
could issue deeds of royal grant.
be
written
by an
to
foreign
courts
office,
sent
and the Parasnis had
correspondence with the

wajir
Muhammadan
and
Chitragupta
Shivaji.
his
Mr.
work as
the Chitniss
Sane, P.
Gadnis.
Letters
from the
Dabir's
potentates
on
all
of Delhi,
his
carry
to
Emperor
44
.
contemporary
not
K.
V.
Raj wade has
of
described
mere elaboration of Sabhasad's
We
chronicle.
was
to
had to
forts
of
officer called
were
officers
answers
while
Chitnis,
commanders
from
letters
by others.
Fadnis alone and
the provincial and district
to
was
he
relieved
us that the
were written by the

the
correspondence and
all
state documents, in practice
all
considerable
to
the above regulations the Chitnis
do not get
official
duties
in
complete
Chitragupta.
list
of
This
T. B, p. 858.
Cbitrapupt*
Bukhar
(In the
Kavyetiboa Sanijraha),
pp
104-106

want. * however,
by
jabta
of
In that
era.
mentioned
year
first
of the coronation
document the Fadnis also has been
with
relation.
been removed
has fortunately
the
59
Chitnis
the
in
their
officer of
secretariat
subordinate
official
no gVeat importance in Shivaji's time, the Fadnis

rose to great power and authority during the
-The
Pcshwa regime.
the
of
income
account of
the
for
metropolitan
was only an assay
Potnis
treasury,
responsible
and
expenditure
the Potdar
while
The
officer.
had under them, besides
was
eight pradhans
their staff, the officers
charge of the eighteen karkhattas and twelve
in
What precisely their duties were we do

know.
The eighteen karkhattas and the
mahais.
not
twelve mahais were
follows
jus
The Eighteen Karkhanas

1.
Khajina
2.
Jawahirkhana
...
4.
5.
6.
414 Far tho jabta

4i Tli*
Bfllhirr
(p. RO)
Cash
...
Jew el store
Granary
...
Medicines
...
Artillery
...
Record Department
..
Ambar Khana
Sharbat Khana
Toph Khana
Daftar Khana
3.
:**
Appendix.
Ktrkh mu* are referred to in tlio

but tba numtfl ffiren by Rao Balo-lur
$*iu in ill*
footnote are iirniewhit diflTwrwnt.

r
It abonld bo noted that
110 c **>*!
3y
similar
for
bfm Under the handing mnh*t,

A|ipnirti*
Chi totV*
rti*i*ion of
inucance /.mclar
For
hi* liat
lh**e d^pnrt monf
Khana
it
phicvd
OhiUii*.
pp
7*r-7d
by
aad

7.
Jamdar Khana
Public treasury contain-
...
ing
Khana
Jirat
...
sorts of things.*
all
Corn Depot, according

Molesworth,
to
moury,
Ar-
according
to
R. V. Kosh.
Mutbak Khana
9.
Ushtar
10.
Khana
...
Kitchen
...
Camois and
their
trappings.
11.
Nagar Khana
12.
Talim
...
Khana
Pil Khana
Faras Khana
13.
14.
...
Band
Gymnasium'*
...
Elephant shades, etc
...
Carpets,
and
tents
accessories.
15.
Abdar
16.
Shikar
Khana
Khana
...
Drink
Game,
aviary, chase
and
allied materials.
Vmamkm
Jam da/ Khana
K&K
P-
2nd edition,
to tho Raj Ftrattihar
mlni*tr*Uou,
it
waa called
Pptnahiir JTcmA.
royal
Utl^nkha n*
Prol Sarknr
limn
or
Raghnnatli
fin
whool
0*). tod odds tint

Hare, hower er,
I
Pandit,
the
wardrobe according
Mughal
in
Ad.
Pirn*. BHab's
relit*d
Lexicographer.
on the
Raj
had a find-
hand knowledge of theee Karkkmw and Ke translated nfimihan*

aa mrnalltuhaU (p. 13) *nd the word is mentioned under ha heaiiuur
I
gtatfre Virga A. Th* Mamthi historian, referred fc by Prof, fiarkoi.

The
la ihorwfora parfaetly Hghl whan be calls ll a wrs#tllnf echr.id
MarsUiaa did eoa Mindly copy tho ki-lim in-t ilotirnis, through KHvuii
wm quH willing to txirrow good institutions from nil hi# ticifphlHHsri
For inaVtiioo Shirajia daru lth.inu had no Muhammadan prutocypv
(Sarkar,
Mughn! Adrainiaimtson. p 193) bat the word is a liberal

and 8bimjl
of tha Portugueao word caan do .r/bori,
translation
knnw
that
addition
to
bo
waa not
bringing a new thing into e list* non
TopkKnna bo dtcidsd
to
ham
a 'iamkhunn mm wall
when
in
ASHTA PRADHAX i'OCNUI.

Darn Khana
Shahat Khana
71
8.
Magazine
..
Conservancy Department.
/he Tvebe Mahals

l.
Potc
Treasury
2.
Saudagir
Merchandise
3-
Palkhi
Palanquins
Kothi
..
Warehouse a
granaries.
5*
Imarat
6.
Bahili
7-
Pagn
8.
Seri
Daruni
..
1.
12.
Chariots
Stables
..
Comforts
The Zenana
Cowsheds
Thatti
to.
1
Building
Tanksal
..
Mints
Sabina
Guards
It
ments
is
clear
that
from the
most of these
more with the

work of
or
officers
depart-
the
of
were concerned
household than with any
king's
imperial
name
public
interest
those
charge of
few of
them, on the other hand,
like
the
and the public treasury,
artillery,
fall
under a
of
his
the
mint,
different
category
in
Shivaji's
government and household
eighteen
therefore,
karkhanas
and
not a scientific
Pnbhftstid.
twelve
one.
pp.
division
affairs
mahals
But
into
was,
we cannot
THE MARATHAS
and ever engaged
enemies,
as
well
as of conquest,
departments on
modem
leisure
in
scientific division of
He had
lines.
eventful
his
sides by
all
war of defence
in
existing system
from the
copied
upon
man surrounded on
from a
expebt
evidently
and found
career
little
improve
to
it.
In his departmental duties
pradhans was assisted by a
each of the eight
staff of
eight
clerks.
They were
1.
The Dewan.
2.
The Mazumdar or Auditor and Accountant.
The Fadnis or Deputy Auditor.
3.
The Sabnis or the Daftardar.
4.
The Karkhanis or Commissary.
5.
6.
The Chitnis or Correspondence Clerk.
7
The Jamdar or Treasurer.
8.
The Potnis or Cash-Keeper.
:
11
The King
The king formed
the great pivot
rested this stupendous
hand that worked

easy
of
machine.
the
this
Not
eighteen
rnahals,
not
structure.
the
karkhanas
only
the
formed a
vast
eight
array
was
officers in
and
secretariat
Fadnis, Sabnis and Potnis, but

superiors,
His
but by no
gigantic
only
on which
the
officers
also
the
means
charge
twelve
as
the
their official
pradhans and the Chitnis,

of
Ur*ot DoS. V1
clerks
1,
Ifti
and
military
Sambhaji

commanders
and to execute
not
unconscious
playing,
any
but
inanimate
the
is
true,
they
were
it
great part
but
same time hardly having

existence.
Even the Pandit
at
the
officer
branch of
not
of
independent
Rao, the
They were
his great designs.
many machines,
so
out the orders of the Iting
carry
to
63
charge of the ecclesiastical
in
whose
Brahman
birth and learning might have given him some
advantage over his non- Brahman master, could
the administration,
hardly take any step without the cognisance
sanction
of
the
Even
king.
powerful
minister
necessary
to
of
consult
Kalush,
Sambhaji,
the
and
the
deemed
allit
kings pleasure before
he could authorise the re-admission of a repentant
renegade into
his
former caste after the necessary
penance." Everything depended on the personal

ability
and
nothing to check him except his
and
of
course
Muhammadan
the constant fear of a formidable

invasion.
alone that Sambhaji found

his
father's
the
to
It
is
old institutions his

*
RftJwaiU,
St.
I.Sl,
army,
father
for this reason
so easy
subvert
to
sorely
pressed
to revive
by the
some
of the
had found so useful
VoI. VIII, p. <W
Pot a further treatment of

Book II
it
was
this very reason -.Igain that
impelled Rajaram, while

imperial
It
the day after his accession
system,
throne.
victorious
There was
own good sense
qualities of the sovereign.
subject, th* rt+dtr
referred to
The system
required
I'H
MARATHAS
strong and
good
ruler.
was none among
Shivaji's
descendants who possessed the requisite
qualities,
Shahu,
After
there
why
Peshwas found it so easy to

do away with the central government
The eight
and that
is
pradhans
still
the
continued,
themselves
councillors found
situation.
never
civil
in
They
enjoyed
practice
called
duties.
became
master,
state
Fadnis, originally
gradually
rose
to
an
in
great
the
hereditary
an
anomalous
fiefs,
but were
upon to perform
The Peshwa,
in reality their
was
but
in
their
theory their equal,
prisoner.
The king, their

The Peshwa's
of
no importance,
superior.
officer
very
great
power,
and
the
government was transferred from Satara

But through all these changes and
to Poona.
revolutions, both bloody and bloodless, the village
central
communities survived unaffected, and the
Pesh-
was also found it convenient to continue the

provincial governments as they existed in Shivaji's
time.
APPENDIX A
A memorandum
the
duties of
the
of
year
the Sainbatsar being
the
writing
Kshatriya Kulavatansa
Chitnis of
Shivachhatrapati,
Shri Raja
Jeshtha
(enumerating)
of
dated
the
the
of
first
coronation
era,
Ananda by name
Of the letters and grant deeds to be issued

when a new inatu is granted to any one:
Letters to the grantee
Do
Mokdams
to the
should
be
written
by the Fadnis.
Letters to the Talukdars
Do
Subha and
to the
Manila
officers,
[
present and future
Do
should
be written
by the Chitnis.
Deshmukh,
Deshpande .and
to the
the
the Zamindars
Of
the
tnokasa,
letters
or
land
when
to be issued
as a
stipend,
is
a village
in
granted
to
any one
Mokdams
to the Talukdars
Letters to the
Do
Do
Do
to the
Kamavisdars
to the
Zamindars
Excepting the above,
should be written
by the Fadnis.
-j
should be written
by the Chitnis.
all letters
of
grant to any

should
one
answers,
orders
by
written
be
and diplomatic
The
by the Chitnis.
written
the
MARATHAS
Chitnis.
All
should be
letters
Chitnis should also
write reminders or notes about

1
Saranjams
2.
Sanads
3.
Professional rights
4.
Inams
Assignments (Varats).
5.
relating to lands
The rules about the Chitnis s duties and a

memorandum about them all, including those
customs duties
relating to
All
hauls to be issued about lands to villages
and provinces should be written by the Chitnis.
The Fadnis should

ments
proper
about
Of the sanads
those addressed
written
be
to
the
by
of
to
levied
new
the
(in
officers,
officer
Fadnis, those
(by
fixed
contribution
the
authorities)
country).
etc.,
write the kauls or agree-
the
foreign
Kamavis,
should
be
addressed to the
Zamindars and others should be written by the

Chitnis.
notes to be issued about Ghasdana
All
with notes
about
Fadfarmas should be written
by the Chitnis.
Letters for sending cash advance and presents
for
ceremonies
marriage
(in
the
Raja's
house)
Of these, if
by the Chitnis.
the Chitnis has written letters about sanads for
recovery of the sum advanced from the Mahals,
should
be
written
67
0
the
Fadnis
the
said
balance
should
sanad
of
has
revenue,
has been realised,

addressed
by
transfer of
the
the Fadnis.
to
the
mention
been
If
that
the
unrecoverable,
should be
it
and the remittance
should
All notes of
letters
recorded.
regarding
Chitnis,
shortage
following)
his
considered
letters
the
in
be granted by
remission (with regard
should
be
written
by
the
Chitnis
Land
When
2.
(revenue).
a remission of the due (balance)
is
granted.
When
revenue
(conditionally)
is
crops and
for failure of
remitted
the revenue
is
to be realised after inspection

All
to
letters
of
and possession
varshasans
inams,
old
of
may
that
nions and foreign
by
(warning) about
be
in force in
territories,
the Chitnis, enumerating
names
should
any
right
watans,
and
home domibe
written
the villages
and the
of the parties (interested).
When
enquiry
an old
about
watan
its
whether addressed
is
confirmed after a due
(proprietorship),
to
all
letters,
the watandar or Jilhedars
and Subhedars, should be written by the Chitnis.

Space should be left for any harki or skerni that
These gaps should be

up by the Fadnis with his own hands,
may have been

filled
promised.
stating the amouni.
68 ADMINISTRATIVE
new watan
If

inam
or
granted to any
is
one, the letter addressed to the grantee should be

written by the Fadnis stating the
AH
taken.
other
letters
sum
connection)
this
(in
(of rupees)
should be written by the Chitnis.
When
is
a Prayashchitta
is
man
prescribed, or a
to be (re) admitted into his caste, orders to the
Joshis and letters to the

or
Shudras,
or
to
Upadhres and Brahmans

any body else, should be
by the Chitnis. Harki and shela should

be taken by the government for the Prayashwritten
The Fadnis should make an entry
chitta.
so
All
much has been

letters,
any
without
the
Chitniss
(specifying the sum).
realised
the
if
transaction
is
be
to
made
about money, should be

the Fadnis
will
have
stipulation
business
that
nothing to do with them.

If
come
parties
for
after
decision
according to the
the
to
decision
each other,
with
quarrelling
court,
all
letters
(of the court) about
the harki to be paid by the winning and gunhegari

party, should be written
to be paid by the losing
by the Chitnis.
The
gari should be stated
Letters about
and gunhe-
total of harki
by the Fadnis.
contribution,
fines,
incomes (arising from) adultery cases,
harkis and
should be
written by the Chitnis

If
ones
it
an
assignment or varai
favour and
good,
the
there
Chitnis
is
is
made
any delay
should
write
in
in
any
making
reminders,
69
(requesting)
the
money
the
in
assignment.
(concerned)
officers
accordance with the terms

If
an assignment
hundred Rupees and there

in
of
is
is
pay
to
of the
made
of one
a shortage of
money
Mahal (concerned), and a fresh assignment

fifty Rupees out of the entire sum has to be
the
made,
done by the Fadnis. If an

assignment of on hundred Rupees is once made,
and if it is returned, and a fresh grant has to be
it
will
be
made, the document
to
is
any correction
Chitnis.
If
the sum,
(literally
less), the letters will
is
to be
sum
the
if
be drawn up by the
is
made about
either
more or
be written by the Fadnis.
All passports for travelling
and permission
for
establishing ware-houses should be written by the
Chitnis
Chitnis.
Summons should be written by the

Memoranda enumerating regulations for
and
watani Mahals, ports,
forts,
etc.,
should be
written by the Chitnis.
Letters about ammunition and

sent each
year to
forts,
to be
strongholds or military
outposts, or to be brought to the
from those places,
clothes
should
be
head
written
quarters
by the
any objection is to be raised about

these works, it is to be done by the Fadnis.
The Chitnis is to open envelopes and read
Chitnis.
If
(to the king) the letters
enclose and despatch
The memorandum
that
may come, and
to
letters.
of rules for
price of things should be
regulating the
drawn up by the Chitnis
jo

If
from the head quarters to
officers are sent
warehouse or a Pargana,
a village or a
to the
officer
District
all
letters
should be written by the
Chitnis.
confiscation
orders of
All
restoration
property
of
to
property and
of
its
owner, should oe
command
Letters for conferring (the
and strongholds,
etc., for setting a
imprisoning or
releasing
of) forts,
boundary, for
one,
should
be
intelligence
should
be
any
Letters
All
in
letters
which
royal
signature
and
documents
handnotes,
inserted,
should
seals,
be
by
w'ritten
forts
and strongholds, grants
to
is
with
Chitnis.
the
of
All
command
about the appointment to the
letters
of
political
by the Chitnis.
written
be
of
saramjam,
assignment
communication about any

customary
accompanied
by the
clothes
honour,
inam, or
watans,
of
or
by the
written
be
should
Chitnis, as well as letters specifying contribution,

fine,
harki
or
paid by the addressee),

a
list
of
these
officers there
of
and nazar
subscription
lie
and send
it
to the Daftar.
their
Closed
handnotes should be written by the
one but the Chitnis should put

handnotes.
be
should also frame
w ill accordingly make
income and expenditure.
(to
The
accounts
letters
Chitnis,
and
no
his sign in the
ASHTA PRADHAX COUNCIL

Kauls
(new inhabitants
settling
for
and interim kauls or assurance

should be drawn by the Chilnis.
place)
Letters for attaching
homestead,
or
Besides
Chitnis
was
the
in
or
fuels,
or
conferring
rice
lands,
in
any
deeds
house
should be
duties
enumerated
above,
the
charge of the Abdar khana and
Saraf khana also.^
3*nads
/bid, p.
anti Letter* edited bv

12ft.
Muwji aad Panama,
pp. 127-1^0-
APPENDIX
A
List of
Khajina.
the
Karkhanas compiled from

Raj Vyavahar Kosh
Treasury,
officer
where the cash
charge
in
styled as
POTE.
fs hapa la
Treasur)
The
officer is
Jamdar or the
The second officer
or Havaldar.
wherefrom payment
officer
chief
is
kepi,
is
the
is
Kosharaksh ka (treasurer).
is
the
is
made.
The second
Havaldar.
Jamdar, an accountant and the Potdar
or assay master
were also attached
to
this
department.
JAWAHIRKHANA.
Jewel
store;
the
officer
in
charge, Havaldar. his assistant Jamdar, and a
were employed by
jewel expert styled johari

this
department.
Khan a or
Jar
mentioned,
Gold
probably
store,
it
but
no
officer
is
was a sub-department
of jawahir khana.
Jamdar Khana.
dar; his assistant
ardrobe, chief officer, Haval-
Jamdar
a I'astra
Lekhaka
or clerk for keeping account of the department

is
mentioned.
Mudbakh Khana. Kitchen,

cook and
in this
taster,
connection
the
Mudbakhi
or
Ruckigraha, are mentioned
B
E
DAT
GCAW
APPENDIX
73
Khan A Jalasthana literally
ABDAR
department,
drinks but intoxicants
only
not
water
tobacco and opium on the one hand, and

musk, otto, essence of flowers and scented
like
the other,
on
oils
mentioned under
are
this
department.
Khana.
SHARAB
ine store,
the
officer
was the Sharabdar, tambul
charge
leaf
and
its
accessories are mentioned
in
or betel
in
this
connection
Dawa Khana. ispensary

Shikar Khana. viary
he department of carpets,
Faras Khana.
The officer in charge was styled
tents etc.
Havaldar.
JiRAT
Khana.
Havaldar,
the
rmoury
second
The
officer
chief
officer
Havalgir and a
clerk for keeping accounts of the departments.
No
separate
mentioned
given
in
Toph Khana
but in the
list
Daru Khana is
arms and armours,
or
of
connection with this department
toph
and daru (gun powder) are mentioned

ymnasium.
Tai.im Khana.
lephant stables, Mahavats or
Phil Khana.
(artillery)
elephant drivers, elephant trainers and elephant

keepers are mentioned under this department.
Paga.
Chariots,
tables.
Bah LI.
Shutarkhana.
Alam Khana.
I
it
is
styled a mahal.
amel
and and music.
10
stables.
74
administrative system of
Am BAR K
II
Grannarv.
ana.
mentioned
is
under
thf.
marathas
This department
durgavargah
or
forts
and herein probably lies the distinction between

Kotin and Am bar K/uifta.
IMARATI.
Buildings
mentioned under the
DaPTAR Khana.
ment.
Kothi.
The
department
this
also
is
forts.
ecretariat or records depart-
chief officer
This
rannary.
called Daftardar.
is
is
styled a
mahal and
comes under Janpadavargah or the provinces

As rent was paid in kind, it was necessary
for
revenue collectors
the
in
have Kothis or store houses
The
for grains.
styled
Havaldar.
assisted by the accountant
(Dhanya-
officer in
He was
the provinces to
charge of
and
lekhaka)
Kothi
another
is
subordinate
styled
Kothival who probably measured grains.

Chitnis's
of
list
Mahals and Karkhanas
Mahals
3.
Zenana
Pote Stores
Kothi Grannary
4.
Paga
5.
Thati
1.
2.
Daruni
Stables
7.
Cowsheds
Sheribag Comforts
Tankshala Mint
8.
Palanquins etc.
9.
Imarat
6.
10.
Buildings
Saudagiri Merchandise
APPENDIX
it.
12.
75
Guards
Jamdarkhana Wardrobe
Chaubina
The Karkhanas.
1.
2.
3.
khana
Pil
Elephant stables
Am bar
khana
Nagar khana
Toph khana
Grannary
Band
6.
Artillery
Sharbat khana Medicines
Abdar khana Drinks
7.
Shutar
4.
5.
8.
9.
khana Camels
stables
Tents
Shikar khana Shields
Karas khana
khana Gymnasium
Jawahirkhana Jewel store
10. Talitn
11.
1
2.
13.
14.
15.
16.
1
7.
18.
Kitchen
khana Armoury
Sharab khana Betel leaves
Gadi khana Conveyance
Jinnas khana Stores
Daftar khana
Mudbakh khana
Shile
etc.
Secretariat
Nat khana
Chitnis
Music
says
that
etc.
Shivaji
had about
three
hundred (300 to 350) elephants, about one thousand (1000 to 1500) camels, from two to four
thousand cows and five thousand buffaloes. A
glance at the
lists
given above
Maratha
Karkhanas
speaking
state
and
show that the

Mahals were really
will
departments and establishments
and not state owned or state controlled
factories.
CHAPTER
II
Revenue and Finance

Ranade was
not the only scholar to point
Like the first
that
Napoleon, Shivaji
was a great organiser, and

'
institutions
decade
of
in his
builder
Scott-Waring, writing
the
19th
century,
out
time
of
civil
the first
observes while
in
Sevajee carried on his predatory warfare, he was

not
inattentive
The
state.
growing interests of
to the
his
Kokun were secured

That was not all
The lands
lands
and defended
in
the
were secured and defended and suitable measures

were taken for the extension of cultivation and
improvement
according
midst
general
of
is
all
confusion,
this
said
the
to
state
have
warfare,
of the
and as
RMwfc.
Scott-Waring.
Jem*,
Mr.
prospered.*
Shivaji
Pringle
tt3.
IliirtrvrT of
and
The
introduced
dynasty's
Kennedy says
H. M. F., p. 113.
p.
In
revenue and
a flexible system that long survived his

overthrow,
Shivaji's
plenty though not peace.
not hard to find out
is
Jervis tells us that
popular traditions,
disloyalty,
population
reason
the
to
enjoyed
subjects
the
agriculture
of
th* Maiirotta*, p. Mb.
REVENUE AND FINANCE

The peasant
any great oppression .

Marat ha soldier that
constant
wars,
increased
in
without
great
the
to
his
ol
inspite
his subjects,
have enjoyed plenty and
should
is
It
But
originality.
factor
able
this
But
had
Shivaji
that
all
to follow in the foot-steps of another
man
great
pay
to
creditable
number.
do was
to
pay and
-4
certainly
is
to
knew what he had
he seems to have been able
It
77
originality
is
not an indispens-
statesmanship.
in
a practical statesman
expected
of
discern
the
needs
of
that
All
is
that he should
is
time
his
claim
cannot
true that Shivaji
adopt
and
measures to meet them. Whether these

measures are his own or not does not matter.
suitable
Akbar, one of the
of
some
what
the
Indian
rulers,
forgotten measures
long
revived the
frequently
of
greatest
known predecessors and with

known to us all. Shivaji also had
of his less
effect
is
keen discernment
of
statesman and he
could appreciate the good points, as he was fully
aware
of
the
defects
He found
ment.
system,
suit his
with
country
of
the
Malik
that
few slight
Ambar's revenue
modifications, would
and he revived
best
What Todar
Malik Ambar did
any
hesitation.
the
north,
KetUKMly, Uiitory of
Botnbay QuiKter,
thi
govern-
existing
Mall
for
Great M^huli. VdI.
Volamo
without
it
did
for
the
south.
II, p.
12&
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MaRaTHAS
78
The gTeat
who had served
foreigner,
country so
had
well,
ing
master's
his
recognise
its
While defend-
Shivaji.
kingdom against the
tottering
Mughal onslaughts,
to
work almost under the
to
same circumstances as
He
exhausted resources.
On
enemies,
of his
had
Abyssinian
great
the
ed with an open mind and adopted

system
adopted
his
revenue
the
the eve of
Nizamshahi kingdom enjoyed a set
work-
its fall
the
of excellent
was no one after Malik

Ambar to work them out. Like Todar Mall he
the
divided
classes
lands
arable
according
produce,
their
there
but
regulations,
to
roughly
assessment once for
all.
peasants
to
want
the
and
fertility
true,
is
it
He.
separate
four
into
ascertained
and
fixed the
however,
pay
did
While a
kind.
in
not
permanent assessment was made, a commutation or money price was also fixed for ever.
fixed
After fixing a
attention
his
one stroke
money
to
of his
Malik
rent
the
collecting
Ambar
turned
agency,
With
pen he did away with the
inter-
mediate revenue agency which had been gradually
assuming the character
He
then
officers
made
hereditary,
them responsible
government
Ambar's
the
for
dues.*
revenue
of
Patils
but
at
the
and
the
system
revenue
other
same time made
realisation
full
Such
farming system.
in
short
and
as
Bee Bombay Gasrtteer. Pxiga Volume and Jcnri*.
of
the
was Malik
some
pfi.
of
REVENUE AND FINANCE
79
had previously formed part of

the Nizamshahi dominions, the people there were
Nor was there any lack
not unfamiliar with it.
Shahaji's jagirs
of officials
who had seen
waste lands
the
revive
but
his
of
masters
wise
work-
actual
its
when he reclaimed the
Dadaji Konddev,
ing.
in
it
regulations
nothing
did
jagir,
great
the
of
Abyssinian. 1
But Shivaji was no blind

a
anything,
if
lover
of
Malik Ambars system,
While
it.
Shivaji did not
accepting
commit himself
Ambar had
Malik
strict
not
method
was,
;
and
certain respects, lacked
in
therefore,
He
imitator.
to
carefully
principles,
its
details.
all its
surveyed the
work was fraught with

many difficulties, more or less seripus. There
were different standards and units of measureand the
land,
ment and
survey
Shivaji
had to
find
out
standard
he could order a systematic survey*

Then again accurate measurement was imposThe length of a rope was
sible with a rope.
unit before
liable to
So
slight
land,
in
different
seasons.
the measuring rope had to be rejected.
Muhammadan
T
variations
rulers
Some
substituted the rope
had
Bombay 0xcUr, Poona Volume

Jerri,
enumerate* th* f4towinp
tumb
tlie
ut
ploaph
th* mnn, th*
land.
Th*
iwcocidlj
00dura* or oxbide ci
the
karika and to forth, thju
ItHuod* of
in
land,
tb*
land* rnQWrinir
to *ow them by which

moorn, mun, k&rikn and no forth of
rife the prodneo
otimate(l and th* *ovomro*ui har* ftxod, Jorvi*,
wu
Vf **37
8o ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
by the
tenab
'
replaced
kathi
it
was
or measuring chain.
by a kathi or a
was to be
fixed
made
in
length
tasus
But
Shivaji
measuring rod.
and
five cubits
The
length.
in
'
OF TH E M A RATH AS
The
(muthis)
five fists
the
of
regulation
Twenty rods square
also.
and one hundred and twenty

chavar. The unit of measurement
big ha,
bighas
being thus fixed, Shivaji ordered a survey
work
ment and the

18
was
the celebrated Annaji
It
surveying
of
entrusted to no less
Annaji
2.
can
able
Konkan
the
an
settle-
Datto, Shivajis Sachiv.
Survey
be safely asserted
Datto refused
and
that
survey
the
energy
necessary
He
important work
Horn
Babhaeod.
local
with
p. 32.
to
whose
Bon,
them
to
of
for
village
undertake
co-operation
the
govern-
knowledge
disqualified
them
co-villagers,
their
of
of
issued a circular letter
urging
officers
Annaji
irresponsible
whose lack
officials,
the work.
on
rely
to
than
officer
work was done with the utmost care.

ment
rod
this
some
interests
were
Bit achhatrnpaii, p.
Whether n map wa* aleo prepared wo do not know. Everything

depend* on the interpretation of dhurnny jhad (Bnhhaead. p. 32). Thn
word 2e aainteiiigiWe end Rno Bhahednr Sane give* rfnranp jod um mi
10
we accept
this eecond reading the sentence iuhv
aHeraotir* rending
If
mean
mup woe drawn.
that a biookxtr
aaroe that
it
does not teem praibto.
or chart of Shivaji*! time
But in three days prpor

I
wm
bavw no knowledge nf any
coming down to
no.
ei>
map
Far a aeaeible ugga(icii
about the meaning of the peaatgc ere Virtifui rhvtnrittar, p. 09 (1931).
RBVENUK AND FINANCE
directly invoked.
old
of this
down
come
has
letter
copy
circular"
and has been
us,
to
deciphered and published by Mr. V. K. Raj wade.
As
this
document that
the only
is
Konkan was conduc-
the bighaoni survey of the

ted by Annaji,
is
it
Rajwade to decipher
have yet to be
But
it
impossible
it
what has been read, that

these village officers was not
of
Datto
himself
revised
description, estimated its
pared his
own
and then com-
submitted by
the
possible
consequently, the king alone
was the
if
any error
It
clear
settlement could not be finished

V. K. Rajwtidp. M.
of Ihi-
these estimates
This circular
therefore,
is,
in
B. Vol.
in
his
Itmt; be ontod
ioglo, t.
survey
XV, pp SRH-STn
time
life
P..r
Krfrli.l.
l*U*r *ee Appeoilii, C. pp. 110 122

in
thU ronnortion 'hat Annaji by

work ot Mirrry ncttlr. *.*.
the only c.Bcr* charged witk tUe
Bind* n r
Shivaji's
this
that
was
letter
two years before
issued in 1678, only
the
these
of
interest
over-estimate
remained undetected.
Owmlatkm
each
of
the
only losing party
death.
every
In
village
yield,
was
It
to
not
villagers
revenue
one
figure with that
officers.
village
work.
their
he visited at least
district,
Annaji
proper examination.
accepted without a
'
by conjecture.
up mainly
appears from
the estimate
'
Mr.
for
Many gaps
words.
the
all
filled
and the sad
mutilation,
made
ravages of time have
important
this
that
pity
paper has not escaped
how
us
tells
iimitor work brin
PbrHwb.
'
Mo.Onn
with r.RMtl lo 8hlnl by
Sm- Rjwad, M.
I.
P., Vol.
XX.
pp.
Mnn
82 ADMINISTRATIVE
and had,
in
all
SYSTEM OF TUB WARATHA

commenced
probability,
in
late
his reign.
In
and A incabs
Cesses
j.
make numerous
tfie village commu-
those days people had to
contributions to the state, to
and even to those criminal tribes whose

the commercial
and
protection
or neutrality
nities,
classes
agricultural
purchase.
An
had to pay
his share of the land
the
state, at
ordinary
peasant,
time
harvest
including the artisans, and
village
handful
in
it
give
properly
is
essential
the
to
to
village
sale
for
the
the
at
(the
took a
scribe)
village
practice
revenue
officers
Kulkarni
the
pursuance of a very old
appreciate
Shivaji,
had
the
when he brought
and
headman and the
instance,
for
to
the
green vegetables of his garden

Patil
to
revenue
he
certain measure of grains to
market place, the
necessary
considered
reforms
have a clear
idea
To
of
of
the taxes and cesses that a peasant or an artisan
had
to pay.
Klphinstone has given us a
taxes and cesses that
prevailed
period but unfortunately no such

for the
preceding period
This
in
list
of
Peshwa
the
is
list
available
deficiency
however be made up by a careful scrutiny
of
can
the
Sanads or grant deeds published in Mr. V. K.

Rajwades Marathyanchya Itihasancki Sadhanen,
Mawji and Parasnis's Sanads and Letters and the
REVENUE AND FINANCE
Mandal
less
than
Bharat
the
Transactions of
taxes,
fifty
duties), a formidable
some
once
on
collected
in
But
indeed.
list
be remembered that
levied probably
Sanshodhak
Itihas
These papers mention no

cesses and abwabs (extra
Poona.
of
83
time,
life
occasions,
special
taxes
were
others
were
these
of
should
it
some
while
of
them were undoubtedly confined to a particular

About their nature and incidence the
locality.
Sanads
enlighten
hardly
enumerate
customary cesses,
all
gations from which the grantee

is
is
state,
simply
and
taxes
obli-
exempted.
mentioned
clear that all the taxes
not exacted by the
They
us.
were
below
nor did they
all
It
prevail
same revenue area and never was the

same man in any locality subjected to all the
the
in
taxes, cesses
and other
financial obligations of his
native Pargana.
1.
Beth Begart
2.
Farmasi
furnished
public
Forced
on occasions
upon
order
petty
article
11
Tliii tax
XV,
war* tux
p.
ift
173
the ryots
mmiM>oed
It
or
in
'
Rajas and
to
the
trifling
by
villages
* document
of
any
work exacted
Government or a
Molesworth.
therefor# teems
etc.,
on the authority
officers,
public officer.
Vol.
vegetables,
Fruit,
their
from
labour.
dated
1675.
pruUbl# that
all
Bee M. 1.8,
then cee
*od the etui# duniiiidu mtftMiUdnteri a* Jorvii
uwru
An
occasional
often paid
THE MARATHAS
contribution
of service."
commutation
in
kind
in
Elphinstone.
Relekati
3.
exacted on
tax
mencein**nt
(Balkati,
harvest.
of the
com
the
cutting ears of corn) Thomas, Revenue
Resources of the Moghul Empire,

Pniposi
4.
p. 19.
Cannot he positively identified
probably a tax paid
kind by the shoe-
in
The
shoemakers claimed the

u
special right of paying their dues in kind.
makers.
5.
Xfejbani
6.
Mohimpnti
tax
literally
dinner tax.
Expedition
ces*
14
a similar
mentioned by Kautilva,
but
need not go to such a remote age.

like this
was
levied
we
a tax
Portuguese
by the
Indian Estate.
in their
7.
Knrchapati
8.
Telpnti
Cannot
Oil
ces'
be identified.
perhaps
levied
for
illumination on festive occasions.
Tup
9.
tax
in
levied perhaps on
kind
manufacturers of ghi.
10.
Fuski
toll
levied
on green vegetable-
sellers.
1
1.
Sudilonr
comprehensive term
for
any
contingent charge.
FUjwa.l', M.
It
not,
I. S.
hoover,
XX. p
clear who
Vol.
12.
paid the
com
fend
on win! Oceanian
'
REVENUE AND FINANCE

12.
Tutfati
means a
Literally
losses.
in
Kasar
'
Janjira to cover
any deficiency
the loss
in
ment.
Prof. Pissurlencar
was
tax to cover
might be similar to
It
charged from Khots
it
85
measure-
of
that
thinks
similar to but pattt of Portuguese
India.
13.
Jervis thinks
Idsuhratb
kind
paid
by
oilmen
on the occasion of
14
it
was
a tax in
for illumination
Id.
Arches
Toranbheti
receiving
for
dis-
tinguished guests.
A cess levied on transport camels.
15.
Ut
16.
A tube
mango
17.
Karujuti
it
18.
tax
levied
on the produce
ol
trees.
Cannot
be
Has
identified.
any relation to Karus, artisans
Hejib Probably means
the
perquisites
an insignificant village officer of the

same name. Hejib is mentioned in an old
of
document published in the Itihas Sungrafta Aittkasik Chari tren, pp. 22-23.
,
19.
I'athevari
it
20.
The meaning
is
uncertain
is
Patwari, a tax levied for village officers?
Ashvajakati
This tax
is
duty on sale of horse.
mentioned by many Portu-
guese authors including Barros.

21.
Setsara
A tax on arahle land.
THE MARATHAS
22
Barhad
Taka
bharad tax
Set Bail
24
Jangampati
lax
Peshkasi
the
26.
Probably
Portuguese India
duty on transport cattle.
jangatn
is
a lingayat.
III.
Same
Mughal
as
Pa'shkush of
the
period.
Hu may mi Sike means
Patisike
This tax must be analogous
Kar-i-Hu may uni
a seal.
to
Bat-
A tax levied for
cele-
chhapai of the Peshwa

27.
to
similar
on the Jangams or Saiva lingayats
sec Book
25.
of
23.
'
periled
brating the royal birth Hay

28.
Thanebhet
In
Portuguese
India
had to feed small bands
villagers
sepoys visiting the locality

a
the
Probably
existed
obligation
similar
of
some
in
parts of Shivajis kingdom.
29
Dasrapati
Is
occasion
of
on
goat
Dasra
cess levied on the
Wc
know
that
the
Patil
Peshwa regime
under the
received
it
some presents
the
in
kind, eg., a
Sleeman
Dasra day.
noticed a somewhat similar practice

Central
they
In
India.
the
place,
first
(Thanadars) levy a fee
in
one
of
rupee from every village at the festival

'
ilfto
Taka
an
litorolly
iKXT*i*5itu
The houi*
in
com
oil
IHS
vjt
of
Mittu*
Hit
four
a
weiMinjr
a*v:r*ff*u*
of
fthiturai
n anna - Mol** worth

a
no; tU1 mid MiittogKja
celebrated,
tr
Molmvrortb.
Lajrtj |iuti
pkw
B*rh*d^hur
Ia
it
it
REVENUE AND FINANCE

of
Holi
the
that
of
Hambies
217.
p.
was
February, another at
in
Dasehra
the
87
October,"
in
and Recollections Vol. II,

The Ramoshi, Sarnaik also
,
the present of a goat
to
entitled
from the neighbouring villages on the
Dasra day.
Sec
and present
condition of the
Ramoossies,
30.
Husur Bhet
31
Halpati
Ahisthan
33.
Virahisthan
34.
Mohatarfa
Many
Tribe of
p. 58.
32.
Origin
Mackintosh,
Cannot be
identified.
tax
cesses
fall
on
shop-keepers.
under
general
this
heading.
Thaljakati
35.
Custom
goods while
36.
Palbhara
duties
in transit
May
be
levied
on
through land.
a tax
on
green
vegetables,
Il
religious cess.
37.
Ulphapati
38.
BakridT
39.
Sardesmukhpati
Cannot be identified
Same as Sardcshmukhir
EHfAu HtexulW moans unhooked grata gW*n
Bet) Bit
lliarefore
probable that tho
com
Alms
In
wm
u>
mondicaulf.
toned for charlubto
porpoaca.
,f
May be on*
of tho^numoroo*
popular feetirmla, either Hindu or
rmiei
levied
UnbAmmAdan.
for the expense of
40
Mashahira Same
Mughal Rulers.
41.
Gaonkhandi
OK THE MARATHAS
Rasad
as
Cannot be
of
the
identified.
A tax grain.
Ttji Bheii Cannot be identified
kind levied on
Jhadjhadoda A cess
Datti
4 2.
43.
in
in
44
the
of
fruits
village
generally
trees,
collected at the rate of one per hundred

or tamarinds
mangoes
Tax
on
Bargujar
45.
the
Paun
where
city
the
Jenkins, Report 00
Nagpore
Rajah of
/nampati
46.
is
near
fields
cultivated."
the Territories of
p 228.
An occasional tax
imposed
in
times of exigency on Inamdars.

47.
Akhdttldtvani
48.
Kar
/ ran rati
Cannot be ascertained.
meet building
to
tax
expenses
An
Yihtr huda
49.
watered from
Mention
is
made
tax
extra
on
lands
wells.
of another
abwab, Sinhasanfatt
coronation tax. levied on the walandars at the
or
time
of
taxes
Shivaji's
do not
appear
had been abolished

*
coronation.
in
in
Most
Elphinstonc's
the interval.
Kajl, H.I.fc Tot XVI.p. 12
of
these
list
and
REVENUE AND FINANCE

Principle of Assessment
4.
Datto had fixed the rent at
Annaji
produce,
gross
the
of
deipanded a consolidated rent of
c.
afterwards
Shivaji
but
33#
40^
10
when
p. c.
w
and extra cesses had been abolished.
Neither tagni nor the istasa principle was un-
all
the taxes
" Cattle should
known in his time.

new rayats
the
may come.
that
money
for
(buying)
seeds
should
Grain
and
money
should
be
maintenance and
sum
the
given to
be
Grain and
be
given
should
given.
for
be
their
realised
two or four years according to the means of the

Sabhasad, new
In this way, says
debtor.*
in
were encouraged to come and
settlers
settle in
Rent-free land was granted
Shivajis dominions.
founding a market town by Shivaji's minister
for
Moro
extra
Pingle.
It
11 This HtntemRnt
baft
i*
urrired
him
one could travel with-
competent authority and
l*ed on SibtlMtd
hare
of theea tinea continued to
certainly
No
were retained.
out a passport from
Konkau,
though
had been abolished, the customs
cesses
duties
certain that
also
is
B*kKw nd
Major Jerri*'*
already pointed oat in h previous note, aom
ba levied
but,
till
we do
Shivaji'e
Dot
know
death atd a few

for cortaie.
whether
they were itato dna* or porquiiitee of village officers or cetaes levied by

villajra
tion
coiuaiuoitxm,
wa cannot challenge the accuracy
without further investigation.

Jerv,
* 1
im
p.
Salhamd,
W.
p. 33.
Pen, givachbfttrapati, p. 37.
Rajwada, II.L8-, Tol. XX,
13
p.
08
of this aaior-
90 ADMINISTRATIVE! SYSTEM OF
mentions a
Fryer
customs
THE MARATHAS
stationed
officer
at
Kalyan*
We
know, from many published documents,
how much
he
bigha
No
the
peasant
down
to
figures
during
cultivated,
such document
of
Shivaji s
time
his
what sources we do not know.

improper
be
ever,
Peshwa
the
quote
to
will
It
the
all
amount
the
has come
of
lands,
how-
not,
what they
for
is
commonly
measured and
that he (Shivaji)
indeed,
classified
period.
these figures here,
and the reader may accept them

are
Says Jervis. It
worth.
believed
each
for
Major Jervis has quoted exact

work on the Konkan, but from
us.
in
had to pay
and then
ascertained
produce from one or two
their
each Muhal of the Ouchitgurh.

Rygurh.
Rajpooree.
Soowurndroog, tnjunvel.
villages
in
and Veejydroog
Rutnagiri
districts,
years, from which data he established
successive
the rates, half in kind, half at

rate
tion
differing
each
in
the
of
heads;
12
former
"
way
Talooka, to be paid
it
Fryer,
distinctions.
right, within
1SJ
mom
a mile nr
%
till
classifi-
retaining
still
neighbouring Seim Oi i
in tbo
CMfrfi
p.
first
that Hebei's Country)
aboat nlo
in bin
The
mult or dhtmf, under
lands
four
known
oa Uio
Till
Into
the
well
}H>MflMiioo to tbn
rice
commuta-
fixed
by the beegah of each sort of land

cation
three
for
Wind
which
anl
Uvui,
their
first
and
of Unlltun limy yield

City
(the
tldu favouring
morning, nod wrr** civilly treated by
the Haraldar could bu acquainted of
Koj tkia
wi landed
tlir
my
CuaUimer
arrival/
REVENI H AND
Doom
INANCF.
'
Dooyoom second sort Seem

Charoom or Charseem fourth sort.
third sort
muns the second
The first was assessed at
1
at 10, the third at 8, the fourth at 6$ muns
best sort
or
The remaining eight descriptions
annexed
and
qualities,
respective
rates.
st,
discriminating
were
assessed
soil
bhatty lands
Khuree,
4th
Toorwut,
salt
lands
stony
the
at
small
2nd, Kharwut, lands
the neighbourhood of the sea or
times called
their
which
on
Raupal,
wood grows
stunted brush
in
names,
following
by' the
land went
of
soil
some-
rivers,
3rd Bawul, rocky
5th
Kuriyet
or
with pulse hemp, etc.
cultivated
13 (sic) Manut, lands with

uncleared, as
still
trees
the
near
roots
large
of
and
Indapur
Gorcgaon.
Raupal
...
Kharwut
Bawul
Khuree
Kureyat
8 maunds per beegah.

M
^4
Irst sort
Ruho
Toorwut or
)
'
Katahnee
Manut
If
II
11
1*
If
ii
ti
Subsequently the wretched
cultivators have
planted small spots on the most rocky eminences.
wherever a
portion
of
little
soil
water
lodged,
and the
favoured the growth of rice
least
;
this
92
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAR ATHAS

about
Unjunvel
sirwut,
the
Rutnagiri
and
Talookas, and have been classed under two heads,
is
frequent
both
called
maunds, the
of
the
latter the half of
jamin
or
as
demand
sorts
At
when
for arable plots,
waste
there
nangar
11
was a greater
from
were
these
also
says
Jervis
plough
or
some
all
The
with
rent
not
six
or
their
fertility
of the crops raised.
following scale
of
taxed
by
by
such
the
for
lands
Harik
at
hal,
bigha.
bighas
of
revenue
varied not
Major Jervis gives us the
at
soil
3$ maunds per
and 3 maunds in
inferior soil.
at 3
but also with the nature
Nachni was assessed

nangar in superior
Wari
at
the
seven
counted as one
were
assessment,
that these tearkus
and
instances
lands
purposes.
only
were
and waste lands of
dongur lands were assessed
such
lands
a village was assessed
were exempt
they
ultimately
In
harvests.
were gradually brought under the plough.
moderate scale.
or
other
for
spread,
cultivation
first
but
fixed
uncultivable
generally excluded
But
3$
the produce
.**
Special rates were
Vajat
that
at
would be about 16 bushels per
kind,
first
beegah
former assessed
maunds and 2^ maunds.
3 maunds.
Fnr thoio dgnrc*
Bajir**#,
w J*m.
I. 8.,
Yol.
pp. tH-97.
XX..
p.
fH
REVENUE AND FINANCE

Other kinds
Besides
raised
often
of inferior
produce
at 1}
maunds.
principal
harvest
the
peasants
crop on
second
These second crops were
lands.
the
special
rate
according
effect
deteriorating
the following figures
Turmeric
93
Fivo
on
class
first
also assessed at
their
to
the
the
land.
and
nature
Jervis
gives
bigha,
each
maunds
per
bigha being } actual measurement.

Hemp Five maunds per bigha. each bigha
being
actual measurement.
Sugarcane
maunds
to 3$ of
Peshwa government
as those
The
of
cocoanut
believe
for
This was
so did the government.
and
made
was
had to wait long
practice in the
6}
by
the
such costly plantations
for
sugarcane,
planter
from
raw sugar per bigha.
consideration
Special
assessed
cultivation
and
any
the
betelnut.
profit
and
common
Deccan during the Peshwa regime,

the
existed
principle
also
in
Shivaji's time
5.
Revenue Divisions ami Revenue Officers
The provinces under
Shivaji's rule were styled
Swarajya to distinguish them
from Mughlai or
provinces under other (generally

rulers.
The Swarajya was,

11
j>p.
for
94-97
Muhammadan)
revenue purposes,
94 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTRM OF THR

divided into a
number
MARVTHAS
of Prants consisting of
two
more Districts. There were in all 16 provinces

under Shivaji's government according to Rinade
or
They were
1.
Maval.
2.
Wai.
3.
Satara.
4.
Karad.
5.
Panhala.
6.
South Konkan
7.
Thana.
8.
Trimbak.
9.
Baglan.
10.
Wanagad.
11.
Bcdnorc.
Kolhar
2.
13.
Shrirangapatan.
14.
Karnatik
15.
Vellore.
16.
Tanjore.
But
we
drawn
The
get
document,
writing
number
a jabta *
in
the earlier years of Chhatrapati
in
partly
larger
in
written
Marathi,
of
is
partly
supposed
Shankraji
Shahu.
Persian
in
to be in the
Malhar.
It
and
hand-
gives
the
boundary and divisions of the Swarajya as under
Rinode,
"
SUwJI, J.bft* Sw*ry*. J.B Br R A.B
It.
U.
P. t
pp 117-118.
.
Vd. XXII,
pp. 36 -8S.
REVENUE AND FINANCE

stood
in
provinces enumerated
i.
2.
The
Shahus time.
in
following are the
Shahu's jabita Swarajya:
Subha Ramnagar including Ghandevi.

Jawhar Prant.
tf
tl
Prant Bhiwadi (12 Talukas).
4*
If
K alvan
5*
11
Cheul (6 Talukas).
6.
II
Rajpuri (12 Talukas).
(20 Talukas).
Javali (18 Talukas).
8.
>1
Dabhol
>1
to.
II
12
II
(11 Talukas).
Rajapoor (18 Talukas).

Kudal (15 Talukas).
Prant Bhimgad (5 Talukas).
Prant Phondc (5 Talukas).
Prant Akole (5 Talukas).

Poona (6 Talukas).
5-
11
Baramati.
II
Indapur.
11
Prant
Prant
It
Prant Satara (6 Talukas)
16.
78.
>9
20.
21.
11
II
Mawal
Wai (4
(13 Talukas).
Talukas).
Kurhad (9 Talukas)
Prant Khatao excluding Kasba
Khatao (1 Talukas).
Prant
22.
23
Man
11
Prant
II
Prant Phaltan Mahal.
2 4'
11
2 5-
26.
11
27.
9$
ll
(4 Talukas).
Prant Belgaum
Sampgaon.
Gadag.
Laxmeshwar.
g6 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
Subha Nawalghund.
28.
29.
Kopal.
3 -
Halyal.
Betgiri.
3-
32.
Malkapur (4 Talukas).
33
Prant Panhala (10 Talukas).
34
35
36
37
list,
Tarle (5 Talukas).
Ajcra (51 Talukas).
we
Prant Junnar (24 Talukas).

Kolhapore.
II
VI
Some
of these
think,
may be
fairly
Shivaji s
kingdom.
improve
the
no
THE MARATHAS
leisure.
later additions,
the division
of
Sambhaji had no mind
to
represents
and
Rajaram had
therefore,
probable that
administration
It
not,
is
many changes had been made

division
the
of
but this
the
in
territorial
kingdom before the accession
of
Chhatrapati Shahu.
had done away with the agency of

such old hereditary officers as the Patil and the
Kulkami in the village and the Deshmukh and
Shivaji
the Deshpandc
the
enjoyment
in
of
They were
the district.
their old
directly appointed by the king.
for
in
dues but the work of
revenue collection was entrusted
been divided by the
left
to
new
officers
The country had
Muhammadan government
revenue purposes into Mauja, Pargana, Sarkar,
and Subhas
Shivaji abolished, or to be
curate, modified these old divisions.
the country
was divided
into
more ac-
In his
Maujas, Tarfs
time
and
REVENUE AND FINANCE

The
Prants.
officer
in
97
charge of a
Tarf was
Karkun or, in some rare inThe officer in charge of

stances, Paripatyagar.
a Prant was variously designated as Subhedar,
Karkun or Mukhya Deshadhikari. Over several
Prants was sometimes placed an officer called
Sarsubhedar, to supervise the work of the SubheThese officars. like the Kamavisdars and
dars.
the Mamlatdars of the Peshwa period, had to look
The
after all the branches of the administration.
styled as Havaldar,
Subhedar's
ment
staff
consisted of
the
usual
comple-
of eight officers, vis.
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Dewan.
Mazumdar.
Fadnis.
Sabms.
Karkhanis.
Chitnis.
Jamadar.
Potnis.
The Subhedar usually had an annual salary of

four hundred Hons a year, including the palanquin
allowance.
While his Mazumdar's pay varied
from one hundred to one
five
Hons
a year.
hundred înd twenty-
The Mazumdar
the proud privilege of carrying

public occasions
tioned'
enjoyed
a sun-shade on
and a small allowance was sanc-
by the government
t# Abdagir,
'3
also
for
its
upkeep.
9$ ADMIN'ISrRVNVK SYSTEM OF THE MAK.VTH \S

Havaldar
charge
in
of
a small
allowance of three
to be contented with a paltry

to
*
five Hons only a ye ar
The Katnavisdar and the
the
Mamlatdar under
for a short
Peshwa regime, though appointed
term, were generally allowed

for
had often
village
life,
and to transmit
public office was
and
ministration.
to retain their office
under Shivaji's ad-
hereditary
Magistrates and Commis-
like the
Havaldars,
sioners of British India, his Karknns,
and Subhedars were, as a

to district and
district
carefully compiled by Mr.
in
province
6th,
province.
of
list
officers
Bhashkar Vaman Bhat
17th,
31
8th and 20th volumes of
Marat hyanchya
Raj wade's
Mr.
by a
to
from
and documents published
official letters
the 15th,
transferred
rule,
This can be clearly proved
from the
No
to their heirs.
it
Itihasaitchi
Sadhaunt.
In
officers
Mr. Bhat
were
the years
in
s list,
we
the
find that
following
charge of the several districts
marked against
their
for
names:
Havaldar.
Nimb
...
Yesaji
Ram
Haveli
...
Ainaji
Kanho
Koregaon
...
Bhimaji Malhar
tf*blt**ml.
pp.
BK*nt
IZM3I.
|.
#1.
Ilitjii
...
1676 A.D.
...
1676 A.D.
...
1676 A.D.
Sir* Oilia'.rmpati. p.
Staaliodbak
Maori*),
3f>
Tntfja
Satnisieliui
Vrittft
REVF.Nl'F.
Tarf Satara
AND PINANTF.
...
Kukaji Bayaji
...
1675 A.D.
...
1676 A.D.
..
1677 A.D.
...
Mahadaji Anant
...
Tukaji Prabhu
We
99
possession
are not in
complete
of a
list
and we do not know whether in

other districts also officers were changed so often
Our information about Subhedars
as in Satara.
of Havaldars.
and Sarsubhedars
is,
more satisfactory
however,
and the working of the principle of a short term

appointment and occasional transfer can be very
by the
conveniently proved
from Mr. Bhat's
following
instances
fist
Subhedars.
Wai Prant
...
Yesaji Malhar
1*
'
II
#1
II
II
II
II
II
l|
Jawli
1676 A.D.
1679
D,
1687 A.D.
1690 A.D.
II
1696
D.
Anaji Janardan
1697 A.D.
Viroram
1664 A.D.
Yiththal Datto
II
...
...
1671-1672
A.D.
l
Ambaji Mordeu
II
Gopal Rayaji
1677
Kashi Rangnath...
1680 A.D.
Ganesh Jogdeu
Venkaji Rudra
...
1672 A.D,
...
1677 A.D.
M
Prant Kol
M
Prant
II
>
Puna
l
...
Tryambak
Vinayak Umaji
...
Gopal...
...
1676 A.D.
A D
1679 A.D
1681
A.D
IOO
It is
Shivaji
the
also certain that
and continued down to the
8th century
so
far as
Mr Rhat
lias
Mudradharis or
produced the following
officers in
of
of
In support of this
of
list
charge of Sajjangad:
1676 A.D.
Katkar
Jijoji
decade
first
appointment
the
Mudradharis was concerned.

view
survived
principle
this
Do
1682 A.D.
Makaji Katkar
Barhanji Mohite
1689 A.D.
1692 A.D.
1699 A.D.
Do.
Bhonsle
Girjoji
1708
Do.
709 A.D.
Yesaji Jadhava, from

1
1709 A.D
1712 A.D.
Falgun
th
Satbaji Daval
Mr. Bhat further points out that Ambaji Mordeu,
who was Subhedar
the office of the
of Jawli in 1676,
occupied
Subhedar of Satara from
1683-
Mahadji Shainraj, Subhedar of Jawli from

1706-1708, was formerly in charge of Prants
1685.
Satara and Mawal.
From
officers
in
the
were
multiplicity
from a
of
duties
these
Public opinion
was not offended if a Havaldar

his way to take a small present
traveller
from an aggrieved
grievances.
their
liable to Corruption.
those days
went out
of
Dr.
for
granting
petitioner
Fryer,
who
for
his
passport, or
redressing
visited the
his
Maratha
REVENUE AND FINANCE

dominions towards the close
has
left
When
a quaint
account
came
before the
Doctor,*
an Hovel
where were
him
found
Accrompt Rooks, writing

his
Privy council,
advise
was
my
desired
such an occasion.
Governor,"
says
many Brack mins with

at some distance nearer,
;
whom
on
Interpreter
seemed
he
his
Left
and
him
my
acquaint
to
He made
my
culty,
and
me
told
must
piece
it
return
to
to
hand,
Errand, withal intreating his Favour for
passing the Hill:
the
though under
State,
in
career,
Shivaji's
of
of
with
placed
!Ol
secure
of
diffi-
Bimly
for
Orders, to whose Havaldctr he was accountable,
him
not to
Gulleon
of
a days journey from

ing
this
having
bore
been
which was within
whence
myself
informed
set
him with
being
own
him of
telling
English,
and
lined
my
with Pearl,
What
search,
and
Canister
or
my Horse
sold
towards
that
account to Cure a
to
of
at
him:
Temper
Trunk,
somewhat out
had brought were
sufficient,
Kindness to the
friendship
could,
and sweetened
him to a yielding
hoping to suck
ing,
Masters
their
which worked
he scrupled
Authority
his
advantage they
the
take of a disturbed Countenance

his
Hear-
forth.
sedately as
as
of
half
might
the
me
his
yet
be
Enemy,
I
reply-
liberty
to
went only on an amicable
Sick
Person
Frrer.pi 127.
and should be
102
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MARA THAS
as ready to serve him,

quite pawled but
if
required,
perceiving
Fury was
his
hungry look to
an
hang on them all, and suspecting lest they should

made a small Present,
serve me some Dog-trick,
I
and he signing the
Pawn
Bundle of
The hungry
are
the usual
revenue officers
But good
is
kings,
over
them.
served
by a
very
ment.
It
charge
ovcrscrupulous
exercised a
Shivaji. in
efficient
The work
whether
century
7th
rule,
an old practice
particular
intelligence
in
India
of District
strict
of
to
was
depart-
employ
government
and
Provincial
Amatyn and
us that The
was supervised by the Pant
the Pant Sachiv.

district
watch over the conduct
servants.
officers
the
as
control
spies to
presents
too serious to be overlooked.
Kuropean were not
is
at Parting.
Doctor brought against Shivaji's
officers in
or
with a
another
but
pardonable,
that the Knglish
Asiatic
Ceremony
look and the weakness for
perhaps
Public
me
dismissed
Pass,
accounts
Kanade
had
tells
to he sent to these
officers,
and were there collated together, and irregularities

These officers had power
detected and punished.
to depute men on their establishments to super* Shivaji.
vise the working of the district officers.'
moreover, was very keen about the success of his
government and wanted that

11
p.
See
Kft'ttily*.
ArUiatltMt*** translated by
to.
his administration
RnnuiU*,
11.
P..
p. 125.
Shama
Shnetry.
REVENUE AND FINANCE

compare
should
favourably
Muhammadan neighbours
sound
revenue officers
Fryer says
Public
were
regulations
Good
private
Interest
Offices for their
rob them,
Customs
did.
or
They
tradc
and
if
his
arbitrarily
as
neither
for
no
Base
inviting
Mer-
them,
them
Comer
in
indeed
refuse
among
turmoil
else
his cares
arc
own Commodity,
always
They
his
of
Honesty, but their own
only:
come and
chants to
41
that
all
fruitless
Common
or
But
worked as
really
they
with
10$
and then
on account of
getting
more
for
themselves than their
Master, yet openly must

seem mighty zealous for their Master s Dues
So that Trade is unlikely to settle where he
hath anything
to do
notwithstanding
his
Country
no Goods can
mission
along
lies all
be
the
transported
unless they
on
and
Sea-shore,
without
Per-
his
go a great way about, as we
are forced to do.
by no means the worst that the Eng.

traveller has to say
against the Maratha
This
lish
is
He continues"
officers.
mity,
and much
be
to
Sera Gi
them
is
a General
deplored,
Complaints of the poor

are rather compelled
It
Cala-
hear the
to
People that remain,
to endure
the
Slavery
or
of
The Destes have Land imposed upon
at double the
refuse to accept
it
former
on these hard
BojwwJ*. M.
1.
and
Rates,
Vol. VIII,
if
Conditions
*.
they
(if
to.*
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARAT HAS
Monied Men) they are
carried
they are famished almost

tortured most inhumanly
it
is
have now
Thev
a
till
racked and
they confess
Limbo
in
whose Flesh they
wins,
death
to
there
Prison,
to
where
Brack
several
with pincers heated
tear
Red-hot, drub them on the Shoulders to extreme
Anguish (though according to

bidden to strike a Brack min).
tomed Sawce
India over,
all
Law
their
This
the
is
it
is for-
the accus-
Princes
doing
the
same by the Governors, when removed from

Offices, to squeeze their illgot
their
of
them
which when they
have
may be employ'd again
be they
Desks
the
fashion
done,
out
may
it
And
after this
the
Co rubies
with
deal
Instates
so that the Great Fish prey bn the Little, as
well
by Land as by
Sea, bringing not only them, but
their Families
into
was
opinion
of
Bondage/'"
Eternal
even
that
Bijapore
Fryer
rule
was
facts,
the
milder than that of Shivaji.

Fryer's account
If
Fryer
had
Shivajis
means
his
was
country
the
state of
made
only
dominions and
long.
It
borne out by
is
terrible
short
adored
referred to
as
of
,#
through
was by no
an
experience or
any other kind.

king,
ideal
institutions
his
But
does not appear probable that
hand knowledge
is still
trip
his stay there
account was based on personal
first
indeed.
with
Fryer, pp. 146-147.
and
Shivaji
people
admiration
in
REVENUE AND FINANCE
105
days of anarchy and misrule. Traditions may be

exaggerated, but they are never entirely baseless.
Traditions attribute
to
such
good
to the
memory
James
II.
memory
Shivaji*
of
is
John and
kings as
a very important
It is
any tribute
paid
hitherto
such bad
of
institutions
Alfred and Elizabeth,
as
rulers
but legends have not
good
sorts of
all
point that the
by
cherished
still
the
people of Maharashtra as that of a great and good

king.
If
he had
tortured
really
and
officers with red hot pincers
turn
had
out
dealt
been
Desais, Shivaji would not have
the
tyranny of
It,
allow his officers to force

at
an exorbitant
rate.
and
men and
enemies.
defiled
on
lands
from
Far
holy places
of
he
should
the
Desais
molesting any
any
his
the
insult
to
Muhammadan
Although many temples and idols were

Muhammadan
by
desecrated
and
bigots, Shivaji never failed to
the Quran, he
some
We
Deshpandes.
that
Brahman, Shivaji never offered

holy
revered as
peasants from
poor
seems improbable
therefore,
the
to
Maratha had
great
Deshinukhs
the
their
in
Shambhu Mahadev.
have already seen how the

striven to liberate
they
treatment
similar
an incarnation of Shri
Brahman
his
of his
might
Muslim
come
officers.
send any copy
of
possession
to
in
Even Khafi
of,
Khan,
an inveterate enemy of the Maratha hero, paid

him an unwilling compliment on that account .*7
*'
'4
Elliot
ltd Do-wu. VoL vu.
p. aiu.
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
>o6
French
Dellon, a
Til F.
who
Physician,
MARATHAS
the
visited
coast about the same time as Fryer, remarks that His (Shivajis) subjects arc pagans,
western
like
But he tolerates
himself
is
looked upon as one of the most
in
those parts.*
Brahman
and cows,' and could
Go-
Protector of Brahmans
hardly
tency to his
professed
conduct
his
ambition,
officers,
if
any
with
consis-
overlook the
they really
tortured
Fryer's story, therefore, seems to
the Brahmans.
be baseless.
Corruption there certainly
and instances
of
occurred.
princes
politic
Shivaji styled himself as
Pratipalak
of
and
religions
all
tyranny and
existed,
doubtless
misrule
wars
Shivaji, in the midst of those
of
conquest and defence, could hardly get any time

for
improving
seems
to
government.
his
have dipped
his
But
brush
in
Fryer
the black
dye too frequently while painting a picture

Shivaji's
Mahomedan
Duff* says,
Grant
country.
writers,
and
one
The
as
in
the
and the former only mention
him as a depredator and destroyer

districts
of
contemporary
English traveller, describe his country

worst possible state
but
those
taken by him from Bccjaporc, which had
been under the management of farmers Hnd direct

agenjs of government, probably experienced great
benefit
by the change.
DcIIod, pp. 66-67.
Grant DuS, Vol.
I, p.
188.
REVENUE AND FINANCE

6
Mints and Coins
and customs
Besides land revenue
was derived
income
small
Pcshwas did not permit

usually
goldsmiths
the practice
never tried
Shivaji
license
Losers
for
That must have

period
mints
been
also.
control the currency and
to
Ambassador,
nor on the other side, can he force

take
but the
he
that
the passing of any manner of Coins,
not
forbids
The
mints.
pre-Peshwa
English
plainly told the
duties, a
coining,
obtained
the
in
from
free
under certain restrictions.
to
107
his
those
Monies whereby they
but
their
if
Coin
Subjects
shall
be
as fine an Allay,
be
and as weighty as the Moguls, and other Princes,

he
not prohibit
will
sorts
of
coins
foreign
kingdom and even

be found
The
it.*'
in
result
were current
own
his
few or no coins of
41
Sabhasad says
that Shivaji
was that
in
Shivaji's
treasury
the
Rairi
had no
all
less
could
mint.
than
400,000 of Shivarai Hons at the time of his death,

but these Shivarai
of
Vijayanagar
Hons
have
origin,
yet
enumerates no
gold
Hons were
been
less
and 6
coins
while giving
for
in
only
all
or 3 Shivaji
discovered.
than
32
probability
different
Sabhasad
kinds
different kinds of silver coins
an account
of
Shivajis
treasures.
They were
Fryer, p.
I*
96.
8*n,
of
fill.
Chhutrapati,
p|i.
1&4-I.V.
108
Gold Coins.
1.
Gambar.
18.
a.
Mohar.
Putli
9 Jadmal Hon
20. Tadpatri Hon.
Padshahi Hon
21. Afraji
Hon.
5-
Satlamis or Satrainis. 22. Tribaluri Hon.
6.
Ibhrami
7 - Shivarai
Hon
Hon.
23
Trisuli
24.
Chandavari (Tanjori.
Hon.
8.
Kaveripak.
9.
Sangari Hon.
25
Bildhari
Achyutrai Hon.
26.
Ulphakari Hon.
IO.
1
Advani Hon.
1.
Devarai Hon.
27-
Hon.
Muhammad
Shahi
12.
Ramchandrarai Hon
*3
Guti
Hon
28.
Vcluri Hon.
Dharwari Hon
29.
Katerai Hon.
Hon
16.
Falam (Fanam).
Pralkhati Hon.
3'
*7-
Pav Naiki Hon.
32
30. Devajvali
Hon.
Ramnathpuri Hon.
Kungoti Hon
Silver Coins.
1.
Rupees.
Dabholi Kabri.
2.
Asrafis.
Chauli Kabri.
Abashis.
6.
Basri Kabri,
Some
of these coins were
current
countries; Ibhrami. for instance, was

the market places of Bussorah.
Shivaji
coins
had
his
mint
at
in
foreign
common
Raigad.
His
were not probably issued before 1674.

** Fryr,
p.
in
4*
810
first
REVENUE
number
large
FINANCE
ANI)
copper coins were issued, and

than 25,000 of these were collected and
no less
of
Abbott. 43
examined by the Rev. Mr.

gold
few
109
coins
Shivaji
of
But
known
are
very
to-day,
probably because only a few were struck.
had no good mechanic to work his

The irregular shape of the coins and the
mint.
misshapen alphabets of the legends show the
Shivaji
crude method of
Bombay Gazetteer 44
of the
account
closed
in
830.
who divided
gives
working of
the
of
required
the
their manufacture.
test
The
the following
Chandor
the
writer
mint,
A certain quantity of silver of

was handed over to each man
small
into
rounded and
weighed them, greater care being taken that the
weights should be accurate than that size should
be uniform
it
For
this
were given to each
pieces,
purpose scales and weights
400 workmen, and the

manager examined them every week.
When
the workmen were satisfied with the weight of
of the
the piece, they were forwarded
who
sent them to be stamped.

rupee an instrument like an anvil
had
on
it.
hole,
hole
in
manager
In stamping the
was used
It
to
the
the middle with letters inscribed
Piece after
piece
was thrown
into
the
was held by a workman called

and a third man gave a blow with a six
pound hammer. Three men were able to strike
the
batekari
seal
Vd- XX,
J. B- Hr.
H.A.S
Gazetteer. Vol.
Bombay
p. UN.
XVI, p. 4W.
1IO ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK
THE MARATHAS
2.000 pieces an hour, or 20,000
a working day
As he
of ten hours.
the piece,
seal
was a
in
little
the letters were seldom
all
The Chandor mint was opened
larger than
inscribed.''
long after Shivaji's
But that the description holds good with

respect to Shivajis mint also, can be proved by
demise.
The
a simple inspection of Shivarai coins.
Hon
Shivarai
in
the
museum
Sanshodhak Mandal.
compound letter tra
of the
Bharat Itihas
example,
for
in the
lacks
the
word Chhatrapati,
piece had
evidently
because the
originally
been hammered on a seal
circular
little
small
of
much
charge of the mint
could
larger size.
The goldsmiths
boast
evidently
of
in
very
copper coins alone, we

spellings
different
this
find
eight
1.
Ob
*2.
3.
4.
less
than
Mr. Abbott
variations
word on Shivarai pice
no
in
the
spelling
R
It
...
5.
...
WWQflt
...
saaft!
it
11
fi.
^kl3Uf<MI
...
saqtit
7.
nkisTflk
...
flFaofn
8.
eight
gives
...
ikmnifc
In the
word Shri Raja Shiva
the
The Rev.
Chhatrapati.
following
of
learning.
little
it
the
of
REVENUE AND FINANCE

The
small
Hon in the Bharat Itihas

Mandals
museum has on the
Shivarai
,J
Sanshodhak
the
obverse
III
figures
of
Shiva
and
Bhavani
seated side by side, and on the reverse the
(modi)
name
manner
of Shivaji inscribed in the following
(a)
qrnt
Chauth and Sardeshwukhi
7.
But neither the land revenue, nor the customs

duties
and
the
income from mints, added
much
so
Chauth
to
and
the
normal times
than
on
branded as a
Shivaji
Sardeshmukhi.
civil
It is
of
officers
for
as the
Even
depended more on
he
his
finances.
treasury
the
the
in
army
his
necessary
on this account that he has been

robber chief both by his contem-
and by posterity as well. But the great

Marat ha king had no other alternative
He
had to brave the enmity of the Mug ha Is
poraries
and the
Sultan
pinpricks
that
minor powers
of
Bijaporc,
he
count the
had often to bear from such
as
the
Ui#
lhM r* all rmro

J
In
Habshis of
of Prof. D. V.
B.I.S.
ke nflh
Mmjftl,
onin,
not to
hat
it
oblkinnH
Mir,
(ho
*n opportunity
hma ilrmdj boon described
8mn>tUn VritU of
lira
Janjira,
llnoiUJ, p. |tl.
Joint
the
8*cnimrj
of flumininv
by
Mr
Mure
12
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THEMARATHAS
Portuguese of Goa, and petty semi-independent

chiefs
the
like
Koli
He had
Rajas.
to
organise an army to defend his newly conquered
he had
territories,
to
fortify
fleet to
had to
he
passes,
difficult
innumerable
build
to
prevent the piracy and
fit
forts
out a
depredations
the
had to buy arms and

ammunitions and needed money for these works.
of
the
was
Nature
Maratha.
by
The
he
navy,
Siddi's
means
no
would have
finance
resources
been
Mawali peasants.
the
impossible
army and navy
his
of
to the
valleys yielded hut a scanty return
to the strenuous labour of

It
munificent
his
native
for Shivaji
from
land
the
limited
even
alone,
to
if
he
had taxed all his ingenuity to enhance them.

Consequently he had to make war furnish the
means
of war.
Chauth
But
quite
or
claim
to
early
were
They were
of war.
spoils
demands.
Shivajis
Sardeshmukhi was based on
a legal
claimed to be the hereditary Sardesh-
of his country
in
Sardeshmukhi
permanent
less
He
fiction.
mukh
from
different
more
and
his
career.
acknowledged,
ing a farman
been
no
This
imperial
and had put
or
in
if
its
flaw
legal
If
forth
claim
his
he had succeeded
support,
there
whatever
sanction,
in
however,
claim
his
had been
in
obtain-
would
his
have
demand.
could not be
Shahu's accession to his grandfathers throne, and in Shivajis time at least,

obtained
before
REVENUE AND FINANCE
*3
was
not
recognised
as
his
Sardeshmukhi
Chauth was nothing but a tribute
watan.
weak by the strong.
The
Raja of Bednore and the Chief of Soonda agreed
in
they had
1676, because
to pay Chauth
Shivaji had invaded
no option in the matter.
their principalities with a strong army and any
The
refusal would have been sternly punished.
from
exacted
the
Marathas obtained a legal right to
when
diplomacy
the
secured
8hahu an
for
oft-repeated
that
been
would have
backed
been
make
would
or
This
of
avail,
of
any
was,
It
power
of
ing
formalities
the
International
does
not
third
in their
claim
nothing
to a
but
contribution
being
in
formal
and without observspecified

by
modern
country,
the
But
Law.
without
Chauth-paying
a
Hindu
either
military
the
late
Ranade
Mr.
moral
any
obligation on the part of the
of
expedition
admit that Chauth was a mere military
contribution
the
Maratha
punctual payment.
without
occupation
an
Shivajis
and
had not
it
the
king,
enforce
therefore,
by
levied
admit
could
of
or
chief
if
of
sanction
legal
of
short
revenue
his
army
strong
lance
the
Muhammadan,
quarter
little
Nothing
horseman.
recognition
imperial
claim.
by
Vishwanath
Balaji
of
Chauth,
levy
chiefs
or
Marathas
from
to
the
legal
protect
invasion
power or to restore peace and order
country.
He was
of
opinion that
the
14
policy
underlying
the
exaction
was the same as that

Wellesley
which
Chauth
of
Lord
impelled
enforce a subsidiary alliance on his
to
weaker neighbours
"The demand for chouth
was subsequently added with the consent of the
powers whose protection was undertaken
foreign aggression,
the
support
by
Shivaji,
Marquis
of
troops
the
of
service. This
on payment
was the
of fixed
against
sums
for
maintained for such
worked out
and it was this same idea which in the
Wellesley s hand bore such fruit a
hundred and
original idea as
twenty
Such
years later."
five
is
Ranade's interpretation of the Chauth policy*
Thu
U P
Ctitj'.h
rj*
pp.
225
nothing
originally
hut
black
mail.
The
subject* of the Soil Kaja of Rnranogar o**d to give oontiderablo trouble
Daman
to the Pnrtaguove aubjeuti of
pandering raid*
At
last
Damon came
Knmoarar and agreed
by their robbery, depredation end
the peocefel inhabits itu or *i>mu villages in
the District of
to an amicable
of
to
arrangement with the Haju

pay him an annual tribute railed the
Chauth (Chouto) provided hU people ro longer caused them any loan or

The Raja of EUrouagar was styled in the Portuguese record*
aa the king Choniut aa he iud to rrccivo ChaaLh
When thit
arrangement was made we do not exactly kaow, bet it haa been
trouble.
moatioued by
Tr.
Antonio de Uonveia aa early at 1603

OU+tarw wg Anefsen, Vol. I,
125 quoted la Delgado's
King Chou tie and

loiter
In
1G0&.
his claim to
(Joma4n, N.
2M0.)
p.
Chauth baa boon referred
to iu
The
a royal
After the annexation of the Koli principal* tea of
Jawbaraod Ramnagnr Shivaji asserted hi* clnim to the Chauth of

Duaiitti*
He demanded Chauth from bid Muhammadan enemies fur the
flrtt
time
in
1666 and
principality of
it
it
noteworthy that
Ramnagar an
hie
therefor# nlear that Shivaji
way
to
ho had
patted through the
Sarut la Uie previous yaar.
he was certainly responsible for iu wider application.

detailed
U>
my
diacuaaJon
For a more
of this intereating qneat ion, the reader
Riiloricnl Bscords at Qoa, pp.
It
not the originator of Chauth bat
le
referred
The unpublished Portugaaee
REVENUE AND FINANCE

It is
grant
of
body
true that
Shahu had,
Chauth,
to be placed at the
and
return
in
bound himself
of 15,000 horse in
Faujdars and
officers
the
of
maintain
Subhedars,
the different
in
the
for
Emperor's service,
the
disposal
to
15
districts
and order." But

neither Shahu nor the Peshwas ever cared to
assist the Subhedars of the Deccan unless it
to
served their
maintain
own
peace
interest.
Shivaji also had often
Emperor of Delhi, but

had exacted Chauth at the point of his
he
sword the Emperor did not expect that Shivaji
offered his services to the
would
and
ever
also
Shivaji
after
Mughal
the
knew
him better
serve
It
look
no treaty would
that
than
own strong arms.
his
cannot, therefore, be denied that the
responsibility
and
should
it
never
also
for
the
country's
remembered
be
Chauth-paying
expected the
give up their diplomatic independence.
fundamental difference
the
and the exaction
East
Company
responsible
state,
while
for
the
they
**coc<U liara been for tho firet

*****
hie
they
states
to
Here
lies
of
The
Chauth.
themselves
defence
the
expected
of
it
allied
to renounce
time quoted there id extraeo,
Ram nutfui did mot, it ahonld

of Dameu from foreign eggreMion
on
that
always held
of
Pfle
welfare,
between the subsi-
diary system
India
Maratha
Chauth without undertaking the
kings exacted
least
interests
bat
it
wu
people that he undercook to prevent and
appear lo hare gone further iheu that
The
be noted, offer to protect the

onlj the aggrctuioti
Hbirmji does not
Il6
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MaRATHAS

diplomatic
all
powers.
other
with
relations
Moreover, the Marathas never cared to maintain

an extra Regiment when
from a
had the amount
nor
prince,
Cliauth
they received
tribute
of
might
any relation to the possible expense that

be
incurred
paying
defence
the
in
territories
do
not,
Chauth-
the
of
however,
hold
that
Maratha statesmen had no idea of a subsisuch an arrangement was

diary arrangement
made with the Raja of Bundi by the Peshwas,
the
but that was long after the demise of
Chauth was therefore
The
contribution exacted by
Law
The
their
Romans,
no limit
ancient
empire, had set
nothing
military
sanctioned
exactions
are such
Shivaji.
by
but
But
leader.
International
while
extending
to their rapacity.
Bellum alit btllum" war must pay for war,

But pillage has not
was their favourite maxim.
ceased to be an inevitable
with
Even
the
in
dissolution
the
19th
characteristic
the
of
Roman
century, so
late
war
of
Empire.
as
1865,
General Sherman s campaign had been accompanied by the systematic pillage of the terrihe
tories
which
is
marched
only a variation
through. 11
of
Requisition,
contribution,
sanctioned by the most modern laws of
is
also
war and
was practised, though unwillingly, by no less a

man than George Washington." Shivaji also
#t
Bentwik'b,
/bit/,
10.
p.
2*.
REVENUE AND FINANCE
could plead as urgent a necessity as Washington.
Both
them
of
countrys
sorely in
fighting
their
for
and both of them were

need of money.
Washington requisiproperty
citizens
and
enemy
subjects.
It
been
liberation
the
tioned
had
Shivaji
of
unwilling
fellow-
contribution
on the
his
levied
two ends at once.
served
It
weakened the enemy he was fighting,

at the same time added to his own resources.
Shivajis kingdom was a military state if we
not only
but
are allowed to style
it
so.
Even
chronic warfare.
was
It
for
its
in
state
finances,
Shivaji
depended more on war than on the processes

The wealth amassed in the ports of
peace.
enemies by their commercial enterprise
reward
into Shivajis treasury, as a
tary prowess.
inevitable
ruin
The
But
lutely
while
that
be
success. But he did
all
his
that
converted
Shivaji did not aspire to
revived
had no
some
mili-
was the
policy
the
It
his
with
own
was absoin
this
complete
was practicable. His
the
hardy soldiers of
civil
administrators.
be an original
leisure for
of
enemies
his
attempts
crowned
Maharashtra into excellent

indeed, he
flowed
his
to protect
calamity.
similar
should
statesmanship
plundering
good care
impossible
direction
his
and commerce. Surat,

Western India, lost its trade
lands Shivaji took
country from a
of
trade
of
the premier port of

for ever.
result of this
of
of
best
legislator,
such work.
regulations
But he
of
his
iS
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF TOE MARATHAS
upon them.
made
and
pffedecessors
docs not seem
It
improvements
slight
possible
We
had been able to achieve much reform.
do not know how far the
he
that
also
these regulations
spirit of
was observed by Shivajis
officers.
The
opinion of that time did not
condemn
bribery and
we are
corruption and
were not
much
better,
successors of
their
country saw no peace
Mughal power.
if
to
Peshwa
the
should
had more
than
time and
even
at
in his life
under
these
country.
is
It
and
But Shivajis regulations were well

the
His
period.
never
commerce
prosper
than
overthrow of the
the
till
Shivaji
that
officers
not actually worse,
more than once
expect
Shivajis
afraid,
a couple of peaceful years

that not
public
futile
agriculture
circumstances.
suited
to the
The assessment was
needs
of
flexible
and varied from year to year.
Whatever
might have been the annual yield, a considerable

In the years of
share was left to the peasants
scarcity they could expect
their
quite
attention to
probable
hardy peasant
agricultural
that
of a military career
from the state.
had good reasons
they
Consequently,
relief
the
to devote
pursuits,
prospects
Ghat ranges.
it
is
and honour
had stronger charms
of the
but
for the
APPENDIX C
A Kaulnama
from
Annaji Datto
Rajashri
Deshmukh, and Deshkulkarni and Mokdam, Patil and the peasantry of Tarf Rohidkhore
Mawal, dated Surasan Tisa
in the Subha of
Sabain Alaf (1678),
You came to the presence
at camp Lakhevadi and (represented) that
in
to the
the watani districts of
should
their
encouraged
be
kaul
Having
and
San Saman
the
(it
rent
produce
rent
the
for
is
was
and
of
class
land
of
lands.
taking
From
land.
the practice
the
to
fixed
into
settled
lands
were
system
that
though
(now)
found
year
been
to
have
originally
deteriorated
Such
the
of
inspection
one
was
had
year
realise) half
bighaont
produce
plot
the
from a calculation of
was
it
to
year the
last
what places had
made, and the

decreased and
first
the
of
the
pahani )
rayats
confirmation
an<^ s
(.
the
remissions made, we grant the
remeasured according
the
and
the produce, from the
the
by
fixing
the
following terms
the
Majesty,
confidence
consideration
and
His
then
settlement
120
was not made
understanding with the
an
after
Therefore you petitioned
rayats.
that
settle-
ment should be made (about the rent). Thereupon the following agreement is made that in
year
present
the
almost
is
over
month only remains

The agreement about the rent of San Sabaina
and
the
was
or
one
last
the (produce) should
b.:
made.
If
agreement
the
many
how
blocks
are
rent should
be
the
people
your
district
are
upon you.
in
responsible
Therefore
the village, what
work
has
your
Deshmukh
and
Mokdam and
to village
village
much,
of
the
been)
thrown
from
of
the
with
Dcshkulkarni
the
land
the (arable) land, the
class
fully
ascertaining
the
the
by a
few
one accord go from village
so much,
third
revenue
and
and ascertain that the produce

is
to-day
work.
this
officers. ..accompanied
should
rayats,
For
district.
revenue
should
you
you
as
the
for
make an estimate
of
divided,
Therefore,
that)
(this
Into
what (do those) poor
realised,
men (know about
do?
lands
village
what are the crops grown
for this work,
lethargic people
those
will
such
Brahman
some
Prabhu Karkuns are appointed
then what
of
estimated,
(in
first,
so many.
(plots). ..arc
(these
things)
of
such
it). ..is
so
second, and
After care-
and making
an estimate of the crops grown, ...... ...you should

after
proper
enquiry
find
out
what may be
APPENDIX
probable produce
the
if
121
(more) labour
applied,
is
and put that amount (under that class of)

lands -You should make your estimate after
evidence,
examining (proper)
the
in
following
manner that at a certain place Malik Ambar's

so much,
of that
(estimated) produce was
autumnal or the
harvest of the
first
and the fourth class lands
third
the second or the vernal crop
determining
(produce
the
you should state that
so
in
is
(under
village,
if
to the
much.
so
two harvests,
many bighas
heading) of each particular
the
above order, you should make an estimate

whole Tape, and to do
the
You must
you
thereafter
these
hilly,
the
near
villages
that ?)...
sorts
their
according
by
Your
that...
total
if
the
i or double
16
field,
and
to
inspect three villages
your
in
boundary
Tape
one...
soil.
..and
having been
the practice of the Kar-
connected
(comparing
(and)
and what may be the produce
one village. ..and
field
one marshy and one with black
kuns,.. having
to
come and
(different)
inspected
of
been given
ascertain their yield and write to me.
carefully
of
this
the meantime, inspect the
in
whole Tape, village by village,
shall
such
is
making these
After
work, time of a year from to-day. has

to
After
there are few peasants. ..then according
produce of
of
so much, of
is
of) the
and such crop (cultivated).

entries
second,
first,
making
total
as
it
ready
under each
much, then
according
item
in
become
that way...
122
if,

and
if
double... having been proved correct
...and
you are
do
..do
if.
to
accordingly). ..should
(realise
so then. ..it
be
will
all
tallies. ..settlement. ..settlement. ..to
agree. ..to
this
agreeable.. .the
has
effect
cultivation
been
right
be
lUjwuU. H
I.
Vol-
are
the district. ..Give
of
XV
it
made...
made. ..we
such an assurance. ..from the Huzur. 1
if
pp a69-na
APPENDIX D
Coins mentioned by Sabhasaii
have not beer> able to identify
the
all
gold
Sabhasad.
coins mentioned by
0
Gambar
(i)
coin current at
is
probably the same as Gubbur a
Bombay
in
1763.
was worth
It
Rupees 12 annas and 6 pies.

Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, Appendix 0
at
date
that
P-
474
(2
&
Mohar and
3)
common
Putlis are rather
coins, the value of a Putli is about 4 Rs.
Hon,
Vara ha and
Pagoda
The word Hon may be
terms.
Sanskrit
synonymous
corruption
Cunha says
Gerson da
Suvarna;
are
of
that
hun in Kanarese is
gold {Contribution to the Numismatics, p. 10).
Shivarai, Achyutrai, Devarai and Ramchandrarai
the
original
Hons
meaning
were
different
Vijavanagar
kings
who
a custom prevalent in
guese
custom
chronicler
in
of
issued
the country.
Femilo
Nuniz
:
after
according to
them,
the following words
of that king
named
coins
The
refers
On
Portuto
this
the death
Bucarao there came to the throne
124
his
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MAKATHAS

son called Pureoyre Deorao, which
Canara
in
powerful lord and he coined a money

means
puroure
of pardaos which even now they call
41
"
deorao
and
from
of
made them and

is
because
there are so many names of pardaos
of
to call coins by the
the kings that

that
the
kingdom
Empire
it
Dharwari,
Guti,
Forgotten
Kaveripak,
Sangari,
Sewel,
300-301.
Advani,
Chandavari (Tanjore),
Ramnathpuri Hons,
suppose, derive
names from mint towns. Ibhrami was
Veluri and
their
current
India.
tn
It
has
Embraims and
Fryer's
and Western
towns of Persia
coast
probably
been
Dr.
mentioned
by
Crookc explains
Ibrahimi
of
of Gujrat, p 109.
Pagoda.
For its
Prinsep
Canterai
pagodas
p.
as
a foot-note
Abraham.
See John
(Hakluyt
II
137 and also Birds History
Katerai
Hon was
weight
and
Useful Tables.
the
Mysore
value
intrinsic
Forrest says
pagodas are nearly equal

Selection,
Fryer
in
East India and Persia, Vol.
Society's edition),
see
in
Bisnaga."
of
pp.
has
it
names
become a custom
this
forward
time
that
Marat ha
to
Series,
Six
five star
717.
Ananda Ranga Pillai mentions Saiyid Muhammad, Amaldar of Tadpatri (see The Private
Diary of Ananda Eanga Pillai, Vol. VIII, p. 31
and p. 51) and we also read in his pages of
Tadpatri
dupattis
(p.
208). Tadpatri
bably was a coin current
name.
in
Hon
the district
pro-
of that
MENTIONED BY SABHASAD
COINS
Prinsep mentions
with the
coin
in
we
it
of a trident
Hon
Trisuli
the
find
Useful Tables a gold
in his
figure
on
it,
same as Aftabi, a gold coin

worth 10 Rs or Aparanj of Princep?
Southern
p.
Three
106.
later
mentioned
in
originally
Fryer, Y
in
when lleber wrote

coins
silver
current
was coined
it
Fanams were
silver
three half-pence
The
coins
gold." Crooke
base
or
silver
Rupees
Is
of Akbar,
The Fanam was
India.
worth about
gold
probably
Sabhasad.
of
Afraji the
Fanams were small
125
of
ol. I,
equivalent to
in
1825.
Sabhasad
by
hardly present any difficulty.
The
silver Asrafis
Xerafms.
The
pies.
were nothing but Portuguese
Xeralirn was
word.
Prof
equal
Abashi must
says
that
The
coin
was of
Glossario Vol.
time
it
may appear
p.
4).
143).
at Surat.
Fryer says that

41
They
have yet a correspondence
named
among them "
According to Thevenot
it
in
his
(the people
wfith
by their Abasees, a sixteen
piece of silver, current

I,
pp 424-425.
Thevenot
of Fryer
according to Dr. Dalgado
was current at Calicut.
of Calicut)
as
I,
II,
Persian origin and was

II
or
Sec Dalgado,
was very common
coin
Shah Abbas
after
(
this
VoL
Abaser
be
reis
Dalgado supposed, was
derived from Pcrso Arabic Ashrafi.
Glossaria Luso Asiatico,
300
to
Persia
penny
East India,
was equiva-
The Travels of Monseiur de

Thevenot London, 1687, part III, p. 2.
Dalgado
lent
to
18
pence.
126 ADMINISTRATIVE
SYSTEM OP THE MARATHAS
sdys that Abassi was a silver coin of the

of
about 300
reis (or
The word
Kabri,
too pice).
I
believe,
of Lari, a silver coin current in

of
Persia and
Western
is
the
a misreading
coast
contributed to the Journal of the
learned
money
the
and by
was in
Dckkan
Mahratlas,
as
late
as
Tcnnent
imitation of them, struck by
in
the princes of Bijapur

of
article
Bombay Branch
The Portuguese
of the Royal Asiatic Society ,

called it tanga larim " and Emerson
that
towns
Gerson da Canha
India.
dealt with the origin of Lari in
says
value
Sivaji,
the
circulation
the seventeenth
founder
in
the
century
According to Dalgado
(Glossario, Vol. I, p 53) its value varied from
In Sabhasads
sixty to hundred reis (or pics).
we read of I-aris of Dabhol, Chaul and
list
(Ceylon, Vol.
Bussora.
I,
p.
463).
CHAPTER
III
Organisation of the Military Department.

Forts and Strongholds.
/.
Vastly
efficiency.
numerical strength, he
the
quality
tried to
lack
enforce
to
inferior
of
his
quantity.
strict discipline in
est adherents
hillmen,
enemies
in
He,
therefore,
his
army and
appealed not only to the military

also to the patriotism of his
at
compensate by
to
tried
aimed
Shivaji
In his military organisation
instinct
His
earli-
of
hardy
soldiers.
were the Mawalis, a race
who
came
prominence
into
but
under
and have since then relapsed

Shivaji depended
original obscurity.
Shivaji's leadership
to
their
mainly on these hillmen and the
The
hills.
hills
constituted an excellent defence, uhile the hillmen
accompanied him
The
perilous raids.
of
in all his
Mawal were
ill
blod
clad
and
trained into an
bare
rocks and
mountains
nable forts to bar the enemy's

his country.
At the time of
fed
ill
excellent
by the great Maratha captain, and

the
excursions and
infantry
he converted
into
progress
his
hillmen
death.
impregthrough
Shivaji
128 ADMINISTRATIVE
forts
of
or
and strongholds, and
we
Pargana was
Shahu
hundred
than two
possessed no less
left
Scott-Waring says
forty
the jabita swarajya
in
not
that
find
and
single
Taluka
without a protecting fort.

M before his death he
that,
had established his authority over an

extent of country four hundred miles in length,
and one hundred and twenty in breadth. His
(Shivaji)
forts
extended over the vast range of

shore
western
the
which
skirt
Regular
fortification barred the
every
by
forts: every
was occupied as
rock
steep and overhanging
India.
of
open approaches
commanded
was
pass
mountains
down great masses of stone, which

way to the bottom, and impeded
station to roll
made
their
march
the labouring
of
cavalry,
elephants,
and
remarked that
forts were the very life of a kingdom,* and Lokahitavadi tells us that Shivaji was famous mainly
Chitnis
carriages.'"*
for building
pointedly
forts.
Shivaji'*
forts,
hill
impregnable by
Five hundred
did not require a strong garrison.
was the normal

tional cases a
single officer
of the fort
and
strength,
but
nature,
in
some 4 excep-
was allowed. No
was ever placed in entire charge
stronger
its
force
garrison
* 4
In every fort,
says
Sabhasad, there should be a Havaldar, a Sabnis

1
J. B.
Br. K, A.
Vol.
XXII, pp. 3*^42.
Scott-Waring, pp. 95-97.
Cfcitaia, p. 80.
Fryar, p- 137.
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
(and)
Sarnobat;
should
be
should
conjointly
same
the
of
(and)
the
in
An
fort.
was appointed
nis
be
written
income and expenditure.

an important one and
tensive
should
be
was
fort
were of exkept
five
to
ram-
the
of
They
among them.
divided
be
the
The charge
seven Tat Sarnobats

parts
accounts of
forts
should
hi s
Under
all
Where
where
there
circuit,
and war
called Karkhagrain
work.
this
for
should
supervision
officer
three
administration.
the
of
officers
These
status.
There should be kept a store

materials
three
these
on
carry
130
should be careful about keeping a vigilant watch.

Of every ten men of the garrison to be stationed
in
one should be made a
the fort,
privates and
tenth a
the
families should in this
Men
Naik.
manner be
forces, the musketeers, the
Naik; nine
of
recruited
good
Of the
spearmen, the
arch-
and the lightarmed men should be appointed,

inspected
after the Raja himself had carefully
ers,
each
man
individually
and shrewd.
The
and
garrison
selected the
the
in
Havaldar, and the Sarnobat should be
brave
fort,
the
Marathas
They should be appointed

good families
after some one of the royal personal staff had
A Brahman
agreed to stand surety (for them).
of
known
to
appointed
In this
the
king's
Sabnis
manner each
personal
and a
officer
staff
be
Prabhu,
Karkhanis.
retained
should
dissimilar (in caste) to the others

>7
should
The
fort
be
was
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAKATHAS
130
not
be
to
left
No
alone.
hands
the
in
single
of
could
officer
surrender
any rebel or miscreant.
fort to
was the administration
A new
carried.
In
the
of
system was
Havaldar
the
the
manner
this
carefully
forts
introduced.
The system was neither new nor unknown

in Southern India.
The regulations of Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur lay down clearly that
the officers
in
in
charge
number, neither
madan
of a
ruler also says that
these
be frequently transferred from
We
ther*
have seen
preceding chapter
Mudradha-
and strongholds
or officers in charge of forts
very
He
often.
low standard
of
at the time while
not
could
framing
would have been sheer
these
prevailed
that
regulations.
days of disloyalty and

where
those
bait with success
should
he
repetition
that
at
his
should
he
castes
take
by
failed.
used
golden
was but
the
natural
proper precaution
cost.
It
conciliate
distributing
Sabhaiod. pp, 27-2*.
Itihafi
flimpnhn.
it
gold
and prowess
frequently
and
when
treachery,
policy
Shivaji himself had
It
imprudence to leave a
single officer entirely in charge of a fort in
succeeded
the
ignore
safely
morality
public
ano-
to
fort
that Shiva ji also used to transfer the

ris
should
officers
one
the
in
three
Muham-
The
nor more.
less
be
should
fort
that
against
its
was also necessary

the
the
three
responsible
Sod, Biv ChbfttntpuU,
Aitituurik Splint*
principal
Lokh*,
p.
|ip.
157,
posts
*9*0.
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
under
government
his
13I
among them.
equally
The Prabhus and the Rrahmans were jealous of

one another, may be for social reasons, but the
even
in
to
not
administrative.
affairs
had reason
could
feeling
state of their
fear
overlooked
be
Shivaji
himself
Brahman opposition when he
assumed the sacred thread prior to his coronation.

The Marathas of his time also eminently deserved
high
commands
tions
of
amity
the
the army.
in
recruited from
different
tells
in
us that the Sabnises were
classes of Brahmans,
all
sec-
Brahman caste were not
great
and Chitnis
The
the
via.
Deshasthas. the Karhadas, the Konkanasthas and

the Madhyandins.
The Three Chief Officers and their Duties
2.
The
chief of the three officers
He was
dar.
to
was the Haval-
keep the keys with
was to shut the
fort
gates and
him.
He
lock them up
own hands every evening. He was to

draw the bolt and see whether the gates were
with his
'
It
may be
incidentally mentioned here that rhe
ctmo to the
principal Brahman
itui
yet
ottCQVB
l*lor.giJ
aiovt of Bhivajl*
to the Dcahuatba *N*tion
keen intelligence of the Bhetivis had already

In
KonkaoaiOia had
forefront iu MaraUia politic* and
enpietl
Tb*
bright |iro*f*ct
another quarter and they had In large number entered the PnMnûeai*
service.
With their
characteristic
literary
aptitude,
they
mastered
Kuiopean tongue* before long and acted a* interpreter* for European

niwurhanU of all nationalities ll is not clrar whether ibetr perocntlnTi
lihd
brpun *o
early.
In any case
tlrnuld recruit hie officer*
them
all
from
all
peudcncu demanded that Bhiraji
the principal caste*, and ouncaliute
132
He was not to admit any one

whether friend or foe, during night.
Early in
the morning he was to come and with his own
hands open the principal gates " Although he
properly secured
was
to carry on other duties
conjointly
with
his
Havaldar was never allowed to

relegate these to any one else.
Shivaji tested
colleagues,
the
the
efficiency
proper
of
control
anecdote
will
went
Shivaji
night
the gates of the

out
was
gates.
gives an
Chitnis
bear quotation
their
in
One
here.*
Panhala and knocked
to
His
fort
at
shouted
attendants
Havaldar that the Maharaja himself
the
to
the
of
that
Havaldars mainly
his
seeking admission,
pursued
hotly
by
the
The gates should be opened and the

king taken in
The officer came and stood on the
With due humility
rampart with his colleagues.
enemy.
Havaldar
the
regulation
at
that
He,
hour.
guards
of
should
wail
is
out
the
the
however,
their
to
open the
again submitted that
Night
Ohilnii, p. 79.
CHitnip, p
check
to
108
he
is
fiiira
the
king
and
the
also mine.
gates.''
could
was almost over.
8*n.
the
of
he Maharaja
mine
are
breach
Then
gates.
regulations
who order you

gales.
offered
while
stations,
near the
involving
officer
king's
the
that
morning with the help
till
" The
replied
order
out
did not permit the gates to be opened
enemy
the
pointed
It
But the
not
open
Till
dawn
Cl*h*tr*p*n, IT 220-221
MILITARY DEPARTM KNT
enemy would be kept
the
tried threats.
servant
a
I
It
gates
Then
Shivaji
not proper. said he. that
is
off.
my
you should not obey
like
make an example
will
'33
you.
of
were not opened.
But
Early
orders.
still
the
the morning
in
Havaldar unlocked and unbolted the gates
the
and with
done
have
me
punish
the
Your Majesty
wrong;
according
But
officer.
my
to
chronicler
Shivadigvijaya
of
who
failed
king.
should
said
deserts,
king applauded his sense
the
and promoted him on
of duty
those
hands approached the
clasped
this
test
the
The
spot.
informs
us
that
degraded or
were
dismissed.
The Sabnis was

general and the
Karkhanis
missariat
in
charge of the accounts
muster
was
roll
mainly
in
The kanujabta
work.
of the coronation era,
The
particular.
responsible
of
com-
for
the
in
year
thus enumerates their
i,
offi-
cial duties
The Sabnis should be
On each
order
below
should pul his sign

expenditure
the
in
charge of accounts.
seal
approval.
of
the
All
Karkhanis
orders of
upon
the cash and the treasury

departments shoidd be issued by the Sabnis, and
under the seal of the Havaldar the Karkhanis
should
account
drawn
cash
put
of
his
sign
these
up under
should
of
two
the
approval.
The
daily
departments should
supervision
of both
be
the
be indicated on the account by the
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF. MARA HAS
134
and
Sabnis,
below
Karkhanis should put
any
If
fort
order
the
to
Havaldar's
the
the
seal,
his sign of approval.
be
to
is
(under
district
be
should
put his seal (on
the
jurisdiction ),
its
and below the
it),
it
The Havaldar
issued by the Sabnis.
should
from
issued
seal
the Karkhanis should put his sign of approval.
The muster
by the Sabnis.
of
work
In
manner
this
and
cash
the
of
by a
should be verified
It
Karkhanis.
the
of the me,n should be taken
roll
treasury
clerk
was
the
departments
allotted.
any order
If
made upon
is
either cash or clothes,
the
of
Besides
approval.
tions should be
this, all
made by
(when necessary
fort)
should be
it
issued
under
of the Sabnis with the Karkhanis's sign
seal
tax
the district for
should
Karkhanis
under the
be
to
the
meet
Karkhanis.
Any
the needs of the
by the Sabnis, and the
levied
should
orders and requisi-
put
his
sign
of
approval
seal.
whether of his own or of the

Katkhaniss department, should be explained
All
accounts,
by the Sabnis, whether to the Havaldar or to the

district
officer
or
to
The Karkhanis should

all
the
sit
central
government.
near the Sabnis, but
interrogations about their accounts
made
should be
to the Sabnis.
All
correspondence with the government or ihe
district officers, or the Sardars, or the
Subhedars
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
or
other
be
should
Killedars,
The Sabnis should
Sabnis.
not put his sign,
despatched
the
but
He
without
the
them
should
should
letter
35
Karkhanis
the
it,
the daily ledger
in
it
by
written
put his sign in
After the Subhedar has sealed
should enter
being recorded
not
be
the daily
in
ledger.
inspection, and
All
the
province
be made by
should
be
The
revenue
and
kaul
should
has
the Karkhanis
the
put
by
order
his
should
fort)
the
about
by the Sabnis
issued
be
of
This estimate
accounts
the
into
Havaldar
the
papers,
the Sabnis.
entered
Karkhanis.
After
revenue
of
(under the jurisdiction of the
should
the
estimate
put
on
seal
the
sign
his
of
approval.
accounts
All
either
weight
in
income
of
(of
commodities),
the
Karkhanis.
or
expenditure,
approximate
in
should
and
value
made
by
has
put
his seal (on the accounts), the Sabnis should
put
his
sign
write
of
all
After
be
the
Havaldar
The
approval
daily
Karkhanis
should
orders of expenditure upon the granary.
After the Havaldar has sealed (them), the
Sabnis
should put his sign of approval.
The
to
distribution of stores,
weight
should be
or
according
made by
to
whether according
approximate
the Karkhanis.
The
value,
Sabnis's
Karkun should be present on the occasion

verification.
for
1,36
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARA THAS

All orders for
(under
province
should
goods or commodities upon the

by
issued
be
jurisdiction
the
the
of
fort)
The
Karkhanis.
the
Sabnis should levy contribution (when necessary).
He
I
put
should
sign
his
approval after the
of
lavaldar has sealed the paper.
The Karkhanis should take charge

boy servants,
slaves,
come
The
seal.
Karkhanis should put
female
or cattle that
should
Sabnis
below the
approval
horses
of
put
any
If
his sign
sign
his
may
of
loss occurs, the
below the
seal.
The Karkhanis should supervise the work

The Sabnis
when a building is constructed.
should
inspect
should
be
work.
the
the
approval of
of
grain
and clothes
the
Karkhanis's
among
distributed
men when occasion
Cash
arises.
should
It
The
Karkhanis.
should
be
made
by
have
the
distribution
the
Karkhanis
with the approval of the Sabnis,
accounts of the naval stores should be

The work
written by the Karkhanis s Karkuns.
should be exacted by him under the supervision
All
of the
Sabnis.'"
Thus did
the
three
officers
co-operate and
one
another.
Not a single
serve as checks to
fort of Shivaji could, therefore,
enemies.
absolutely
,p
But
all
these
prevent
be betrayed to his
precautions
treason
Mwji a fed ParMftia, ftaaadu
and
Uttara, pp.
could
not
corruption.
130-lftt.
MILITARY'
When
Shivaji
Singh,
the
was absent
in
for the time
137
the
camp
of
the
charge
entire
Rajgad had,
DRPARTMRNT
being,
of Jai
Keso
Keso
on
fallen
of
fort
Narayan Sabnis, as there was no Havaldar.

Narayan Sabnis, on that occasion, misappropriated
sum from
a large
public funds
postponed an expedition
Konkan as dishad come from
the
to
quieting information of a rebellion

In a letter dated the
Sinhgad
Shivaji
In 1663
2nd
April,
1663,
Moro Trimbak Pcshwa and
Shivaji writes to
Abaji
was thinking of marching against

Namdar Khan in the Konkan, but news arrived
from Sinhgad that a revolt had lately taken place
He had, therefore, to give up his
in the fort.
Sondev
that he
project
of
Konkan
marching into the
for
present.
The two
march
at
once to Sinhgad with their troops
militia
and take charge
further required
rebels
officers
were requested
of the
make an enquiry about

their names to the king.'*
Shivaji generally stored grains and

in
quantities
large
the
year
reserve
fund
to
his
seal
that
Rajashri
drawn
in
fiute
* Rajwvte. M.I.a,
18
the
provisions
consumption
of his
career
decided to have a
enemy
the
Chhatrapati
KaJ
and
meet the extraordinary needs
beleaguered by the
he
1671-72).
forts
his forts for
Towards the close
during a siege.
(in
in
to
They were
fort.
to
and report
the
of
A paper under
San Isanne says

Saheb has decided
VOL YUI.
p.
Vol VIII,
p.
II
138
money from each Mahal in his provinces

and watans. This money should form a (reserve)
fund, and should be spent only when war with
Mughals would break out, and the Mughals
lay siege to forts, and if money be not available
otherwise, this money
from any other source
to raise
should not be spent for any other government work.
So has
Saheb decided and it has been

and twenty-five
settled that a sum of one lakh
thousand Hons should constitute the reserve fund,
and should be raised from the following Mahals
the
and personages
at the following rate
Kudal
...
ao.ooo
Rajapur
...
20,000
Kolen
...
20,000
Dabhol
...
15,000
<..
13,000
Xagoji Govind
...
10,000
Jawli
...
5 ,ooo
Poona
...
Kalyan
5,000
Bhiwandi
5,000
5,oou
Indapur
...
2.000
Supa
Krishnaji Bhaskar
It
5,000
...
has been decided that the sum of one
and twenty-five
thousand
Hons (thus
should be set aside as a reserve fund

In
same year
the
Ktjnadu.
lakh
raised)
13
Shivaji granted a further

VoL
VIII,
pfi.
1617.
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
sum
for
of
one lakh and seventy-five thousand Hons
repairing
that the
not get
his
principal
He
forts.
observes
workmen grew discontented as they did

their wages in time.
A considerable sum
was on that account set aside

repair
'39
works alone.
The sum
of
for building
one hundred and
seventy. five thousand was thus allotted.
Sinhgad
Sindhudurg
Vijaidurg
'10,000
10,000
...
10,000
Suvarnadurg
10,000
Pratapgad
10,000
Purandhar
Rajgad
10,000
Prachandgad
5,000
Prasiddhagad
5,000
Vishalgad
5,000
Mahipatgad
5,000
5,000
5,000
5,000
Shrivardhangad and Manaranjan
5, ooo
Korigad
3,000
Sudhagad
Lohagad
Sabalgad
...
Sarasgad
0,000
2,000
Mahidhargad
2,000
Manohargad
1,000
Miscellaneous
7,000
1,75, ooo
FUjwutr.
MIS.
and
Vol. VIII, Vp,
1Mb
140
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MARAT HAS
What arms
of defence were
we do not
precisely know.
forts
artillery
Ormc
department and
supplied to these
had an
Shivaji
,(l
us that
tells
He
had previously purchased eighty pieces of cannons
and lead
sufficient
for all
the French Director at Surat.

of
matchlockmen and archers
we have
match-locks
his
We
'
from
mention
find
Sabhasad's pages
in
there an account of at
least one dashing

by Murar Baji Prabhu when Diler Khan laid
siege to Purandhar.
The enemy was sometimes
sally
musket -shots, bombs and

stones."'* Scott -Waring says that "his (Shivaji's)
assailed with rockets,
artillery
was very contemptible, and he seems
seldom to have used

Gingerah." "
with the
enemy
of their
but against
the island
none the
of
of
in
common
the Deccan,
hurled a
But Shivaji's soldiers,
Muhammadans
curious, but
their
it
less, effective missile
while labouring
up
the
against
steep
sides
Fryer saw on
inaccessible strongholds.
the tops of the Mountains, several
Fortresses
of
Seva Gi's, only defensible by Nature, needing no

other Artillery but Stones, which they tumble
down upon their Foes, carrying as certain destruction as
Bullets
where they alight."
pieces of stone were for this
Huge
heaped
at
and the Maratha soldiers

them down upon their enemy below. This
convenient
rolled
purpose
'*
stations
11
Orm, HiOorical Frm^menui,
l 8*rk*r, Bfeivaji
p.
p.
lit Ed. ), p. 94.
102.
11
Iry*r, p, 123.
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
could hardly check the progress of a

foe
when
Marathas
preliminary
this
sallied out
sword
determined
defence
in
4I
the
failed,
hand and rushed
upon the besiegers

But they did not always
depend on their valour and gold was often used
good
with very
The Havaldar
remuneration
when
results
of
of
steel failed.
enjoyed
fort usually
Hons
125
Nagoji
year.
Bhonsle was appointed Mudradhari of
fort
Utlur
1680 on a salary of 150 Hons per year, out of

which he had to pay 25 Hons to two servants
in
attached to
his
was appointed
Samovat
Surevanshi
Krishnaji
office.
of the
above-mentioned
same year on an annual salary of 100

Hons. The Havaldar in charge of the buildings
in the fort got the same pay as the Mudradhari,
and his Mazumdar was paid at the rate of 36
Hons per year, hour TatSarnobats were sent
fort in the
by Shivaji
to
take
charge
of
the
ramparts of
Kot Utlur, and they were engaged on 4 Hons

and 8 Kaveripak Hons (12 in all) a year
Along
with them had been despatched seven bargirs
pay of 9 Hons (3 ordinary Hons
and 6 Kaveripak) per head. In a document,
on a yearly
dated the 26th July, 1677, we find that Timaji

Narayan. a clerk, was appointed as an extra
hand
for the office
a monthly
work
allowance
lUjwado, M.
of
|.
in
Fort
three
Yol.
Valgudanar,
Hons."
VUI*
pp. 28 31
*
on
Besides
142
the usual remuneration each officer
and the importance
ing to his rank
an
allowance
additional
bearers.
personal
accord-
got,
of his charge,
palanquin,
for
torch-
and
sunshades
attendants,
pages.
The Ramoshis and Parwaris who kept watch

outside
lived
ramparts and got a very small
the
remuneration.
Cavoir
Infantry and
4.
The Peshwa army consisted mainly of cavalry.

The infantry was recruited from Hindusthan and
made but a poor impression on an Irish soldier.
W.
Col.
ever,
Shivajis military genius,
had early perceived the
infantry
hill
H. Tone.
and
light cavalry' in a
become famous
in
Selected after
personal
soldier,
the
military
war and
annals of
India.
by Shivaji
each man was trained into an excellent

not by drilling
Ji
had
swords to nisi."
their
of light
Hetkaris have
examination
in
weapons
also gained
in
ground but
the parade
by the surer method of service
"Shiva
guerrilla
His Mawalis and
campaign.
himself,
necessity
how-
in
an
actual
war.
no idea of allowing his soldiers'

11
The result was that not only
the
but
men who
wielded them
efficiency
Chitou,
**
Mnfl4l'i
p.
,
i
80
4d
IrTTBC.
Tol. II. p. 308
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
Shiva ji's
143
was carefully divided
infantry
into
The smallest
unit consisted of 9 men and the officer commanding it was called the Naik.
The Havaldar of the
regiments, brigades and divisions.
infantry
had
such
five
Over
under him
units
Havaldars was placed a Jumledar.
two or three
commanding ten jumlas was styled

a Hazari and the Samobat of the infantry had
Hazaris under him.
seven
The Jumledar had
an annual salary of one hundred Hons and his
The Hazari got five hundred
Sabnis got forty.
Hons per year, and his Sabniss salary varied
The
officer
from (me hundred to one
Hons.
five
Chitnis informs us that at the time
any other ceremony of similar
of a marriage or
importance
hundred and twenty-
family,
the
in
the
officers
could
expect financial help.
The
the
cavalry was divided into two classes,
bargirs
The
and the shiledars
bargir
vis.,
was
and arms by the state,

while the shiledar brought his own horse and
sometimes came with a body of troops armed
equipped
horse
with
and equipped
at
his
belonged to the pnga proper,

held
comparatively
strength of
rendered
superior
(to
Shiledars were placed

i%
Snhhiwad,
ji
SKI.
while
says
that
the
bargir
shiledar
position,
The
Sabhasad,
was
inferior
paga,
the
The
own expense.
of
under the
the
shiledar),
jurisdiction
Saw, Siva Chk*trapati. p. 33
of
ADMINISTRATIVK SYSTEM OF THE MAKATHAS
144
To
paga
the
enough
for
none
rebelling,
was
left
To
every
independence
horse
the
in
over
was appointed a trooper (bargir)
twenty-five such bargirs was appointed an expert
Maratha Havaldar. Five Havaldars formed a
paga
The Jumledar had a salary of five

hundred Hons and a palanquin, and his Majum-
jumla.
dar
salary of one hundred to one hundred and
twenty-five Hons.
commander
Hazari was a
To
of
such
ten
was attached a
office
his
twenty-five
horses
a water-carrier and a farrier.
appointed
were
For every
juinlas.
salary
one
of
thousand Hons, a Mazumdar, a Maratha Karbhari
Kayastha Jamenis for them was

allotted a sum of five hundred Hons. Salary
and palanquin were given to each officer according
and a
Prabhu
to this scale.
ture were
Accounts
made up
in
Panch
presence
the
were
To him was
Hazari.
two thousand
Hons.
and a Jamenis were

These Panch
office.
command
of
income and
of
Five such Hazaris
four.
Hazaris
the
Sarnobat.
the paga
was
of
Shivaji
enlisted
StbHtMd. pp.
command
in
2S.29.
his
the
under
placed
given a salary of
Karbhari
attached
to
his
were under the
the different brigadiers of the shiledars
placed under the
all
The administration
same kind. Similarly
of
the
of
Mazumdar. a
likewise
expendi-
of
the
also
were
Sarnobat.
,,s
army not only Hindus
H+n. Sirm
Chh^p*t[. pp 30 -31.
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
Muhammadans
but
hundred
also.
Pathans offered
'45
body
their
seven
of
services
Maratha king and Shivaji enlisted them,

said, in opposition to the majority of
and
Hindu
officer
Muhammadan
or
was supported
wise
in this
resolution
however
an army,
not be expected
to
enemy
unless
country,
operate
He
intelligent
most
by
an
On one
could
never
occasion
expect
the
defects
of
Muhammadan
soldiery
and
success against them.

his soldiers to be
camp
breeches,
fitting
** Cbitoii,
11
p.
Habhaiad,
Ormot
Bahirji
many
of
his
the
army
his
Bahirji's
reach
to
numerical strength of his enemies.
costly
body
was saved from utter destruction by

knowledge of unfrequented hill tracks. 61
or
an
efficient
whom was
he owed
that
collected by them.
detected
in
successes mainly to the information
brilliant
Shivaji
could
was so well served by these
Shivaji
officers
knew
efficient,
organised
of excellent spies, the chief of
first,
by an old
with success
served
intelligence department.
Naik Jadhav.
officers.
Shivaji
quite well that
is
afterwards; and
Naik. Pansamba M
Gomaji
his
it
out that a king was a king
pointed
Shivaji
the
to
But
heavily
he
had
armed
on speed
relied
the
for
He, therefore, never allowed
encumbered with heavy arms

equipage.
cotton
33.
p. #3.
Duff, Yol.
Dressed
jackets
pp
181. 192.
tight-
and turbans, 1*
Sc n, Sira Chlmttmpttt,
8*n, 8iwt
in
p. 104.
p. 130.
146 ADMINISTRATIVE
SYSTRM OF THE MARATHAS
armed mainly with swords both long and short,

spears and lances, bows and arrows and matchlocks,
depending
mainly
on
the spoils of
war
for
subsistence,
their
Shivaji's
were
ready
to
march
at
They
were
so
quick
both
moment's
that
their
expect to get
any
information
before
actual
ordinary
indulged
great
in
enemies
given
richlv
Shivaji
arming
and
was
30,
in
60,
40,
at state
and too
expense
.and
turbans
and
gold and silver ear-rings
they offered
brilliant sight
the
This regiment
spears had silver rings and we

a
dressed,
Their sword-sheaths,
wristlets.
projects
their
embroidered
broad-cloth,
jackets of
and
20,
They were equipped
men.
were
of
hardly
Though
expenditure
units
into
of
poorly
equipping his body. guards.

divided
could
execution.
was
soldier
notice.
mobilising and
in
demobilising,
their
soldiers
guns and
may guess what
when marching by
the kings palanquin
Besides the regular
forces Shivaji could
in
times of emergency call the feudal forces of
Maratha watandars.
Sammelan
Tritiya
the
in
**
a kaulnama,
In
Snhh.e|.
Vritta
of
the
published
the
Bharat
Sra, Sir* ChhatrnpaLi, pp 76-77

he royal armoury or Jimt Kh*n% Ragbuhnth
Pandit noi only mentions swords, daggers, aod spaara of diffur^nt do*
Amonjr tbo
criptioiu* hut
The
p. fig.
ir-*pon ia
l*o hidds, club* (ffurguza)
and bul (* (ptraahu).
carinns res dr r will find uu exrnlisiit chapter on
of the
tho Bt
Marathaj
in
41
<U*erij**on of
hvUan and
Hon'bU I^rd KgerUin of Tnttnn, M.A
&rmi and aravaars

Origmtes l Armour 93 By
.
London, 1806
'47
two
watandars,
Sanshodhak
Itihas
Mai
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
Mandal,
and Baji
Patil
serve Shivaji,
Patil
when need
Deshmukhs, with ten

subsistence
their
Kukas
or
feudal
the army as long
in
who
shiledars,
paga.
much
depended
possible
quite
is
summon
vator
well,
the
Tritijra
Camp U
PrAfirh
his
did
no
Shivaji'n
of
to be
Marin
is
p.
Thee* are only two terra
in it, but
am nil, on#
md
of fihimji ordinarily r"Oefv*
of a
culti-
hones
a* tup <n;ni
certainly
Ui# pm*
thick
irtipbi
stuff,
nr
has groaMy
helpori
which tboy glee
him.''
ftu of Meetings,
VoL
17,
women.
Very
Tbn horsemen
All
the
Ordina-
crcry Lwu meti, * Licit cun tribute* to the
his
This Chief pays his *pi*a Ubeiully,

conquests
by the oonwot information
hutinn Historical fLcrords Commission.
r. P*
Urn
* Hi*
nntl
two pagodas por month ua pay
aptnd which ha usually male**
which
Interesting
the other for hia minister.
for
was
110.
horaon taking, to him nud he entertains grooms for them

rily there arc three
But
him
pomp and iiuembarroased by baggage
li*arii*-1 f
by
Me
jagir.
payable by
rent
Hot nrnnr
without an j
for
happened
&%mmelan TritU,
Tb* following avonnt

celebrated
when
Shivaji
opposed to payment by
of his soldiers
that
governments.
district
when any
as
the
soldiers either in cash or
paid his
entirely
these
these feudal forces.
an assignment on the
was
upon
medieval Europe, to the bargirs of
It
Shivaji
the
resembled
respects
power was firmly established,

longer
as
prefer the mercenary
he
in certain
condottiere of
his
six
Peshwas,
Unlike the later
nor did
levies,
For
attendants.
watandars expected
occasion demanded a
never
Mawali
the
like
anna per head per diem and
they offered to serve
Shivaji
arose,
of their
the
an
half
Birvadi, offered to
of
148
deducted
from
never allowed to
As
days.
payment,
was
Shivaji
For
and Rs. 20
infantry,
ing
trooper
"
"
Officers
army were
liberally
service
the
privates
accord-
and the
in the royal
army
Shivaji's
of
rewarded for distinguished

soldiers got
the
to
latter,
if
special
nature
their
of
of soldiers
active service were liberally
state
and
3 for the
to
cavalry,
Widows and orphans
wounds.
offer
officers
the
and
according
allowance
fell in
Rs.
in
Wounded
war.
in
him to
for
higher or lower rank of the soldier or
the
to
to
punctual in his
the lower
pay varied from
the
Feshwa
the
in
strictly
was not necessary
it
very high salaries.
men
arrears as
fall in
was
pay
Their
salary.
his
MARATHAj
TIIF.
who
pensioned
by
major, were enlisted
any case they could expect
In
army whenever they attained

majority and in the mean time they were sure of
Shivaji assembled all
a suitable maintenance
to enter Shivaji's
Afzal s army
his soldiers after the destruction of
and rewarded them

sons
of
in
the combatants,
who had
widows
of those
who had no
be maintained by (a pension of) half

band's) pay.
per
directed
sons, should
their
(hus-
The wounded were given rewards
two hundred, one hundred,
Hons
fallen in the
He
action, were taken into his service.
that the
The
the usual manner.
man according
** lUbftdo,
K M
,0 AahHftgftd,
P..
fifty
or
twenty-five
to the nature of their
123.
n 'M.
of
Son Sira Chittrupati.
p.
tV
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
wounds.
and elephants
were given horses
Some were sumptuously rewarded
reward
(ornaments
like) bracelets, necklaces, crests,
dallions, ear-rings
presents
the
and commanders
Warriors of renown
of brigades
'49
rewarded
and crests
conferred
with
grants
of
on
Some
villages
with
me-
Such were
of pearl
men
in
in
were
mokasa."
This practice of rewarding soldiers for meritorious
and
services,
maintaining
widows
their
orphans by adequate pensions,

throughout the Peshwa period
was
continued
Military Regulations
The Maratha camp during the Peshwa

presented
disreputable
says Klphinstone,
idea
"
To
presents to
a Mahratta
of covering, of every
for
miles
in
all
mixed up with
it
spectacle.
period
Camp,"
European the
long lines of white tents
of
order.
and
in
the trimmest
presents an assemblage
shape and colour, spreading
directions,
over
tents, flags, trees,
hill
and
dale,
and buildings
march means one or more

columns of troops and ordnance moving along
roads, perhaps, between two hedges; in the MahIn
Jones s
History
ratta history
horse,
'
foot
and dragoons inunda-
ting the face of the earth for
many
miles on every
and there a f**w horse with a flag and a

drum mixed with a loose and straggling mass of
side, here
camels, elephants, bullocks, nautch-girls, fakccrs,
150 ADMINISTRATIVE
and
SYSTEM OF THE MARA TH AS
lanceand followers,
men and matchlockmen, bunyans and mootasuddies ."* Broughton gives a no less disparaging
Wine was publicly
picture of Sindhia s camp.
buffoons
troops
and public women accompanied the army to

the prejudice of discipline and order w
This was
sold
unthinkable
ed to keep
the
in
camp
with death
method,
Shivaji,
the
was punished
army a
for his
and
discipline
of
set of wise
These have been summed up by
regulations.
rule
this
lover
had drawn up
Sabhasad
one was allow-
a female slave or dancing
and any breach of
girl
No
time.
in Shivaji's
the following lines
in
The army should come to cantonments in

home dominions during the rainy season.
There
should
houses
medicines,
kept
be
for
stored
men and
grains,
fodder,
stables for horses
thatched with grass.
was over,
As soon as the Dasra **

the army should march out of their
At
quarter.
the
inventory should
time
of
made,
be
the men, great or small,
all
should
on
start
the
departure,
their
of
the belongings of
the
in
an
army and they
expedition.
For
eight
months, the forces should subsist (on their spoils),

the
in
'
.to**,
foreign
blpiUUittUui*
vn\
II, n.
li>
(.runt Huff, qiMfectl in
long*
brftUfffcinn,
letters from * Matath*
militated by Sovajoc,"
t r
should
levy
Colcbrouka'a Life of Elpbin*
Iff?.
flcoU-Warin* wrongly
wimi
They
territories.
i^t cn tbir es petition
uppoam
It
rif
"
Gamp. p. 21.
Tho faativml
of tho Desaara
wha an old practice of tbr TTIndu

renqn^t cm th Dasra day
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
There
contribution.
should
no
be
5*
women,
He
who would keep them, should be beheaded. In
enemy territories, women and children should
female
or dancing girls
slaves,
Males,
not be captured.
tured.
Cows should
should
be requisitioned
only.
be
expedition
Bullocks
purposes
not be molested
Brahman should
No one should commit
For eight months, they should
On
foreign countries
in
to the barracks
in
the
whole army should be
month
home dominions
of the
belongings should
the
very great value,
be
on
way back
Vaishakh, the
the
at
The former
frontier
inventory
Whatexcess, should be valued and
in
deducted from
the
of
searched
of the
ever might be
where
laid,
not be taken as a surety.

adultery.
taken.
transport
for
had been
contribution
found, should be cap.
if
not
Brahmans thould
the army.
in
if
be
soldiers'
any,
produced.
Things of
salary.
should
be
sent
to
the
any one secretly kept (any

thing) and the Sardar came to know (of it), the
royal treasury.
If
Sardar should punish him.
army to
made, and
the
gold,
jewels,
commodities.
There
all
the
to his Majesty.
If
cash from
His
of
should
be
to
see
clothes,
and other
the accounts
should be
should
things
be
any surplus should
due to the contingents,

in
return
Sardars should come
the
the Raja, with
explained and
the
camp an account
their
all
After
it
should
Majesty.
be
delivered
be
found
asked
for
Then they should
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAR ATH AS
152
Saranjam should be given
return to the barrack.
men who had worked hard
to the
campaign.
If
the
in
any one had been guilty
ing the rules or of cowardice, an
of violat-
enquiry
should
be made and the truth ascertained with the

sensus
of
punished
many and
with
dismissal
be quickly made.
remain
in
the
should
they
(the
I*
con-
should
Investigation
be
should
months they should

and on the Dasraday
or four
barracks,
wait
offender)
late
on
the
(Then)
Raja.
they
should march out to the country, selected for the
Such were
expedition, by the order of the Raja.

ihe rules of the army.**
These regulations were not designed
merely
were
strictly
to figure in the
book,
statute
but
While passing through the kingdom

Golkonda on his way to Tanjore. Shivaji had
enforced.
of
ordered his soldiers not to harass
the
people
in
Whatever they wanted was obtained

by peaceful purchase and any breach of law was
severely punished.
Sabhasad tells us
that
any way.
made examples
Shivaji on this occasion had
few
offenders
severity
to
intimidate
had the desired
effect.
others,
But the
the times was not favourable to strict

' HhktjhAwH,
pp. 29-90
11
fVom
bollocks
from Portu*3Ma
military
regulation!.
pp.
Bee
his
spirit of
discipline, 1*
Mon. 8irchlintrptf, pp Sl-U.
preamble of a treaty
it
appear# that Bhlvftji'a
away a number of man, woman, cbild/eo,
tarried
and
of a
territorial
Biker,
tn
cattle beside*
contravention of
Coflerca# dr
131432 and Ben. Butoncel Record*
at Ooa, p.
Trntado*,
10.
men ha
Irampon
sfcivajifl
Trmo, IT,
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
and although Shivaji's
to
his
yet
it
notice
failed to bring
and fraud,"
him to put a stop to
for
In
excesses.
seldom
of violence
cases
all
was impossible
military
.pics
>53
dated
letter
the
8th
September, 1671, we read how a Maratha soldier
had attacked the Sabnis of his regiment with a

naked sword On the 23rd July of the next
the soldiers gave trouble to
Chaphal
Waknis
Tant
year Shhraji wrote to Dattaji
the
pilgrims
that
of
the
At Chaphal lived Ramdas, Shivajis

He was revered throughout
guide.
fair.
spiritual
Maharashtra as a great saint and an incarnation
monkey-god Maruti
of the
behave properly
temple,
wc may
in
soldiers
precincts
the
carried
them
of
did
not
Ramdass
what extremes
easily imagine to
insolence
their
If
safer
at
places.
Shivaji, however, could not achieve the impossible.
His countrymen had before them the example of

the Bijapur army,
cuous by
high
its
where discipline was conspi-
absence.
ideal, but
Shivaji placed before
an ideal cannot always be forced
on ah unwilling people at the point
None
the less,
failed to
and
them a
the great
harangue
Maratha leader never
his soldiers
responsibilities.
about
In the year
to learn that the regiment
sword.
of
1676 he
encamped
Tic
*f
Rnjwada,
BlwiI* Sajjangad-w* flamaTtha Ramdaa,
duties
their
at
came
Chiplun
had unmberl*** informer! about bit troop*; no thnl if thej

kept Imck 1107 moiMtjr or goods from account, he forced them to fftr*
them tip. Scott, Hit. cf the Dei k an, Yol. II, p 55.
20
Vol VIII.
p. 30.
p.
122
154
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MAKATHAS
had
great
given
troubles
The
neighbourhood.
the
provision and took by
they wanted.
what
circular
issued
therefore,
Shivaji,
|umledars, Havaldars, and Karkuns of
reminding them that

sufficient
provision
was
their
time.
it
in
vegetable' were
grass and
of
were short of
troops
force
people
the
to
the
army
to
store
duty
bread,
grain,
If
the
to
taken away
forcibly
from the peasant, they would desert the locality

Some of them would die of starvation and your
presence would be more unwelcome
Mughals."
the
least trouble,
need
'
give
not
out
of
given to you
ment treasury.
Whatever any
grain
vegetable
or
should
be
not
people and the good
last
portion
of
the
minutest details of the

not escape his notice.
to
take
special
diers were not to
fodder
from
offered
anxiety
fully illustrates Shivajis
The
name
letter
Ic
to
wicks and
bed
set
lest
fire
market.
any one
to
document
the
his
welfare
soldiers.
shows how the
admonishes
precaution
smoke
of
the
for
the
for
want,
army administration
against
or cook
stacks and lamps were to be put
men went
may
soldier
The remarkable
on any account."
of his
the govern-
from
or
animals, should be purchased
Violence
the
rayat
the
Shivaji,
Money has been

either
that of
you have no
your camping places
continues
stray
to
Do
than
his officers
Sol-
fire.
near
out
did
the
hay-
before
the
mice dragged the burning

to
the
haystacks.
"
If
the
MILITARY' D E PA R T M ENT
haystacks were burnt
procured even
not be
hay could
necessary
the
the
if
Kunbis were de-
The horses
capitated and the Karkuns harassed.
would die
ruined. *
army,
knew
Shivaji
and
needs
its
We
soldiers.
with him
if
instances
took place inspite
what
them from the violence

tyranny
of
of
achieved
he
severe
too
oppression
or
We
vigilance.
his
should
attempted and not by
he
although
lie
should not be
him by what
judge
was
people and he
requirements,
tried his best to protect

his
be
about his
everything
anxious to secure the welfare of his
of
would
hunger and the cavalry
of
55
achievements
his
were by no means small.

Inspite of his defects the
a fine
Of short
fellow.
was man
he
man
for
wonderful
courage, hardihood,
mind and
his
tactics
tall
of
elusive
their
the
in
comparison
merits
forces
as
open
of
and
the
two armies
struck
an
Docter,
40
the
Bija-
meet
him
Fryers
contending
intelligent
foreign
Sew Grs Men
Kfljwmbi, M.us.. Vo! VIII, pp.
*"
Prjrer,
17S.
the
for
well illustrates
the
of
(1
by
on equal terms.
demerits
Says the
observer.
at last failed to
field
they
presence
energy,
adversary,
and
But his
Demoralised
inferiority
and the Mughals
even
the
the
to
was
light built
more than compensated
agility
physical
puris
and
stature
inferior
soldier
Mughal and Deccan: Mussulman.
stout
of
Maratha
156
thereby
being
any Martial
for
fitter
having been accustomed to
and
Fast,
take
miss
will
of
mount
must
THE MARATHAS
OI-
Hard,
Fare
little
Pleasure.
Booty
rather
Exploit,
But
Journey
the other
than
Dinner
and have their Arms

carried before them, and their Women not far
behind them, with the Masters of Mirth and
Jollity
expect
rather
will
state
in
but then they stand
Men
it
much
care not
pursue a Foe
than
out better
pitched
for a
Seva
for
though
Field,
they are good at Surprizing and Ransacking
agree
Spirits.
both
arc
of
comfort
characterised
the
yet
love of
Maratha
While Shivaji did not
officers at Panipat.
stirring
remarkable that the same
It is
luxury and
they
that
this,
in
Gi's
allow
"
Whores and Dancing Wenches in his army,

the Maratha army at Panipat was encumbered
with a large number of women.
Broughton says
of
41
Rao
Daulat
think
that
Sindhias soldiers
life
is
ments and have

of
whiling
evening,
prostitute
state
of
a taste for
away,
it
the
to
bestowed
arrack
and revel
at
shop,
through
crew
superior enjoyspirited
the
modes
approach of
or the tent of the

the
night
in
debauchery which could hardly be
low
envied by the keenest votary

beastly
for
more
retire,
such as
that,
'
4i
Shivaji's
of
Comus and
his
had
for
successors
reasons best known to them suffered these salutary
Fryer,
p.
174
Uroiigbioit,
ifl
MILITARY DEPARTMENT
157
was disastrous
army and themselves. The Maratha
regulations to lapse and the result

for
their
soldiers declined in morale,
ness
that
had made
Shivaji's leadership.
discipline
and
alert-
them so formidable under
CHAPTER
IV
Organisation ofthb Navy
found
necessary
it
enough
to
navy strong
organise a
to
check the raids of the Siddi's

His
his coast
fleet
and Ghurabs as
on
fleet
consisted mainly of Gallivftts
as
well
various description
less
Konkan, Shivaji
after his conquest of the
Soon
many
Sabhasad
crafts of
river
tells
us that no
than four hundred Ghurabs, Tarandes,
Gallivats,
Shibads and
organised
into
Pagars
squadrons
two
were
of
Tarus,
built
and
200 vessels
Each squadron was placed under the supreme
command of
Muhammadan
an
officer,
Dariya
dari.
Admiral,
and
Sarang
Dariya
Mai
was
Sarang,
Naik,
not
a Bhan-
the
only
Muhammadan officer in Shivajis fleet. Another

prominent Muhammadan Admiral, Daulat Khan
by name,
entered Shivajis
service a
few
years
was in all probability manned

mainly by the Kolis nnd other sea-faring tribes
What was their uniform,
of the Malabar coast.
At
or whether they had any, we do not know.
The
later.
'
fleet
Sabhnsail, p.
Sou, Sira Chbli-*ll, pp, 08-01
ORGANISATION OF THE NAVY

Malwan,
the
port of Shivaji, there
Maratha hero with
the
of
statue
principal
Koli hat on his head.*

unfair
not,
It will
suppose that the
to
159
is
the peculiar
therefore,
sailors
be
of Shivaji's
generally wore a similar headgear.
fleet
Sabhasad
tells
us that Shivajis
harassed the indigenous sea powers

but also plundered the ships
not only
fleet
of the south,
and possessions of
such European powers as
the
Portuguese,
the
Dutch and the English. That Shivajis navy

was a menace to these traders is quite true,
but he was not so fortunate in his naval as in
He
his military organisation.
his
own against the Siddis
numerical
strength
of
his
highly exaggerated by his
Orme
Robert
of
could
had
Scvagi
increased
to
were
fifteen
informs
crowded
by
in
us
was
perhaps
court
time
fifty-seven
grabs,
and the
"
that
this
the
hold
the sea
fleet
sons
hardly
historian.
The
1675
sail,
of
rest
fleet
been
which
gallivats,
all
men.
Fryer
saw
on
his
way to Serapatan (Kharepatan), to the South
of Dan de Rajpore a Strong Castle of Seva
with
Gi's defended a deep Bay,
consisting
the
of
Admiral
Prof.
where rode
Navy,
Small
Ships
and
Vessels,
wearing a
White
Flag
aloft."
30
Jadunath Sarkar* points out

*
8*6
Orme,
Trjtr, p. 145
his
takas Sruipraha, Spin* la
IlintoHcul Fragment*,
Lskha,
p.
"that the
53.
Sarkar. Bhirajf,
p. 33fl.
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAR ATH
160
never
English reports
and
160,
bability
200
usually
60
as
number above
their
In
'
only.
pro-
all
men-of-war did not exceed

but hr had a Large mercantile
Shivajis
number,
in
put
VS
On
navy.
land
quality than
on the number of his men,
sea,
however,
that
of
the
his
was decidedly
fleet
English
The
number.
depended more on the
Shivaji
efficiency,
in
President
was of opinion
"
that
on the
inferior to
though not
Factory
the Surat
of
one good
in
English
ship
would destroy a hundred of them without running

herself into great
This weakness was
danger
mainly due to the lack
good
of
artillery
as well
as the want of a naval tradition.
The main
strength of the Maratha
fleet
con-
and the ghurabs, vessels

The ghurabs
the Malabar coast.
sisted in the gallivats
peculiar
and the
to
gallivats of the
Angrias
fleet
Ortne
thus described by Robert
have
been
The
grabs
have rarely more than two masts, although some

have three those of three arc about 300 tons
;
burthen
150
but
they are
the
built
being very broad
in
others
to
are
not
draw very
proportion
to
narrowing however from the middle
more than
water,
little
their
to
length,
the
end,
where instead of bows they have a prow, projectgalley, and

ing like that of a Mediterranean
covered with a strong deck level with the main
ao Sou) qa^.l
(P. R. Harl, HG,
Militftfy TnMlMftlcmft
la
Sarkar'. ShimJI,
(2nd Ed.), Vot,
I,
pp.
p. 3<.
ORGANISATION OP IHK NAVY

deck of the
vessel,
separated by a
fore-castle
bulkhead
as
from which,
this
l6l
however,
is
it
which terminates the
construction subjects the
grab to pitch violently when sailing against
head sea, the deck of the
prow
with sides as the rest of the vessel

bare, that the water
pass
but remains
is.
dashes upon
which
without interruption
off
enclosed
not
is
on
may
it
main deck
the
under the fore-castle are mounted two pieces of
cannon
of nine or twelve
which
pounders,
forwards through the port holes cut

head, and
fire
broadside are
over the prow
from
six
to
the mizen
slight
only one
the
very
sail,
peak of
than
which
is
bamboos
fixed
on
those
of
itself.
which
from
fifty
split,
swivels
the
rarely
triangular and
very
large,
In
general the gallivats
made
for
lightness
and these only carry pcttcrarocs

in
the gunnel of the vessel; but
largest
mount
they
Largest
main mast bears
the
are covered with a spar deck,

of
grab,
when hoisted being much higher
it
mast
the
The
the
like
the
the
they have two masts of which
exceeding 70 tons
is
of
nine pounders.
dimensions,
smaller
of
the bulk-
the cannon
gallivats are large row-boats built
but
in
point
size
have a fixed deck on
six or eight
pieces of cannon,
two to four pounders: they have forty or

stout oars and may he rowed four miles an
hour.
It
is
not difficult to understand
why such
clumsy vessels manned by inexperienced sailors

should not be able to contend with the English
21
62 ADMINISTRATIVE
on their
peculiar
element
on equal terms.
But
we should note that Shivaji's sailors had on

more than one occasion attacked Portuguese
men-of-war with success.
Of the other vessels mentioned by Sabhasad

the iarande was a sailing vessel of large dimen*
sion
the
shibad was a flat-bottomed two-masted
any deck, and the pagar was only

smoothed canoe. Most probably some of
craft without
well
these crafts belonged to the mercantile navy,
may not be
out of place to note here that Shivaji
had a strong mercantile
that
fleet
plied
ports and the coast towns of Arabia.
his
many
It
contemporaries
between
Unlike
Maratha
had realised that a strong naval power without
a strong mercantile navy was an impossibility.
of
his
the great
Besides doing police work against Ihc Siddis
navy was also employed in

taking possession of foreign vessels wrecked on
his coast and collecting duties from trading
pirate
Shivaji's
fleet
In Shivaji's time
ships.
duty of
the
it
was considered the
state to regulate prices of articles.
This was done mainly by
regulating
export
1'
and
import duties.
The naval
die
naval
tion
The
him.
with
reputation
of
their
roused by
spirit
of
fleet
lUJwa'Ip.
Angrias
maintained
Maharashtra
by
V.
the
L VIII.
Shivaji did not
till
the
the destruc-
combined
pp. 21-20.
efforts
ORGANISATION OF THE NAVY

of
the
also
Peshwa and the English.
had a strong
coast.
fleet for
The mercantile
163
The Peshwas
defending the western

spirit
of
the
Maratha
traders also found a greater scope with the expan-
Maratha empire.
merchant-men plied between
sion of the
In
Shivajis
Arabia
and
time
the
Malabar coast
during the Peshwa period the
Maratha traders actually settled in Arabian coast
towns like Muscat and their trading vessels
;
visited
China.
The
bore ample
naval
policy
of
though long
the Maratha Alfred had passed away.
therefore
fruit,
R-p Dock.
11.
Shivaji
after
CHAPTER V
Other Aspects ok Administration
At/ministration of Justice
/.
Maharashtra
Shivajis
method
primitive
borate
The
known.
or
office
administering justice.
of
houses
court
costly
law,
village
before
retained her simple
still
the
were
these
of
illiterate,
the
in
village temple or
fig
under the
tree
to
hear
justice.
amateur judges were certainly
they
for
un-
Patils
and administer common-sense
suits
Some
absolutely
met
ciders
spreading branches of a sacred

civil
Ela-
volumes of codified
procedure,
of
rules
put
their
signs
of
nongar,
ghana, or katyar whenever a signature was

But they must have been conversant
necessary.
The
with the customary laws of their land.
tagri,
balutas or
moned
village
before
the
artisans
were frequently sum-
Panchayet
to aid the
with their invaluable knowledge of village

or
tradition.
able,
divine
Marathas
of
with
history
when no evidence was availaid was freely invoked

and the
But
much
faith in the
fearlessly
and some-
those days had so
potency of truth that

times
judges
impunity
they
grasped a red hot iron
ball
OTHF.R ASPECTS OF ADMINISTRATION
165
and plunged their hand into boiling ghi or oil

to draw out a piece of metal or rava.
These
were
not
the
only
water, libation water,

of
sacred
popular ordeals
lamp and
of
circumambulation
were also known.
temple,
unknown author
ordeals by
Shivaji Pratap describes a
peculiar ordeal of which
we
In an alleged case af
no other
adultery, two drops
one each
veins
from
the
find
of
mingle
For
boiling
of
all
oil.
so the
we know
lady
But
lol
instance.
of blood,
man and
the
woman, were taken and dropped

full
The
into
cauldron
would
they
the
not
was honourably acquitted.
this ordeal
had never
possibly
been practised.
Criminal cases were heard
by
and
the
the
a gentleman without
Patil,
hence
in
unlikely
to
be
first
instance
much
learning
familiar
with
the
Hindu law-givers like

Manu and Yajnavalkya. But the Brahman
Nyayadhish who heard appeals in both civil and
criminal suits was as a matter of course well
injunctions
versed
in
of
the
old
the shastras.
The Hazir
Majalasis to
hear final appeals perhaps met more often
in
the
days of Shivaji and his immediate successors than

during the Peshwa regime.
And we
very frequently
come across two functionaries who seem to have

silently slipped away from existence during the
Peshwa days. These were the Sabha Naik or
Judge President and the Mahaprashnika or Chief
Interrogator
whose
duty appears
to have
been
166
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK
and
examine
to
cross-examine
Whether they were
by
elected
MAHATMAS
Tl! E
the
parties.
their
brother
we do not know.
member who commanded the
judges or nominated by the king
Perhaps an elderly
respect of his co-villagers,
assumed some
sort
of
superiority over others as a matter of course and
younger member
Panchayet perhaps
the
examine the parties
to
volunteered
of
save his colleagues from that trouble.
Education
2.
in
and encouraged
were
or stale-aided schools
the days
in
students from
all
him
under
department
scholars as
education
There was no organised edu-
an indirect way.
cation
parts
of
of
State-founded
unknown.
yore
Learned
attracted
Shivaji
culture.
foundation
grants
in
of
these
money
scholars of his time.
centres
by making large
schools
the
all
distinguished
Similar grants
to physicians of note irrespective
and creed and so the votaries
the
encouraged the
indirectly
or land to
eager
country and
the
schools which thus grew formed the only

of
to
fostered
Shivaji
order
in
1
of
the
of
were
made
their
caste
science
of
medicine were permitted to carry on their studies
and humanitarian endeavours
and
security.
1
It
was one
Tie old mc4hod of
hftccUd b J the
leogtb in Book
comparative ease
the
titiminiitcriiiff jnrtice
riiw of tbe Pel

II.
of
in
wound
will le
duties
wa>
the
of
pnicticully
at
un-
grcatoi*
OTHER ASPECTS OF ADMINISTRATION

Rao
Pandit
the
to test
merit
and assign a
of
proper inam to the deserving candidates.
system of Dakshana grant
Many
to
and the Peshwas.
men were
poets and literary
Among them
Shivajis court.
known was Bhushan
attracted
most
the
Hindi poet
the
This
encouragement
for the
of learning has survived Shivaji
167
Jayaram
the author of Parrr.il Paroat Grahanakhyan
Paramananda the author
of
well
and
Shiva Bharat wrote
in
Their poetical efforts were munificently
Sanskrit.
rewarded as were those of the celebrated ballad
Ajnandas and
writers of the time,

j.
Shivajis Achievements
We
have seen that the
Tulshidas.
civil
and the
military
had been framed mainly

his times and in this respect
regulations of Shivaji
to
meet the needs
they
were
of
eminently
successful.
Muhammadan
a life-long war against his

bours,
Shivaji
peace and
of
tranquillity so
commerce and
the revenue
system
enlightened
give
of
his
and
his
necessary
industry.
a careful survey of
fairly
not
could
Engaged
his
But
lie
neigh-
people
for the
in
that
growth
had reformed
kingdom, organised
and substituted
lands,
efficient
government
a
for
the tyranny of semi-independent revenue officers.
He had
organised
an
army
that
shattered
the
Mughal Empire in the South.

father of the Maratha navy and the
foundation of the
He was
the
mercantile
policy inaugurated by him had a very
Born
bright future
fifty-three
during
but created a nation.
that Shivaji
the
short reign
was the most
Yet we cannot admit
original of Indian rulers.
For his revenue policy he was indebted to
Some
Ambar.
of
his
horses
branding
Hindustan
Shivaji
even
of the cavalry
Allauddin
in
however enforced
was
there
formerly
escape
personal attention
to
the
his
system
the
was known
Khiljis
in
time.
method where
strict
lack of
irregularity did not
Malik
regulations were
military
copied from the Adilshahi code, and

of
of
he had not only founded a king-
thirty-five years
dom
MAR ATH AS
1627 he died at the age of
in
and
only,
I'HF.
The
it.
slightest
keen eyes and
minute
details of
in
he
government perhaps he was not inferior to his

great Mughal rival. We find him framing regulations about the proper style of official letters,
we
him deliberating about the necessity

He urges
punctual payment of masons.
of
find
cavalry
fire in
officers
To
animals.
instructions
nuts,
beware of the careless use of

They arc warned to be more
to
the camp.
careful about
storing
hay
and
the governor of
for
regulating
the
fodder for their

port
he
same man
starting
so
influenced
language.
a literary
the
issues
price of salt and
and we cannot but wonder when we
vitally
his
find the
movement which
character of Marathi
He employed an
erudite
scholar to
synonyms for current Persian

words and the Rajvyatnhar Kosh was compiled.
find
out
Sanskrit
OTHKK ASPECTS OF AOM IN

has often been asked
It
institutions
Shivaji's
why
ST RATION
many
so
did
to survive him.
fail
Jadunath Sarkar attributes
his
169
Prof.
to
failure
of
build
up an enduring state mainly to caste rivalry.

The caste system is not new to India and whatever
may
be
be
cannot
its
effects
said
that
and
military
it.
The great bane
Maratha
on the
the fate
institutions
of
caste
of
spite
was much affected by

the country had been
this
flourished
Shivaji had tried his
rivalry.
feudalism,
best to abolish
it
Shivaji's civil
of
feudalism or the jagir system and

in
state,
but
the
great
defect
was its autocratic character.

Its success depended on the man at the helm.
Sambhaji was an incompetent ruler and it did
not take him long to undo his father's work.
Rajaram was unable to effect or attempt any
of
government
his
reform.
besieged
his
sion
on
his
the fort of
in
friends
offered to
from
Driven
all
in
Jinji,
possible
paternal
he had to conciliate
sole
allowed to hold
condition
their
His
ways.
conquer principalities
the
home and
in
officers
enemy posses-
that they should be
conquest
in
jagir.
Thus
Rajaram helped to revive feudalism and once
it
was revived, Shivaji's institutions were doomed to

extinction.
In the turmoil of war every law was
abeyance and when a new order dawned

existence was over,
for
struggle
after
the
had become a memory.
institutions
Shivajis
held
in
Further concessions to the feudal chiefs had to

22
70 ADMINISTRATIVE
be
made during
and
his
was
in
SYSTEM OK THE MARATHAS
the
Kolhapur cousin.
theory
attributed
And although feudalism
condemned
in
Ratnchandra
to
was
practice
every
growth.
After the death of
suffered
thing
more
still
Shahu
between
war
civil
work on
Pant
done
polity
Amatya,
in
foster
its
to
Shahu the monarchy

power and prestige and the
in
Peshwas became the
heads of the
real
state.
But they did not or could not suppress the ever-
growing feudal tendencies and created, either from

from
policy or
and
followers.
need,
The
new
result
for their friends
fiefs
was
that
the central
government grew weaker as the feudal chiefs

waxed stronger and ultimately the whole fabric
collapsed
with
slightest
the
collision
Brahman
equally
fall
of
institutions
ideal.
with
and
contributed
prejudices
and
tremendous
had very
the
at
western power.
Non-Brahman
the
to
crash
Lhe
Both
Barons
that
collapse and caste
to
do with the decline
little
Maratha empire.
Shivaji's civil
disappeared with the rejection of his
BOOK
II
THE ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF

THE PESHWAS
INTRODUCTION
Original Marathi Sources:
/.
We
tread on firmer ground
Peshwa
the
when we come
to
Under the able leadership
period.
Bhat Peshwas, the Maratha empire rapidly

expanded, the Maratha heroes carried their victoriof the
ous banner from one end of India to the other, and

the hoarded wealth of Hindustan filled the coffers
of the southern warriors.
naturally
spurred
the
Prosperity and
literary
activities
wealth
of the
Marathas and numerous bakhars were written to

immortalise the valiant achievements not only
of the Peshwa and Shahu Chhatrapati but
of
lesser
chiefs
Gaikwads,
as
the
The
well.
Bhonsles,
the
Dabhades,
Patwardhans, the
Smdhia and the Ilolkar, all found

some able chronicler to compile
their
respective
families.
Two
the
or
employed
the
history of
chronicles
of
Panipat disaster have come down to us

and the famous prince who led the Maratha
the
lui of Uloc
llihr-a nelim Sakiru,
chroniafea
will
compiled by Q.
V, Aplc and V, 8, Valtaikii.
6.
be
found
in
Serdeesi, T.
8. Shejevalknr,
174 administrative
army on
that fateful
As
biography.
system ok the marathas
day was not
without
left
the old days stirring accounts
in
triumphs and national disasters were

by those popular bards the shahirs,
of national
supplied
who wrote
not for the
learned
teeming masses toiling

hills
and
but
for
the
the fields and forests,
towns and hamlets of the Maratha

But fortunately we have not to rely on
dales,
country.
beautiful
the
in
few
charming
ballads
the
of
narrative
shahirs
or on the
the
chroniclers
for
an
account of the administrative
institutions
of
the
of
We
have more reliable materials in

the contemporary records and state papers, carePeshwas.
and
fully
Daftar
methodically
preserved
the
Husur
or imperial secretariat at Poona.
The Peshwa Daftar

been thrown open
the
valuable
Deccan
of
Poona has not yet
the general public, but the
to
inquisitive student gets a

in
in
glimpse of
selections
Vernacular
its
treasures
published
Translation
by
the
Society under
the able editorship of a band of erudite scholars.
The
selections
made
were
by
Kao
Bahadur
Ganesh Chirnnaji Wad, but they were published

after
from
his
death.
The
nine volumes of Selections
the Satara Rajas
edited
by
supply
information
Parasnis.
and
Sane.
about
Peshwas Government,
activities not excluded,
the Peshwas ' Diaries
Marathe and Joshi

all
the branches of the
their social
and
religious
as the following headings
and subheadings under which the papers
ol the
SOURCES Oh INFORMATION
second Baji
will
>75.
regime have been arranged
Rao's
show
1.
2.
3.
Political
Matters
Military Administration
(*)
Army
(**)
Forts
Land Revepue and
its
administration
(t)
Survey and assessment
(ri)
Mamlatdars, Kamavisdars, Farmers of
of land
land revenue and khots

4.
Other Taxes
Taxes
on
sales
and purchases
of
things
Watandars
5.
Village and district
6.
Other revenue
7.
Administration of Justice
(i)
Civil
(it)
Criminal
officers
(a) Conspiracy
(
b)
and treason
Murder and suicide
(c)
Dacoity
(</)
Forgery
(<?)
Adultery
(/) Miscellaneous offences

(?k) Police
()
8.
Prison
Misconduct
Jagirdars
of
Government
officers
and
176

Grants and continuance of
9.
Inams, Allow-
ances, Watans, etc.

(t)
Grants
For service done or injury received
(<*)
or as a
For
(A)
mark
charitable
fulfilment of
Mint and coins
13.
Prices and
14.
Slaves
vows
wages
Religious and Social matters
5.
16.
Public Festivals
17.
Poona and
18.
The Peshwas
It
in
Medicine and surgery
1.
12.
purposes and
Postal service
10.
1
of favour
is
its
suburbs
tour
needless to add that
in
these selections
not a single department of the Poona government
has
been
and no student of the

Maratha administrative system can do without
these nine volumes of the Peskvas' Diaries They
left
unillustrated
however not without defects as was pointed

out by Mr. V. K. Rajwade.
For unavoidable
are
reasons,
some
over which
of the
the
had no control,
been published in
editors
papers have not
and the uninitiated reader sometimes finds

difficult to grasp the purport of a mutilated
full,
it
record.
The English summaries given
in
the
SOURCES OF INFORMATION
footnote
are
not
only
very brief but sometimes
Kao
inaccurate.
hopelessly
177
Bahadur
D.
B.
drew upon the Poona records

and published two more volumes in his Itihas
Sangraha. Pcshvsc Daftaratil Nivadak Kagad
Parasnis
further
Patre deals with
matters
military
and
alone
Peshwe Daftaratil Sanada Patre throws fresh

light on both the civil and the military branches
may here add that the
of the administration.
seven volumes of Itihas Sangraha abound in
I
original records of the greatest importance.
To Rao Bahadur
and Mr. P.
V. Mawji we are indebted for four volumes of
Selections from the Government Records in the
vis., Sanads
Alienation Office of Poona
and
D. B. Parasnis
Vatan Patre Ahad Patre, Kaifyatyadi

and Treaties and Agreements. Many valuable
papers have been published in Parasnis's Bharat varsha, Rajwade's Marat hyanchya Itihasanchi
Letters,
Sadhanen,
Sanes
Patre
Yadi
Akavals and Itivnttas of the Bharat
Bagaire,
Itihas
the
Sansho-
dhak Mandal and the Itihas Ani Aitihasik

is
It
impossible
the publications
the
within
this
Shastri
Khare
notice.
He
compass of a small chapter,

the late Vasudev Shastri Vaman
of Miraj deserv e
more than a passing
by no means the only scholar to

the important family papers of the
is
Sardars and Jagirdars.

a3
comprehensive subject
short
but the works of
bring to light
on
to deal exhaustively with all
K. N.
Sane and
V, K.
78
Raj wade were
his
and
the Chandrachud Da/tar
predecessors
Mr. Apte, the editor of

is
expected
neither
be
to
an
in
able
going
to
it
were
they
The records were
publish.
But
necessary to
papers
the
line
successor.
Sane nor Rajwade deemed
arrange chronologically
this
placed
before the public as they were discovered without
any arrangement and the absence of an index

only adds to the difficulties of the student who
has to grope through these volumes for any
Vasudeb Shastri Khare s

Ai/ihasii Lc.kha Sangraha, the twelfth volume of
which was posthumously published a few months
particular information.
ago, offers
to
The
surprise.
the
wearied
records
reader an agreeable
are
chronologically
and although no index is supplied its

absence is more than compensated by an excellent introduction to each section which informs
the reader what the succeeding papers have to
arranged
tell
him.
Pandit
these
In
twelve
Kharc published
important papers of the

served
of the
for
all
for
important
tive
system
the
time the
first
practical purposes as the
to
is
all
Wardens
No
the student of the administra-
of the
Mr. Apte
the
late
Patwardhan chiefs who
Peshwas
ranji Sansthatuha Itihas.
almost
the
Southern Marches for so many years.
less
lation
volumes
Itihas
is
K hare's
Ichalka.
very useful compi-
Manjari
in
which
more important published docu-
ments have been included.
Modern Marathi Works
2.
From these
while turn
place
Maratha
this
in
Mr. G.
S. Sardcsai's
biographies
of
is
may
we may
and
for a short
works
historical
scholars.
must
section
volume of which
the
records
to biographical
modem
of
old
79
The foremost
assigned
be
Marathi Riyasat the

shortly
expected.
to
fifth
Among
be mentioned Natus Life
Mahadaji Sindhia, Vasudcv Shastri
Khares
Rao
Holkar,
Nana
Atres
Fadnavis,
Malhar
Rajadhyakshas Jivba l)ada Bakshi and Parasnis's
Brahmendra Swami.
appendices of the
the
In
two works have been published some impor-
last
tant contemporary letters not available elsewhere.
Bapats
Life
of
the
first
Kao
Baji
work which docs not aim at
is
historical
a popular
accuracy
and space docs not permit me to mention other

works of this type. Acre's Ganv Gada deals
with
va
village
communities and Kclkar's Maratha
Ingraj treats among other subjects of the
J.
Portuguese and Persian
The Portuguese
records, though specially im-
portant for military and the naval organisation
of
the Marathas, occasionally give us an insight into

the
of
religious,
the
commercial and domestic policy
Peshwas
The
later
Persian
histories
l8o
and Rajput Hindi, and Gurumukhi records

important to a student
Marathas.
the
of
the
cannot afford
lie
to
be
Ibratnama but these are not so indispensable

,
to a student of the administrative system,
knowledge
of
system prevailing
is
history
political
such works as Siyaru-l Mutakhirin
indifferent to
or
of
are
the
in
the
Muhammadan
though
revenue
neighbouring provinces
always helpful.
English Sources
Next
are
in
the
records.
importance to the
published
To
and
Maratha records
unpublished
the unpublished
English
the Imperial Records Department
only a passing reference.
We
English
papers
in
can here make
get
there
de.
tailed
account of the Peshwa's revenue compiled
by no
less a
personage than
Elphinstone about
four years before the final collapse of the Peshwa's
powers.
We may
sometimes learn a good deal
about the popular superstitions of the times

the confidential
from
reports of the English diplomats.
Rut for our purpose the most important document

is
Elphinstones Report on the Territories recently
conquered from the Paishva.
This
is
a veritable
mine of information and as Elphinstone had

personal knowledge of the Maratha administration,
his
views
command
our greatest
unfortunately he saw the

at
Us worst and probably
respect.
But
Peshwas government
all
his
remarks were
l8l
not equally applicable to the better days of
Fadnavis and Madhava Rao
Jenkins's Report
I.
on the Territories of the Rajah of Nagpore
document of great
official
interesting
Central
India.
published
on
throw
Marathas and so do the works

travellers
and
through
the
officials
equally-
occasional
system of the
of
who had
an
Wellesley's
only
the .administrative
is
Malcolm's
of
Wellington's and
despatches
sidelight
and
interest
the second volume
is
Nana
those
Knglish
occasion
to
pass
Maratha country.
Fitzclarence's
Journey through India, Brougthon's Letters
written in a
Maratha Camp, Moor's
Narrative
of the Operations of Capt. Little's Detachment

and Valentia's Voyages and Travels may be mentioned
in this
mention here
connection, but
it
is
impossible to
works of this nature.

Forbes's
Oriental Memoirs, however, is too important to
all
be silently passed
part of his
life in
over,
spent
lie
the
Western India and was a
major
keen
human affairs. The Maratha records

lay down the principles, but they do not
observer of
generally
always inform us to what extent
were respected
in
practice.
these
This
principles
deficiency
is
made up by the accounts of such foreign observers

as Moor and
Forbes, although
we have to
make some allowance for their obvious bias and
prejudice.
For the military organisation of the
Marathas we get invaluable information from such

English
writers
as
Thom,
Blacker.
Prinsep,
'
82 ADMINISTRATIVE
Compton and Lewis Ferdinand Smith, while
very interesting account of the Angrias navy has

been supplied
Clement Dunning, whose History
by
of the Indian
1
737-
Wars was
published as
Space does not permit
me
early
as
to enter into a
and I
examination of these works here
can only barely mention such well-known works as
critical
Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas, Forrest's

Selections from Statepapers and Ranade's Introduction
(0
th e
Satara
Rajas'
and Peskwas
Diaries.
This
chapter
should
not
be
considered
aims to indicate the nature of the

materials used in the following pages, and it is
expected to be helpful to students who seek
exhaustive.
It
further information on the subject.
CHAPTER
The Period ok Transition

In their politic*!
from
differed
ness.
aims and
the founder of the Maratha great-
Shivaji tried to organise a genuine national
movement, and as the

regenerated
even
in
theory acknowledge
submit to the
son
avowed leader
Singh,
the
supremacy of
Consequently when he had to
terms
imposed on him by Raja
got the stipulated nansab for his
he
Sambhaji,
then
boy
of
but
seven,
not degrade himself to the position of a
vumsabdar.
subtle to the
soothing
This
distinction will appear as too
modem
easy
the
did
Mughal
mind,
but
it
succeeded
scruples of a time
After
coronation he tried his utmost to wipe off
traces
of
Muhammadan
government and
influence
his old officers got
in
when con-
science was not so rigorous and exacting.

his
the
of
Hindus of the south, he could not
the great Mughal.
Jai
Pcshwas
ideals the
from
all
his
new Sanskrit
designations.
Sambhaji cared only for pleasure,

and during the stormy days succeeding his death,
the Marathas were too
comparatively
busy to care
minor things
for their existence.
for
these
they had to fight
184
Shahu,
however,
Grand Mughal
in
was
Mughal
the
by
in its
palmy
and was dazzled, hypnotised, almost blinded
Mughal
the
sun, the great Alamgir,
had seen face to face.
occupy
to
He had
court.
witnessed the splendour of that court

days,
up by the
brought
his
When Shahu
whom
he
returned
ancestral throne, he was not
position to appreciate the true significance of
in
the
movement of which his celebrated grandIn his childhood he must

father was the leader.
have heard from his Mughal teachers that the
great
was nothing but a powerful bandit.

He could understand Shivaji the empire-builder,
mountain rat
but
Shivaji
the
national
leader
was to him an
enigma, a mystery not even vaguely
understood,
and he did not hesitate to accept a mansaboi 10,000

Shahu
from the feeble hands of Farrukhsiyar.
promised to pay to the imperial treasury an annual
tribute
-)[
the
Surdeshmookhee or ten per cent.

whole revenue, he bound himself to protect
11
for the
the country, to suppress every species

dation,
of
depre-
to bring thieves to punishment, or restore
amount stolen, and to pay the usual fee of six

hundred and fifty-one per cent, on the annual
income, for the hereditary right of Surdeshmookh
the
for the grant of the Chouth, he agreed to maintain

a body of 15,000 horse in the Emperor's service
to
be placed at the disposal of the Soobehdars,
Foujdars and officers

but upon the grant
in
of the
the
different
districts
Chouth, no fee was to
THE PERIOD OP TRANSITION

The Carnatic and
be paid.
185
the Soobehs of Beeja-
poor and Hyderabad, which were then overrun

by the partisans of Sumbhajee, Raja of Kolapoor.
Shao promised to clear of plunderers and to make

good every loss sustained by the inhabitants of
those provinces from the date
ment
of the treaty.
the final settle-
of
This arrangement was no doubt convenient to

him in more than one way, but it was not merely
expediency
that
led
Shahu
make a formal
Mughal supremacy
to
the
of
acknowledgment
when he was in a position to defy it most effectin
his
belief in the
lie was sincere
ively.
legitimacy of the Mughal claim and it is said that
Shahu protested when the Delhi Danvaja gate
of
Poona was
built
by
the
Pcshwa,
that
gate
mean defiance and insult

What Shahu sincerely believed,
facing the north would
Badshah.
to the
the
Peshwas found most convenient

actually
they
Further,
tried
to
to
continue.
what
derive
advantage they could from that policy. When

Malwa was conquered by Maratha arms, they did
not hesitate to have their claims strengthened by
an
grant.
imperial
followed
simply
Sindhia
when he obtained
farina n
of
celebrated
this
for his master, the
Gram
known as
Mahadaji
traditional
The great
Nana Fadnavis,
Duff (Ocford Edition),
VcL
I, p.
policy
Pcshwa,
Vakil-i-mutluq.
Janardan, better
The
334.
the
Bala ji
in his
THE MARATHAS
autobiography referred to the Emperor as prithvi master
putty
world
the
o!
in
*;
front
letter
Ganesh Krishna, dated 1676 shaka, the Emperor

author
is called Sarbabhauma * and the unknown
of the ballad
the
of
battle
Emperor was
that the
Kharda thought
of
a position
still in
to
order
Kao Sindhia (the Shindc left Hindustan

and Guzrat and came to the sotph, the Badshah
Daulat
ordered him). 4
The Raja of Satam
/.
Next to the Emperor

of Satara, the
status
came
descendant of
lineal
head
nominal
the
in
of the
the Raja
Shivaji,
Maratha Empire.
and
It
was he who appointed the Peshwa and the other

hereditary
Sumanta,
Sachiv,
state
of
officers
like
This
etc.
Pratinidhi,
the
appointment
ceremony
grant of clothes resembles in spirit the
papal
of
undergo
p.
that
and
time-honoured
Saha
Rome,
at
but
coronation
frVtnnr.i'fl
or
Emperors had to
the
was
like
form.
it,
nothing
form
This
was
Autobiography in Snne'a Pairo Yadi Bn^nirc,
23.
KlinriU ftmUd in
in
ntyled
dnrit*g
Pali* Y*Ii ltuîrv,

*
ttao
covdiaol dourly
weak Emperor.
Sunmi, p*rl
II,
Aunuigstb
30-
id
Hugh*) camp.
It
i*
noteworthy that
ndniined from oaanug any harm to tho Imperial
tnftrofxvlki wlon it lay at
tbu
|>
Utter of Ywabai, *|fa of StmbhftJI, written
her captivity in th
Pafhwm Bji
for
p Z\
!*!* Yftiii iU*ruiw,
Ms
rnarej
abon-a
nod th nfiaoni uaigned by him
bow
the
Murathaa
ft;
I.
nwpccted the
Poe this interest inp Uttar nc Paraiais Brahairttdn*

pp. 21 31.
strictly
THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION
187
observed so long as the Maratha
Empire
Even Baji Rao
lasted.
his
to
II,
was
careless as he
of
Sardars rights, could not or did not venture
do away with
this formal
daftar has been
found a
ceremony.
In his
document, an account
which begins as follows

" Abaji Krishna Shelukar went to Satara to
of slate expenses,
bring from Shriman*

pati
M aharaj
Swami, the clothes
shri Baji
of
Chhatra-
Rajashri
peshwaship
Raja-
for
Rao Raghunath Rao and brought
clothes on
the
3rd
Jamadilakhar." 1
the
should
It
be noted here that unlike the Pope, the
Chhatra-
Maharaj raised no trouble about
granting
pati
his sanction to the authority already

if
the
grantees were
seized,
Thus
usurpers.
even
Raghu-
Raghunath transformed by
Parashram Bhau
Patwardhan
into
Chimnaji
Madhava, and Vinayak Rao, son of Amrit Rao,
nath Rao, Chimnaji

,
had no
ship,
difficulty in
getting the clothes of peshwa-
although they could not retain the
which they aspired

Chimnaji)
victim
other
of
or (as
which was thrust

state
chiefs,
members
to,
conspiracy.
the
on
In
hereditary
of Shivaji's
in
authority
case
the
an
of
unwilling
the case of the
successors of
the
Ashta Pradhan Council, the
saranjam or jagir was
invariably granted
by the
Peshwas, but they were either referred to the

state prisoner at
Satara
for
PvahwiiV Diane*, Vol. V.
grant of clothes of
lSaji
Ran
II, p.
14
their
or this mark of
office,
THE MARATHAS
royal
sanction
was
them by the Peshwa's agent. Thus

writes to Achyut Rao Ganesh
Madava Rao
(1762-1763) that the pratinidhiship as before
has been granted to Shrinivas Pandit and he has
procured
for
been accordingly sent
clothes of honour."
when
father, a
Parashram
Similarly
ceeded
the
(
his
second
'
777*7)-
the
clothes
similar letter
tion
dress
perhaps
in
The
Raja.
sent
also
and
given to his
head-dress and arms,
Shrimant Maharaj
honour."
were
dead),
is
been sent with Sadashiv Anant
to give the aforesaid
dress of
he
have to be
the post
of
therefore
request the
was written by
(te.,
Pratinidhi
son; clothes of honour,
have
suc-
Shrinivas
Madhava Rao to Babu Rao Krishna

God has reached
The comman d
Pandit
Shrinivas
receive
Raja to
the
to
personage the
And
a
with
Swami
Rajashri
this
Pratinidhis
recommenda-
dress of honour, a head-
arms to be given to the nominee;

consideration of
the
poverty of
same Peshwa had again
to
the
write
Rao Anant, Babu Rao

Krishna and Nilkantha Rao at Satara in connection with the appointment of Jivan Rao V iththal
Krishna
three letters to
to the office of
Sumanta (1785-86), requesting
them to procure a dress of honour and a sanad

although
the
saranjam,
for his watan and
Prawns
(Hurt**, Vol. IX,
P**liwa*'
Vol. IV.
HdhAr Rao
p.
IZH
1.
p 11U
189
newly-appointed officer had already got both sanad
and
dress
honour from the Peshwa. 8
of
Madhava Ran
apparently did not
II
But
the
consult
when
Ramchandra Raghunath
was appointed Pandit Rao.* Baji Rao II, however,
pleasure
Rajas
not omit to procure a dress of honour for the
did
new incumbent to the Sachivs post when the old

Sachiv Shankar Rao Pandit died (1799-1800),
and was succeeded by his adopted son Chimnaji
" A letter to Krishna
Shankar,
Rao Narayan
command
to the effect that the
God reached
of
Sankar Rao Pandit Sachiv, father

Shankar,
in
adopted by the Sachiv
him according
honour
honour
request
the
honour
dress of
" In the
TbeTi
ftf
yw Tint
Ibv
ftffiuo
The
tbnt
but
ftftnari
Diftrioi,
Vol
deliver
the
Bhagavant, a Karkun
Two
hand
over
it
letters
the
of
Jivar. Uao Vir.hlbal got tbn w*e*n *nri

SumAnra with (be cu*coniary dre uf hoftnqr.
fur
drift* of liunour to Jiran
Kmo
lh*
Anil to
aM imninjam of thirt office in bis name upon

wm irivcn to bits. A auxin d vu to be procured
wwUn
of bonaur
wBi net done; therefore
him n an*i!
*
o# tho
dreM
bat
list
Accordingly you
latter will
separate
8a bail.,
of
Chhatrijmll to give tlm Banian tu*

Ret thn
written to you to reqorrt Siirinimit Nsbtiraj lUjuelm
letter
ii
sent
to Krishnaji
Shankar.""
Chimnaji
BAr<.njum
is
There-
to be given to
Maharaja and
sent from the Sarkar.

to
is
was
latter
lifetime.
custom.
to the old
of the clothes of
his
in
fore the Surnis's dress of
should
The
the year Tisa Tisen.
Chimnaji
of
this latter in
Slid
h:ix*i*Jabi
waUuj b*
IV, p. 177.
Peahwaa* DUiiiu, Vol. IV,
Prehww PJaHm,
Vol V.
p.
p.
17*
77
now *ent;
ii
j.Ihh**
enjoying."
gir
Peahwaa'
190
Madhava Rao addressed
second
to the Bhonsle
Nagpore clearly show that, jealous as that

chief was of the Peshwas authority, he also could
of
think
not
dispensing with
of
royal sanction of
his succession to the hereditary dominions.

*'
Subha
letter
to
Shivaji
Maharaj
Shrimant
Swami being
pati
kindly
has appointed you Sena

given
dress
the
Saheb
Sena
Bhonsle
Rajashri
Chhatra-
disposed towards you,
Saheb Subha and has
honour and jewels of that
of
a sword, a seal and an
office with a shield,
ele-
These presents have been sent to you

accept them on an auspicious day (1774-75) "
phant.
To
Raghuji
Sena Saheb Subha:

you have been appointed Sena Saheb Subha by
the order of the Shrimant Maharaj
Rajashri
Chhatrapati
Bhonsle
Swami
you should, therefore, serve

;
government
the
with
devotion
the administration of your

(1
and carry on
and army
province
"
779-80).
Although the vanity

the
Peshwa
still
left
to
for
being addressed
of
sanads and dresses
him,
the
position
of
of
honour was
the
Raja
Satara was
worse than miserable.
meanest
the Maratha Sardars would not
liked to
part
of
right
of
of
change place
the
an
state,
ordinary
with
him.
he had
man
not
of
* P. D.,
Vd. IV.
* P.
Vol. IV. p. 106.
D,
p.
100
by
of
Perhaps the
An
the
have
organic
ordinary
dismissing
and

appointing
his
fication
seeing
an
of
appointed
the
morti-
household controlled by
his
Peshwa.
officer of the
were
He had
servants.
191
and
Even
his
khijmatgars
from
sent
Poona.
Five
khijmatgars were sent to fort Satara 1 * for service
with the Maharaja by Madhava Rao I in 1767-68.
His
attendants applied
personal
for
tion or increase in remuneration, not to
the Peshwa.
of
Sometimes, when
position, he issued
his
he ran
prisonment,
the
promo-
him but
to
in blissful oblivion
orders of arrest or imrisk of
undergoing the
them countermanded. In
the year >797-98. Ganesh Anant and Babu Rao
Krishna were arrested in connection with some
humiliation
of
seeing
disturbance that took place
in
the fort of
Satara.
The former was fined, the latter was imprisoned

with his family and his property was attached. On
an appeal to the Peshwa, the order was set aside
and they were restored to
Vol. IX, p. 43.
D.,
'*
"
nmo
ditto r bn vc
omc
people
fori,
Annul
Kri*hii*ji
Ghhairupati
their former offices. 14
<
look
Krkun, fort Fatom. inform*
place
in
minrepr**nti;d
Swnmi
sc.d bin
ho nforvnaid
f-t *ta
rn
ShHmnnl
brother Gan**li
wni imprttuiHU Mid money
tin*
Motor
ytnr,
hint
fir|
thnt
w lien
Mabnraj
Aoant, on
emplmco
wt lak^n from him
..
in
ihe
Thercfoiw
do aot take
moo y from him mid no dunning Imuld be fund# for

He h*d not got bit tulnry for the yrar futmitu tinon, jmr
Parmriljr two mrn from
the ahihanrli (force) of t|i fort
Worked an dor him. Tbcrafor* appoint two mro lo work aadnr him and
payment
obtain, an before, the work from bin bond

lâi jar n disturbance
took
pUra
in
and gtv* him

tho fori of
hia
Mtlary.
Satara.
Then
Bbrimant Mabaraj Raja^hri Chhatrapntl imprisoned Babu Rao Kriubna

bin family and attache*! htn bonne and loam village.
Detailed
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAHATMAS
192
This humiliating subordination was not

pensated
by
and
plenty,
to
tion of forgetting his
luxury and
pomp
unfortunate
the
mean
puppet was not granted even the
imprisonment
The account
com-
satisfac-
the midst of
in
household
of his
more scrutiny perhaps than

of any department of the Peshwa's govern-
was checked with

that
ment.
Strict regulations
wese framed even about
such minute details as the

1
the Raja's stables.
of a
Madhava Rao
had
not
even
and
vegetables,
that a
excellent
that
garden suitable
given him.
I's
leam from a docutime that the Maharaja
for
prince
The same paper goes on
Madhava Rao
horses either.'*
to say
ground
I
ordered
should
vegetables
Maharaja had no pasture
the
growing green
garden for
Marat ha
middle class
We
with a slender income.

of
for
The Chhatrapati lacked even
the very necessities
ment
required
grains
also
for
be
that
his
sanctioned
an allowance of Rs. 80 per month for two dancing

for the singing
girls, Hira and Achhi by name,
item* bout the remora of
I
the attach vent (then followe) "
Thu dicurtmiioe
Peehwa'e
tuck
place in
Dial !*,
connection with the Raja's attempt to aesert his indnpeiKtenue in 1 70S
Vo\.
at
V, pp.
4-r.
prcbafaljr
the inatic*Uflo of Hn.i PndvtftVlf.
Yeokoji Mnnkcsbwar
anil
Vishnu Nattier urn informed thut
requisition Toe the *rain required for
be matin every day.
hOTWS
in the
In making the requisition the
Raja's stable should
number
of
howee
hones sent away ahonlil bn taken into

iioaly arrived and
come to know that intend of doin*
Haxtir
has
The
ciiomdaration
grain for eight daya at n time.
PrntinidM
that you get from the
that of
Pasihwn'o Dinriee, VoJ. IX, p. 51.
P.D-, Vol. IX, pp.
aa-M.
THE PERIOn OF TRANSITION

establishment
allowance was
pet leopard.
of
made
so
the
fattening
or
II
his
fencing.'*
Although
indulgent.
training
for
was
adviser
chief
he
Nimbaji Pawar on a salary of Rs.

months,
diet of
17
Madhava Rao
not
for
and an
master
so-called
his
193
appointed
every
12,
the Raja's son
two
the art of
in
and granied saranjam to each of the
two queens and to each of their two daughters,

refused
he
repair of
to
grant
sum
adequate
an aqueduct which conveyed
the
for
water
to
was represented that

It
two or three thousand rupees would be necessary
the palace of
Satara.
Peshwa did not grant more

than Rs. 800.
It may be objected that
perhaps
the agent
at Satara had over-estimated the
necessary cost and the Peshwa naturally reduced
for the work, but the
more reasonable amount, but we do not

observe the same attitude so far as his other
it
to a
15
grants and expenses were concerned.
The poor
Maharaja, however could not do without praying

to the Peshwa.
So poor and
helpless was he, that
although about four years had elapsed

marriage,
*
P.D.,
could
he
VoL
not
make
*
IX, p. 65.
I'
the
since
his
customary
D., Vol. IV, p.
34
of
To Kiiihnn lino Auict & pipe convey* water to tbe ptilace

Sitarn from YaTitMhwmr; it is
t. different pUces
two
j
lo thr* IbuiuitQii
written
nm
Kopoef
to fi*d*aliiv
Auant
from tho Snrkar.
It will
will bo necessary for repairing it
lie
to request
accordingly
not bo ecu run ient to give so much,
grunt at Re,
25
9tK> it
made
for
You have
the grant of the above
prayed
But
for repairing the pipe,
for
the
as the woifc
D.,
grant, but
la
urgent, a
Vol IV,
p. 34,
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP THE MARATIIAS
194
present of land to his sister until a grant of
made
bighas had been
Peshwa
in
sixty
by the
purpose
for that
782-83.
Poor and powerless as he
Raja of
the
was,
Satara was a political factor of
no mean imporThough slighted in private, he was honoured

public.
The Peshwas and other chiefs paid
tance.
in
nasar
him and
to
went to pay their respects to

or
visit
were spent on occasions likely
When
notice.
bom
a son was
Bai, the eldest wife of the
93),
Madhava Rao
spent
for
II
Rs. 25,000
the
for
to
attract
to
queen
reigning
Raja
sugar
and
of
792-
to
be
other
Peshwa granted
the
funeral
public
Anandi
1,000
1807-8
In
them
Large sums
ordered Rs.
distribution
ceremonies.
honour
to
camp.
their
in
Chhatrapati
the
when the king was pleased
with a royal
whenever they
to his relatives
obsequies of
Raja
Shahu. In the same year more than Rs. 8,000 was

spent at the time of the
and the Peshwa

to
be
occasion.
In
king s
II
ordered
Rao
Baji
from a
fired
new
cannon
1809-10
of the
and some other ceremonies

servants
and
relatives
of
Rs.
royal
minor
of
100 shots
celebrate
more than
was spent on the occasion
The
to
coronation,
the
that
17,000
marriage
importance.
king
were
Maharaja Kajaahi-i Chliatropatl Swami nunita twice, lint l,U

Senti.Ui Uahadtk did not gvt on thoac txcaaioaa
euatomary
preaeut
of Kura rnli. pen
the
Therefore a new in*m of
siitcr Saul'hgjrTBti
flD Bltfha* in all (4
to her with all
aChirar of
1st.
2nd. and 3rd flat,
dure and rights auigoed
to it
land)
P.U., Yol. IV, p. 37,
made
HE PERIOD OF TRANSITION
195
exempted from taxes and customs duties, and

sometimes a small pension in the form of land or
cash was granted to his near relatives.*
1
To keep up appearances
was allowed
Satara
public,
in
comparative security
to enjoy
midst of military depredation and public
Henry Tone, an Irish officer

service of Baji Ra Raghunath, observes
an
on
Officer
in
the
in
his
Madras Establish -
the
The
meat (published 1799).
the
plunder.
William
Letter to
in
country
circum*
jacent to Sattarah enjoys an exemption from military depredations of all kinds
enters
chief
royalty are
great
drum
this
the
all
and
aside,
laid
the
the
ensigns
of
nagara or the
of the empire ceases to beat."
Nana
Twice had
bring
district,
and whenever any
peculiar
of Satara into use,
Fadnavis
attempted
political position of
and
twice
he
Peshwa
the Raja
failed.
Mahadaji Sindhia, jealous of Nanas
to
When
influence
and perhaps with an

ulterior object of putting himself at the head
of the Marat ha empire with the Peshwa as a
the
at
and
useful
*
'
Por
tin*
court,
convenient
finely of
puppet
Vomlngh Kuo Gut nr,
Raj aa'nri ChhatxBpati Hwumi. an iinnu
Out
granted.
Thu reemiaiug
IV,
pati
38.
of that, a riling* of
K*.
lirothor-in
penaioa of R*.
hands,
law of HhHmanr.
1
,00o
ha*
been
an inoome of K*. GOO h* to be giTcm..
P D., Vol
GOO at* to ho paid from Baeara
Khathf akulavataiiM Mahrimj Rajonhii CMifttm-
Siraml'* ralatire* qnd nr tract* aro fn joying
Borkar.
his
Sin; mant
Premar* Ha* b**n put

now.
in
Thin letter
oi
in
them
WtfUen
for
r/i
owing
Itiaai anil
% ran jam.
from th*
you cxaaip'.ing thorn from tba con*
Therefore do not prow thorn fur payment-
to
r*ra
196
THE MARA T HAS
had procured for Madhava Rao II the high*

sounding and lengthy title of Vakil-i-Muiluq
A mini /- Vmn ru Mutkha r- u /- Mu malik

mnham Mas hit lajut Umedvara Kink his
M daru
<1
Fat Far
Wafadar Shirdsakar Sadat mand Bajyadebam

Farjand Khas-ul-Khas Makja Maharajadhiraj
Rao Pandit Pradhan Bahadur Nana pointed
,
Peshwa could
the
out
that
of
the
of
Maharajadhiraj.
Raja
as
solved,
easily
the
the
title
problem
was
was not very
it
Again
master.
Madhava Rao
II,
indulged himself
authority
the
But
servant
difficult
for
to procure the gracious consent of their
Sindhia
royal
assume
Satara,
of
as a
oot,
of
the
had
idea
for
of
suicide
a
of
moment
re-establishing
House of Shivaji, but the

the scheme was apparent.
the
impracticability
of
The
claims
the
the
English
of
Nana
in
the
after
Raja
government
were recognised
after
the
fall
of
by
the
Peshwa was pensioned

of Shivaji was re-installed
off, the descendant
We may now leave him in
as a ruling chief.
the temporary enjoyment of power and plenty
and turn to the real head of the Maratha conPeshwa
and while the
last
federacy the Peshwa.
2.
The Peshrea
Here again theory and practice did not agree.

Originally the Peshwa was only a member of
THE
the Ashta
PEKIOI)
OF TRANSITION
97
Pradhan Council of Shivaji
one of the eight pradhans or ministers of
The
post was not even hereditary, as
was
he
state.
Shivaji's
in
time officers were frequently transferred from one

post to another.
Peshwa;
seventh
predecessors
only
Balaji
in
in that
was
Pinglc)
case
one
Moreshwar).
Vishwanath Bhat was the
a glance at
the
post
once show that
by
Trimbak
n
son (Nilkanth
(Moro
father
succeeded
his
the
therefore,
theory,
In
at
will
pradhans had every reason to regard the
out,
of
he was even inferior
in
rank to
" In the official order
them.
tionary than
was created by
Niraji
Pant
the
at
at
whose
and
Jinji,
was made vicegerent of the
fixed salary of the
was
Pratinidhi
least
one
a smaller func-
Pratinidhi,
Rajaram
Peshwa
precedence,''
of
says Ranade, " the Peshwa was
other
Ranade points
Nay, as Justice
as their equal.
of his
list
office
Pralhad
The
Raja.
15,000
lions,
Peshwa the salary was fixed at

13.000 Hons.' Balaji Vishwanath by his ability
and statesmanship not only succeeded in making
while for
the
the Peshwaship hereditary in his
and
his
more famous son Baji
Peshwas position
The
fast six
superior
PmIiu
acre
to
family,
Rao
the
(1) Sliuiuraj
but
made
other
he
the
seven,
Xilkanth Boxcknr,
Moro Trinbuk Pingle. (3) Nilkanth Moreahwar Pfofto, (*) Paraahr*m TrlmUk Pratinidhi, <5) FUhiru Moreahwar Iiogle, and (S>
(2)
B4lkrihiiA Vu4ak*v
* lUnadc, TVs Mice1lanoiMii Writing*,
346.
198
and actually became what the Pratinidhl ought
Baji Rao's
have been, the vicegerent of the king.

position
was further strengthened when
of expansion towards the north
Chhatrapati Shahu
policy of southern conquest
his policy
was accepted by
preference to
in
to
opposite
the
championed by the
The Peshwa became the head of the

Maratha Empire in name as, well as in reality
when Shahu appointed Balaji Baji Rao and
Govinda Rao Chitnis, joint guardians of his sucPratinidhi.
cessor, a minor.
Tarabai helped to put the
ing touch to the
Peshwa's work
Ram
Raja
in
transfer
of
servant
was
by .imprisoning
the fort of Satara and
ing a perpetual prison for her
authority
from
prepar-
thus
own dynasty.
the
gradually,
so
finish-
This
master to the
carefully
silently,
accomplished, that the successive steps, important

as they were
ed
all
in
relation to the whole move, escap-
contemporary
notice.
pertinently remarks that
Scott- Waring
" the usurpation
of
very
the
Peshwas neither attracted observation, nor excited

Indeed the transition was easy, natural,
surprise.
and progressive."
**
The Marathas had long been

delegated authority.
in
Northern India, the
familiar
During Shivaji
with
absence
Government was carried
on by a small council of regency of which Jijabai
was the acknowledged head.
Scoti-Wuriug,
p. 109.
It
was notorious
THE PERIOD
TRANSITION
Ol-
Sambhaji did not care to look
that
199
after the affairs
and although the royal authority

was never formally delegated to anybody during
of
the
state
Kalusha, his favourite, did
his short reign,

rule the
kingdom with
approval.
tacit
and
master's consent
his
After
in fact
Sambhajis
and
death
Shahu's capture, Rajaram became the ostensible
head of the Maratha people, but he also permitted
two
conduct the government as
of his officers to
they
Ramchandra Pant liukamatpanha,
liked.
placed as he was, far from
where
Jinji,
his
master
then resided, had no other alternative but to carry
on the
without
even
and
civil
military
waiting
at Jinji,
his
for
master's
Rajaram resigned
Thus
and
well
the
minority
favour a scries of
in their
known precedents.
Sambhaji
of
the
closing
much
years
important
At Kolhapur during
II,
different
of
to
the Bhat
Ramchandra Pant
And
continued to be the real head of the state.

things were not
But
opinion.
his authority
the able hands of Pralhad Niraji
Peshwas had
country
the
of
affairs
Shahu.
at
Satara
during
The King lost

The empire had
more than once

expanded far and wide and the weak old man,
never used to exertion and industry, found it
his
reason
necessary to leave the reins of the state entirely

the hands
Peshwa.
The Marquis
of
Aloma,
Viceroy and
Governor- General of the Portuguese

India,
in
of the young, energetic, and ambitious
regarded
him as a mere
Estate
phantom,
in
an

idol,
THE MARATHAS
worshipped but not always obeyed
by
his
subjects.
Shahu Chhatrapati
This does not signify that
mere puppet in the hands

ministers and unconsciously left
was
of
his
powerful
his
successor a
victim to the ambitious intrigues of a Konkanastha
Brahman.
His
Shahu was
ability like that of
been considerably
Charles
II
of
underestimated
prisoner while
state
not altogether a weakling.
still
an
infant,
England has
by posterity.
brought
up
was in the midst of the luxury and corrupof a Mughal court, we cannot expect from
as he
tion
Shahu, the hardihood and untiring activity
of
his
famous grandfather, or the careless bravery which

characterised his
last
moment.
licentious
But he had
father
even
inherited to
to
the
con-
siderable extent the administrative qualities of the

Shivaji
great
and he ruled as
well as reigned.
Here again we may profitably quote that great

In
Maratha savant, Mahadev Govind Ranade
the forty years of rule enjoyed by Shahu, he was
:
not merely a titular head of the
ment
but he directed
all
Maratha Govern-
operations,
ordered and
Commanders, and he exercised a great

controlling power on the chiefs, though he led no
It was due to his efforts that
armies in the field.
Gujarath was divided between the Peshwa and
recalled
the
Dabhades
or
Gaikwads
the battle of Dabhoi.
When
in
equal halves after
Balaji Baji
ed to invade Bengal, Raghoji Bhosale
Rao
want-
protested
PERIOD OF TRANSITION
TIIE
Satara,
at
201
Shahu was strong enough
and
to
enforce moderation even over the towering ambi-
and forced him
tion of Balaji,
to leave the Eastern
provinces of India free for the development of the

Bhosale's power.
and
Shahu,
under
Rao was
Baji
the
only
a general
Pratinidhis,
Bhosales,
Nimbalkars, Dabhades, Gaikwads, Kadambandes,
Angres, Ghorpadcs
Why
made
Shahu
guardian
it
no issue
is
respected his orders.'
tll
Pcshwa
the
his
He had
not very difficult to guess.
of his
Sambhaji
own.
heirs
Kolhapur was
of
Shahu had no reason
the probable successor.
be favourably disposed towards his Kolhapur

Eventually
young
prince
the
of
to
rival.
Kolhapur
branch was discovered,
whose boyhood, to say

wa9 obscure and who was rightly or
the least,
wrongly regarded as an impostor bv the enemies
Pcshwa.
of the
It
did not feel the
same
royal prerogatives
natural
quite
is
zeal
for
undiminished to an
sinister
made, as he
felt
of
all
would have
the divine rights of
body.
his
On
the
ability of his ministers.
The
for
unknown
whispers
**
26
llunAfie,
were
keeping untar-
royalty for an
heir
hand he knew the

He had known them long.
for three generations,
and constant association must

attachment,
the
other
family had served him
natural
Shahu
transmitting
boy about whose identity

nished
that
and
have produced a
Shahu had probably
The Mixrelknroui Writing,
pj
$48-40.
202 ADMINISTRATIVE
nominated
Rao
Raji
Ralaji
young Raja as a reward

was vested
the power
Raos
Ram
of
the
knowing
service,
was well-deserved and

hands.
Govinda
indifference,
Tarabai's
able
in
incompetence
ambition, and
good
for
reward
fully well that the
guardian
or
Raja's weakness gradually led
Pcshwa to the real headIn any rase it secured the
to the promotion of the
empire.
ship of the
continuity of the
were
weaklings, and
all
sooner or
later,
family
be noted
preserved
also
of
that
for
transfer
this
bound
was
well
as
an
follow
to
the dynasty
reality.
in
the
of
It
is
to
Mikados was
from the possible consequences
weakness and incompetence, by the
Shogunate,
of
resulting in the deposition of the
name as
in
but
revolution
authority:
Shahus successors
royal line.
institution quite
rise of the
analogous to the
Peshwaship
j.
The Religious Head of the State
Here
it
that the Chhatrapati
should be noted
Maharaj was not only the political but also the

ecclesiastical head (if we are allowed to use that
term) of the state.
as
we
shall
This has
afterwards
frequently regulating social
to
be remembered
and
religious
Because the Peshwas happened to be

it
may be wrongly supposed
Peshwas
the
find
that
affairs.
Brahmans
they
derived
THE PERIOD OP TRANSITION

from
this authority
not
was
the
Brahman
their
The
case.
preceded by a revival
Hinduism
of
regulator
principal
protector of
south
the
in
apd
well.
Cases regarding
Rao
Chhatrapatis,
seems
had
officers
for the
but the
state,
were
religion
it
is
custom and the
referred to the Pandit
but
the
not
social
as
religion
custom
social
of
of
was
Shivaji
and according to Hindu notions, the king

only the chief magistrate
This
birth.
of
rise
20^
generally
by
direction
for
that
the
Brahman
the
sake of legal completion
to
Non-Brahman Rajas sanction for

the order passed in his name
A document dated
March 6th, 1686, relates how when one Gangadhar Raghunath Kulkami, a Brahman, who had
been converted into Muhammadanism, and who
the
procure
had. though involuntarily
and
for
Muhammadans,
lime to dine with the
short
applied
Sambhaji with the circumstances
acquaint
the case and
take
formal penance.
authority
as
1*
the
So
the
royal
the
territories
Peshwas exercised
authorised
deputies
like the
-.4
and
under
their
direct
Chhatrapatis
Riijwmde, I1.I.&, Vol.
to
of
permission for the
had inherited
from Shahu.
prerogatives
Chhatrapati,
for
Chhandogyamatya had
of a prayashchitta, the
were
very
performance
the
readmission into his caste after
royal
rule
it
Within
before them,
VIII. p. 3H.
of the
with
the
l>
40
this
other
the
Peshwas
the sole
204 administrative system uf

depository
state in
all its
The
4-
Pes/nvas
modern
two ways.
Pradhan Council
in
of
the
Rise of
the
which
side over
its
ffer
The Peshwas
an
establish
same time
only
check
the
to
them
led
bond
of
union,
Roman
the
and
individualism,
example of independence
Angrias,
Bhonsles and
Gaikwads to imitate. The result was

Maratha Empire ultimately became
Holy
to
removing
which henceforth became the only ambition

old Sardars like the
if
and prethe deputy of the
selfish
ominous
Sardars
could,
government
only
and
exist,
ambition
autocratic
at the
the
their
Ashta
to maintain
the Council to
But
solidarity
distinct classes of
deliberations as
Chhatrapati.
the
Shivajis
was expected
the Maratha Empire.
they liked, su
Marat ha
affected
destrpyed
It
once created two
setting
of the
Peshwa
the
of
constitution
the
at
authority
significance.
Consequence
rise
history in
it
sovereign
The
of
the
of
the MAKATIiAS
Empire, a
loose
of
the
that the
like
confederacy
the
of
and the Peshwa, like the

Emperor, gradually descended to the position of
ambitious feudal chiefs,
the head of a confederacy whose
command was
met with scant respect, and whose authority was

confined within
personal
rule.
the
territories
under
his
direct
j.
205
The Old and the AVa* Aristocracy
Some
between the old and the new
distinction
aristocracy in question of precedence was

to arise after the
bound
The
promotion of the Peshwa.
old nobility regarded the
Peshwa as
their
equal.
They obeyed him only as the deputy of the king,

while the new nobility, the Sindhia, the Holkar,
the Rastias were the Peshwa s servants.
They
regarded the Peshwa as the master whose bread
they ate and whom they were bound to serve.
Their
sentiment
when
he
voiced
is
says
Fad navis
autobiography:
his
in
by Nana
we
bread
and he has
favoured us as his
children
and again
this
a
body is grown on his bread
These Sardars,
therefore, were at first more amenable to discipline and
obeyed the Peshwa without reluchave
long
eaten
his
'
The
tance.
old
Sardars,
however,
expected
Peshwa to remember that any respect that

might be shown to him was a matter of courtesy
and not of right, and that he in his turn should
the
in
The Angria, for example,

Peshwa to come two miles from
courtesy return
expected
Poona
the
to receive
it.
him on
his
visit
to
that
city.
was also expected that the Peshwa should

dismount on his approach and receive him on a
It
gasha (an embroidered

tf
cloth)
and then accompany
N*na Autobiugrnpbv in Sanc' IV.ic Yadi
ifaguiii',
system ok the marathas
2o6 administrative
him to
his
on the
left
taken
has
him
(Peshwas) residence, always keeping
the
betel
to
him and then
The Jadhava Rao

by
to gratify their vanity
Jadhava Rao
sion of the
battle.
occa-
the
the
Peshwas
As a
logical
Sardars claimed
Sardars
in
the
field
Nagpur and the
of
present
were both
Gwalior
similar
convenient
it
to
s visit
the Bhonsle
If
battle field, the Bhonsle
6.
also claimed
of this idea the old
of
command
sit
celebrating
precedence over the new
Sindhia
Peshwa to
on the same
prisoners.
palace by releasing
consequence
and
public
of
hall
and the Peshwa found
privileges
send
use
his
he
expected the
Angria
receive
galicha.
the
in
after
place,
his
at
leaf
And
also.
audience the
of
and
visitor
to the residence appointed for
send a dinner
rise
the
side of
in
the
would demand the chief
as a matter of right.
The Structure of the Government
During the Peshwa period the feudal barons,

both new and
within their
old,
appointing
of
The Dewans
of
Gaikwad,
the
the
Kmtl vata Yedia, ed. U*li Md ParMaia.
"
Kaiijale Ydia,
p.
Kaifivnt* Yadia, p.
Kim
Bh*l.
honour cd
p.
officers.
ilolkar,
and
5i
M.
lhwi
BaUji Jodhavii Bao ua Kaka. thr

rtilnaacd in
chief
their
SkHnaot
wero
Peshwa had the
although the
fiefs,
prerogative
sovereign authority
exercised
prlor.*i
Lia viah to thn
HaUji Baji Rno) nddrowwl

in
!*<
KOreruuuMit
goveramon'.
home.
prUon
207
the Sindh ia were always appointed by the Pcshwa,

but
of
them claimed uncontrolled exercise

sovereign rights.*
Thus says the jadhava
of
all
Rao, " The management
Malegaon, where we
ot
has been always with us; the Sarkar has
live,
authority over
no
it."
The Supckar Pawars also claim the same

right of managing .their saranjam without any
interference from the Peshwa. 3*
Numerous other
instances could be cited of similar claims.
The
villages
over
which
and
self-contained units,
were
Sardars ruled,
these
their
democratic
insti-
remained unaffected and undisturbed
tutions
the lax supervision of
the
till
Peshwa's government
was replaced by the more centralised and more

efficient
ed
administration of the linglish.
description
of
the
village
detail-
institutions,
wc
should postpone for the present and try to under-
stand
general
the
structure
of
the
Maratha
government.
At the head of the government was the

Peshwa who had power to act as the deputy of
the Satara Raja.
He was therefore the head of
the feudal nobles
time.
The
Hum*
and one
them
at
the
same
feudal nobles rendered military service

uf
now
8in:lnr*
ware slomtxUattf of the rrUi
or
TKm* YialmanAtli Bh*i UnhmiUI* wa*

Yuhiracath's hibut'i pou And Ambnji Trynmbak Punmtire hi*
frioed* of Rxlajft Vfotiwanath.

Balnjt
of
friond.
11 Ktlfitfttt Yudin,
p.
64.
11 KtrfijAt* Ywiif,
p.
76.
of the marathas
208 administrative system

in
return for their fiefs or saranjams
dependent rulers
villages
in-
managed by
vision
Maharashtra proper, however, were
own
their
the
of
in-
The
name
but
everything
in
and were
under the super-
officers
Thus
agents.
Saranjami's
the
whole constitution was a curious combination of
democracy and feudal autocracy.
fact
In
no
single term of political philosophy can be applied
to
Unable to
it.
or democracy,
This
is
soldier,
call
Tone
monarchy, aristocracy
it
if
he had
ability,
could
empire.
bined
the
meanest
expect
logically
The empire
itself,
was based, not upon conbut jealousy; and incapable of a compolicy
of
national
had been the aim of Shiva ji,
came
that
Republic.
points out,
prehensive
it
Military
true only in one sense
Tone
fidence,
calls
to be a Sardar of the
as
it
into conflict
individual
ambition.
with
fell
patriotism
to
nation
self-sacrifice
pieces
which
when
which com-
with
national
CHAPTER
II
Village Communities
In the administration of
the
home provinces
his
Peshwa was a despot but not a
Like
tyrant.
the benevolent despots of contemporary
Europe,
he was the head of a paternal government anxious

not peace, for
to secure plenty,
if
He was ready
do everything
to
unlike his fellow rulers
many
in
governed.
the
them,
for
Europe,
things to be done by them.
allowed
also
Yet
in
theory
as well as in practice, his prerogatives were

as his European brethren might well have
for.
Like them he was the
head
and,
such
sighed
the state,
of
and unlike them he was the head of the church

cannot be strictly
as well (the word church
want
applied to the Indian institution, but for

a better word
With
sense).
at their
to a
it
all
command
centralised
established
Rao
II)
used here
be
the
prerogatives
Peshwa might have aspired
despotism as
;
but
unfortunate
always told
Louis
their
XIV had
good
native
exception,
them how
would be tolerated by the independent

27
a modified
in
these powers and
France
in
sense (with one

Baji
may
of
that
far
of
they
spirit of
the
THE MARATHAS
Maratha peasant and it told them also where to

stop.
The Maratha peasant, unlike his brother
of Bengal, was not the timid creature ready to
submit
the
sorts
to all
that
foot
of
tyranny and
kicked,
Elphinstone was
by the independence of
with which
even to kiss
they met the
struck
and easy manner
spirit
English
officers
after
the annexation of the Peshwas territories to the
dominions.
British
Although there
could
be
no doubt about their loyalty to the established

government of the country, they would not easily
part with the rights and privileges enjoyed by
their
A Maratha
ancestors.
extreme to save
his
to take this fact

their
policy
exhausted
of
go to any
watan, and the Peshwas had
would
into consideration in
home
treasury
regulating
With an
administration.
and
always
debt,
in
the
Peshwas had to remember that their ultimate

chance of reaching a financial equilibrium lay
in
the
material
prosperity
of their
country and
the policy of developing the commercial resources
Maratha dominions inaugurated by Shivaji

from patriotic motives was continued by the
Peshwas from consideration of expediency.
of the
Consequently the Maratha

the Maratha administrator;
rate,
in
he appears
form
in
to protect
or
to be
is
absent
His
in
more accu-
another character,
but not in reality.
dering his
plunderer
motives
different
in
plun-
enemy was the same that led him

his own land
The Maratha warrior
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
like
other
all
weaken
wanted
ages,
all
in
to
and strengthen his own

Consequently, whenever they annexed
enemy
his
resources.
a
warriors
211
new province they
its
agriculture
as
it
utmost to improve
tried their
and industries and secure,
so far
was possible under the circumstances of the
times, the material prosperity of
respect
this
with only
the
all
some
feudal
the
people.
were similar
states
local variations
In
can be
that
dis-
missed as of minor importance, and the Peshwas
government
them
regarded
be
type
of
Village Communities
It
has already been pointed out that allowance
had to be made
for the
spirit of
and the
the Marat ha peasants
ancestral
paternal
government
village
and
officers.
was
The work
the
of
At the top
daftar
village
or
of
were their
affairs
to be
of
of these
the
under
set
of
officers
officers
of
under the direct
Peshwa through his Karbhari.

the system was therefore this
secretariat,
communities.
discuss separately
aommunities
by
supervised
to
communities were
supervision
lax
Husur Daftar supposed

control
Pcshwa had
administer their own
allowed to
again
The
rights.
independence of
thought
leave undisturbed what they
the
the
as
all.
/.
can
how
worked,
and
at
its
base were the
For convenience, we
the daftar and
and how the
will
the village
tiny
states
212 ADMINISTRATIVE
chain
by a
top
the
hereditary government
In
stone, "
we examine
is
the native goverment
contain,
the
in
protect
to
sufficient
the
all
themselves and are
within
state
of a
miniatures,
in
members,
their
were withdrawn.
other governments
all
Elphin-
says
and the most important feature

into villages or townships. These
communities
almost
officials.
first
the division
materials
and non-
hereditary
of
whatever point of view,"
Deccan, the
is
the daftar at
were connected with
the base
at
if
But
it
autonomy that makes the
not their complete
study of these village communities so interesting

to
modem
the
distracted
presents
by
When
student.
wars
selfish
mediaeval India
and court
intrigues,
an unbroken array of gaudy pictures
red and
black
these
only,
small
villages
in
in
Maharashtra not only furnish us with instances

of
of
republican institutions, but also give evidence

the
existence
of
democratic
Even
a greater or less extent.
in
principles
to
those days of
Brahman and Non-Brahman

balutas or
served on the village panch. The
village artisans, so much looked down upon from
the
caste prejudice,
caste
the
point
matter of right.
of
It
view,
were consulted as a
seems that
was also thought necessary

bond
of
statement
loan
in
or other
their
signature
for authenticity of a
legal documents.
connection with
dispute
In a
regard-
ing a Loharki (blacksmiths) watan (Shivaji
nd
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Tanhaji and others,
he does the work
and takes baluta (a share
blacksmith
from each villager

balutas
Satvaji (1763-64), occurs
vs.
the following
" From that time
213
barber,
in
of
of
the
grain
the harvest time due to the
washerman,
black-
carpenter,
smith, etc.), and puts his signature on the docu-
ments as the blacksmith, but he

of
the blacksmith's watan.
arose about
not the owner
is
When any
the ownership of
dispute
land or watan the
case was either decided by the village panch or

referred
to
artisans
and
them
decision,
for
or
the
were summoned to
village officers
give evidence before the Peshwas* court.

of
attachment
of
property
times addressed to
the
not to the officers alone.
in
ing a disputed
of
village
community
small
community, and
In 1750-51
Rao
during the
a sanad attach-
watan was addressed to Jagthap.

the
Mokdam watan and the
owner
half
Orders
a village were some-
village
administration of Balaji Baji
village
Ambale. 1
of
villages acted
each as a
In
unit,
fact
these
and were
recognised by the Peshwas as such.

2.
The
He was
The Patil
chief
man
in
the
village
was the
Patil.
the chief revenue officer, the chief Police
Magistrate,
and he united
P.O.,
in
VoL VU.
P.D., Vol. II, p.
him the function

p. 1ST.
1L
THE MARATHAS
He
of the chief judicial officer also.
acted as an
intermediary between the villagers and the Peshwa's

officer
and served as a
and the suzerain
state.
In
the advantage of acting as
Peshwa's authority, and

or the
between the village
link
the
village
he had
exponent of the
the
Kamavisdar
before the
Mamlatdar he appeared as the authorised
representative
of
his
As the
village.
responsible for revenue
he
collection,
officer
was con-
Kamavisdar at the time of assessment if the assessment was too high, he had the
right to protest, and in case the Kamavisdar still
sulted by the
;
remained
to
reason
obstinate,
by
the
leaving
any collection
Patil
the
could
and
village
whatever impossible.
him
bring
making
That
they
actually had recourse to this step in extreme cases
can be proved
runs
visdar,
by a
letter,
dated
1773-74.
It
Rao Bhagwant KamaPargana Indapur. The kharif and rabi

sanad to Gopal
crops of
the aforesaid Pargana failed owing to
drought.
The
Patils
the fields to be
accordingly;
wanted a new inspection
made and
and they
(to enforce their
claim).
of
the rate of rent revised

retired
to
You wrote
Tenbhurni
they
that
should be brought back and an inspection of fields
made, and collection made accordingly
Madhava Rao
this case.
II).*
"
(1773-74
The prayer was granted in
Another document says that
K.D., Vol. VI, p. 233.
"
The
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Zarnindars and
Patils
of
Taluk Shivner, being
Kasba
them and they made
and went
to
You
a written
dissatisfied, left their place
A Karkun was
Ale.
known
sent to
grievances.
their
2*5
sent
account of these grievances to
the
they were
needless to
that
in
as follows.
this
making
It
is
case also the Patils
their
grievances
Huzur and
succeeded
and
heard
say
in
getting
in
On
them redressed.
another occasion (1775*76)

the Patils of Pargana Sinnar succeeded in com-
Kamavisdar to accept the Zarnindars

as sureties fur the cultivation of land and payment
of revenue.*
But it was only in extreme cases
pelling the
the
that
had
Patil
measure.
recourse
Generally they
extreme
would represent their
to
this
case to the Peshwa as did Phc Patil and Kulkarni
Mauja Rajapur, Pargana Wan.*
of
Voi vi, p m.
Knahta Karrmvi^dar
P.u..
Antaji
owing to
ha* rcfuxnl to accept the
d!
Pargana
fliannr
Ztmimlara a
wii informed
(Hat
aaretiev fur the eultiva-
payment of it) venue, t he PmLila of village a been tod

tbcmaclvee from their Tillage* and Uim of revenue Had resulted t hereby.
He wan, therefore, directed to sak thorn to aland security. P.|>., Vol.
tion of Unit and
VI, p
6
3*1.
Tho
Jftgir An-ftl of
tho Village of JUjapnr in Pa/gana
Wmi, belong*
rd to Government uml the Mokaaa, Babii nod Sardoshraokht Amal to

the Pant Pmtioidhi.
The Kaanaviedar overeaoa**d the
Tillage
with-
out taking into account tho actual conditio* of cultivation, and in
ounaoqueuce uf
this aa well n* of Hcarcity, the tillage*
became rnrj
poor.
Therefore the Patil and the Kulkarni of the village ram* to the Huzur
and represented that arTangemont

Therefore*, the
to yon.
care.
work of
vlvoold
bo
made from tho Snrkm
cultivation of tha aforesaid
Maojn
ia
entrusted
Therefor* have the village cultivated and recline Uie rent wit
PJ>., Vol
VI.
p.
230
As
a judicial officer
the
induce
parties
in
amicable settlement,
was the Paul's duty
it
and
come
to
suit
to
to
an
amicable settlement
if
or arbitration failed, to appoint a Panchayet. 1
As a police
of
and
theft
he enquired
officer,
had under him the
and
robbery
cases
into
watchmen.
village
The
however,
was,
Patil
nor could he be
officer,
ernment
appointed
was a
His
an elected
not
by
hereditary
gov-
the
which
office
and purchased
and sometimes
under pressure for money, unable to retain, yet
could be
sold
reluctant
to part with
quisites of his office,
them
of
by
When
the
the
the
Patil
rights
more than one
Patilship
was
Patil in a
village.
by
several
enjoyed
of the family, the
elder
enjoyed
some
privileges
wadilpan or rights
of seniority.
very important point, yet
here
mentioned
that
the
branch always
Patil
Muhammadan
Brahman
means rare.
Patils
known
incidentally
was seldom a
were
The PatiTs Rights and Perquisites
j.
The
village magistrate,
as
Although not a
may be
it
Thus
others.
members
additional
and per-
disposed of some
and retained
sale
there could be
all
by
no
though very useful to
the Peshwa's administration, was not paid by him.

It .s
by the
?
B.
I.
villagers
8
M. Tritljra
that
he was paid, and the
fiAmnelm
Vrittn. p. 51
communities
VII.I.A.CiR
items
to
interesting
(Shaka)
653
Bhangaon
Junnar
would
remuneration
his
of
modern
reader.
the
half
be
quite
year
the
In
watan
Patilki
Karde
Pargana
in
217
Sarkar
of
Subha Khujaste Buniyad was
in
of
sold
Rs. 7,751 by Bangoji Kudanda to Gorkhoji

Bhapkar. Bangoji sold his watan with wadilpan
for
rights
and perquisites
In the
deed
of
the
all
the
we
rights
and perquisites
find a detailed
also
description
of
Patilki
recounts
carefully
the
himself
for
office
of sale
Bangoji
watan.
of
of
the rest
retained
or seniority-rights ajjd
the
occasions when Gorkhoji was to have precedence

over the original owner.
Manpan and Hakks

1.
All
Detailed
items of these
are given below
documents
to be signed,
and then by Bangoji.

2. Present to Government
by Gor-
first
khoji
should
made
be
by Gorkhoji and not by Bangoji.

3.
Shirpav and betel leaves from government
should be received
first
by
Gorkhoji and
then
by Bangoji.
4.
In the Pola procession
should go
Gorkhoji's
and Bangoji's behind
first
it
bullock
through
the village gate.

5.
tofan
Mang and Mahar
The
and
give
house and then

6.
the
On
the
in
red
paint
first
in
tie
the
Gorkhoji's
Bangoji's.
occasion of the
band should be played

28
should
Dcwali
first
at
festivals
Gorkhoji
2l8 ADMINISTRATIVE SVSTBM OH

house
Iatils
The Koli
Patil's
and
should
then
pour
house and then
Bangoji
in
water
at
Bangoji
Patil's.
Gorkhoji
at
first
Gorkhoji's Gancsh and
6.
THE MAHATMAS
Patils.
Gaur procession
come first and stop at Durga Mata, then

Bangoji s Gancsh and Gaur procession should
come there. In the joint procession Gorkhoji's
should
gods
go
should
and
first
Bangoji's
behind
them.
The
7.
Holi cake
sented to the
first
house
brought
and
pre-
by Bangoji and then by

At the Dasra time, the music should
Gorkhoji.
be
be
to
loli first
played at Bangojis and then at Gorkhoji's

I he
Mali of the village should bring
and the Gurav should bring vavri to

Bangoji's house first and then to Gorkhoji's.
8.
At the Dasra time Bangoji should first
llowers,
worship the Apta plant and Gorkhoji next.
9
come
Bangojis
with music
Shiralshct
first
and stop.
come
cession should then
procession
Gorkhoji's
with
two processions should then
music,
have
should
pro-
and the
proceed,
jointly
the joint procession Bangoji's
should
In
pre-
cedence over Gorkhoji's

10.
Betel leaves and
lilak
should be given to Bangoji
first
from
and
the
to
village
Gorkhoji
next.
The Brahman
is
to conduct the
Tulsipuja
the Kartik Ekadashi day at Bangoji's
and then
at
Gorkhoji
s.
house
on
first
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
The
Harijagran
Pratipad should
the
of
Amabasya
Kartik
be performed by
first
Bangoji
and then by Gorkhoji on the next day.
Patil
The Mahar should supply

at Bangoji Patils
first
219
bundle
house and
fuel
of
then
Gor-
at
khoji's.
When
ploughing
be taken by the
is
done,
Kulkarni
should
permission
from
both
the
Mok-
dams.
Equal rights to be enjoyed by both
The
1.
Shelpati dues
Patil's
of
maunds
i\
per boat-load of grain.
Twenty-five bundles of jawar slick
2.
each
from
cultivator.
3.
Five seers of cotton from each
4.
One
bundle of jawar from each cultivator.
5.
Two
pairs
of
field.
shoes per year
from
the
shoemaker.
6.
One bundle
of
green
fodder from
each
cultivator.
10.
7.
Nine taks of
machine from the

8.
oil
for
each
oil-pressing
oil-prcsscr.
Thirteen leaves from each shop
of
betel
leaves daily.
9.
One lump
sugarcanes and one
of
molasses,
tin of juice
(growing sugarcane)
excepting
one
from
thai
bundle
of
each farm
belonging
to the Joshi.
One goat from each herd on

day.
the
Dasra
THE MARATHAS

1
from
all
12.
One
piece of
per
cloth
loom per year
classes of weavers.
From
Dhangar one piece
the loom of a
of cloth per year.

13.
tiation,
Half a cocoanut for every marriage nego-
marriage and widow re-marriage.
14.
Vegetables from vegetable growers.
15.
One a'af
of
com
produce except
all
from each farm.

16.
Customary share from each
seller
the
in
market.
1
7.
18.
Customary
rent for
each Bania's shop.
One-fourth seer per bag
of
grocery from
each grocer's shop.

19.
The customary
amount
of
and
salt
chaff per bag.
Hahtjuma, Rs. 25 (a lax on newcomers)

per annum.
One nut per day from each grocer's shop.
2
20.
The income from

divided
equally
the
above dues should be
between Gorkhoji and
Bangoji
Patils.
Half of the Mokdarn-vada
should
half
be
enjoyed
by
(Mokadam's house)
Bangoji and
the
other
by Gorkhoji.
If
any Inam of jirayat land
is
Hakim, Deshpande and Deshmukh
secured
it
from
should
be
equally divided between the two
Any customary present and game from
hunt-
ing should be divided between the two, Gorkhoji
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
should
take
first
should take
and then
share
his
Bangoji
his.
any new suburb
dues and profits from
All
221
should be enjoyed by both.
The
hide of their dead cattle should be
them by the Mahar.

Both the Mokdarns should
from
realise
dues
their
Bhapkar and the
the villagers except the
all
given
Kudanda families.
Any old right or perquisite not mentioned in
this list or any new right or dues that may hereafter
be
be enjoyed
should
created,
by both
Gorkhoji and Bangoji.
Then
follows
detailed
partition of land enjoyed
description
by the
Patil
of
the
virtue
by
of his office."
The schedule
of this
does not exhaust
watan as
his
the
all
profits
sale,
of
however,
the
Patil's
In the year 1777-78, during the
the
of
traders
of
Kasba
Sangamner
(tailors,
Patil Gunjal for
of
and perquisites varied at
rights
different places.
administration
deed
second Madhava Rao, the

dyers
and
complained
weavers,
Keroji
against
undue exaction
In
etc.)
the detailed
the old
some of
dues and some new transgressions made
by the
Patil of
order that was passed, were enumerated
taxes and
Sangamner.
reduces
P.D., Vo!,
i,
others.
It
prohibits
several
The Shravan
SKolu Clilmtmp-AM.
pp.
144M5I.
patti,
SYSTEM OH THE MARATHAS
232 ADMINISTRATIVE
Shimganach
and
patti
labour are forbidden
the
Patil
Patdam
(tax
that
Rs. 1-4-0 as
The
It
forced
of
on
taxes
re-marriage and
tax called Karla are regulated

certain
items
altogether.
and widow
marriage
new
all
anot her
therefore,
is,
Sangamner got
on widow re-marriage)
of
and a shela worth Rs. 1-4-0 from every marriage

party coming
from another village, and one
rupee
tor Karla."
Sanad
mentions one blanket
from
year
alternate
ever)'
Rao
Baji
the time of Balaji
of
the shepherds.
The above documents

Patils salary,
and not
in
if
salary
it
show
that
was paid
in
clearly
was.
the
kind
Every villager gave him some
cash
shares of his produce,
e.g.,
the betel-leave sellers
gave him 13 leaves per day, the Bania or grocer

daily gave him a nut and he got vegetables,
and sugar,
green fodders, cotton,
oil,
the necessaries of
including a
from
his
life
fellow-villagers
public services.
land he got a
Out
in
pair
Above
all
shoes
of
recognition
of the jirayat
few acres.
short
in
of
his
and bagayat
all,
the
Patil
enjoyed some social distinction. In processions of
Ganesh Gauri, and Shiralshet and at the

time of the Holi and the Dasra. the Patil enjoyed
precedence over all his fellow-villagers. Even
Pola,
Muhammadan
Patils
exercised
P.D., Vol. VI, pp. 328.329.
the
right
of
COM M
V II.I.AC.E
Holi
offering
Hindu
festival.
dinner
the
in
about
suit
civil
not
In
matter of
right.
this
in
after careful
enquiry
the
marriage
as
right
from
lady
matter of
There was
A.D.
1774-75,
family
Patil
Pargana Phaltan, and the
Girbi,
awarded
223
was a purely
it
two branches of the
between
Mauja
KS
invited
village,
courtesy, but as
I t
Sometimes
had to be
family
Patil
IN
although
cake,
10
of
was
right
to the representa-
tives of the elder branch."
As the
enjoyed
Patil
these
social
distinc-
had to make a corresponding return.

seems
that
custom
required
him to
tions he
It
the
feed
balutas
The government was
festivals
watan
Patilki
the
time
the
at
Mauja
of
Pram
Narayangaon,
in
Junnar,
of
religious
possession of
Khodad,
about
the year
749*5. and we find a letter addressed

Kamavisdar in charge, ordering him not
more than two
in
Tarf
the
to
give
to
feasts in the year.
A sanad
Govind
Keshava, Kamavisdar
charge of Mauja Khodad. Tarf Narayangaon,
,n
11
I,
pp. 218-2IV.
rlai in ml shell
P.
ft.,
&*T*nflh nr
In
VoL
P.D.,
question
to
ihii
VoL
Her* howerer
(lit
M u bum made n
VI, pp.
mnaiy of
th#
ttiimntiinc, lo*t
Die
following
will lllostrul* this
year without invjUnjj to
pun cave* In dig
Ufemen'
tlui
mnrruifM n
fiom lh elder MobiUnTs family sbe should bnre boao,
com pluinwd
n|{ftin,
**
to
My
Into
In
pun
Shnmant Nnmynn IUo Pkmiit

a lmdj whose
(Snrwiin, litornll/
your fnmily should be inTited.
laily
Bhikuji
Pmdhan.
Anil
huftfor.ti in nlirn)
THE MARATH
There are twelve balutas.
Prant Junnar.
them
usual to give
You requested
about
these
is
Upon
feasts.
festive occasions.
that
should
feasts
So give only two
year.
living
those
of
lucrative
than a
that
be
given
per
feasts per year, there
considering
days,
ordered
is
it
no necessity of giving more.'*
noted here
is
an order should be passed
that
two
only
that
on
feasts
It
\S
the
the
It
may
be
standard
office
Patil's
of
was
and he was perhaps better off

Deputy Collector under the British
one,
administration.
The
however,
Patil.
deserved his social
fully
and high remuneration. For, if his

position and remuneration were high, the
distinction
social
responsibility
very
great
too.
for failure to
village,
and the
He was
the
who had
Patil
co-villagers,
Ale,
Nimbgiri
jagir
contribution
be imprisoned
dues
to
on the
stand
village
surety
camp
till
the
year
The
release the Patil calmly
"P.
was
it
for
his
hostage
demand was
Nimbgaon
Sava,
the
1743-43 for
Killedar,
levied
his
The
of
Patil
was imprisoned by
in
rebel
and had to remain as
enemy's
satisfied.
Tarf
liable to
were
office
and when an invader or a

or
the
his
of
pay the stipulated revenue of the
khandani
in
risks
when
ignored the
D., Vol. III. p. 864-
Killedar
of
arrears
of
ordered
to
letter
and
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
increased
further
man
in irons.
Next
and the
putting
record-keeper.
village
hand
He
shared with
imprisonment and oppression
5f
>
enemy and unprincipled
the
of
Patil
ment
officials.
although
for arrears of rent
the villagers
all
regular
for
responsibility
joint
Thus the Patil and the Kulkarni

were
imprisoned for an
Kingaon
1
clerk
Patil's
Even in ordinary times the

and the Kulkarni had to suffer imprison*
government
Rs.
the
the Kulkarni
Brahman, he was the
the Patil the risk

the
came
to the Patil in rank
invariably a
had
by
L1
The Kulkarni
4.
at
rigours
his
225,
,925 and were not
released
payment.
Mauja
of
arrear
of
until
they
had
the
Patil
and
managed to collect Rs. i,6oo. M

trouble
time of political
In
had
Kulkarni
to
stand surety for the good con-
duct and loyalty of their co-villagers.
Rao Narayan
asked
Narsing
Dhaigude to take from the

security
of
the
for
more shiledars
The
in
Klltftdur of fort
8*vt Tftrf Ate, fur arrour* in
iRnohag rh*
io irtitu
fct
lector
villages.
your
J*|rii
duoa.
from Haxur ordering
29
8.,
the
"
If
Shiledars
Vol. X,
p.
W.
are
there
Nimbtfri arrc.ud the P*til nt
P. D., Vol. Ill, pj. W2.2ti3

Jl. 1 .
16
Taluka take the
P. D.. Vt>l. Ill, p. 219.
Kajwade.
of
Janardan
and Kulkamis
Patils
loyalty
respective
their
Rao
Madhava
Patil
Nimbgwn
door not release him.

lie
hr put tb
Patil
and Kulkarni
of the villages
OF THE MARATHAS
as security
not going to serve the rebel
Sardars."
tion to these responsibilities the Patil
unpleasant duty.
He had
on h
cooly
help distinguished
to
shoulders
case he failed to
in
Of course
his village.
find
his
out
The Kulkarnis
far inferior to
get a
of the rights
list
those of
came
reached
to
the
Manpan and
however,
from
Bigaris
responsibility
His Rights ami Perquisites
their
an ordinary
like
an end automatically as soon as he

boundary of the next village.
5.
his village.
had to carry
Patil himself
own
addi-
In
had another
personages when they passed through
Sometimes the
for their
Hakk
the
and perquisites
were,
Patil.
We
of the Kul-
kami watan from a deed of sale executed by

Mhalsabai, widow of Raghunath, the owner of
half
Kulkarni
and
Jyotishi
watan
Mauja
of
Nitnbgaon Nagana, Tarf Khed, of Sarkar Junnar,

in the year 1 740-41
Having no son and no male relation of her

husband's family, and burdened with a heavy
debt and at the same time desirous of performing
she
sold
away
her
Kulkarni
and
Yeshvant and Gangadhar
Yeshvant Chandrachud, Deshpandcs of Sarkar
charity,
half
Jyotishi rights to Baji
Junnar
for
Rs. 2,000, reserving the other
her son-in-law
Lakshuman Govind
half for
Dhallu.
The
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
schedule
of
enumerates
rights
those
and
227
perquisites
pertaining
not
the
to
only
Kulkarni
watan, but also indirectly gives some idea of those

attached to the Patils office.
The schedule runs
as follows
Shirpav from the government to be received by the Kulkarni after the Patil.
1 .
Music to be played at the Kulkami's

house on the Dipwali and Dasra festivals after
2.
the Paul's.
Oilmen
3.
to give nine
taks of
shop
per
oil
per day.
4.
be
The customary share
taken from the
of
vegetables
vegetable-sellers
after
to
the
Patil.
5.
One
pair of shoes per year from the shoe-
makers.
6.
Water
to be
he has supplied
by the
supplied
at the Paul's
Koli after
house.
7.
One
8.
Oil for ink and a piece of cloth
bundle of fuel on every
festival.
keep-
for
ing papers to be received from the village.

9.
Half the number
of
leaves
received
by
the Patil to be taken from betel-leaves sellers.
Proceeds of the temple of Shrimartanda.
seems from
this item that both
Kulkarni had some share

village temples
1.
fair.
the proceeds
and the
of
the
Two and
Pumitna
in
the Patil
(It
half
takas
at
the
time of the
THE MARATHAS

2.
Bhandra presents after the
3.
Frankincense
to
be
month
of
Ashvin after the
Sunday
the
in
had done
niina
on one
only
taken
Patil
so.
Sweetmeats on the day
4.
Patil.
quantity
half the
fair,
of
Ashvin Pur-
by the
received
Patil.
addition
In
Mushahira Rs. 24
grain
in
cash and three
Khandis
of
Khandi=20 Maunds)."
(1
The Chaugula
6.
who
Chaugula,
the
and above the Mahar
Kulkarni
Below the
came
enjoyed as
ihcsc Mhalsabai
to
assisted
the Patil
in
his duties
and also had the care of the Kulkarni's
records.
It
still
the
the
illegitimate
to
of
Mukave
Chaugula
son
son
the
Marathas
was
generally
a descendant of
or
one of his ancestors.
of
Non- Brahmans
the
the Maharashtra
in
the illegitimate children were not legally

inherit
celebrated
son
the
illegitimate
Patil's
country
noteworthy that
that
believe
Among
unfit
is
Pargana Umbarkhcd
was succeeded
in
"
T.
in
D.
Tol.
I,
pi>
It
of
his illegiti-
seems
136-136.
Patil
Sarkar Mahur
by
the patilship
mate son Sanlaji Thakur,
illegitimate
Shahaji
Ranoji.
father
The
property.
father's
Mahadaji Sindhia was an
his
in
their
formal
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Government was necessary
of the
sanction
case of succession by a natural son.
The
7.
The
Mahar,
the
Patil
the
villagers
held
the
also
had
though
revenue
in
right
the
of
look
to
as
He
official.
helped
by summoning
supposes that
and
after village sanitation,
dead animals.
from
and
He
watchman.
village
castc-name
his
Sir
in
Perhaps
peculiar
this
Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar

the word Mahar is derived from
Mritahara.
Sanskrit
the
low
very
of
to the Patils office or Chan'di
office
derived
man
collection
return got the hide of the
he
in
IT
Mahar
was a very serviceable
caste,
229
But Mr.
Atre
suggests
may be the combination of two Sanskrit

words ma and hara ( nut literally means Lakshmi
and as the cow is sometimes called Lakshmi. it
may stand for cov/ and hence cattle in general)
and the Mahar is one who takes the dead cow.
that
it
P U
VoL V||.
p.
10#
Thakur and Santa ji Tliakur I'hIiI

UwbnrfcWd in fUrkar kUhnr nro inform*
Dattuji
Phi
11*
itb tin
of the
ufi
Annul Fady n
the
rip*r.h
Kantm Muknre of
of
<1
that half th Patilki
msBHl Kaata belongvd to Rhabaji
of the
Pntil.
Kriahnuji
afnrmid Kaiba informed the Uoxnr
that after
of &habaji Lib ooucabine'a boo Bantaji Thakur had begun to
enjoy the Patilki without the asmetion of the Barkar.
V ckdaipi
of
Ike above-mentioned person
we*, <kir.? pity
on to*
your wntnn to you.

qniaite* of
work
the
hare ordered the
rent'
Upon
ror> !!# led.
that the
Pri
ntly
-ml ion of the whole of
Enjoy, therefore, the customary rights and per*
Uokdmukip
of that office
ha*
cf the
aboven entior.ed Kaabt and do the
MARATHAS
We
need not tarry here to discuss the etymology

of the word Makar and may pass on to the
and perquisites
rights
of
Here,
watan.
his
however, no deed of sale comes to our aid, and we
have to depend upon
document
an
of
entirely
summary of a civil suit.

Subhannak of Kasha Nagar, and
Bhiknak Shinda of Mauja Isalak,
different character, the
Bennak, son of
Devnak, son of
Pargana Pamer, complained
Kunbis
the
that
depriving them of
of their
the year
Mangs
and
some
in
1776-77
were
illegally
the customary rights
of
watan and recounted those transgressions
as follows
They were obstructed by
1.
customary right
their
taking
of
Kunbis
the
hides
of
in
all
dead cattle excepting plough bullocks.

That on the Dasra day the Mangs got
a.
their customary bowlful of Naibedya, etc., from
every house
out
Naibedyas and
of that 5
belonged to them (Mahars) but the

rel about that.
3.
That the Naibedya
belonged
to
of the
Mangs
Pola
them (Mahars) but
pice
quar-
bullocks
the
Mangs
unlawfully claimed them.

4.
That they (Mahars) had a
cattle that died in the
Mangs
house of
should not obstruct
the
them
right
to the
Mangs and
in
exercising
this right.
5.
day
is
The
buffalo to be sacrificed
taken round
the
village,
on the Dasra
and a pot of
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
sweetmeats
hung round
is
its
The
neck.
the buffalo belong to the Mahar.
23
pot
and
This being the
custom the Mangs demand half the sweet-meats.

6
That the. Naibedya to the deity of cholera
belonged to them the Mahars but the Mangs
quarrelled about this right
of
and claimed it as theirs.

That the custom was that the bridegroom
7.
the Mahars should ride on horseback while
the bridegroom
of
bullocks, but the
Mangs
Mangs
the
should
contrary to
take their bridegroom on horseback

be prohibited.
It
Mahar had some
certain he got
is
or a share of
on
custom
the
they should
1"
Perhaps the
too.
ride
grain
the
the
other
rights
customary bahita,
harvest
time,
along
with the other Balutas, as did his rival the
Mang.
<?.
The
at
The Potdar
village
fifth
officer
was
the
always a Sonar or goldsmith by caste.
was
to lest the
His duty
genuineness of the coins, or rather
to see whether the
cribed weight and
seems
Potdar,
coins
really
proportion
of
had the presmetal.
But
it
sometimes one Potdar held the

office for more than one village.
A document
dated 1740-41 shows that three brothers were
that
holding the potdarship of

villages
make
I
P.
Tarf).
I)..
VoL VI,
Tarf
Rajapur
Balaji
pp.
9U-KR.
(4 or 5
Rudra. Keso
232 ADMINISTRATIVE
SYSTEM OK THE MARATHAS
Moro Rudra Shenvai, Potdars

Rajapur came to the Swami at the Mukkam
Rudra,
and
Shahunagar near the

that
were
they
of Tarf Rajapur."
1
the
watan
Potdar's
second document
dated
742*43 shows that one Ganshet Sonar held
Parganas and
Potdar's office for two
of
Satara and submitted
fort of
enjoying
1
of
the
remu-
his
was a Damdi per Rupee of the collected

revenue ($ pice=t Damdi).**
(A Sanad granting the Potdari watan of the Parganas Sakse
neration
and Karnale was given to Ganshet Sonar last

The aforesaid Sonar informed (us) that
year.
Damdi (customary remu-
you said that Potdar's

neration)
not
is in
your
him
give
ijara
the
and people therefore did
Damdi
usual
While another document dated
Rupee).
per
765-66
tells
us
Lakshman Sonar, Potdar of Pargana Nevase,

got an allowance of Rs 4 per month from the
that
government and an extra allowance at the rate

of Rs. 2 per large village and Re.
per small
1
This grant of a government allowance
village.**
was recognised that the

Potdars' sendees were more necessary to the
perhaps point out that
central
government than
P.D.,
VoL
I,
the
villagers.
The
p.
362,
taknUmtu ônar, PoUtaof Parana Newnaa informed the ilniur
th Potdari
vtUn
of th aforesaid
Re wo*
from old times.

in
to
pp. 139-Ul.
P.D., Vol- III.

11
it
Pargtik* baton
addition to that Ka. 2 from big Tillage and Ke.
P.D.. Vol. VT1,
|>.
107.
to
Icing from the Sarkar Hu. 4 por

1
lift
family
month, and
fro maU Ttllag**,
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Potdar closes our
now
shall
turn to
village
of
list
the
033.
and we
officers
organisation
industrial
of
the village.
The Industrial Organisation
9.
The
Maratha village
Surrounded by a
unit.
independent of
We
possible.
was
wall,
outside
rife
self-contained
tried
it
world
as
have already seen how
to
be
much
as
had
its
it
own Patil, Kulkami, Chaugula, Mahar and Potdar;

and we shall see later on how the civil suits
could be decided by the village Panchayet without
any intervention from the Peshwa's Government.
As
it
had
its
village tried to
and
political
autonomy, the Matatha
have
industrial
its
this brought into existence the twelve balutas
The
or the village artisans.
and
of the idea
was
autonomy also;
tfie ideal
that the artisans
of
logical
consequence
industrial
autonomy
became watan-holders, and
expected that they and their descendants should

enjoy a monopoly of their particular trade
village
and
their
theory as well as
Civil suits
right
in
to
such a
in
monopoly
practice was recognised by
about ownership of such
easily
lose
in
all.
watans were
frequent and often complicated, for neither
Maratha watan- holder
the
his
did a
hereditary
nor was he willing to do so.
Long absence
from the village did not prejudice
his rights n any-
office,
way
he or his descendants could return after thirty
or forty years
30
and replace the man who had
in
the
meantime been serving the

perfection
of
and
village history
exhibited
sions
and Satbaji son

sanad
in
of
the
watan,
the
of
we
described
barbers
On
family.
the
return
was divided
between the two
Chinchodi,
however,
Tarf
Siral,
the
after
left
watan
In the
watan
(their
at
Prant
grandfather
24
Similarly
Mauja Khodad,
Tarf
was recovered
Junnar,
by-
cousins Shivaji son of Tanhaji, Yisaji son of
Shivaji Chaudhari
in
native
village
duties, even
left
the
watan
and refused to return to
when
his
requested him to do so.
co-villagers
In
P. D., Yot. II,
and Nimbaji son
763-64, although their
uncle Santu had voluntarily

his
the
Yamaji sons of Santa
Malji, Darkoji son of Malharji,

of
his
long absence of the family from
the blacksmith's watan of
four
during
families.
the village owing to scarcity).
Narayangaon,
left
the descen-
barbers
the watan for two generations
had
had
Pargana Nevase was
in
recovered by Jakhoji and

barber
of
watan-holders,
original
1749-50,
the
was rendered by
service
dants of the
year
in
that thîr ancestor
find
time of scarcity and
in
absence the
another
year 1779-80, Raghoji
the
Khadke, applied for a

barbers watan in Kasba Poona
history
watan
the
genealogy and
of Abaji
the
application,
of
was on such occa-
tradition
In
Wonderful
villagers.
knowledge
their
THE MARATHAS
P.
and
his
repeatedly
764-65 the Sonarki

v
VII. pp.
IM.MH
VILLAGE
watan
(goldsmith)
COMM UNITIES
of
Lonikhurd
Sangamn^r was recovered by
235
Tarf
the
Haveli
heirs of the
original watandars after a long absence.*
hrly the heirs of
the
village
Chaugula,
Kulkarni,
watan,
ancestral
etc
officers
could
Siini-
like
Patil,
recover
their
the modern rules of limita-
for
were either unknown or always ignored.
tion
The
balutas,
we have seen
:fs
before, were
number (they were: Mahar, Sutar,

Lohar, Chambhar, Parit, Kumbhar, Nhavi, Mang,
Kulkarni, Joshi. Gurav, and Potdar). and received
twelve
in
remuneration called baluta
their
amount
grain
of
in
a fixed
kind,
the harvest time.
at
Corres-
ponding to the twelve balutas there were twelve

But
alutas.
the Joshi
word
an
that
of
these balutas and alutas only
all
demands a
special mention
here.
from Sanskrit Jyotish
Joshi, derived
And
number
the astrologers got from Shivaji and
astrologer.
the
large
't
The
means
of inams
his suc-
cessors, in reward of their
successful
show what
had over the popular
mind.
they
Nothing important was ever undertaken

consulting
without
village
hold
prophecies
required
astrologer.
the
Joshi
of
its
own
So every
His remu-
neration, as recorded in the deed of sale executed
by Mhalsabai (already quoted in connection with

the Kulkarni watan) was (1) baluta equal to
Gurava's
(temple
priests),
P. D., Vvl
VII,
(2)
presents at the
I5M03
536 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARA H AS

I
temple
(Prasad)
equal to
class baluta, and
first
(3) 2 5 bighas of
gram land
per bigha.
noteworthy that on the
of
It is
yielding
legal issue, a Joshi would not be
12.I
well illustrated
by
of
Mallarbhat and others
vs.
is
failure
succeeded by
his natural children in the ancestral
principle
matmds
This
watan.
civil
suit,
that
Subhana Dasiputra
(maid-servant's son).
The facts of the case were as follows

Khand Bhat and Narayan Bhal were
of
the
Joslii
watan
three
of
holders
villages
Mauja
Bemble, Mauja Ghoti and Mauja Parhetc.

first plaintiff
The
Mallar Bhat was their grand-nephew
and the second and
third
Nimb
plaintiffs
and Balambhat were the
sons of
Bhat
their cousin
Hanvant Bhat, grandfather of the

first plaintiff, and father of the second and
third
plaintiffs, was Joshi of Akole.
On the death of
Narayan Bhat without any issue, his share of the
Hanvant Bhat
three villages passed on to his brother
Khand Bhat again

issue
and
by the
plaintiffs
any legitimate
died without
his funeral ceremonies
who were
Khand Bhat.
were performed
also supporting
the
widow of the deceased watandar. But the

deceased had an illegitimate son by a maid*
servant called by his fathers relations as Subhana
Dasiputra.
bastard
The
plaintiffs
had put himself
half the Joshi
before the
watan
complained that
in illegal
of Gholi.
this
possession of
When summoned
Government Karkuns and
Deshmukh
village communities
Drshpande
and
Pargana Poona the bastard
of
had to admit that ho had no right
and
property,
father's
to his
237
inheritance
of
had to submit a
written statement to that effect.
The statement of Subhana Dasiputra

In the Shake 1676, Subhana Dasiputra wrote
this statement
the aforesaid Mauja and half of
Mauja Ghoti in Parana Bhose (i village in all)
are your watan and Mauja Parhetc and half of
Bhose (i village in all) are

Narayan Bhat's watan. Narayan died without
issue and Khand Bhat enjoyed all the three
Ghoti
Prant
in
maid-servant
but
to
Khand
After
villages.
you
as
you the
did the
son,
not
did
like
work
it,
Bemblc
of
village
death
Bhat's
Jyotishpan of half the village of
your
I,
of the
watan
handed over
and
kept
Ghoti
the
formerly
When the Pant

Narayan Bhat.
Pradhan Saheb was made acquainted with the
he had me brought to his
circumstances,
belonging to
When
presence
stances of the
heir to the
questioned about
case,
said
that
circum-
the
1
watan and that you were
was not the

the
owners
and proprietors, so that you might enjoy your

watan
in
peace,
wrote this paper.
10,
The Mirasdars and Vpris
The
village land
dars
and
Upris.
** r.
was
divided
among
The Mirasdars were

D . VoL
11.
w-
*7-*'
Miras-
residents

of the
who had
village
right in
permanent
they
long as
dispossessed so
proprietary
be
and could not
heir land,
THE MARATHAS
ejected
paid
the revenue system, was
fixed
fairly
But as the village community was

an organic whole,
body
dars as a
revenue
in
make up
responsible
Miras*
held
payment
of
each
of
The
payment
and
saleable,
If
government dues they were
The
the
repay
entitled to restitution
period
as
or
forty
hand,
were
thirty
on the other
Upris,
farm
ancestral
they could
for
not
Mirasdars did
lose the right of recovering their
even after so long a
was
and even when ejected
tax, the
land for a long period.
of
Mirasdars
property of
non-payment of land
years.
as
to
for failures in the
hereditary
amount.
regarded
the
*for
discuss
ordinary cases, they were obliged
body,
their
Government
the
rent.
their
This rent again, as we shall see when we
or
and generally strangers holding

government land under the management of MamThey had therefore none of the advanlatdars.
tenants-at-will,
tages of the Mirasi

his
privileges
taxes,
gratis.
He had
and the major portion
village
believed
expenses
that
enjoy
but the latter did not
fell
on
originally
to
of
pay heavier
the
burden of
his
shoulders.
there
were no
It
Upris,
and the Mirasdars were the descendants of

original
settlers
who became
the
natural
prietors of the village lands, according (o
is
the
pro-
Manu
code which lays down that land belongs to the
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
clearers
wood
the
of
and there
believe that this assertion
majority of the
cultivators
So
the minority.
other Indian
by
reason
to
strong
not without a
while
the
are
L'pris
Maratha villages, like

were originally inhabited
the
villages,
independent
proprietors.
This,
mountainous
isolated situation in a
helped them to remain the
mous
is
Even to-day the Mirasis form the
foundation.
in
is
239
with
their
tract,
perhaps
independent
autono-
republics that they originally were through-
out the Maratha period, and even during the
first
few years after English conquest.

Generally, the white soil
the
of
was
village
reserved for the gharthan or the
homesteads
the villagers and the
for
cultivation.
This distinction afterwards gave birth
to a pecu-
meaning
when used
liar
of the
black
word pnndhari white,
relation
in
wall,
and
all
classes, like the
within
it.
The
public safety
to
live
to
The
villagers in general.
by a
soil
villages
village
stood
for
was surrounded
and the Ramoshis
criminal classes for
outside
which
the villagers except the criminal

Bhils
as
of
well
the
as public
village wall,
had to perform the Police
the
lived
sake of
sanitation
had
although
they
duties.
They were
under their Naik, or the headman of their caste,
and were
held
responsible
robbery committed
in
the
for
every
village.
succeeded
in
tracing the offence to
village
in
recovering
or
the
theft or
Unless they
some other
property
lost,
the
ap
MVRVTHW
\D\tlM[STR VTIVIJ SYSrF.M OF THE
As
properly stolen.
make good
a body had to
criminal tribes as
the
a consequence, every village
was secure from the thieving exploits of its own

Ramoshis, and generally, the Ramoshis from
villages or the Bhils from
distant
mountains were
responsible for the breach of rural peace.
time of general disturbance and often
peace
general
feudal
the
in
times of
in
plundered
chiefs
Against these more
their rivals' villages.

ful
But
power-
robbers the village wall offered but scant resis-
tance and no security.
The Financial Arrangement
it.
We may
of
our
now
rural
turn to the financial arrangement
Above
republics.
they
all
had
pay the government dues as a matter of

course and their land-tax was fixed conjointly
to
by the Patil and a government
and inspection
survey
But as the village had
had to
stone
own
special
term.
needs,
it
deed
Shri
of
in
sale
executed by
her village
Matandji
authorized
the
pensions,
and
beggars and entertainment

of expenses
was
its
annual
festivals
to
the fees of peons stationed in
number
Mhalsabai we
there
sun-god)
ceremonies and religious
long
fairly
money to meet them. Says Elphin" The maintenance of the Village Temple
have seen that

of
its
raise
(in the
for
officer after actual
and
fixed
charities
;
its
guests,
the
a temple
its
alms to
etc
village,
and
entail
on the community, which,
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Government revenue
unless allowed for from the
(which
is
very rare) arc defrayed by a
This extra tax
village."
and the major portion
The charges
dars.
on
fell
the
tax on the
cultivators,
was
the burden
of
mentioned)
been
formerly
24 l
(as has
borne by the
for the
temple,
Miras-
charity
and
and more or less conand were therefore raised by a permanently

were permanent
festivals
stant,
Salabad while the less constant

and uncertain but none the less recurring charges
fixed tax called
were met by an extra assessment called Sadar
Warid
addition
In
patti.
these
to
recurring
expenses there were non-recurring ones, the most

important of them
that incurred by
in
those insecure
repair
the
which government
(for
of
times
the
village
sometimes
and the purchase of forbearance

insurgent or an enemy, against whose
villagers
were
helpless.
was sometimes ready
to
wall
sanctioned
a grant)
the
being
of
an
arms
The government
make some
revenue for the second item, but a

or concession even to the amount
remission of
total remission,
of
contribution
paid by the villagers,
was absolutely unknown.

In such cases if the amount was very heavy a
public debt was contracted, and gradually paid
by an
off
annual assessment
included
in
the
Sadar IVarid patti or mortgages or grants of

land on the part of the villagers.
These grants,
known as Caen Nisbat Inam, were enjoyed rentfree
by the creditors.
3
If
small
in
area
no rent
242
was charged
by
paid
for these
the
inams
villagers
villages
fact, the
village
free
government
hand
in
the empire,
appointed
were they
although
they
matters.
communities enjoyed
within
by
th:
real
the
if
as
they
were
self-contained and
communities
of their
self-sufficient.
rural
sary.
secured
public
by
the
villages were
The
Peshwas
material
the
of
directly
Maratha
supervision exercised by the

the whole
neither
government, and
paid
Industrially the
villagers.
self-
village
villagers,
them under the moral influence
opinion,
In
had to obey the orders of the
government, the very nature

put
the
Maratha
the
financial
were not elected by the
officers
So
common.*
allowed
was
big, rent
if
in
government
Peshwas
but
paternal
officers
welfare
of
on
the
communities and was not therefore unneces-
We
shall next try to see
supervision was exercised by the
how
this paternal
government
of
a benevolent despot.
"
the
KlpbittUo*i Report ca
Peihw* (2nd
tJje
TorHrorJnt recently conquered from
Edition), pp. 19-20
CHAPTER
111
District and Provincial Governments

/.
The Deshmukh and l he Deshpande
Before
the
time
of Shivaji
and the Deshpandes, were

ganas.
They were
in
the
charge
Deshmukhs
of the
also called Zamindars.
Par-
Their
control over the villages led to oppression of
the
and Shivaji decided to do away with their

agency. At the same time, the great Maratha
rayat,
ruler did not forget
that
if
turned out of their office
the
Zamindars were
without any
provision
economic revolution would follow

creating a number of beggars who had once seen
whatever, an
opulence
the
and the remedy would be worse than

He,
disease.
therefore,
took
away
their
them in the enjoyment of

their customary dues, and appointed government
officers in their place.
The Peshwas simply continued this practice of Shivaji. and the change
was not produced by the policy and avarice
authority,
of
the
but
left
Bramins
suggest, but
it
"
Elphinstone
as
seems
was realy "attended with
effects." as he himself
beneficial
"as
further adds
ing the people from the
to
deliver-
oppression and exactions
244 administrative system of

1
of the Zemindars."
the marathas
Peshwa
period the Deshmukh and the Deshpandc became
the sincere friends of the rayat, and never failed
to bring to
the notice of the Peshwa their
grievances.
Wc find the Zamindars accompanying the Khots and Patils of Prant Rajpuri to
Poona to inform their master how insecure the
In fact during
the
and how the lands were left uncultivated owing to the disturbance of the Shamal
rayats
felt
(siddi) (1760-61).
*'
The rayats of Prant
oppressed
by
and
lands
their
the
Rajpuri have been
disturbance
of
the
much
Shamal,
have not been cultivated.
Dis-
turbance takes place every day.
Khots,
the
prayed
that
The Zamindars,
came to Poona and
Patils
Swami should
the
therefore
take
them and make collection according

a new inspection of the aforesaid Prant in
on
pity
to
and the
the present year."
Again
in
Dcshpande represented
the
villages
that
some concessions
Deshmukh and
the
1763-64.
to
the
the
authorities that
Prant Junnar
of
had been burnt

and plundered by the Mughals, and suggested
be made.
to
the
cultivators
should
although the Deshpandes and the Deshmukhs were relieved of their original duties,
But
Klpt.iiwr.onr, Kfpoii, p. 21.
P.
P.
D Vul. HI. p. Ua
D VoL VII, p 19
.
DISTRICT AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS 245

was
watan
their
41
l-ong
not
altogether
sinecure.
Zamindars ceased to be the

principal Agents, says Elphinstone, " they were
after
the
made use
still
check on the
of as a
Mamlutdar
and no accounts were passed, unless corroborated

by
accouuts
corresponding
the
fact
hereditary
check on
them."
In
were preserved as a
almost
their non-hereditary superiors in
department
every
officers
from
the Pcshwa's government.
of
Deshmukh
served
In addition to this,
the
depositary
records and the past and the
of
old
present history of
whenever
all
watans, grants,
and
as
inams.
was any dispute about

the Deshmukh was asked to produce his
So,
land,
there
old records and he
" to
had also
keep a register
new grants of transfer of property either

by the Government or by individuals. It seems
that the
Deshmukh had an official seal for
stamping these deeds, and it was usual for the
senior owner of the watan to be the custodian
of
of
all
this
enjoyed
seal,
while
the
inam lands.
the
quoted here
in
junior
owners simply
Two documents
are
support of this statement.
Trimbak Rao, son of Gamaji Mhaske, Deshmukh Pargana Sangamner, came to the Huzur
at the Mukkam at fort Purandhar and informed
that half the
belonged to
Deshmukhi
his
family of Shelke.
of the aforesaid
Pargana
family and the other half to the
That
in his
senior and that the accepted
family he
was the
custom was that the

senior
man
in
right
of
using
have the entire
the family should

the
putting
seal,
official
signature and doing the other duties
share
of
the
Pargana
aforesaid
MARATHAS
half
the
while
his
of
;
his
co-sharers should enjoy their customary share

the inarn, and that the senior should
grant them
such pecuniary assistance as he deemed
seniority in the
authority.
of
' ' *
style
above
we
above conclusion
right
Continue
in
Deshmukhi work
his right of
this
to
letter
the
of
enjoyment of your
the
generation
seniority,
for their
Coming
you
give
use the seal of the family of

the
fit
That he had been exercising
needs.
of
generation,
after
Mhaskc
of 150 villages
as before, do
and exercise
your right of seniority by putting your
signature,
giving your co-sharers their due share of the inam,
and granting them pecuniary help as
customary
"
needs
demand
and as their
(1776-77).*
Dadaji Dev Rao Deshmukh, Tarf Haveli,
Tarf Ale, Tarf
Junnar,
of the
came
Votur and
Tarf
is
Minhcr,
Huzur and represented
to the
Prant
that
above-mentioned four Tarfs half the Desh-
mukhi belonged
mukh and
to Tuljaji Sakhoji
the other half to
custom prevailing
the senior
member
in
the
him
Hande DeshThat the old
Mughal regime
required
of the family to reside at court,
and accordingly on the death of his father Dev

Rao, he, as the senior owner of their half, remained
with the
Mughals
at
Killa
Shivner and asked
P. D., Vol. VI, pp. 322-323.
Ananda Rao, the younger brother of Dev

Rao, to earn on the work of the Deshmukh.
Ananda Rao conducted the work for twenty years
and upon his death his son Shivaji continued it
his uncle
for ten years more.
But he did not submit any
account to Dadaji nor did he give the latter the

produce of the watan. Dadaji therefore urged
that, as the
management
he
owner,
senior
have the
should
Rao
Ananda Rao
watan to which Ananda
of the
had no legal claim, and Shivaji
should be warned that he should have the rights

of
simple
junior
sharer
only.
Upon
that
Ananda Rao was brought to the lluzur

and on enquiry it was found that he had no
AH past account
claim to the management.
Shivaji
should
submitted
be
and
explained
to
you
manage the above-mentioned

half Dcshmukhi.
You are accordingly ordered
to do the customary work of the management of
(Dadaji), you should
half the
the seal
Deshmukhi, put your signature and use

and enjoy the rights and perquisites of
the watan
2.
Hat dak Monpan, Inamat,
/safat )."
The Deshmukh' s Rights anti Perquisites
The Dcshmnkhs
was very
lucrative.
office, like that of
The
Elphinstone are interesting

1
D.,
Yol VI,
following
:
the
Patil,
remarks of
The Daishmook's
? p 3KU324
248 ADMINISTRATIVE
about
per
five
nue. but
will
and a twentieth
various claims
of
Reve-
the
hundred
each
in
told,
Daishmook,
and
the collections besides
belong
the
to
as a pair of
ghee
preparation,
etc.,
portion
that
every
shoes,
of
shoe-maker, a
who make
from those
etc. It
acres
am
on
only
not
five
in kind,
year from each
generally,
cent,
on the land
example,
for
great
very
are
profits
seems to be thought, that they (Desh-
mukh and Desphande) cannot
Offices
their
sell
Coolcumees can) and it is

they can sell their fees, though
(though Patails and
even doubtful,
may
they
if
pawn
Their
them.
they
land
Whether they could sell

fees or not we do not know but that at
on one occasion the Deshmukh's fees were
can
their
certainly sell.
least
trans-
ferred
The deed
in
Mr.
by a bakshisknanta is certain.
question has been published by
According
Raj wade.
Deshmukh
got
revenue and not
As
says.
a part of
village
Re.
at least is
out
per
per
cent,
cent,
as
the
all
of
is
that
of
rights
'
and
worth quoting.
pay
to
the
and you should
Elphinttovio, Report,
the
watans,
from each
Rs. 3
Desphande
take
will
2nd
edition, pp. 21-12.
flonroeii of If truth* lluiorr, Vol.
take
remaining
the
a.
the
Elphinstone
Deshmukh and Deshpande
The custom
1.
Rs
it
five
document,
this
two
only
recounts
it
perquisites of
to
V. K.
X,
p. 114.
The Shirpav from government should be

taken by you first and by the Deshpande after2.
wards.
On
the
documents
relating
watan,
to
you should put your signature, and by the
etc.,
side
of your signature
Deshpande
the
will
put
before
the
his.
government
officer
by you
pande should make
placed
first,
and the
from others should
Desh-
his presents after you.
Betel leaves from government as
5.
the
be
should
Presents
first
well
as
be taken by you and
by
Deshpande afterwards.
As
6.
for other
Man pan,
the watan you should accept
etc.,
them
pertaining
first
and
to
the
Deshpande afterwards.
Kasba, there
In the aforesaid
7.
is
plot
Deshmukhi watan. You should erect a

building there and live therein.
Take the customary dues of green vege8.
for the
tables from
and
in
markets
the
in
villages
the aforesaid Kasba, etc.
You should enjoy
9.
different
jirayat and baga
old
inam
land
both
vat.
Take the customary bundle of fuel from

Mahars from each village at the time of the
10.
the
festivals.
Take from each

Sankranti and ghi at
11.
of
performed.
32
village
**aeh
til
at
the
time
Shradh ceremony
THE MAR ATHAS

12.
Two
bhets (presents) should be taken by
you and your representative employed

work of the aforesaid Pargana.
13.
village
14.
for
the
Take one blanket annually from every

where Dhangars work their looms.
Take hoes from the shoemakers at the
rate of a pair per year per village.
Take the customary sayvan dues from

the said Kasba.
16.
The sweepers of the mosque ol Shaha
Daval Pidar pays Rs. 3 per year as tabruk\ out
15.
of that
Re.
belongs to the Deshpande
you
should take the remaining two.

17.
should
The bread money
from
each
village
be divided equally between you and the
Deshpande.
18.
first
and then by the Deshpande.

Of the miscellaneous dues
19.
laneous
to
The musician should be rewarded by you
the
work,
for
miscel-
you should give one-third share
Deshpande and keep
for
yourself
the
remaining two-thirds
20.
Of the dues
to
government
the
nection with the Pargana. the
in
con-
Deshpande should
pay one-third and you two-thirds.

It is
therefore clear that
the
remuneration of
Deshinukh and the Deshpande was in everyway analogous to that of the Patil and the
Kulkami, and was paid by the people of their
the
Pargana and not
by
the
government.
Their
DISTRICT AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS

interest
was
therefore,
that
the
people,
of
interest,
seems
it
considered
unfit
the
of
affairs
hold
great
under the charge of
sake of public
for the
women were sometimes
that
to
bound up with
closely
and
251
these offices, although
military
were
fiefs
often
Umabai Dabhade was

often addressed by the Peshawa on matters
of great political weight and we all know how
skilfully the famous Ahalya Bai managed
the
ladies.
helm of the state bark during the

of those times
Panch
No Deshpande watan
continued
in
the
name
should
of a famale."
Th* olrcimcUocnf of tho
are ae follows
widow
In the year 176B4Q, ftlrmabti,
storm
as voiced by the
Sarkar Junnar had decided
of
"
that
Public opinion
political
in
in
1772-73
future
be
'
of Krishna]! Hari Deal, panel**
represented tbai there had lows rm Hood! descendant In h*c family for
4 or 5
fiMiwstlorifl,
the widow
arn'a
name
with
hie,
ti>
and Ihsl
adopt a
that
#>
It
was therefore innal
Mr *d'>p'*d
son had
toy of
refused to recoguitw the authority
nrgod
hut
Mr
Joint Authority with
prayer was grant*;]
however,
wood
led to
Tho
do.
il*r
fire or seven rear a,

of
In
en enter her
hat after eunietCnoo be bad omitted to dn
Bhagvunt Kao died leaving
tM
in the
and have the wfan continned
The
the lady
family for
her adopted
name along
adopted son
nnd
his office id
ladj, therefor*,
the boy should bs rscujrnised, ami
uu reuse itahht rntcrfcirncc
mlMikAnAgemsnt, and three
ears later
wo
c.f
the lady,
find
Anirit
-Sal
Ran petitioning tlie got orn meal
some measures for gt^l
management should bo taken. Hr ntao pointed oafc that if tho olalm
of Girmabai was rocogniVd liy the govern man t as a principle, the same
alalm would I* mads after her daath by Amrit Ran* step. mother.
The government appointed a PlDbhsjet for decision. nnd they gave
I
tholr verdict entirely in favour af
Amrit Rno.
They decided
Ibnt not
even a moiaty of power aliould to surrendered to Giruabul, her
however should ba continued
in
documeat* ao lorg
future o wataa should to continued n tho run r of a female.

Vol. VII, pp. 112-113.
name
da sho lived, bat in

I*.
THE MARATHAS
The Kamavisdar and the Mamlatdar
j.
During the regime of the Adilshahi and the
Nizamshahi dynasties the

was,
revenue and administrative
for
divided
Parganas,
into
Shivaji, however, true
divided
ciples,
and Subha.
a
Tarf
his
was called
prin-
dominions into Mauja,
Tarf
Out
charge of
officer in
Havaldar, and the officer
we
styled as
find
Sarkar and
the
Subhas.
nationalising
in
Subhedar
During the Peshwa
Deshadhikari,
period, however,
Pargana,
his
Subha was
Mukhya
use.
to
country
purposes,
and
Sarkars
days the
In his
charge of a
or
Maharashtra
these
all
Subha,
Subha was
indiscriminate
in
also
terms Tarf,
Prant
called a
and Tarf and Parganas also came to be styled
Over the small
as Mahals.
the Kamavisdars.
divisions were placed
and the Mamlatdars held the
charge of the bigger divisions.

held
their
office
The Mamlatdars
directly
under
the
the
three
provinces of
government except
in
central
Khandesh, Gujrat and the Kamalak, where they

were placed under officers known as Sarsubhedars
41
In the
Carnatic he (Sarsubhedar) was answer-
Revenue, and appointed his
able for the
Mamlutdars
but
in
Candeish he had only a
Mamlutdar giving
own accounts, and making his payments
general superintendence
in his
own
every'
We
direct to
Government.'
into an
enquiry about the remuneration of these
may, however, enter
DISTRICT AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS 2$3

high
officials
privileges, rights
Their
4.
and
responsibilities.
Pay
A comparison
that
the documents
of
allowance varied
their
importance of the
Sarkar Hande
Rs.
per
the
Kamavisdar
appointed
annum*
of
while
Ramchandra
Pargana Bhupal, enjoyed
1743-44 a salary seven
year
the
the year 1740-41 on a salary
in
Kamavisdar
Ballal.
in
i.ooo
with
under their charge.
districts
Thus Trimbak Hari was

of
show
will
the Kamavisdars did not enjoy the same
all
remuneration,
of
powers and
before discussing their
times as
The general principle seems to have been

to give the Kamavisdar 4 per cent, of the money
advanced by him (thus in the case of the Kamavisdar of Pargana Bhupal your salary is Rs.
large. *
1
the rate of 4 per cent on the revenue of

But this
lac and seventy-five thousand)."
7,000
one
at
*'
P 0 . Vol. ID. p. 254.
P. n , Vl. Ill, p. XnC.
" I* n Vol. Ill, p 266. I b*j to differ from R*o Huhular l>. B.
P.ira-rin who mtdii to think that in the above two 0*0*0 th* ottcATf got
aa their salary 4porcit. of the revenue of their district*. In bin Encash
tsuimnry of ducumeut* No. 40# and 40F, Vol. I, # B*Uji Bnji Rbo Pehfi;,' lie mj# I he rem tin*: ration nf tiio Kamavudar of Bhopal wm
And a|rata 41 The
B zed nt IU. 4 |ior coot, of the rereuae r**lvd."
Main 1st nf RandellhAcd wn colic a led to ono powon, and Pa. 3,20.000
w*r* received
from him
Nfmaocroiiun
wm
It
it
mciiTii*
Bzetl
In
Advance on account of land

I3,fl00 at
at 1U
Ri 4 p
doubtful whether the word mwrif in

rvvenue,
it
i*ndr
rntfccr
had to ailvunce at the lima
off
for
the
c.
thwe
money
revenue.
of lha
two
donimunM
Ibftt the***
thair appointment,
and
F!ii
remoue.
tAcm
simple
MARATHAS
254 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE
does not appear to have been uniformly

followed.
In the case of the Kamavisdar of
rule
Kasba Puntamba " quoted
20,000
Ks.
least
Rs
have been
was
it
letter
His salary according to
every year.
rule should
the footnote
appointment
clearly stipulated in his
he should pay at
in
advance
in
the
800 but as
that
former
was,
it
more than Rs. 200

(" of the sum contracted
Rs 20,000 are to
Pay therefore
be paid in advance every year.
Rs. 20,000 annually and get receipt."
"The salary of the Shibandi and the officers of
the aforesaid Mahal as before Rs. 200 Kamavisthe
did
officer
not get
dar ).
Generally
lump
Katnavisdars
the
was
sum
and
office
granted
officers
for
minutely
amounted to jaat 4 |> c. of whnt thay

BamoHaadra Ballal Katoaviadur of Bhopal had
1.75,000 1761and li In aalary wn* lit 7/000. Lakahmau Shankar
calculation abowa that the aalary
bad paid
paid
KA
advance.
in
1762MuinUtiiarnf Buruklkbami
paid K*.
H, 20/ MX I
and go4 Be. 12,600 for
bU
Trlmbak Bahu Uao wu appointed Kamaviadnr of Katlm

PuhUinbu (ia tbe year 1759-60) for A y*ara. The rortnn* of tbo
villafu "*a to rite at the (crowing rata
alary.
1759 60
1760 61
...
62
...
...
64
...
..
1766-64
Bo
Mb
katt Ra.
...
Hilary at tbo rata of 4

I
,B00 but actually
p. c.
wa*
Us 45,000
Rt 46,rou
R*
47.000
R. 48.000
K* 49.000
nf tbe raremie
Kb
would
200 only (ice
p,
ham
2f*,
hreu at
Bnlnjl
Sar can tUi Ran Bibadtir argi? that tbe rtud

demanded alwayt amounted to one y aax' 4 remnue. Wc liar* a icrioi
of dooamenU lt the same ralanu contradicting ttu-li a aaypoaitbiri.
Baj Ran. Vot. 1).
11
P. I)
Vol, III, p. 277.
DISTRICT AND PROVINCIAL <iOVF.RNMF.NTS 255.

specifying the salary of each and
the ordinary
even
Karktin,
every
being omitted
foot-men not
One
document will sufficiently illustrate the

whole arrangement and we shall quote here that
addressed to Trimbak Hari, Kamavisdar, Sarkar
Hande.
" The
establishment
Kamavisdar
be
to
on
sum,
following
of Sarkar
kept
account
Trimbak
by
Hari,
Hande. was sanctioned
Rs. 1,000
...
The Kamavisdar.
660
...
Palanquin
Rs.
the
of
for
1 1
months
at
Rs. 60 per month, service to
be taken for
Rs. 7,500
Two
Troopers
...
2 months.
50.
hundred peons to be entertained

Rs. 3 per
2-8, Rs. 2 - 13 , or
to be paid for
month
the
at
Rs.
salary
months.
Twelve Karkuns to be employed when necessary at the chnukis
(out-posts)
Rs.
3-8 per
monthly
salaries
at
mensem
Karkuns
payable
12
for
at
the
following
10 months,
service being taken for
months:
Rs. 25
Mazumdar.
Rs. 25
Naroram
Rs. 25
Fadnis.
Shivaji Dadaji Chitnis.
25 Shirmaji Avji (a Karkun).

Rs 20 Janardan Bhashkar (a Karkun).
Rs.
256 ADMINISTRATIVE
60
Rs.
Four
Karkuns,
Moro Sham-
Bhikaji Tandev,
raj,
Yadava,
Visaji
and Girmaji, on
Rs.
15
each.
48
Rs.
Four
Karkuns
on
Babuji
viz.,
Shivdev,
Rs.
each,
12
Govind
Trimal,
Ram
and
was paid
even
Shivaji
Vcnkaji Anant."
It
shows how much attention
Two
to minute details.
demand our
special
peculiar custom
months, while a
from the
only, but
in
is
We
paying
for
to
the
ten
eleven
or
was demanded
practice
was,
departments
civil
was followed with equal persistency
and the
It
The second
forts.
the allowance granted
dars palanquin
the Kamavis-
for
should not be compared with
the travelling allowance of
modem
the allowance granted for the

In those days,
hold.
here the
find
The
question.
peculiar
the army, navy
point
notice.
document
this
years service
full
officer in
however, not
of
points in
days,
or
Governors
palanquin
and
with
house-
sunshades
were granted to officers of special merit
in
recog-
nition of their public service, as the British Indian
government confers
titles
like
Rai
Bahadur
or
Khan Bahadur on distinguished public servants.

All such honours were accompanied by suitable
grants
for
their
proper
Peshwa was anxious

find
their
upkeep,
that his
officers
because the
should
hard-won honours burdensome.
not

Their Duties
j.
The Mamlatdars and

the Peshwa's
So
representatives
and
duties
their
Kamavisdars were
the
their
in
districts.
were of a
responsibilities
most comprehensive character and embraced
They had to
the cultivator, they had
all
possible aspects of affairs.
look after
the welfare of
to
means
improving agriculture,
for
encourage new
industries, they
disputes of both
to enquire into
and criminal
civil
appoint a Panchayet for decision.
does not exhaust
The Shibandi
duties.
their
the
control
and
list
of
and
This however
nature,
innumerable
their
of the district
was
so
had to
they
had
devise
the
was under
police
force.
Religious and social questions were often referred
and even the devil with all his

evil powers was not beyond their jurisdiction, for
they could compel the devotees of his
black
to
them
for enquiry,
majesty to recall the

master.
It is
evil influence of their
needless to say
that these
dread
ample
owners ample opportunities for

corruption and the Maratha officers sometimes
powers gave
did
their
succumb
Broughton,
to the
writing
charms
of
different
at
different courts, alluded to the
inordinate
love
an
of
officer
English
his
Work
33
of
gold.
court
"
ambassador
that
speedily
effected,
times
Maratha
and
actually
if
he
and
of
officer's
Fryer says
presents.
Shivajis
Fryer and
told
how
the
would have
without
any
SYSTEM OF
258 ADMINISTRATIVE
impediment,
it
in their
List
Broughton
how Daulat Rao Sindhia did

demand a khelni for a nephew
describes
similarly
not hesitate to
was no more, on the plea
that
at
Presents."
of
of soothing the
feelings of the disconsolate mother.
presents,
vulgar language
in
no monopoly of the Maratha
Muhammadan,
no
Mughal
or even his
merchants'
the
in
found
all
were
the
not
the
round
many
belly
imitators.
over the world
which
at.
Broughton's censures were meant
for the officers of the court.

districts
fair
those days were ready to wink
Fryer and
of
was
and Shakespeare's
justice
The Dnrakhdars
6.
brother
complimentary
not
is
lined "
in
His
bales
good capon
was a common failing
people
was
the contents of
with
It
bribe,
officer alone.
English,
grand dignitaries
of
picture
called
curiosity about
officers
to those
This love of
Hawkins and Roes account
better.
the
MARATHAS
some more
Pamerins, who
was necessary to be
charge to present Officers with

were not
TIIE
Our
friends
Kamavisdars and the
above
the
common
in
the
Mamlatdars
temptation
and as a check upon them were utilised the

Of these we have already
hereditary officers.
come across one set the district officers, known

Deshpandes,
Dcshmukhs and
as
and we
know they were used as a check on the
Mamlatdars, and no accounts were passed, unless

by
corroborated
corresponding
them (lilphinstone). The other

niently
described
as
the
accounts
may be conve-
set
hereditary
provincial
known as Darakhdars
officers generally
from
or
fee-
These Darakhdars were always used as a

check on the chief officers of every department,
men.
None
army and the navy included.
the
hereditary
tould
officers
of these
dismissed by
be
the
Mamlatdar, nor could he compel them to perform
any
except
duties
those
specifically
assigned
them by long practice and custom. Not that

the Mamlatdars never tried to do away with
to
independent subordinates
their
but
such cases
in
the Darakhdar could confidently look towards the
Peshwas authority to back him and reinstate
him
in his
ancestral
order always
and
office,
ended with the usual phrase that
the work of the office should
On
hands.''
were
surer
or
(1)
Mazumdar,
(2) Auditor or
be
provincial
the
Karkuns there
Fadnavis,
peremptory
the
(4) Secretary
Potnis,
(6)
(7) Petty Registrar or
taken
from
his
staff besides twelve
Dewan
(3)
or
the
Minister,
Registrar
or
or Daftardar, (5) Trea-
Assay
clerk
Sabhasad and
or
Potdar,
(8)
Under-
As these officers had not

Mamlatdar for their pay, they
secretary or Chitnis.
to
depend on the
were
was,
in
respect
every
quite
therefore,
expected to be
malpractice
efficient
independent of him.
natural
that
they
It
were
checks on any intended
on the part of the Mamlatdar and to
THE MARATHAS
government
report to the central

part
his
any
if
were divided and assigned
their duties
manner
"The divan
them.
pendently of
such a
in
Mamlatdar could not act
the
that
Moreover
happened.
ever
The Auditor
and orders.
letters
chief
as the
or
registrar
fadnavis.
or
all
majumdar
approved deeds or accounts before they
ail
inde-
under the mamlatdar countersigned
factor
the
on
lapses
all
went
to
The fadnavis dated
deeds and orders, prepared a daily waste book,

notes
fastened
yearly
village
books
to
from the
to the
The daftardar,
waste book, made up the
ledger and sent a monthly abstract to
The
writing
the coins.
of
cash,
and helped
whom
chitnis
ninth
The sabhasad
wrote and
officer
document
of
in
The
there were always two, examined
kept a register of petty
and reported them to the mamlatdar.
suits
and
head-
waste book and the ledger.
the
poldar, of
the
kept a record of collec-
points
and the balance
tions
the
head-quarters.
registrar's
quarters.
dated
settlements, and brought the
rent
the
money-bags,
the
the
his duties arc
answered despatches."
Jamenis
is
time of the
mentioned
first
The
15
in
A
a
Madhava Rao
enumerated as follows
.-
"(1) The records of the inspection of Jirayet

and Bagayet lands by the inspecting officers,
should
"
be
laid
by
them before the Jamenis,
Bomb*)' (JaxeWvor. Poona Volume (XVIII), p. 332.

whose duty
demand
will
it
then
such
after
be
to
the revenue
fix
enquiry as
may
he
think
necessary and to report the fact to the Karbhari.

(2)
The Jamenis should
accounts and watch
receive
all
revenue
the closing of the accounts
and see that the collections
and arrears
are
correctly noted.
(3)
the
The Jamtnis has authority
revenue
of
to increase
village or to grant remissions,
or to reduce the revenue for a term of years.

(4)
Orders for the recovery of arrears from
villages should be issued

(5)
Kowls
for
the
by the Jamenis.
abatement
of
revenue
should be issued by the Jamenis.

(6)
ledger
showing the amount received
and the amount due from each village, should

be prepared by the Jamenis from the day-book
u
of the Fadnis.
(Joshis translation
.
These
Darakhdars,
severally
and
jointly,
served as a check not only upon the Mamlatdar
upon each other as well. A glance at the

following two lists enumerating the duties of the
but
Mazumdar and the Daftardar will show how the

Mazumdar supervised the work of the Jamenis,
Fadnis and Chitnis, and how the Daftardar while
auditing the accounts submitted by the Kamahad to explain every matter to the Fadnis.
the year 1764-65 a letter was written to
visdar
In
14
r. D., Vo), vil, pp.
SYSTEM OF
?62 ADMINISTRATIVE
Til K
MARATHAS
Mamlatdar of Dharwar,
recounting the duties of his Maxumdar, Ragho
Gangadhar, as follows
He should see that the day-book is
(1)
Vyankat
Narayan,
balanced every' day.

(2)
He should
authenticate every letter and
account prepared by the Fadnis or Chitnis.

(3)
He should
sec that the salary registers of
sowars and soldiers newly employed are correctly

totalled.
He
muster
should
sowars and soldiers already

(4)
He
every
in
regard
receipts
to the portion of the
taluka proposed to be entrusted to
the
the
in service.
should prepare estimates of
and expenditure
latdar,
month
Sub- Mam-
and the detailed account to be taken from
Mamlatdar should be received through the
Mazumdar.
Change of Mamlatdars should not be
(5)
made without his knowledge (B P. Joshi 5 Translation).
Another
same
letter
officer lays
in
down
the
same year and
the duties of
the.
to the
Daftar-
dar as follows
(1)
The day-book should be
Fadnis and
it
the
written
by
the
ledger should be prepared from
by the Daftardar.
The annual estimates of receipts and ex(2)
penditure should be prepared by the Daftardar

detailed accounts submitted by
the
the Kamavisdars
P. D., Vot. VLt, pp. l'Jj-l-ii.
DISTRICT AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS

at
263,
end of the year should be examined by
the
him with reference to the records.
He
(3)
and
enquire into loans advanced,
should
their recoveries.
He
(4)
should examine the accounts relating
to the sowars entertained from the Mahal.
He
(5)
matter to the
should explain every
and they both to the officer Vyankatrao

Narayan (Mamlatdar).
Orders to subordinates
Fadnis,
should
be
not
through
absence
the
his
direct, but
During the
Daftardar.
Fadnis's
work should be done by the Daftardar.

,n
(Joshis Translation).
7.
by the Fadnis
issued
Beheda and Rasad:
We may
generally
now
turn
adopted
misgovernment.
ment
of
revenue
of
The
big advance
appointment
to
the
be
the
restrain
to
from
two more
to
Mamlatdar
was the
pay-
paid at the time of his
realised
district
first
measures
later
under
on from
his charge.
the
This
advance served as a security against misconduct
and
at
the
same time
relieved the
financial difficulties to a certain
was however paid on

from
this
rasad
of his
extent.
Interest
at a rate
varying
per cent, per month.
to 1^
Peshwa
The second
was an estimate of possible

iijcome and expenditure most carefully drawn up
was the beheda.
It
P.
Vol VII,
pp. 120-27.
264 ADMINISTRATIVE
by experienced
and with
officers
knowledge
Peshwa's
the
in
daftar,
minute details as yet
of
unsurpassed
and unequalled.
In his
revenue
collection the Mamlatdar had to be guided by
annual estimate or beheda and
this
Sub-Mamlatdar or Kamavisdar under

the beheda was drawn up by the MamlatMazumdar as we have already seen. But
of
the
him
dar's
practices
evil
ordinary
not
became a regular and
item
in
that
their
and other undefined collections),

remissions,
and other frauds
pensions,
grand source of their
ment
above
the
Sauder Warrid
expenses
the
false
fines,
charges
expenditure.
of
The
was an extra assessrevenue, which was called

profit
Puttee.
the
of
in
fees,
were
non-payment
musters,
false
an
quite
of their profit
(especially
receipts
and
Elphinstonc
accounts.
The sources
concealment of
for
prevent
entirely
the Peshwas government
in
antast or bribe
remarks
could
cautions
these
all
case
the
in
was
It
district
to
pay
provided
for
levied
not
Government, and naturally afforded a great

field
for
speculation
one of the chief of
by
these
expenses was called
This was originally applied
or Untust.
to
bribes
account
bribes
was
were
collection
became
established
audited
still
took
like
required,
place for
the
and
fees,
rest
another
this
secretly
By degrees,
and auditors.
bribe the ministers
their
Durbar Khurch
the
but
increase
purpose
the
as
of
and as
AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNM RNTS
DISTRICT
minutely
accountants
or
auditors
the
these
into
delicate
not
did
265
search
transactions,
the
Mamlutdar generally collected much more

himself
than
did
he
might not
imposts
was to
good care
took
Mamlatdar, however,
The
patrons.
his
for
that ihe
heavy on the rayats,
fall
they
his interest that
for
should be
for
well
it
off
the only
and, as Elphinstonc, himself points out,
party that suffered was the government.
The Mamlatdar and

appointed
generally
time
Shivajis
of
was
authority
left
forty
in
and
succeed him
his
After
in
the
Peshwa
the
succeeded
the
renewed,
Mamlatdar
district for thirty or
death
his
son
his office, not as a matter of
thought
they
prosperity
of
Consequently the
had permanent
their
in
abuse of
serious
frequently
but as one of favour.

dars
any
in
to
district
office repeatedly
charge of the same
years.
one
were
and
terms,
generally
unless they were guilty of

their
short
During
they
term
their
Kamavisdar
from
frequent.
period, however,
getting
for
transfer
was
another
the
districts,
might
right
Mamlat-
interest
in
and whatever
they did they always remembered that the
goose
eggs must not be roughly

handled.
on present
If a bad Mamlatdar intent
gain at the cost of permanent interest forgot
this axiom of good government, he was promptly
removed from his office by the Peshwa. (This
remark however does not apply to Baji Rao 11.)
that
lays
34
the
golden
OFTKt MArtATHAS
The
small
division
Mahals
called
or Tarfs
were also governed on the same principle.
non-
hereditary officer, the Havaldar, was checked and
two hereditary
by
assisted
and Fadnis
revenue
in
Mazumdar
officers,
The
matters.
duties
of
Mahal Mazumdar and Mahal Fadnis corresponded to those of the provincial officers of the
same names. In addition to these revenue officers
there were in every Mahal four militia officers who
the
demand our
a
roll
The Hashamnavis
notice here.
showing each mans name, family name,
had
to
keep the accounts of the
had also to keep records
of
was no separate
for
officer
Hazirinavis, as
the
kept the muster
roll,
made
name
his
The Asham Fad-
native village, arms, and pay.

nis
kept
the
musters
that
of
militia
his
if
purpose.
office
and the Asham
and
there
The
implies,
Daftardar
the militia ledger book.
It is
needless to say that these officers did not
generally interfere in the internal administration of

of the village.
The Mamlatdar
or the
the rent for each village
assessed
in
Kamavisdnr
consultation
with the Patil, sent a Shibandi force for

collection
if
Panchayets
the Patil asked for
appointed
and criminal cases if the Patil

and of course entertained com-
in civil
refused to do so,
plaints
any,
revenue
against
the
village
officers.
In
short,
they served as a link between the local authorities

at the
base and the Secretariat
at the top.
CHAPTER
IV
Imperial Secretariat
The
Secretariat, called by the
Husur Daftar
was a
employing more
where records of
two
than
all
big
branches of
An
order
establishment,
hundred
were preserved
administration
care and
very
Marathas the
Karkuns,
Peshwa
the
the
with
enquirer could
utmost
confidently
any information concerning the Peshwa's government, and in fact

turn to the daftar-records for
the
materials
mostly
from
present
the
of
the
same
Mr.
Macleod,
"may
be
general
the Pcshwas," says
described as
follows;
accounts rendered to the Government

the revenue and expenditure of the districts,
vim.,
of
J.
"The
source.
contents of the Duftur under

1
work are drawn
all
with the settlements of
them by Government
accounts of districts rendered

district officers
and those
officers, of farms, of
alienations
jam,
of
public
Inam or otherwise,
1
by the hereditary
of villages
customs,
by
village
accounts of
etc.,
revenue,
of
the
whether
the pay,
Appendix to Mr. EJphmflUmt't Report,
p.
Surin-
rights,
xxn.
all
and
l68 ADMINISTRATIVE
privileges of the
Govemmeni and
village
officers
and
accounts of the strength and pay of troops

the expenses of
establishments.
were registers of
together with
all
all
The Rozkirds
all
comprehensive view
all
foreign
more
in
contributions and
The whole
states.
and exhibited
which were considered
the Turjamas."
in
one
is
said
It
Nana Fadnavis introduced many improve-
ments
the
(daily registers)
grants and payments, and
exactions, levied on
that
religious
revenue transactions generally,
particularly the accounts of
of
and
military
civil,
in
the working of the daftar as
accounts department
no small tribute to
the
in
general
ability
Knglish
occupation
of
Poona,
complete
in this
in
it
is
Maratha
that
the
after
documents con-
cerning government transactions of

period of eighty-eight years
as
and
the
of
and the Maratha Karkuns
officers
well
kinds for a
all
were found tolerably
vast store-house of
information.
At the head of this great establishment
was the
Huzur Fadnavis, and
say that
it
is
needless
the very nature of this office
to
required
man
of
the highest ability.
For covenience the
Daftar was
divided into
several departments, the chief of which
Chatle Daftar and

latter
Ek
Beriz
Daftar.
The
department had to deal with accounts of
all sorts,
Poona
the
were the
and was, therefore, permanently
fixed at
while the Chatle Daftar was always under
the direct supervision of the
Fadnavis.
IMPERIAL SECRETARIAT
269
The Chatle Daftar was again subdivided
into
several branches, namely, the Fad, Beheda, Saran*
The Fad was
jam, etc.
own
the Fadnaviss
office.
sanads and orders were issued from this office.

Here the Fadnavis checked and passed all ac-
All
and
counts,
received
informations
from other
Fad were made and kept

Rozkirds or daily transactions of all sorts. The
Beheda department made the Talebands, Ajamas
(estimate), and Beheda (budget) for the Faddepartments.
In the
naviss information out of the accounts of
income
and expenditure annually submitted by the village

and district officers.
In the Talebands were
shown
in
small
space a complete abstract
of
and expenditure of the revenue

during the past year
The Ajamas or the estimate of possible income and expenditure for the
current year was based on the Taleband, and
the actual receipt
from the information thus carefully collected and

classified was framed the Beheda or the authorised
budget
and
the
for the
guidance
Mamlatdars.
Kamavisdars
Behcdas
were
of the
These
framed with so much care and accuracy that

district officers
found
it
very
difficult to
find
the
any
them, and had to find out an excuse of

exceptional nature for the smallest extra expendifault with
ture or remission of
revenue.
In
department were kept accounts of

military Jagirs
and
double authority
all
Dumalla
where
the
Saranjam
Saranjam or
lands (land under
more than one person
had
different rights).
THE MARATHAS
Separate departments were
entrusted with military accounts and contribution,

But these
etc.
arrangements, however,
with the pleasure of the Furnavees, or
varied
the
busi-
Poona were
kept
ness that might occur.
Ek Beriz Daftar
In the
accounts
classified
at
from
other
all
and here were framed the Tarjuma

total
showing
the
expenditure
receipt,
government income
or abstracts of
under
betically
departments
all
for
and balance of the

the year, and Khataunis
expenditure
their proper
arranged
heads.
It
is
alphathere-
no wonder that armed with the knowledge

supplied by their department the daftar-officers
fore
successfully
and
supervised
of
the village
district establishments.
It will
not be
out
of
sentence or two about the

officcrs, specially
ship the
the daftar.
occasions
copies of
Jagirdars.
if
to
original
government
the
authenticity of
grants
the
by
papers
to
on several
daftar
the
in
of the daftar-officers.
certainly have not relied so

for
Poona
official
for
Maratha
Unless they had complete confidence
and the honesty
tariat
add a
he failed to produce
British officers were
referred
the
to
In all cases of proprietor-
the
referred
The
here
reliability of the daftar-
Maratha watandar,
sanad,
in the
place
because Mr. Macleod has some
doubt upon that point.
his
work
the
copies of their
much on
the
daftar
they would
the
family papers.
Secre-
Thus
Imperial secretariat
representative
the then
writes
family to
Henry Brown papers
property
are
Parasnis
the
of
Marathi
the
in
27
relating to
our
Daftar
the
of
The descendant of Visaji Krishna

Biniwale wrote to the same officer of the old
papers we have got copies only which we send
The originals will be found
for your inspection.
Peshwa."*
in
the daftar.
The
was neglected during
however,
Daftar,
Kao
the administration of that bad prince Baji
and
fell
it
into
II
The Duftur
complete disorder.
1
was not only much neglected, says Maclcod,

" but its establishment was almost entirely done
'
away and people were even permitted to carry

away the records, or do with them what they
pleased.
KtullyaU Yulia,
Mr. Macfeod'u account.
in
Pooft* ktndl? loot
I8W and
wuUtiud
of Bemfroy roiitjMirvI
p. 154.
me
the
n copy of a fery
/niftifu?a of
from
o4k*r otmixe* **f*+*d for
iM,
Uutnr Daftux ia entirely t*xl on

SarJnr Khnnd* Kao Chin tn titan Mpli*ndnte
This abort chapter on
of
p. 120.
He
Inar*
rnm Marat ai work

Comoiuicu in Ik*
tke published w.lcrtwue
He
infetwtion
>}
Jivm
i)ct
K* etndtir*, ole
puMiahet!
Prrttiiency
Kevcrd* on,/
TMi
work
comment* adrrrudy on tbe reliability of th* Da f tar rrmida, but it

ahouhl U noted that it woa nothing bnt a party pamphlet and it w-**
ita
IntArott to ditotodit thoar record*.
According to tbit work the Peahwa* Daftar iu* divided lain two
depart it, enN
(1) IT tnnr Daftar.
mum
(2) Mahal Daftar.
The work entmtod to the Hoxur Daftar
fell
a*d*r the following
Kcrannk Bebeda, (3) Ajaiaa, (4) Jbadti,

(B) Talebaod, (6) (Ihftdtii, (7) Toxjnma, (S) Siunnjani Tadi and <&)
bcada:
(1)
Tharavpal.
Rcxhird, (2)
CHAPTER V
Revenue Administration
The revenue
based
on the
perity
of
policy
principle
share
The Maratha
the government
wealth
the
Peshwas was
the
securing the
of
the tax-payer.
never forgot that

only
of
pros-
financier
can after
all
the country with the
of
governed, and although the income of the govern-
ment
can be temporarily raised by exacting a
permanent increase can only be

secured by encouraging the people to produce
share,
large
its
more wealth.
preferred
to
gain.
future
growth of a
without
True to
postpone
exacting
duties
draw
tariff
minute
details
for
list
of
single
tion
enjoyment
for
increment).
pie
for
hashil or
six or
seven years, and then
(with
utmost
attention
which the Maratha
was a master) on the

annual
present
they often
They would watch and help the

new suburb or a new market town
customs
a
this principle
to
officer
isiaiva principle (that of
Thus the maximum
would again be postponed
for
taxa-
another
five
Maliiuliji Sindhia
REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
or seven
bringing
and
and waste lands
fallow
encouraging
for
cultivation,
tries,
They would pursue the same
years.
for
policy
they
tried
making the assessment
of
country
writing
highly
in
one
as
the
to his treasury."
finest
extent
and
of
He
territory
India returning richly
in
who
" Bajirao has
great
appearance more
fertile
wrote,
country,
to
than any other 1 had passed

*** His territories are well peopled,
and the poorer

rendered
easy
their
in
condition,
more
possession of
dars
or
authority
rents,
be
to
are
which causes his

very
flourishing
than
so
feudal Barons,
within
who exercised sovereign
their
August,
fiefs
1818,
f*f
5M act ion rom

f
were not
their
always
subjects.
On
General Munro wrote
Elphinstone,
FitwtUrrncc, Journal
"All
the branches
* fLovte CToii Irxtia, p. ttW.
StAte
8acriUdat, Martth* Brrlaa, Vi4
35
way,
any other in the

u
Even the Jagirthe Marathas."
to Mountstuart
* FnrreMt,
in
indifferent to the welfare of
38th
farming
the
in
sort,
extent of dominion
Peshwa's
valuable
through.
the
Fitzclarence
Poona court in 1739, was

w ith the revenue policy of
favourably impressed
Peshwa.
result
Captain William Gordon,
was deputed to the

the
evil
Marat ha
the
and
cultivated
1819 described the

of
the
As a
flexible.
Wellington found
policy
this
indus-
profitable
counteract
to
into
perpetual disorder and insecurity
influences of
by
273
I,
p.
Papers praertpil in tlm

7tf,
Botxibnjr
OF THE MARATHAS
274 ADMINISTRATIVE SVSTF.M

of
Putwurdhu
the
They
country.
are
family
treat the
popular
inhabitants
the
in
with
great
kindness, and their lands are well cultivated."
The sources
the Peshwas income can be
of
classified as follows
(1)
Land
Revenue
and
Demesne
the
land.
(2)
Customs
some
(3)
duties
and income-tax
in
form.
Forest.
(4) Mints.
(5) Courts of Law.

/.
Land Revenue:
We
shall discuss
the
revenue
land
the most important of these items.
first,
as
The Demesne
lands
were
fields),
in runs (grass lands), bag (garden), and
divided
sheri
into
(cultivated
These were, as we have

already seen, under the direct management of the
officer,
Mamlatdar or the Kamavisdar
district
as the case might be, and were often sublet to
ambarai (orchards).
Lpri
tenants or leaseholders.
The
for
revenue collection.
came,
tion
to
we
as
Patil,
Country,
Wm, A
|> ft7.
Munro, Vol.
When
Ami
M#wnir
Qltijt,
II, p. *76.
of
The
was
responsible
the time for collec-
Mahar called
Chandi where
the
the village
Cpi
know,
the rent-payers
the Patil held his
the Staton of lbe Southern Mnratb*

l.if*
of
Major General Kir Thrum*
The Kulkarni
office.
keeper was present

the
assist
Patil
money
The
when
got
receipt
Potdars.
collection
account-
village
with
there
records
his
to
work and so were the

assayed and stamped the
his
in
latter
paid,
was
the
or
275
which the rent-payer
for
from the
over, the
When
Kulkarni.
money was
the
sent to the
Kamavisdar with $ letter under the charge of

Chaugula, and a similar letter, often a
the
duplicate copy, was sent to the Deshmukh under
The Chaugula got
the charge of the Mahar.
from
receipt
was
which
paid,
Kulkarni s bundle
times
Mamlatdar
the
carefully
of
village
preserved
accounts.
Shibandi was sent by
sum
the
for
in
the
Some-
the officer
in
charge of the district or Tarf to help the Patil

The revenue was
in
his work of collection.
generally
times
paid
in
four
instalments
and some-
in three.
Mokasa Babti and Sahotra
2.
Here we may also explain some terms which

often
will
the
of
their
empire
victims
dm
old
modern
the
appear
records.
unintelligible
1
European
by
The
had no reason
to
the
Marathas,
nations,
peaceful
to
did not
penetration.
reader
unlike
extend
Their
misunderstand their
Pur ih'H explanation, a* for maojr other items of iaiormatiou,

Indebted to the vribW> report of R1 phi aatone, on
conquered from the Poabwa
(2od Edition, pp. 22-23.)
tbt torrltoripi
276 ADMINISTRATIVE
SYSTEM OH THE MARATHAS
method.
Shivaji
enemies
and offered
chasing
security
The
invaded
price that he
subsequently
them the option

submitting
or
first
deshmukhi or Rs.
the Government.
the territories of
To
to
the
100 levied
Sardeshmukhi
the
added another claim,
pur-
plunder.
demanded was
10 for every
of
his
that of
Sar-
by
was
the
Chauth or 25 per cent, of the total Government collection, The whole of the Chauth was
reserved for the Government treasury.
The Babti
25 per cent, of the Chauth was collected for the

Raja by his principal officers, vis., the Pratinidhi,
the Peshwa, and the Pant Sachiv,
the rest was
or
called
the
the
Mokasa and was
Sardars
partitioned
among
for
maintaining troops
Six per
the
cent, of
whole Chauth was, however, reserved
for the
Pant Sachiv and was called the
and three per cent, was reserved as

be granted
to
at
different
times
Sahotra
Uadgaundn
to
different
persons according to the pleasure of the King.

Thus only sixty-six per cent, of the Chauth
could
be available
The Sardeshmukhi
divided afterwards
for
also
other
came
When
Moknsa- holders.
to be
similarly
the territories paying
Chauth and the Sardeshmukhi were finally

annexed to the Maratha dominions, the remain-
the
ing three-fourths of
the revenue
were styled as
contradistinction to the Chauth. It is
needless to add that the Jagir also was granted
Jagir
in
in
mam.
As
a result of this complex division, and
arrangement
complicated
377
individuals
different
might have different claims over the same
One might
claim the Sahotra
Mokasa, a
third the other half,
might
have
of the
Jagir.
ent
a second,
while
village.
half the
to a
fourth
granted some percentage
been
they sometimes
collectors, as
the rayat
did,
would have been subjected to unnecessary
The duty
venience.
was, therefore, for
of
these claimants had sent differ-
If all
of collection
incon-
such cases
in
common convenience
entrusted
to one of the grantees only*
Now
turn
to
then, as
is
it
the
to
and
merits
its
and Method of Assessment
Principle
j.
method
demerits.
now,
Maratha revenue
tion
to
principal
their
were
Thev
J
and
also
to
To
policy
their
country,
the
was
duty
this
their
the
officers
encourage
to
of
the
we
assessment
their
condition
of
may
of
Abiuiiff the piiiiciput officei* of tbo
cultiva-
the cultivated area.
here
quote
Fur * learned ditHiMaion of the policy of Lhia
rtveuuw
of
keep the rayat s contented.
and careful survey

illustrate
remind
to
asked to base
on actual inspection
tion
industry of the
had to pay full attenimprovement of agriculture. The
the
agriculture,
of
was
officer
Pcshwas never forgot

that
Agriculture
with
increasing the total wealth
assessment,
of
the principal
Consistently
country.
rule,
and demerit*, see Sardomfi Marathi Kyaaat. Vot
its
II,
distribution of
origin,
*
m.
several
aim, merit#,
19-142.
278 ADMINISTRATIVE
documents containing instructions to Kamavisdars

and
Mamlatdars
the
time
the
at
their
of
appointment.
When
Ram
Bahiro
Mamla Revdanda
among other things
the
cocoanut
for
was put
in
was instructed
take
to
to
steps
issued
existing.
Naro
to
(1748-49) occurs
Rajpuri
significant
sentence bullocks
purchased
for
In
years.'
five
Mamlatdar
the
that
villages
be
and
be
as
of
the
following
and
buffaloes
from
Dindori
should
classed
Trimbak
by
octroi
Lakshman
1760-61
Wan
of
should
lands
exempted
Among
purposes
agricultural
be
should
rayats
plant
at the rate of five trees per year,
trees
instructions
Prant
of
1747, he
every hundred trees then
the
charge
in
the
for
Uhikaji
was
surveyed.
told
The
superior ordinary
and also as jirayat and bagayat

as well as patsthal and motstkal (watered by
canals and watered by Mot) and should be
and
inferior
The result should be reported to

who would fix the rate to be
the Amin,
charged. The land should be assessed accordmeasured.
ingly.
'
That waste lands
should be brought
these two Parganas
under cultivation within two
In case of failure in this respect,
or three years.
the
in
Kamavisdar would not be
continued
in, pp- a&u-asi
p. d.. voi.
P. D.. Vl. Ill, p 2tt.
P. D.. Vol. III.
pp
in his
That
office.
disturbance
case
in
the
in
of
279
crops or
of
failure
country, remission would be
granted according to the usual practice.
Peshwas were so much bent upon

the improvement of agriculture that they took
almost all the means known to modem governIn fact the
ments
for
being
their
purpose,
that
attempt
most
the
remarkable
to create for the cultivators
a permanent interest in their land by giving
long lease of five to seven
years,
and
ding sale and mortgage of land. The
was
specially
of the
them
by forbid-
hist
measure
enforced during the administration
second Madhava
Kao,
as
will
be proved
by the following documents:

In 1774-75,
Prant
in
Mamlat
the
The
being dismissed.
the
former
following are
instructions issued for the
Pargana
Amod
was given to Madhava Nana
Gujrat
Raghunath Hari
Shct,
of
incumbent
some
of the
guidance of the new
mlatdar
(1)
tivation
Waste lands should be broughl under

and
be submitted to
should
be
cul-
a detailed report of cultivation should
the
given
Sarsubha annually.
in
the
Tagni
sowing season and
you should behave accqj-ding to the guidance of

the Sarsubha and not otherwise.
(2)
The Zamindars
of the aforesaid Pargana
exact from the rayats more than their

dues,
customary
you should enquire into the matter and report

Huzur the amount of the extra exaction.
to the
marathas
280 administrative system of thf.

I
(3)
-and mortgaged
No mortgage
be allowed.
similar
Hasot
in
restored
or sale should in
future
when
was issued
instructions
of
set
Mamlat of Pargana
Prant Gujrat was transferred from
the
Sakharam Sheshadri
The new
Ram.*
Ralaji
to
was told that he should see that the
officer
vation of the said Pargana be

the ittaica
to
1784-85,
in
above
the
in
back and
Pargana should be taken

the rayat.
sold
or
and the
submitted every year to the

ever the amount of the
made according
of the
details
culti-
be
cultivation
Sarsubha.
cultivation
the istawa contract, the Government
how-
If
short
fell
loss
to
of
should
be compensated by the Kamavisdars.
The Zamindars
(1)
take from the rayats more
than
You should enquire
dues.
Pargana
of the aforesaid
into
customary
their
the
matter and
report to the Sarsubha.

(
Lands
2)
sold
or
mortgaged
Pargana should be restored

such
mortgage
of
to the
rayats
should
sale
the
in
in
said
and no
future
be
allowed.
It
is
noteworthy that the Punjab Government
have also recently made

alienation
tion of sale
attempts
agricultural lands
of
and mortgage
poor peasant.
The second
d
of
such
stop
the
the
prohibi-
land
by the
item of the instructions
Voi. vi. pp.
p.
P. D., Voi. Vt, pp. Xft-tJH.
by
to
281
document also demands

our notice, as it requires the Kamavisdar to compensate any loss that the government might
enumerated
in
the
last
incur from decrease
not merely the duty
Thus
cultivation.
in
of these
revenue
was
it
officers
to
pay their best attention to the improvement
of
agriculture, but
also
the increase or
decrease
their interest to
of
do
cultivation
as
so,
their
in
much.
The Peshwa's government had good reasons
to encourage cultivation, as the assessment was
districts affected their purse so
or actual inspection.
fahatu
have numerous documents enumerating the
always based on
We
names
4
Pahamdars
'
survey
or
sent to different
remuneration of the
the
as
well
as
Parganas
and inspection
in different
officers
years.
One
dated 1742-43 runs as follows

Inspecting officers sent for inspecting Jiray at
:
lands
Officers sent to Tarf
the following rate, after

of inspection
Nagothne should get at

one month till the work
was over. Ragho
Amin
Ballal
Rs.
8,
Karkun Rs. 8, Rs. 16 in total, over

and above these two sepoys and one measurer
Hari Balaji
(parwari),
three
Balkavades
in
all.
from
Given
establishment.
Blank
Honaji
sheets
of
papers for writing and a piece of rough cotton

cloth." Similar remuneration and establishment
were granted to Naro Ballal

Pal, but his
36
Karkun got a
Amin
salary
sen!
of
Tarf
to
Rs.
per
282 ADMINISTRATIVE
month.
Pahanidars were also sent
to
Tarf
Nanc
Mawal*
Bagyayat lands were also assessed after

inspection and we have already seen in connecsystem that the
tion with the village
guardian
demand
village
the
of
a pahani
cultivators'
Patil as
interest
could
whenever he thought that
had been over-assessed.
the principle of no pahani no
It
extra
the
his
seems that
assessment
'
A
second Madhava Rao
was generally recognised by the government.

letter of the
time
of
the
may be quoted here for illustration.

41
The officer of Prant Kalyan Bhiwandi
sented that the jamabandi of the
not be fixed
without
inspection
repre-
province could
of the lands
and
asked sanction to the expenditure of Rs. 700 nr 800

on account of diet-money to officers
inspection.
tion,
if
it
He was
ordered to make the
was calculated to
that
inspec-
raise the revenue,
and
was honestly made,
to take care that the inspection
and
making the
no oppression was caused to the rayats.
Rs 400 to 500 were sanctioned

as diet money (summary by K.
for expenditure
B.
Marathe).
Classification of Lands.
4.
In
fact,
assessment without inspection was
For not only were the lands divided

three classes superior, ordinary and inferior,
impossible.
into
for
revenue purposes, but the condition of irrigation

*
P. .,
YnL
p. D.,
VoL VI.
III, pp.
205 *06
,P 236.
and the nature
crops had
the
of
into consideration at the time of
manner
uf
payment
We
the country.
11
Haveli Pal
ment
land
rate
at
different
parts of
get the following rate
for Tarf
differed
for the ,year
in
1740-41,
the time of Balaji Baji
of
(1)
the
Thus, the scale of land-tax as well as the
plough
10
fixing
brought under the
those recently
higher than
be taken
to
Old cultivated lands were taxed
tax.
283
from a docu-
Rao Peshwa.
Rice lands should be assessed as before at
maunds per bigha
account
Babti
of
including
excluding
but
the
the
levy
on
levies
of
llakkdars.
(2)
Lands producing sugar-cane should be
Rs. 5 per bigha as before.

lands should
(3) Vegetable-producing
Rs. 2 per bigha <fs before.
assessed
at
(4) Lands
assessed
the
in
administration
the
the same year a kaul
village
Prant
crops
should
of
Wai
Kathapur
the
fixing
of
the
Samat Koregaon
in
rate
of
assessment
lUindB.
of land.
Superior
...
Ordinary
...
Inferior
...
'
t*.
U.,
2^
...
ij
...
3i
VcL in.
p. u., vot.
m,
same
was granted to
follows
CIm
be
Rs. 1-8 per bigha as before.
at
During
Peshwa
under summer
pay
pp. *12-208.
i>
*h*.
of
as
284 ADMINISTRATIVE
SYSTEM OF THE MARAT HAS
document from the daftar of the

same Peshwa (1749-50) shows the difference in
the rate of assessment for black and rocky soils,
as
third
as
well
old
for
cultivated
brought recently under cultivation.

a
granted to
kaul
Basvvant
in
the village
The terms
land
having
land
black
soil,
of
rocky
already
at Rs. 2 per
already
description,
under cultivation, should be assessed at Re.

bigha
In
regard to land newly
Black
soil
R$. A
year
...
2nd
3rd
4 th
5th
(2)
applied
sot l
Rs. A. P.
040
080
IOO
020
040
080
O 12
200
under cultivation
Bagayat lands already

bearing
lands
should
per bigha.
P.
including
crops
Rocky
per bigha.
per
under
brought
cultivation the following rates should be
1st
of
Pimpalgaon
of
under cultivation should be assessed

;
that
Pargana Chandwad were as follows:
(1) Jirayat
bigha
and
lands
sugar-cane
assessed
be
and
other
Rs. 10 pe bigha.
at
Waste lands newly brought under
cultivation,
and
irrigated by canal, should be assessed as un.ler:

ist
year
...
Rs.
2nd
3 rd
11
4 th
...
5 'h
...
..
per bigha.
It
It
44
II
!0
I
case of
the
the
land turned into
jirayat
bagayat by the sinking
of
new
wells the follow,
ing assessment should be imposed

year
1st
Rc.
..
and
3fd
,i
>>
4 th
..
5th
Mango
be
separately
bear
11
trees belonging to
per thousand
taxed at the rate of
Mango
fruits.
ing to the government should be
the
to
11
government.
the
managed
share
to
further
how
the
unearned
improvement
of
difference
villages in
of
rates
This document
government a due
farm
different
zeal
for
We
show the
The
crops.
to
Taluka Neral held under the
Parasoit'* IfiMlBtioo, P. D., V|, 111,
without
land.
more document
for
financiers
cultivators
his
under
brought
increment,
the
quote only one
for
cultivation.
Maratha
the
diminishing
however
document
the
be
years.
five
secure
the
of
be credited
was under
portion should
shows
clearly
and
instruction that only about
the
within
cultivation
belong-
protected,
Finally
'
a tenth part of the village
The remaining
trees
the fruit thereof
proceeds of
wound up with
will
should not
lands
Mango
taxed.
be inspected and
fruit,
1
bagayat
in
...
and others should, when they begin to
Patils
Re.
trees
per bigha
...
R*. 2
285
pf>.
Mokasis
1 1*212.
2$6 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF 1'HE MARATHAS

were asse sed at the
usual pahani
ti<?n
following
the year
land
ft
P.
3rd
per bigha.
Kabi lands
0,
it
Warkas land
ft
Hemp
lands
Sugar-cane lands
...
Palm trees
Cocoanut trees
"A
addition
further
was levied on account

evident
is
every tree
above rates
half the
Mokasis except on
of the
from
documents
these
made both
was
payment
uf
tt
for
14
w'astc land.
It
probably according to
the
convenience of the
The
commute
rent in kind into rent in cash,
seems
clined
that
to
w as
rayat
order
officer
felt
disin-
In
Mawal, was
commute the land revenue in

money payment, but the Peshwas
not
kind, into a
Jila
to
although
commutation.
encourage such
743*44 Naro Ramchandra. of

directed
permitted
often
Peshwa sometimes
the
that
and cash,
kind
in
rayats.
it
the
(Administra-
1772-73.
Rs. A.
2nd
after
Madhava Rao.)
of the first
isl class
rates
to
For the
was by no means absolute.
was not only permitted to use his discretion
P.
Vol. VII,
pv
P. 0., Vol. (II, pp.
6-12.
2H
2KI
but
was also furnished with
list
for
list
is
us
the
use
his
complete price
as
in
therefore quoted below
probability
all
market
prevailing
rates,
maund
Warl Sawa per maund
Nagli per
Pay
Kaili
is,
Gram
Wheat
...
>
Ghi, two seers hy weight
The
year
following
addressed to the
asking him to
officer
realise
in
..
A.
P.
rayats
did
35
40
4*
is
per rupee.
similar
in
charge
was
letter
of
Rajpuri,
kind as far as possible
the arrears of the preceding

the
gives
anc}
Rfl.
Jawari per Khandi
it
Rice per maund
Til four
The
granting commutation.
in
interesting
then
287
year.
But
in
case
not possess any grain the officer
was instructed to allow money payment at the

11
(One payli=4 seers
rate of Rs. 15 per khandi
and one khandi=20 maunds.)
seems that the rayats preferred to pay

in cash, and their prayer for such commutation,
so far as we can infer from the documents at
our disposal, was favourably considered.
In
It
the
year
1745-46
Lakshman another
commutation
price
rent
of
*-
the
at
in
r d. Vrl
prayer of Sadashiv
list
kind
was drawn up
into that
ill, p. aaa.
in
for
cash
THR MARATHAS

for the
benefit
who had
fallen
show
that the
in
price
a cursory glance at
differed
from
Nagti
wan
Sesamum
Savva
...
35
3
it
...
45
Katban (Wheat, grain, etc.)
7
by weight per Rupê.
Ghl at 2
1*
.1
Two
years
the
later
rayats
Mawal and Paun Mawal, were at

Naro Keshav permitted to pay
their arrears of land
Payment
the
of
that
R 30 per K luindi
.1
Jowri and Bajri
"
will
it
at the following rates
Rice
5.
list is
list.
in
cash
for
This price
The arrears of land revenue in

Prant Mawal were ordered to be realised
previous
kind
arrears
in
quoted here,
also
17
Mawal
Prant
rayats of
the
of
revenue
II
Tarf
of
N'ane
the
request
of
in
cash part
of
in kind.
in cash usually permitted
Naro Ramchandra
letter to
There
arrear of seventy khandis of grain out of the
is
an
land
San Sit and San Saba in

Rajashri
Tarfs Nane Mawal and Paun Mawal
Naro Keshav came to the Huzur and prayed
the
revenue of
part
that
of
years
the arrears might be
money payment and

might
postponed.
be
*
1
P.
the
D.,
commuted
realisation
Therefore
of
Si
rest
commutation
CyvoRurw
Vol. Ill, p.
the
into
Coim Bnrbata
V
-i
Shaliu Chfntrapati
khandis
twenty
of
out
wari
rice
for the present
postponed
case
this
is
and
to
rate
to
be
realised
at
(is)
be
six
of
drawn up in
comparison with the
price
worth quoting for
cereals,
for
remainder
The
the coming season."
the
at
The
Rupee.
per
paylis
and
and
Rupee,
rate of three paylis per
due has
total
for rabi crops at the
Take cash
been permitted
nachna,
the
of
289
list
Rabi crops arc quoted here al the

rate of three paylis per Rupee and cereals like
nachna ( Eleusine Corocana ) and wari (Coix
previous
list.
Barbata) and
valued at
are
rice
six paylis
per
Rupee.
Special treatment of Brahmans
6.
During
Pcshwa,
the
administration
the
first
Madhava
the
of
Rao,
we
next
find the
Brahmans claiming commutation for money

payment as a customary favour shown to them
In 1767-68, a Brahman of Chambharli, in Tarf
Tungartan of Prant Karnala, Balambhat Godbole
by name, praved
revenue
of Rs.
commutation and
for
5-2-6 per bigha.
The assessment may appear

on
the
table
it
of
face
of
it
if
money-rent
land
at the rate
hjm was fixed
payable by
the
quite impartial
we compare
it
already quoted,
with
our
but
that
was an undue favour can be proved beyond

P. D., Vo), lit,
37
P. J>
VoL
* 2
VII. p. 8.
ago ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
THE MARATHAF
doubt by a
document of the time of Balaji

Baji Rao.
It shows how the
Brahmans of Tarf
Tungartan. who used to pay at the rate of ten
maunds of rice per bigha when the Tarf was
under the Angria, got their rent
into a cash
at
the
payment
most
calculation
expect such a low assessment
had been taken
A Sanad
Ramaji
to
aforesaid
have
Tarf
if
they
Even
could not
the market price
into consideration.
Mahadev,
officer
The Brahmans
charge of Salsette:
Tungartan
kind converted
of Rs. 5-2-3 per bigha.
liberal
of the grains
in
represented
that
of
when
in
Tarf
the
was under the Angria, rent was
exacted at the rate of
ten
maunds
of
rice
per
At present the aforesaid Mahal has come

under the Sarkar it has been, therefore, prayed
bigha.
Brahmans should be assessed at the rate

prevalent in Prant Kalyan.
So rent has been
that the
fixed at the rate of Rs. 5-2-3 per bigha.
accordingly.
Brahmans
in
Realise
Kalyan Prant are not
upon to render forced service or to pay

tax on purchases
accordingly,
do not
called
any
make those demands on the above mentioned

Brahmans too. This partiality towards the
Brahmans imposed, as Justice Ranadc has pointed
an unnecessary burden upon the finances of
the land, and contributed not a little to the break
out,
down
of the
Peshwas power.
D.,
YoLlll,
p.
21*
RR VENUE ADMINISTRATION
29!
Cocoa nut and other Plantations
7.
Among
guidance
the
of
towards the planting of
one of our tables
In
trees.
the
for
we have seen one
officers
drawing their attention
cocoanut
drawn up
instructions
district
land
of
we have also seen that every cocoanut

meant for the Peshwas treasury an additional
revenue,
tree
income
cocoanut
Evidently
annas.
eight
of
plantation was, therefore, very profitable for the
government.
government
Hut,
as
knew how to
indecent haste to exact a
hard-won
As we
profits.
wait,
share of
all
and
required
special
lung
no
Rayats
consequently,
them, lay
and the
period,
and
inducements
The Peshwa's government,
in
know, cocoanut plan-
capital, invested in
considerably
the
the
out,
and was
do not immediately pay
tations
labour
have pointed
idle
for
planters
concessions.
therefore,
refrained
they
were
" Should any person plant the following
trees
from taxing these costly plants
until
twenty years old.
no tax
on
shall be levied
number
of years specified
Cocoanut trees
...
account for the
their
below
18 or 20 years according to the
the land.
Betelnut trees
Undani tree
15 years.
12
nature of
392
After
the lapse
made
following levies shall be
For
period
the
each cocoanut tree annas four and
load of loppings
by
above
the
of
For each
cocoanut
used
tree
Bhandaris
(liquor manufacturers)
Rupee
one and a load of loppings.
For each betclnut
tree, anna I.
For each Undani tree, annas 3. "
:
Similarly in
Suvamadurg
kaul
granted
the
better
for
to
cultivation
bagayat lands,
we read According
cocoanut
on sandy
from
red
trees,
taxation
soil,
they
until
twenty
to
of
custom,
should be exempted
are
years
Takika
the
and on
eighteen,
old
Betelnut
trees,
jack trees, and Undani trees should not be
taxed
soil until
until
they are fifteen and
Then each cocoanut
respectively.
at
he rate
and jack
4 annas,
of
of Re.
rate
twelve
years
age,
of
tree should
Bhandari cocoanut
pay
at the
betelnut tree one anna and Undani
1,
tree three
annas respectively per year.*2
Thus cultivation of the specially

crops was encouraged by the adoption
profitable
of
special
measures and special concessions.
Waste Lands:
We
have already seen
assessment was made

into
the
cultivation.
second
bringing
Rao,
P. D., Vol. VI,
P.
specially lenient
waste
lands
During the administration of
Madhava
'
for
how
D,
Vol. VI.
|.|>.
Pi,.
the
24S-24C.
W6.M7.
government
went further.
293
seems that the rocky parts of

Talukas Anjanvel and Suvamadurg were speciIt
ally unsuitable
for
farming purposes.
The docu-
ments say that even trees and grass did not

grow there. The Maratha peasants and the
Pcshwa's government were not, however, daunted
by the niggardliness of nature, and
offered
nalas
to
level
the
were
government
and
peasants
up
fill
and
earth
wilderness
terms
suitable
Peshwas
tops
newly-brought
with
convert nature's
if
hill
the
thereby
into
teeming
offered
them.
was
fields
The
prompt
equally
coming forward, and the following
the
in
well acceptable
terms were offered
rocky
it
Should
1.
ground
with
around
under
and
earth,
it,
half the
Inam, and the

rent-free
any person
by
land
an entirely
bring
cultivation
providing
be
shall
by
covering
embankments
given
him as
remaining half shall be continued

twenty years, and at reduced
for
rates for five years
more,
and
shall,
after
that
period, be subjected to full assessment.
Should any person reclaim cultivable land

on the seacoast by providing embankments, one2.
fourth of the land shall be given to him
and the remaining

and
portion
shall
reduced
rates,
upon a consideration
spent, may seem fit. " *
of the
rent-free
at
as,
I*.
D_,
for
be
as Inam
continued
such periods
money and
Vo! VI, pp. 242-2*7.
labour
294

Naro
Anant
Mahajan
Parchure,
Kasha
of
Guhagar, came to the Huzur at the Mukkam of

fort Purandhar, and represented that, formerly,
there were bagayat lands in the Taluka Anjanvel
Lately, however, the crop
grow so well,
and the government tax, therefore, was felt to
be heavy
the Rayats, therefore, became disheardid
not
tened. and every year the cultivation
lands
became
less.
the
If
Swami,
granted a kaul of remission and
payment, the Rayats
bagayat
of
however,
rate
of
cash
hope and
Rayats expected
regain
will
convert rocky places, where trees
and grass did
renew
The
cultivation.
not grow
at
(brought
and to
level
from
and odhas with
into
and
new
earth.
so reclaimed, was
by
spreading
over the area
by
Therefore,
who might
half the land,
if
rent-free
reclaim
nalas
filling
for
at reduced rent for five years
the cultivator
to
breaking stone, and
fields
allowed
by
fields
elsewhere)
rocks
the
them
to convert
new
into
all,
earth
years,
will
twenty
more
to
it,
cultivation
of these lands would be undertaken.
Therefore
taking the question of the improvement
abundance)
of cultivation into consideration, a kaul
of remission (mafi)
increase)
those
to
who
the
will
soil of
and an istawa rate (gradual

following purport
is
granted to
undertake bagayat cultivation and
reclamation of land
i
(literally
in
the aforesaid manner.
The Rayats expect to convert the rocky

the Taluka into new fields by bringing
295
earth from elsewhere and by breaking the
and
of the rocks
who
do
will
and odha) with earth.

He
get as Inam half the land
{nala
depressions
and
natural ditches
the
filling
stones
so, will
reclaimed by him, and
be permitted to enjoy
will
the other half
rent-free
reduced rate
for
twenty years,
for
years
five
more,
and
at
the
at
usual rate afterwards.
expect
Rayats
2.
reclaim
to
lands, in the aforesaid Taluka,
the sea
now engrossed
dams.
constructing
by
water,
cultivable
any
If
Inam one-fourth
the land reclaimed, and the terms and periods
one does
so,
he
remission of rent and

three-fourths
amount
be
will
of
of
remaining
the
Istawa
for
settled
according to
money spent
and
labour
of
as
get
will
in
the
for
the
reclamation.
Remission of R mi
g.
Though the Peshwas

age reclamation
neglect
the
cultivators
already
w'ho
any famine
raged,
dered, or rain
fell
some
reason,
other
tried so
much
waste lands,
of
lands
the
the
or the
short,
the
they
more,
full,
When
Whenever
village
was plun-
crops
Peshwa
was burnt
in
and sometimes
the village of
the year
not
them.
never hesitated to grant a remission of

partial or
did
under cultivation or
worked
or
to encour-
for
Kanu
745-46,
failed
for
government
rent, either
two years or
in
land
Tarf
Nane
revenue to
THE MARATHAS

the extent
was remitted.*
year
the
In
charge
officer in
Jalalabad
in
Ramchandra Ballal,
Parganas Bakvada and
1747.48,
of
the
Sarkar Bijyagad, represented that his
were
districts
visited
by a
terrible famine,
made
spite of his attempts at relief

of
He
and
had already
assess-
was granted.*5
his prayer
Rs.
Poona and prayed
to
remission of rent for the
failure
out
remission
of
granted.
The Rayats were
off
shape
year 1750-51, the villagers of Pachora,
Wan, went
Pargana
in
the effects of the scarcity of food.
to
for four years
In the
and
the
therefore requested a reduction of the
ment
pay
in
tagai advancement, several people
succumbed
maunds
khandi and twelve
one
of
1,313
the remaining
Rs.
of
Rs
was
2,613
permitted
further
1,300
and a
crops
of
for a
in
to
annual
four
instalments."
During
the
administration
of
the
First
Madhava Rao, the village of Alandi in Tarf

Chakan of Prant Junnar had been plundered in
the
year 1770-71, and on the
representations
the
Dcshpande
full
remission of rent for two years H
One
as
it
of the Tarf,
thing, in these
the
kauls,
is
no doubt about
leaves
"
Peshwa granted
worth
the
m.
d., Voi.
in, P
P. D.,
Ill, pp. Sift-227.
P.
Vot
D, Vot
D., Vot
III, p.
P.
of
231
VII, pp. 18-19.
noticing
motive
of
Peshwa
the
granting such
in
remissions.
always clearly stated that the kaul

view
though
improvement of
the
of
Rayat
ready to help the
and
difficulty
may be
granted
in
distress,
of
alleged
The
extent.
is
Al-
was always
common prudence
their
1 1
cultivation.
his
in
genuineness of the
the
into
of
the
forget
not
is
government
Peshwas
the
297
did
it
enquiring
cases
following
of
case
cited as typical*
In 1763-64, Bhikaji Vishwanath, Havaldar

Tarf Khed Chakan and the Deshmukh and
Deshpande
the
villages
the
that
and
plundered
it
of
Sarkar
Junnar had
Prant
of
by
burnt
represented
Junnar
been
Mughals
that
that the Subhedar
the
was therefore necessary
should offer some concessions to the
cultivators,
had not come and
that the Subhedar, however,
They asked
the Rayats.
The
the sowing season was passing away.
permission to issue
kauls
to
following concession were consequently granted
Villages
1.
which
had been
totally burnt
down and robbed of cattle, forage and

be exempt from assessment for one year.
Villages
partially
plundered, to be subject to
for
and
burnt
half
the
grain
to
partially
assessment
one year.
Villages which
3.
not burnt, to be subject
had been plundered but

to
one-third assessment
for one year.
38
P.
VoL YU,
19-20.
(Joabi'i
trMihUon
298 ADMINISTRATIVE
Villages which saved
4.
inga subsidy to be subject to

for
pay-
themselves by
assessment
half the
one year.
Villages which have received no
5.
be subject to
assessment.
full
The assessment
6.
harm, to
for the
year to
following
be fixed afterwards according to the circumstances

of
each village."
to. Policy
of Taxation:
The
sentence
last
keynote
strikes the
Every
tion.
to
resources
his
less;
gave to revenue
the
that
was the
this
of the
man was
the
in
Maratha policy
taxed
to be
not
document
above
pie
instruction
of taxa-
proportion
in
more,
not
that the
pie
Peshwas
and this was the prayer

Rayat made when he applied for a
officers
revision of assessment,
We
have,
in
the foregoing pages, tried to
the measures adopted

of
general
in
which
distress
and sometimes Tarfs and
affected
Parganas,
were instances of individual distress.

specially from the
own
soldiers.
complaints
of
We
find
in
several
and
plunder
in
the
rally in
Peshwa's
documents,
loss,
high officers
neighbourhood.
cases the amount of loss
there
These arose
consequent
his
cases
villages
but
misconduct of the
because the Peshwa or some of
had encamped
with
connection
show
In
such
was ascertained gene-
the presence of the
District
Officer,
and
the affected parties were
299
compensated
duly
In
Peshwa Madhava Rao had

encamped at Garpir, Kasba Puna. The damage
Peshwas
in this case was done in pitching the
the year
tent in
768-69, the
some
cultivated fields
temporary
stable
villagers got Rs. 162
for
as
and also
in
compensation."
course of the Peshwa
The
elephants.
his
year 1773-74, some crops were injured
Supe
erecting
in
the
In
Kasba
in
Madhava Rao IPs
Ananda Rao Trimbak, Subhcdar of

the Pargana, enquired into the amount of loss
state tour.
and the Rayats got a suitable compensation. 10

//.
Irrigation:
The
remission of
and payment
rent
in
compensation
of
times of
in
difficulty,
case of damage
done by the government, were no doubt good

measures; but these were by no
the
Peshwas
of irrigation
good care
for
can
as
be
all
fact
the
the
effectual
earliest
that
question
and tagai grant did not escape

In
from
The
did for their subjects.
attention.
areas
means
their
Hindu kings had taken

irrigation
of
cultivated
times of Indian history,
proved by Kautilyas Arthashasira
Kalhanas Raja Tarangini and the Girnar rock

inscription of the Shaka Satrap Rudradamana.
The Peshwas also followed this traditional Hindu
method for improving agriculture.
Irrigation
P.
VoL VII.
pp.ISl.5Ki
P.
D.. Vol. VI, p. K&S.
MARATHAS
by aqueduct
was very common and this gave

origin to the word patsthal (from pat an elevated water-course to convey water to a plantation or field), and that well w as also used for
,
may be proved by
purposes
irrigation
But generally rain
motsthal.'
and
word
the
river
water
was stored up for future use by the construction

of
dams. Sometimes the entire expense for
building a new dam or of repairing an old
one was granted by the government while the
government frequently gave a part of the necessary expenses while the remainder was levied
by public subscription.
Govind Rao Yadava Katnavisdar

Kopal in Taluka Dharwar: The
letter to
Fargana
of
lands
rice
the
of
Fargana
were
irrigated
by
dam in a canal in the Tungabhadra

dam was damaged by rain. Two thousand
means
of
the
Hons have
dam,
the
been granted
recently
therefore, get
the above-mentioned
carefully
it
sum
shall be
the revenue of your Fargana."
Tarf
letter
to the
Khedebare:
Mokadam
It
the aforesaid
has been
Mauja
settled
expenditure, Rs.
repaired
and
deducted from
8'
of
Mauja-Nasrapur,
Lakshman Krishna has been
ordered to construct a
in
for repairing
400,
dam
at
near Shri
that
half of the sanctioned
should
P. n.. Voi.
Bancshwar
an expense of Rs. 800.
VII, p. in
be given
by
the
30I
government and the other half should be realised

from those whose lands were to be irrigated. The
owners of such lands should, iherefore, pay according
to
their
share
the
half
of
sanctioned
expenditure and you should also pay the share due

to your land without
Tagai
12.
The
making any objection. ,n
tagai served two
purposes.
Rayats wilh necessary capital
the
and famine, and
scarcity
at the
It
supplied
at
a time of
same time saved
them from the clutches of the money-lenders

The Peshwas were a century ago
(Shahukars).
as
much conscious
the impoverishing effect
of
the
of a high rate of interest as
ment
were
their
is
to-day.
still
The Co-operative
undreamt
to
best
British
but
of,
undo the
Credit Societies
Peshwas
the
evil
Govern-
their
in
tried
own way.
The economic theory of Laisses Faire once

popular and now practically rejected in Europe,
and the Peshwa, as the
was still unknown
,
father of
his
people,
effectually interfered with
the industrial organisation of the
was often
no doubt that it was
intervention
country.
and there
beneficial,
so,
Such
when he
is
tried to save
Rayats from the cruel exactions of the unAlthough it will sound shocking to
scrupulous.
his
the worshippers of law,
excused
emburdened
f. D..
VoL
the
Peshwas frequently
tenants
VII. p.
is.
from
paying
and
interest
grant
compelled
another
At
and
Patils
make
their
Zamindars
unable
to
terms
we
place
money-lenders
the
easy
victims
their
have
over-burdened
demanded
known in
Kasba Ale one
as to the justice of
demand and
order have been summed up
You
in question as follows
Sawkars (money-lenders).
government
document
the
in
represent
Rayats are
the
villages
in
that
in
debt to the
the just
If
was
he money-lender's
the
different
and an enquiry
Their
claims.
Shivner,
grievances
debt
with
the
was that the Rayats were
grievances
these
how
Taluka
of
to
payment.
of
seen
any other way, had seceded to

of
THE MARATHAS
claim
is
find
examining the accounts, and if we

that an adequate sum in cash is wanting
for
payment you
settled
after
will
repay
the
produce of the villages (grains,

quiry
about
the
justice
made and when you

you should not pay
of
be
interest
should
by
liquidated
the
of
etc.).
An
en-
claims
will
be
the interest too high
find
but
that,
debt from the
reasonable
be fixed and the debt should

instalments
out
produce of the village (grains, etc.)

It
is
needless
suppression
there
is
point
to
of
usury
need
for
borrow^ at any interest
F.
rate
is
out
of
men
when money is
capital,
Vol. VI,
w. 227-m
real
mere legal
that
useless.
the
"
So long
in
want
as
will
not available
need.
this
own
his
oppressed
practically
The
resources.
loan
state
any
Rayat
it
out
not
was
Sometimes he got the
interest.
for
without
loan
was
It
removed
tagai
the Mamlatdar had to provide for
although
of
The
terms.
reasonable
on
303
interest
and frequently easy
payment were granted. In the year

1750*51, Ragho Govinda was desired to advance
Rs. 1,500 as tagai loan to Kasba Mukhde, ip
terms
of
Pargana Patode and he was told that the money

was to be recovered in two years.** No mention
of interest
is
made
document we
in
in
another
while the current rate of
that
find
But
the letter.
was 75 per cent, the government reduced

the interest to 25 p. c. on tagai advanced to the
interest
Rayats
41
of Prant Rajpur.
to
letter
Khandoji Mankar
You
khandis
sented that about five or six hundred
have
grain
present
An
been given
as
year
order
has
is fifty
some remission
of
the
last
it
the
year.
with the
present rate of interest
The Rayats cannot
c.
Taking
Rayats.
or six
the
of
You have, therefore, prayed that

may be granted for the welfare
welfare of the Rayats

five
The
or seventy-five
pay so much.
during
issued to realise
been
usual compensation.
during
as
well
tagai
as
repre-
it
is
into consideration the
now
hundred khandis
p. D.,
V.L
III,
settled
of
p ..
that
the
grain given as

be
tagai should
twenty- five
of
Not
interest
before the month of
Magh.
permitted
remain
should
seer
p. c.,
an
with
realised
fully
be
to
unpaid." K
A third document
Hari,
not
dun
to
Lakshman
Nadkar, Khot of
directs an officer,
Ibhramji
Kasba Go vale of the same Tarf,

payment of tagai as the crops had
the re-
for
failed
that
year (1743-44)."
The
tagai
was advanced
both cash and kind,
in
and generally by the Kamavisdar or the Mamlatout
dar
of
own
his
and
purse,
case of his
in
dismissal before the recovery of the tagai loan,
was repaid by
that the
his
special
of
Thus we see
in office.
Pcshwas did almost everything necessary
and possible
tion.
successor
the
for
improvements
Grants were made
terms were offered
and easy terms

Rayats to
for
the reclamation
reasonable
of
interest
payment was advanced to the

save them from the oppression of the
finally
to
create
the permanent improvement of their
works,
of
money-lenders and
granted
alienation
cultiva-
of
irrigation
for
waste lands, tagai loan on
were
it
by
p D; Vol VI,
lh doeonnid
three
for
sale
to
V. D.,
Vd UI, p. 237.
P. D.,
ToL
'
years
kauls
and
mortgage was prohibited.
or
240.
land,
seven
p.
interest in
III, p, 238.
Tli-ryfor* ooour*ce
Ptrgtoa by advancing Tagni.
If
tie
ruliimtion
you ar dixmiined
your money ntoalJ bn with interMt paid by th next incumbent of

tie
Nana Fadnavir
"
14
Mr. Ranade remarks,
The system
305
revenue
of
management under Balaji Bajirao, Madhavrao

and Nana Fadnavis was, on the whole, careful.
New
sources of revenue were developed, and the
The
old improved.
land
Peshwas during
the
anxious not
was taken
to
every
the country needed that
from
varying
leases
that, while
care
on the rights of the govern-
insist
Whenever
ment.
show
this period
oppress the rayats,
to
made by
settlements
three
granted on the terms of
relief,
seven years were
to
1st a was,
gradually
increasing assessments." *
The
result
of
liberal
this
Wellington during
his
policy
was
campaign
first
in
that
the
" highly cultivated
Maratha country found it

and Elphinstone recommended the continuation
of the Maratha system after the conquest of
the
Peshwas
land revenue system
of
by comparison
suffer
than
off
Peshwas
the
with
Irish
his
that
of
for
even
in
which
the
the
first
Irish
decade
will
were
of
certainly
he
and a
vainly
the
not
contempo-
brother and
practically gained the fixity of tenure

rent
The
English.
The Maratha peasant was
rary Ireland
better
by the
territories
had
fair
crying
19th century.
The Maratha peasants had been relieved of forced

labour by Peshwa Madhava Rao I, while the
French
were
advantages
39
still
labouring under
until the red flood of
Rntisdr.
Tbe
the
Writing*, p
similar
dis-
Revolution
3!W.
washed away
paternal
But theirs were not
all inequities.
The gifts
despot could be taken away by
rights fought for

of a
the marathas
and bought by blood.
was
another less benevolent," and the whole system
9
11
born
Rao II
weakness of Raghunath Rao and wickedAnandi Bai." He reintroduced the old
upset by that infamous prince Baji

of
the
ness of
Muhammadan system
by
Shivaji
of revenue-farming abolished
Mahals and
so long ago.
Mamlats
were sold to the highest bidder and the Peshwa's

favourites
was that
Districts
changed hands every
Mamlatdars no longer
felt
welfare of the Rayats.
If
assist
without
village
the
The
were induced to bid high.
any
year,
interest
the Patil
result
So
agency.
even
system of Maharashtra
remedy against the misrule

concluding
Before
refused to
take a short
notice of
excellent
the
to
failed
be a
wc
shall
Batai system
here.
chapter
the
made
wicked man.
of a
this
the
in
revenue-farmers, collection was
his
and
As we have 3een, the Maratha peasant and

the Maratha government preferred a fixed rent
either
cash
in
was always
or
flexible,
in
as
Their
kind.
collection
large remissions
were
made, whenever the seasons were found to be

unfavourable.
cultivated
Under the
lands
alone paid
bad years the revenue

to
be constantly made
old
fell,
in
revenue system,
revenue
and
in
and remissions had
the State accounts."
RDAd, Th# MUctTUneon# Writing*
p.
85&.
19
The
arrangement
Batai
was,
307
therefore,
made
was very poor and the produce

Whenever the
Batai or
extremely variable.
where the
soil
system
crop division
ment,
of
after
necessary
deducting
charges
the Govern-
obtained,
for
paid
and
seeds
by
the
other
rayats,
left
$ or $ of the crop to the cultivator, and took

In Shivaji's time, the
the rest for the State.
proportions are
The
stated to
Batai system was not

40 JUnaJe,
The
and
favor." *
have been
much
in
rrM Writing*,
p.
3JW.
CHAPTER
VI
Othkr Sources of Revenue

In addition to the rent
ment
levied other taxes
to discuss
all of
simply quote a
them
these
We
Klphinstone's Report.
ber
that
these
extra revenue varied

of
t.
various
shall
Sivay
1.
Dukuk
in
shall
taxes
from
Jama
or
and
all
places,
them were never simultaneously

Extra Revenue
have to remem-
different
in
possible
and
here
called
taxes
be
not
will
It
in detail
of
list
Marat ha govern-
the*
levied.
a tax
Puttee
of
one year
rent
Daishmookh
ten on the lands of the
and the Daishpandc.

2.
Huh
Choutaee
fourth
the
of
fees
levied every year.

3.
Ma hi a
Mahr
ltee
of the
4.
tax
on
the
Inams
Mahars.
Meeras Puttee
an additional tax
once
in
three years on Meerasdars.

5.
In am
i
T'xjaee
of
the
payment by lnamdars
Government share
lands annually.
m
of
of their
OTHER SOURCES OF REVENUE

6
Inam Puttee
an occasional tax
times
in
309
imposed
on
exigency
of
the
Inamdars.
7.
Pundee Gunn a
to 12 p.c.
an additional levy equal
on the Tunkha once
in
12
years.
8.
Hoondn
Vihir
an
tax on lands
extra
watered from wells.

9.
Ghur Puttee
Amber Saree
or
tax levied from
house
but Brahmins and
all
village officers.
Bat Chappanee
10.
on
fee
the
annual
examination of weights (this specially

affected the retail traders but
on
fell
others loo) and measures.
Tug
11.
similar
on
fee
examining the
scale used for bulky articles.
13.
Luggun Tukka a tax on marriage.

Pat-dam tax on widow re-marriage.
14.
Mhys Puttee
12.
tax
on
she-buffaloes
generally at the rate of one
Rupee
for
a she-buffalo.
15.
Bakra Puttee
16.
Fudmash
kind
an
tax on sheep.
occasional contribution
paid
often
in
commutation
in
of
service.
All
by the
these
Patil,
taxes
although
ment had a separate

addition
to
were collected
the
in
the towns
officer for that
levies
enumerated
in
the village
the
govern-
purpose.
In
above,
the
310 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF.
government
3.
some
derived
also
MARATHAS
income
from
other sources, those worth mentioning being

1.
Beitul
Wan
or escheats.
Charaee paid by cattle
Maul
on Government
Ghaskuttanee
3.
ment
4.
grazing
lands.
or grass
cut
Govern-
on
lands.
derived
Dubhee
Devastan
from
offer-
ings to idols.
Khur-Booswaree
5.
on
on melon gardens
tax
river beds.
produce
Watan Zapti
6.
ing
Zemindars
to
lands
of
belong.
sequestrated
by
Government.
7.
Duty
Succession
or
a son
he was exempted
this tax, unless
he was a Jagirdar
these
8.
If
his father
succeeded
from
called Nazar.
Government
may
Kotvalee
also be
added
town
duty
or
And
servant.
which
to
com-
prised besides the taxes included
in
the
Scwai Juma a variety of other imposts,

the most considerable of which was a
tax of 17 p.
Census
2.
c.
on the sale of a house.
.-
Sometimes, when the normal means
government
financial
live.
proved
pressure,
local
Uim are
inadequate
the
F.lp blast une'e opalling is
Many
for
meeting the
government
retained bare.
not mentioned.
Tha
list
the
of
levied
in
nut
c*bau*<

Jasli Patti or Knrja Patti on
included,
and the
Inamdars
amounted
to a year's
mentioned
were
levies
paid
in
relation to the
revenue,
on
the
all
31
land-holders,
generally
tax
Some of the above*
income
were farmed and some of them

But
kind.
as
we have seen
in
assessment and collection of land
Peshwa's government relied much
and 'what may be regarded as

Thus we find that an officer
reports
inspection
statistical
was sent
to take
of
the
Pargana Ghosala
she-buffaloes, in
1741-42,
census
and
houses,
the
in
year
and papers of the preceding year's
census were given to him. 1

"
Ganesh Dattaji has been sent to ascertain

the taxable houses and shc-buffalocs (belonging
give
to cow-herds) in the Pargana of Ghosala
;
him the papers of the preceding year." The

next year (1742-43) Karkuns were deputed for
the
same purpose
thane,
seems
that
such
Nago-
Ashtami.
Pal,
Birwadi and
Ghosala,
therefore,
to Tarfs
Mamla
Tale.
It,
information
statistical
was annually gathered (as Tarf Ghosala
is
men-
tioned also in the previous document).

j.
But
Exemption of Government
Prabhus
government
exempted from Ghar
Vol
(house-tax)
III, p. 325.
P.
P. D., Vol. Ill,
!>.,
were
officers
Patti
Officers
p.9
and
generally
and the
Prabhus
in
Konkan enjoyed
the
tion with the
Sanads
THE MARATHAS
exemp-
similar
Brahmans.*
Kamavisdars
to
The Huzur has
Konkan, house-tax is
demanded from the Prabhus while it is not levied
been informed that
on
in
Brahmans.
the
the
Don't
levy
the houses of the Prabhus in
tax
that
on
Konkan Prant
the
and you should return what you have already

realised from
tion as usual
taxpayer
Thus
them on that account.
was made
levying
in
we
find
that
poverty of
the
for
Considera-
taxes
these
extra
Moro
Ganesh
the
also.
Behare of
was exempted from house-tax because

the gentleman with his brother had been robbed
Satara
twice and
was, therefore,
not
position
in
to
pay (*776-77).
letter
Satara
Satara.
dunned
Rao Anant, Mukkam
Krishna
to
Moro Ganesh Behare is a resident of

The Huzur is informed that you have
his
government.
family
for
house-tax
The year before
due
the
last
to
the
aforesaid
gentleman was robbed by dacoits beneath Morgiri

and lost his property. After that, his brother at
Vadutha was also robbed

goods and
difficulties.
Therefore
killed.
his family ."
P D,
he
So we have taken
exempted him from

dun
last
Vot, VI, p.
is
of
all
his
under great
on
him and
not,
therefore,
pity
Do
this tax.
year
2W.
p. u..
vd.
vi, pp.
m-m.

The
313
was that the levy should be
principle
Jivan tnaphak or in proportion to the resources of

the tax-payer and these various taxes, although
tremendous on paper, could
they
look
very
oppressive
rulers
except
Rao
Baji
like
most of
although
in
II.
It
these
hands
the
not be
of
bad
significant that
is
taxes
on lands,
fell
Mirasi lands always.fctched as high a price as ten
Some
years purchase
were not levied on
of
Rayats
the
was levied
for instance
really
however
taxes
Vancharai
at all.
safeguard
to
shepherds or k hi laris,
professional
the
The tax was imposed on
interests of the peasants.
the
these
flocks were often let loose to graze
freely
whose
in
the
and villages (mountainous regions where
fields
cultivation
them
was
khilaris
these
To
difficult).
exceeded that sanctioned
in
if
the
check on
were required
sheep and
license for their
put
to
take
number ever
they had
the license
Rs. 6 per hundred sheep.

But the
Rayats, whether Dhangar or Kunbi, was not to
to
pay a tax
be taxed
of
the
for
This principle
of
sheep that they might keep.

levying Vancharai is clearly
set forth in a letter written
want
in
"
Bapurao Yeshwant
letter to
the
sheep
has
reached
charai
even
Bapu Rao Yesh-
767-68.
deputed
been
to
of
make
to
the
us
upon
an
khilaris,
that
the
You had
enquiry
but
about
complaint
you have levied Vansheep
of
the
Rayats.
THE MARAT HAS
Though
there
tax upon
the
was no custom
Rayats,
in
the
from
it
fell
oppressed.
been settled that you should
has, on this account,
not exact
that
you extorted
past
Vancharai from them, and so they

It
levying
of
Therefore make
Rayats.
the
an enquiry about the sheep not belonging to the
Those who have got a license should be

but those who graz* their sheep along
Rayats.
let
alone,
the
with
license -holders
trouble
the
to
Therefore carefully find out the number
Rayats.
of unlicensed
sheep and
Rs.
of
rate
give
levy
Vancharai
at
the
Deposit
in
the
hundred.
per
what you can on account of
Sarkar
But the Rayats, whether
and take
a receipt for
Dhangar
or Kunbi, arc not to be on
it.
Vancharai
any account
may keep." " In

flocks had
become
troubled for the sheep that they

fact these khilaris with their
such a nuisance to the farm lands as
as
well
to
wood lands that in 1770-71, the government was compelled to take the drastic measure
the
of confiscating the licensed as
well
as
the
un-
Prant Shirval.
The
licensed flocks, of course, were restored to
their
grazing
licensed flocks
in
owners shortly afterwards.'

4.
Forests
Now
ment
to pass on to the preservation of govern-
forests for they were
P. D., Vl. VII, p.
103.
source
'
P D
of
income
Vol. VII, p. 106,
yielded
much
We
cash.
in
paid Rs. 154- 10 for a farm

in
of
seem
Forests, do not
the Peshvvas.
to
31 5
to
have
man
that
find
the bherali palms
of
Pargana Ghosala for one year (1 743*44)* and

course the Peshwas got something by selling
wood both
their permission for cutting
ing purposes
and
for fuel
was As. 4 per bulleck

bee-hives, whatever
the usual fee for fuel
load.
The honey from
kurans were also included
that the
But
in
The Peshwas preserved
department.
and kurans more
the
might have yielded, formed
it
the forest revenue.
another item of
build-
for
for their direct
it
the
seems
forest
the forests
produce than
for
any revenue as will be seen in the document below

Balaji Krishna was appointed to the Mam
lat of
the Kurans and the
were issued to him.

He should
1.
Poona
deliver
to
Government
bundles
of
lakhs
fifteen
instructions
following
of
grass,
in
and
should keep a similar quantity ready for Government use in Kurans within a radius of five or
six
Kos from
be
given
on
presenting
(This last quantity should
the city.
the
to
and camel
stables
from
letter
the
stables,
Peshwas
officers.)
3.
He
should
take in his charge
Kurans existing within

twenty
Kos
of
Poona,
P. D.,
YoL
radius
whether
III, p.
*a
of
all
the
fifteen
to
belonging
to
"
3 6
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE M A RATH AS
Government or to private individuals, and there

establish Government Kurans.
He should deliver to Government in
3.
1,600 khandis of
Poona
150 khandis
and
fuel
of coal.
Out of the timber, fuel, grass, bamboos,

leaves and other produce realised in a private
Kuran, a quantity sufficient to meet his annual
4.
The
wants should be given to the owner.
belong to the Government and should be
should
sold,
rest
may be
excepting such portion as
Government purposes,
credited to the Government.
and
for
5.
As
duty of
wood
be
should
4 per bullock
load, or
all
if
traders
all
and Vancharai
cow-herds grazing
Kuran and
the proceeds should
on
bullocks,
on
levied
their flock in the
proceeds
the
possible more, should be levied from
carrying
required
be credited to the Government.''
Peshwas
The
ment
their
officers to
Sometimes
to
allowed
govern-
take timber free for constructing
houses
were given
sometimes
villagers
in
building
distress
materials
and
in
need
of public help.
The houses
of
the Kunbis of
Mauja Tala-
wade belonging to Moro Babu Rao having been

burnt, Keso Krishna is ordered to give them 750
bamboos from the Kuran of Mauja Chas in
*
B.
MarwfW#
8um**i*r*\
P.
!>.,
Vtol.
VI, y 26H,

Chakan.
Tarf
works of public
For
government forests with
the
Peshwa,
obtainable
easily
utility
from
obtained
building materials could be freely
very
3I7
sanction
the
of
such
on
occasions.
Mints
5.
A
The
source
third
during
mints
The
Hindu
Peshwa
the
own
unlike those of our
was the mint.
revenue
of
days,
period
private hands.
in
Ranade,
Mr.
says
financier,''
whose opinions were so prominently
to
one
in
published
Times
the
of
recent
in
Government has the

say
either
that
solely
they
the
for
assay
not
will
The duty
coined.
his
all
close
No
that
mints,
its
of
bankers,
If
traders
bullion
Government
is
the
to
was
and
to
money.
Shivaji also advocated the

to the
in his reply
11
t.
D..
Th
prayer of
VuL
VI, p.
the
mints
p.
same
for
in
policy
English that
*.
Writogi,
be
merely to
coinage and to return the value of the Bullion

11
do not require
they
purchase
brought
bullion
or
That was
redundant.
or
merchants to consider.
money
London
countrymen
the
of
of
affairs
currency of the country
the
deficient
question
right to
referred
Indian
enough when he observed
faithfully
to
issue
views
the
reflected
on
articles
were,
83U
MARATHAS
3*8 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE
their
money should go
current
domi-
his
in
nions."
natural consequence
Its
than twenty-six different

" in
and
an
guidance
of
it
exchange
The
minting
was
had
some
standard
breach of
licensed.
this
Sonar
for
the
for
was
For
private
governBut
the
keeping
alloy
up
and the
coining purposes.
meant
fine
or
for-
Even a random quotation
document bearing on mints
of a
the
to
in
in
Goldsmith)
or
stipulate
contract
feiture of the license.
of
cases.
proportion
relative
system
this
different
metal used
purity of the
the
11
but
royalty
far
currencies
local
free
ment which varied in

license-holder had to
the
give
of
so
Presidency
Sonar (the owner
usually
pay
to
not
Bombay
still
this
Queen's coin."
the
license,
mints
these
of
for the
the
than thirty-eight
of
to
while
inevitable corollary
private
this
worth
values
intrinsic
of
time,
for
the
in
lc*s
parts
different
make
published
less
coins
Shivaji's
in
mentioned as
seven silver coins are
as to
no
no
one hundred and twenty-
gold coins and over
in
gold
Courts
Civil
names
Presidency, the
current
of
sorts
table
official
the
of
that
were current
value
different
was
will
illustrate
the principle well.

' Balaji
mint
Bapuji
is
permitted
to
establish
Kasba Nagothane and coin
at
41
R*ando, The NtmllABftoai Writing*,
p*
831
pice
ten

Masas
in
weight.
If
will
be
coined
is
it
319
pice of the prescribed weight

all
right
but
if
the
picc
made of a less weight, he will be fined.

The permission was given for three years and
for the license Balaji Bapu had to pay Rs. 50
a-8
for the first year (in four instalment of Rs
is
each), Rs. 75 for the second year (four instalments), and Rs. koo for the third year (four
instalments).
11
Mr. Ranade points out that
document quoted above furnishes the

of such licensed
mints
private
in
notice
first
the
the
Pcshwas
Shahu and the Raja of Kolhapur had their own mints.

Though the Peshwas granted license for
private mints they were by no means ready to
Daftar, and both
Bui
debased coins.
tolerate unlicensed mints or
some provinces the Zatnindars established

their own mints and issued counterfeit coins.
The most notorious in this respect was Subha
Dharwar. and it was not very easy to put a stop
in
to
corrupt
this
The
offenders
we
l
find in a
760-6 1.
14
first
notice
document
It
so
practice,
of
profitable
of
Balaji
counterfeit
Baji
to
the
coins
Rao dated
states:
Dharwar the mints for coining

In
Hons, Nlohars, and Rupees issue false coins.
Recently
the old mints good coins were struck.
" In
the
Subha
Zamindars have
established
VoL
P. D., Vol. It, p. II*.
D.,
II. p.
167
mints
almost
MARATHAS

at
house and
every
are
proposed
The remedy
spurious mints and to

for
bad coins.
issuing
was
abolish
to
mint
central
establish one
which a license was granted
these
Pandurang
to
Murar,
41
It
presented that
and
all
established
measure
will
Therefore
Bad
be
coins
good coins
discontinued and
with
agreeing
your
be
should be
Such a
issued.
government,
to the
profitable
should
mint
one central
Dharwar.
at
re-
these mints should be abolished
their place
in
You
causes loss to the government
view
that
the
bad coins is not

desirable and should be discontinued, the managecontinuation
of
the
of
issue
ment has been entrusted to
down
pull
the
established
mints
You should
you.
a central mint at Dharwar.
places and establish
You should
also destroy the bad coins
good ones.
The mint charges was
for the
is
fixed at seven
one Mohar
mint
should
and
each thousand
for
Mohars and one Rupee per thousand.

of the
issue
The customary charge
manager).
from former time
and
the government
per thousand (six coins for
one
different
in
be
profitable,
The work
therefore
the
Sawkars have been exempted from this charge

one year from Rabilakhar, San Ihide, to
for
After this you
Rabilakhar, San Issanne Sitain.
should take the customary due of six per thousand coins and remit
ment.
In addition
to
the
same
this,
to
the
govern-
take one coin
more

with
the
consent
free
own name, and remit

ment. Your dues
will
according
service.
that
your
to
could not be carried
Madhava
first
Sawkars
But
till
fixed
reform
this
765-66 when the
had to issue a
them
telling
govern-
the
to
your
in
afterwards
Kamavisdar,
the
to
letter
Rao
also
be
out
Sawdars
the
of
321
circular
Zamindars
and
no payment should
that
henceforth be accepted by the government except

in
new
of
We
coins.
suppression
coins.
feit
14
have many other

spurious
of
and counter-
But the government confined
and the actual control
to supervision only,
currency was
was
mints
instances
never
of
the
The currency
undertaken.
strengthened
further
itself
an extensive use
by
The Peshwas
always instructed their revenue officers to make
use of hundis in the transmission of money to
of
hundis or credit
the central
instruments.
How
treasury.
popular
the
become is seen in a letter

by one Ganesh Bhat, where he says
hundi had
has remitted Rs. 13-8 by hundi.
6.
Customs Duties
We may
from customs
traders.
now
to
the
fell
he
Peshwas income
under two
* P. D., Vol. VII, pp.
that
lu
and other taxes
These duties
written
turn
duties
use of
2#l-7.
I. P., Vol.
X,
p. fl.
levied
on
classes,
32 2
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARAT HAS
Mohatarfa or
duties
on
which included duties on sales

as
as octroi
well
duties.
and Zakat
and purchases
traders,
chart of the
rates
Mohatarfa during the administration of Balaji

be framed from four
Baji Rao Peshwa can
of
documents, a
letter to
the
Kamavisdar
of
Manila
Revdanda written in 1742-43, a letter to

Nathuram Chaudhari dated the same year, *
a Sanad to the officer in charge of Janjira Revdanda (1750-51) and a Sanad to Shridhar Jivaji
issued in 1752-53.
The Kamavisdar of Mamla
Revdanda was asked to levy Mohatarfa at the
1
following rate
Mohatarfa
7
1.
Rs.
8,
ing to
2.
of Rs.
3.
The
Kolis. should be taxed at the rate of
5 and 2 per
its
size
palanquin (per year) accord-
and nature.
Shop-keepers should be taxed

5,
6 and
5,
be taxed at the
shop per year.
The shoemakers should be taxed
rate of Rs. 4, 5 and 6 per

The rate of tax
5.
Rs.
at the rate
per shop per year,
The blacksmiths should
rate of Rs. 4 per

4.
6 and
'
per
oil mill
at the
shop per year.

on oilmen
per annum.
P. D., VoL II, pp 299401.

P D VoL HI, pp 301*01.
P. D, Vol. III. p. 303.
P D.. VoL III, p. MH.
should
be

The
6.
rate of tax
323
on goldsmiths should be
Rs. 3 per shop per annum.

The rate of tax on
7.
should be
potters
Rs. 3 per wheel per annum.

8.
The rate of tax on basket-makers should
be Rs. 3 per house per annum.

The Gondhlis (worshippers of
9
pay
of small-pox) to
goddess
Rs. 3 per year.

10.
The tax
each big vessel.

Nathuram Chaudhari was
collect
quarry-men) at
Similarly
income.
charge of
rate
bcldars
that
to
for
he
(stone-
of 5 per cent, of their
Shinde,
Moroji
Revdanda, was
(fir
annas
informed
Mohatarfa from
the
profession
each small boat
carry a load of five kliandis) and eight
should
or
passing the channel
on boats
should be four annas for
for their
Devi
officer
told to levy
in
Mohatarfa
and stone-diggers,
one day's income per month, and
from masons, stone-cutters,

at the rale of
Shridhar
rate
Rs.
of
1-4
Jivaji
was informed
that
the current
Mohatarfa to be paid by the carriers was

for every bullock carrying cloth and
grocery.
The Zakat included
the
Thalbharit
(tax to be paid at the place of loading), the Thai-
be paid at the place of sale) also

Chhapa, a stamping-duty and Hashil which again
in one document at least is described to be con-
mod
(tax
to
sisting of three items- Tafavat
and Talab Dhakhala.
In
Dhakhala, Dasturi
another
document a
MAKATHAS
called Shingshingoti (levied on cattle)
tax
included
the Zakat.
in
Zakat
8.
The Mohatarfa, as
varied with the means
and can,
keeper,
district,
stopped
ever,
India.
and
be
regarded as an
levied
separately
this naturally led
goods
to
in
be
This, how-
their transit.
in
show,
list will
each individual shop-
of
therefore,
frequently
was not peculiar to Maharashtra or to

Tradesmen and merchants were similarly
troubled
pre-revolutionary
in
Germany before the

merchants
remedy
could
this
for
evade
through
the
the
inconvenience,
in
and,
The
in
Maratha
To
difficulty.
m
there
was a class
towns,
who under-
payment
single
France,
Zollvercin,
Hoondeekurrees
called
took
above
the
The Zakat was
income-tax.
every
also
is
pass
to
articles
These men arrangthe customs, and were

the sums due.
The
whole country.
ed with the farmers of

answerable to them for
Peshwa was not unaware
of the inconvenience
frequent
stoppage of merchandise
transit.
In
1745-46.
Peshwa
in
Balaji
of
course of
Baji
Rao
goods passing between Sironj and

Burhanpur should pay octroi (Zakat) at one
ordered that
place only. 11
41
ElptiitMton^'s Kepurt
P.
30.
Vol III, p 312.
on tnc
lu/r|i .n#B
Conqtair*d
from
it*
"A
letter
Nikam: Zakat
Sankaraji
to
3*5
on
and horses carrying goods of different

descriptions from Sironj to Burhanpur should be
elephants,
collected
Nothing should be charged

there is any custom of taking
Sironj
at
at Burhanpur.
If
something as pansupari
be taken
sent
are
When
from
things of various descriptions
Burhanpur,
and not at
there
levied
been observed from
his practice has
early times.
that alone should
gift,
Zakat
Sironj.
should
be
This being the
we have been informed that you have

demanded Hashil at Burhanpur although it was
practice,
paid
duly
at
This
Sironj.
letter
You should
this information.
written
is
on
collect only accord-
customary practice, and should not

introduce any innovation."
ing to the
Zamindars and Darukhdars
g.
It
may
be noted here that Zakat was generally
farmed to a person
were
or
strictly
levy
to
for a fixed
warned not
to
oppress
any unauthorised
administration
of
land
sum, but these men
As
tax.
revenue
the
the
people
in
the
Peshwas
followed the policy of encouraging the merchants
and securing
their prosperity
and as the farming
system was bound to be more or

from
that point of view,
we
less
inefficient
find that
government
were appointed during the administration
of the second Madhava Rao for assessment and
officers
collection of Zakat.
These
officers often replaced
MARATHAS
the farmers altogether, but sometimes they simply
The
supervised their work.
when
under
also
it
to
same checks
the
quoted
the
here
The
principle.
illustrate
to
and
of Zainindars
will
working
the
of these
first
the Zakat-Fadnis, of
duties of
department,
Two documents
Darakhdars were applied.

be
Zakat,
of
was
the Kamavis system and
government
conducted according
to
collection
of
recounts the
Bandar
Pen,
as
follows
The
t.
levied
from
should
not
settlement
of
the
sum
fixed
any trader on account
made
be
of
to be
octroi,
without the consent of the
Fadnis.
The
2.
accounts
of
octroi
on
exported
goods should remain with the Fadnis

All correspondence regarding octroi should
3.
be conducted and
orders regarding credit and
all
debit should be issued
The
4.
revenue
by the Fadnis.
octroi farms being abolished
being
and the
departmentally managed,
work should be done by the Fadnis.

The Fadnis should be prompt
5.
writing
in his
work
and should issue notes or passes without delay.

The second document illustrates how the Zakat
and
officers were also checked by Zamindars
hereditary
officers
or
Darakhdars.
Krishnaji
Viththal, Jaincnis of octroi, in Prant Kalyan,
some
difference with the

1*. D., Vol. VI,
|p.
2 W-W.
Zamindars about
K. B. M.r*tbe'
had
official
lummuj.
OTHER SOURCES OR REVENUE
The following instructions were therefore

to Uddho Dadaji and Apaji Vishwanath,
duties
issued
Kamavisdars
Joint
1.
of
327
of
Zakat
The Jamenis
shall ascertain the
under orders
to be levied,
octroi
latdar
and
shall
prepare
the Prant
in
the presence of the
in
amount
of the
Mam-
Zamindars and
memorandum thereof on
another memorandum being prepared
the spot,
rough
by the Zainindar.
The Jamenis
2.
ment
setting
sub-contract
Majumdar
agreement
the
of
shall
is
farm
octroi
enter
on which
conditions
the
forth
write the draft agree-
shall
is
The
and when the
totals
the
given.
approved by the Mamlatdar, the
Fadnis shall write the sanad

Passports to traders carrying bullock-loads
3.
from
shall
forts
be written either by the Zamin-
may be customary
dars or by the Darakhdars, as

at
the
particular
Fadnis shall date

shall
make
his
the former case the
passports,
the
In
the
latter
ports shall be sent through the

4.
At
the
mark thereon, and the
them.
shall seal
In
post.
Majumdar
Mamlatdar
case the pass-
Zamindars
the end of the year the Jamenis shall
rough memoranda of receipts with

those kept by the Zamindars and submit a
detailed account to the Mamlatdar.
compare
5.
to
be
them
his
The Zamindars
levied
from
according
to
represent that the amount
the
traders
custom
or
is
fixed
according
by
to

Kauls
granted
absence,
the
the
tax,
their
in
performed by the Mamlat-
amount
the
Mahal, or
the
either
whole
the
for
by the
above
fixing
particular
from
the post
ghaut should
and marked
should
it
with
fixed
for
tract,
the
Jamenis
Mazumdar, and
be
memorandum
The
leviable,
province,
written
should
rates
cognizance.
their
to
is
that
As the Zemindars keep separate accounts
dars.
of
work
the
and
them,
to
MARATHAS
bear
by
be
the
approving
the
endorsement of the Mamlat dar.

It
should then
be given to the Fadnis for being registered and
finally
by
The copy
Thana should be made by the
recorded
to be sent to the
the Mamlatdar.
The Zamindar should
Jamenis.
take
copy
for reference.
Kauls to traders shall be written
6.
Jamenis
the
Fadnis shall date them, and they
the
shall bear the
by
Zamindar's mark and the
Mamlat-
dar's seal."*
Remission of Zakat and Mohatarfa
10.
In
made
the above
of
kauls
to
remind us of the
for
improvement
measures adopted
document mention has

traders.
This
will
been
naturally
Kauls granted to cultivators

of
for
and
cultivation
the
same
P. D., Yol. VI. pp. 294-206.
B. M.irmthe'.
other
purpose.
land revenue was remitted from time
to
time
troiluion.
As
in

consideration
poverty
of
the RayatS, failure
of
and above
all,
for
the
embracing reason
of
the
improvement
of rain,
were
also,
time
from
general
and
these Zakat
so
culture,
and
of agri-
The
remitted.
Peshwa's government never meant to make

assessment and
preferred as
necessary
in
and
Zakat
circumstances
well.
being
turmeric
Kamavisdars
considered
charge of Zakat,
in
to
at half the usual rate.*
A Sanad
Mahadaji Narayan and Sada-
to
Raghunath
shiva
was
flexibility
Poona and Junnar, were ordered
Prants
levy
the
their
greater supply of ghi,
1763-64, a
joggery
oil,
rigid
the
suited
it
the year
In
collection
all-
Mohatarfa taxes
time
to
329
Kamavisdars,
Zakat,
Prants
Poona and Junnar

levy Zakat at half the usual
rate upon the traders from Desh who would bring
:
ghi,
festival
as
of
it
is
and turmeric, etc., till the

Dasra and excuse the other half,
joggery
oil,
of
necessary to
these articles.'*
(a tax on balance
newly
pressed
in
the
came under
it
on
traders
1769-70 on
heavily
greater
Similarly
imposed
abolished
it
import
on
levy
quantity
of
Tag
the Mohatarfa)
at
Poona
was
their representation as
them. 18
The
Peshwa's
was not confined to the sellers alone,

the consumers as the party most affected by
attention
trade regulations
also shared
P.
*
42
D, VolVlI,
p. 0., Vol.
VI.
his
p.flU.
p. 281.
consideration.
Thus
in
MAR AT HAS
a letter addressed to the Kamavisdars of
we
Zakat, Prants Poona and Junnar 1763-64,
and
(1) "rice
that
from the Konkan
Bhusara grains
(2)
from
empted
and
grain
to
Prant
of
their
year
as
recently
was to be levied on
bullocks and
buffaloes
fee
had
they
the
been deprived
disturbance
should
pay
the
Commit mention
In times of famine
remedy
usual
of
and
scarcity, the
English statesmen during the
favourite
first
decades of the 19th century had been a

scale
this
17
duty."
/ /
No
however,
traders,
carrying
were to be exempted
during
cattle
always ex-
property had been
(4)
Poona
Zakat.
of
(3) Cultivators
purchasing
cultivators
in
war
free
were
(pulses)
from Poona
salt
owing
pass
to
Zakat.
from Zakat as their

lost
and groceries brought
salt
were
find
of
intended
tariff,
and
four
sliding
secure agricultural
to
same time to procure relief

to the distressed.
The Maratha government
on such occasions boldly met the difficulty by
interest,
the
total
at the
suspension
of
introduction
of
agricultural
necessities
communication
advanced, and
import
free
in spite
P.
of
But
of
Yot. VII,
these
|>
68.
foodstuff
and
means
of
the
days
those
in
*T
Zakat and temporary
were
wise
nol
so
measures
SOURCES OK REVENUE
OTHF.K
33
Means
(amine had often terrible consequences.

of communication,
such as ferry-boats and roads,
were not neglected by the Peshwa's government.
The government sometimes granted money

construct ion of
the
were
in
then
and the roads
ferry-boats,
general good, particularly
bourhood of big
Arthur
Sir
despatches
when the
4*
The
rain
the second
The Duke
cities.
of Wellington,
remarks
roads
excellent
Among
heavy.
is
the neigh-
in
Wellesley,
arc
Madhava Rao, we
for
the
find
his
in
except
papers of
letter
to
Mahadev, Mamlatdar of Taluka Shivner,

{1783-84), ordering him to repair the road
Balaji
through the pass
of
Malje
one-
Tarf Shivner,
in
was to be paid from the
fourth of the total expense
and the remaining

three-fourths were to be raised by the Kamavisdars
of Zakat.
The same road was for a second time
land revenue of the
nine years later.
repaired
major
the
district
portion
Kamavisdars
of
AW
The
cultivators,
kaul for bringing waste
and
for
improvement
the
*
by
Market-towns
have casually noticed
to traders.
expenses
the
to
the
shows that these roads

trade purposes. a
Foundation of
We
contribution
Zakat
of
were mainly meant for

12.
The
F.
I..
the
kauls granted
we have seen, got

land into cultivation
of
Vol. VIII, p. il&
agriculture
in
THE MARATH AS
33 2 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
and kauls were granted to merchants
general,
repopulation
for
of
old
and deserted
market-
new market places and

improvement of trade and commerce in
towns, for foundation of

the
for
was granted to the Shete

Mahajan, shop-keepers and traders, and persons
following other occupations of Kasba Mukhde
in
Pargana
Patod*,
of
.Sarkar Sangamner
in
the
Subha
of
Khujiste
Buniad
in
general.
because business
75-5 1
of
aforesaid
the
owing
granted
but
not
and
also
village
the
in
only
the
for
because
government as
benefit
it
well.
were to
The
well
was
kaul
improvement of ihc
the
for
market
old
was not thriving
some disturbance.
to
trade
kaul
of
the
tradesmen,
was to the
profit
By
old
this kaul
the
of
residents
exempted from export

and import duties for three years, and to be
subjected only to the payment of house-tax
of the place
be
(levied according to the profession of the
house-
and new-comers were to be exempted

from export and import duties for five years,
and from house tax for three years.*
Similarly, when a new f>eth or suburb was
owner)
established
kaul
from
Kasba
at
was granted
all
taxes
Barshi
to
traders
for
seven
P.D..
VoL VIII.
1777-78,
exempting
years."
year 1776-77 Chabildas Gulabdas

P. D-, Vnt. II.
p|>
in
1IH-136.
p. 223
of
In
them
the
Burhanpur

was exempted from
the
half
usual
Hashil
for
opening a new shop of cloth and embroidery
and
the year 1789-90 two
in
and Govind
Naik
money
of
Mamledar
because
relief
in
exacted
supply
to
Peshwa's
Kamat, a Shenvi
Peshwa
palanquin
in
specially
great source of
here that special induce-
new
traders to
merchant,
Balaji
come and
Vithoji Krishna
territories.
having offered to
with five ships and settle
trader,
them by a
grains,
proved
be noted
to
settle in the
him
from
of Zakat on bhusara
ments were offered
come
Pomaji
merchants,
time of a famine at Poona. 33
is
It
Naik Bhake, got a refund
illegally
their
31
Bassein as a
at
Kao
Baji
and clothes of honour
ordered a
to be given to
addition to partial exemption from Zakat.*
Sometimes when tradesmen were pressed hard

for money by their creditors, the government
interfered in their favour and induced the money
lenders to accept easy terms of payments.
/J.
Shete
Generally
Mahajan
the
task
establishing
of
new
suburb or market town was entrusted to an enterprising man,
who was rewarded on
conclusion
of
Sketepan.
The
labours
his
perquisites
P.
Vol.
with
of
TUI,
this
p. ZiS.
P. D., Vol. VIII, p.
the successful
W6.
P. D.. Vol. 11. p. 139.
watan of
watan were

quite analogous to
and
those of
the
MAKATHAS
village officers,
Peshwa got important

services without any payment whatever from the
government treasury
The shop-keepers and
traders, who actually paid the Shcte's remunein
ration,
case
this
the
had no reason
like the Patil,
were as follows
One
for grumbling,
the natural guardian
The
interests.
I.
too
perquisites
was,
of his clients
the
of
as he
Shete watan
on every
betel-nut
market
weekly
day from each Bania's shop.
Five
shop of the leaves

3.
day from each
leaves every
betel
sellers.
Nine SaAs( seer) of
oil
every
week from
every oilman's shop.

4.
Half a seer of
gram
for
each bag of grain
sold in the market.

5.
Quarter seer of groceries for every bag
of
grocery sold.
handful
of
vegetables
from
every
10.
vegetable shop.
7.
One
ftasodi (a kind of rough cloth) a year
from the weaver community

8.
Two
community
9.
in the
pairs of shoes from
in
suburb
the
shoe-maker
rice
from every
the suburb.
Quarter seer of wheat or
shop on such festivals as Dasra, Diwali, Shimga

and Varsha Pratipada.
handful of grain for every
bag
measured by the measure of the Shetcs.
of
corn

11.
and dried
Flesh
be
fish to
335
when
taken
market by butchers and
offered for sale in the

fish-sellers
1
a.
celebrated
13.
cocoanut
piece of
in
the suburb.
The houses
ed from house-tax.*
of the
Shetcs to be
exempt-
Government Intervention
14.
marriage
every
at
The Peshwa's government
interfered actively
commerce and manufacturing industries.

Merchantmen required a dastak or passport for
coming to or leaving a port in the Peshwas
in
territories.^
The Peshwas were

lating the
weights
perfectly justified
impunity.
But the same
Chhapa, or stamping
of
was charged.
fee
was 5
p.c.
regu-
and measures, as otherwise
dealers could cheat
retail
in
customers with
their
cannot be
thing
of cloth
for
said
which also a
The stamping duty on
ad valorem on imported
cloth
cloth,
and
on cloth locally manufactured, and sellers

of unstamped cloth were ordered to be fined.*
p
c.
Government interference did not stop here

manufacturers
the
Vo4
of
turbans
Fof another p aper rfooonttn* limiUr
were,
actually
perquiaitoi bob P.
Dm
VLI, pp. 2*4-285
* go?
l*t*r
to AnBtfla
Run Dhalap.
lladkmva Rno, VoL III, PP- 22rt- 227

P.D. Vd IIL,pp.> 21 .
Peafemti
Diary.
Ru*tt.
THE MAR AT HAS

what
told,
metal
manufacture
of
should
they
the
melt
the
for
what should
brocade and
7
be the length of the turbans.*

Instructions
about
the
brocade
Kasba Jalnapur
the same name
for
Pargana of
manufacture
sangas
at
made by
At present brocades are
1.
Chandvad
Rupees
Formerly
bad.
Their
Malharshai,
Patani coins were melted
The same
melting
therefore
is
English,
the
Surati or
making brocades.
for
practice should be renewed.
"Khar" made
2.
quality
in
of
by burning plantain trees
now used in preparing silk brocades therefore

become blackish. Manufacturers should
be warned and made to use datyakhar (Kharis
salt).
Pagotas are now made
3.
twelve to fifteen cubits

length
should
be
not
less
Manufacturers should
to
make
pagotas
this
be
of
is
of
of
not proper. Their
than
thirty
warned,
length
cubits.
and asked
length
of
thirty
cubits."
/j.
Monopoly
Monopoly was
sale of
some
cocoanut,
also
given
ghi,
and even
purchase and
for
for
brokcry
in
Sometimes the government went
cases.
to the extent of fixing a price for certain articles.
P. D-, Vol. VIII, pp. MS.237.
OTHER SOURCES OK REVENUE
Wc
should however judge the Peshwas
The
motives.
in
and even
the
England,
in
free trade, protective

in
fashion
of
duties
and
on
by
principle of Laisscz Faire
gained any recognition
Europe
corn
had not
birthplace
sliding
the
an attempt
on
badly
whole,
the
scale
to
minimum price for agricultural produces

land ?
The Peshwas also did the same
and,
of
and bounties were
was
but
their
those days,
in
future
duties
what
337
fix
of the
thing,
subjects were
their
not
off.
Ship-building encouraged :
16.
We
have seen how owners of
new shops and
importers of cheap grains were partially exempted
from liashil.
An
over-sea
The Peshwas encouraged

gallibats41
of ships
or
building
Chimnaji Ganesh Sathe

in
of
Kaliye
Taluka Ratnagiri having
was exempted from Octroi and
on goods brought
for
in
village
also
exempted from
liability
(Marathe's Translation)
merchants
settling
Maratha
waters.
(One
other
use.
His
to
forced
And we
coast
Narottam Joshi
D, VoL
is
VIII, p. SSd.
taxes
ship
of
visiting
new
ports to
find
towns
merchantmen
> P.
43
in
".
Tarf
in
built a
the ship from other
household
his
and
up.
'
Majgaum
ship
had grown
trade
was
service.
Maratha
Arabia,
Chinese
described
as
OF THE MARATHAS
33 a ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
a
resident
Muscat,
of
Admiral
letter to
in
Anand Rao Dhulap).*

In a document
published by Mr. V. K.
Rajwade in the 10th volume of his Sources of
Maratha History, one Asaram Vinayak is
spoken of
merchant
has
terms
following
high
of
He
China.
the
in
His
position.
considerable
He
is
go to
ships
with
trade
the
English. *
We may
could not
officers
note
subject
here
Maratha naval
that the
salvage
claim
money
from
the Maratha empire for recovering
of
ships from pirates.
A merchantman
with
on
cargo
board
way to Bassein was taken by pirates.

From them it was recovered by men serving in
the navy under you and you also came to know
on
its
the
that
belonged
ship
Therefore enquire whether

the
merchants and
*.
the merchants
to
the
belongs to
ship
Krishnaji Raghunath.
If it
them the cargo that

you may have found and the galiibat, and get
from them an acknowledgment of receipt.' It
belongs to them, restore to
is
to
tioned
be noted
in
that
no salvage money
any part of the document
item was not likely to be omitted

officer,
in
because even antast or bribe
state papers
is
men-
such an
Maratha
mentioned
41
.
' P. P.,
"
by a
is
K*jw*4n, M.I.S., Tot. X.
Vot VIII.
p. S63.
p.
2tt.
P. D.. Vot. IT. pp.
lit.
Ml
OTHER SOURCES OK REVENUE
339
Excise:
77.
as
Excise duties,
For
be ignored altogether.
manufacture and sale of

not only as
ecclesiastical
head
head
the
of
Peshwa acted
but
as the
also
Here,
state.
revenue policy was influenced by religious
Peshwa, as the head

enforce
to
ideas.
Hindu empire,
great
of
the
In
injunction.
this
Madhava Rao,
charge of Taluka
religious
was sent
to
injunctions
their
people,
to be
D..
year.*
officer at Vijay-
order
in
of
p.
these
Baji
Rao
800
to
mitigate
Rayats
the
of
Portuguese and Christian
for
Prant
causing
manufacture
the
Peshwa 's employ.
made
VoL VI.
by
the
for
Peshwa Balaji
and Kolis of
trees
and these orders were
Some
living
mainly
soldiers in the
had
cocoanut
without
strictly
inconvenience.
liquor
to stop
4*
from time to time modified
earned
the
in
government cannot expect to enforce
hardship to the
such
officer
next
the
of
durg on the same date.

But
from
liquor
beginning
order
similar
the
Devgad, was ordered
the manufacture of
the
Ganesh,
Ralaji
year
second
1775-76, during the administration of the
from
his
was forbidden by the Shastras and the
Drinking
tried
the
controlling
in
liquor, the
secular
the
may
source of income,
Some
people.
provision
Accordingly
allowed the Bhandaris
Firgan
to
*
manufacture
J P. D.. Vol
VI,
p.
300.
THE MARATHAS
wine (1754-55), but they were strictly ordered not

to sell or to give wine to Brahmans, Prabhus,
Shenvis and government servants. M

For the convenience of the European soldiers
Peshwa's service, the second Madhava
the
in
Rao allowed them
to
distil
liquor
for
own
their
use.
Some Portuguese and Christians are employed under Syed

Ahmad Gardi, who is
serving under Ragho Vishwanath.
They always
them therefore establish a
Let
require liquor.
and manufacture wine
distillery
consumption.
Do
not
for
their
own
present
any obstruction
Servants
exempted from
41
to it.
iff.
Government
Zakat
We may
exemption
from
servants.
koons,"
here
take
passing notice of the
Zakat enjoyed by government
The
Konkanastha
says Ranade,
the Secretariat or
respectable
41
who had monopoly
Daftar
salaries,
Brahmin
offices,
obtained
the
and
Karof
all
received
privilege
of
having their goods exempted front Custom duties

and ferry charges when they imported grain
and other goods from outside ports and places. "
In justice to the Peshwa,
out
that
P. D.,
the
VoL
Brahman
ought to be
pointed
Karkuns
enjoyed
P D.. Vol, VI. p 3U1

Tb# MijceUatieou* Writings, p AG\
111, p.
**
it

these
not
privileges,
government
Zakat
in
shared
also
In 1744-43, Babaji
of
Government
officers.
Brahmans,
than
Brahmans,
as
Chapaji
34
but
as
other
officers,
these advantages.
Shenvi,
farmer
the
Pranl Sasti (Salsette) was informed
that
Irish purchased by
1.
for
government servants
own consumption should be
their
exempt
from duly.
That
2.
chased
by
the
following
government
mentioned
below,
twenty-five
plantains,
dried dates
and
officers
should
five
sugar,
when
articles
also
pur-
the amount
to
be
exempt
cocoanuts. gur, dates,

the
to
amount
of
five
seers.
That government servants and Brahmans

should be exempt from ferry charges. *'
3.
On
whole the revenue administration of

the Peshwa was conducted on sound principles,
well
the
calculated
the Rayats.
of
to secure the wealth
But the weak point of the system
was not the dishonesty

could
be
Peshwa
Baji
and welfare
checked,
which
of
but
found
Maratha
the
its
officers
absolutism
worst
which
of
exponent
the
in
Ran Raghunath.
The system worked so

under Balaji Baji Rao and his son that it
could be favourably compared with the revenue
well
system
Its
then
great
prevalent
in
European
countries.
advantage was that assessment and

*
t\ t> Vol. ill, pp. 3US-310.

collection were
OF THE MARAtHAS
and could be regulated
flexible
according to the actual
condition of each indi-
vidual district.
Total Revenue
ig.
We
do not know what was the total revenue

the Peshwas
government.
Lord Valentia
of
estimates
know how
not
upon what data
mated the
at
Rs.
at
it
far
figure
this
based.
is
it
But
7,164,724."
is
Mr.
we
do
reliable,
and
Grant
esti-
J.
revenue of the Maratha Empire

six crores towards the close of the 1 8th century.
total
According to him the Peshwas revenue reckonfrom the Nizam, Tippoo, and Bundle-
chout
ing
cund Rajputs,
be found to amount to at least
will
Mr. Elphinstone's
esti-
more moderate. According to him the
total
three crores of rupees."
mate
is
revenue
Peshwa's dominions,
the
of
Ahmedabad and
amounted
He
in
the
lands resumed from Bastin,
December,
1815,
Peshwa's revenue and he has supplied
figures for every province

figures
of the
he
B
Rs. 9,671,735.
to
arrived at this figure after a detailed examina-
tion of the
as
excluding
and every
were compiled by him
Soot* Waring,
J. Grant,
1796. p|> 28-24
Au
his
in
iliit.
These
for the information
Governor-General and his

suggested
district.
Council.
covering
letter
And
these
of the Mnrutbii*.
Uiitoricnl
and
Political
View
of the Deccan, London,
and 36
Unpublished p*pr*
Secret pnpert, Non 42
in
the
43, 1816.
Imperial Record* Office, Calcutta,

would
be
should
useful
arise
Poona
time and
the
for territorial
As Elphinstone
exchange ever
at
occasion
in
343
was
at
close touch with the
Peshwa's government we may accept his estimate

as fairly accurate.
his
superiors
estimate the
According to
He had no
reason
exaggerated figure and
an
Chauth naturally found no

I.t.-JColonel
BUrknr, Memoir
of the
in his
place,
Blacker, the Peshwa's
clear Revenue was two crores and

M
rupees annually.
il
give
to
ten
Operational of ike Bnt*K
lacs
Army
of
Ind *>
APPENDIX E
Elphinstone's Estimate to the Peshawa's
Revenue.
Poona, December, 1815.
Sir,
I
have the honor
Revenue,
the Paishwas
enclose
to
the
which
of
Details of
transmitted
an Abstract, in my Despatch to His Excellency

not forward these
I did
the Governor-General.
Papers at that Time as they arc of no General
Interest.
may
be
convenient
to
therefore desirable to have
the
same view
assigned
amount
then.
because occasions
to
enclose a
Holcar.
of the
Holcar
to
refer
the
them and
them on Record.
it
it
is
In
statement of the lands
The date
is
old
and the
Revenue must have altered since
may
also have
much
the Interval that has past but this

tains
when
(such as exchanges &ca.)
arrise
would
send them now
possessions of
his
aquisitions in
Document con-
Family
seventeen

years ago and the changes
in
that
345
may
Period
be
ascertained by a Reference to recent Transactions.

I
have the honor to be

Sir,
Your most obedient humble
servant,
M, Ei.phinstone.
To
J.
Adam,
Esq.,
&c. &c. &c.
Abstract of the Pais hn ah's
A* even ne.
Praunt Knktin
...
Praunt Carnatic including Ucejapoor
25,68,594
19,52.183
Praunt Candeish including Bauglarla
and Berar
Praunt
Poona, Joonair,
...
Nuggur
Painair
10,05,344
&
...
7,28,118
Praunt Gungterrcc
5.65,769
Wye
...
2,99,142
Praunt Swadeish, Ballaghaut
...
4,66,023
Praunt Gazerat
...
9.76,362
Praunt Serole
...
0,03,866
Country North of tho Nurbudda
...
0,17,843
Mawul
...
1,63,927
Praunt
44
Sattara
34^ ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF

Praunt Kurhar
...
Batta of 8 P. Ct. upon
the
...
Khasgee
Total
To the above
Ahmedabad and
Bastin.
is
of
to
THE MARATHAS
...
7,34,322
1,90,240
96 7.735
,
be added the revenues of
the
I.ands
resumed from
CHAPTER
VI!
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
Primitive
/.
Simplicity
Mar at ha
of the
System
The system
simple and
Codified
of administration
suited
the
to
temper
For one,
depended upon the old Sanskrit
the
those
forms,
depend upon
to
customs
old
by
trial
allowed ordeal
by
divine
oath taken
in
fire
intervention
a sacred temple.
more
like
modern judges.
strictly
What
enforced
was not
the
other,
And
among
Maratha
and water
Maharajas and the
acted
the
on law
for the
old customs.
prescribed,
ordeal,
appeal to
pati
time,
judiciary
treatises
Mitakshara and Manu's Code,
they had
the
of
there was none and procedure was
law
uncertain and informal.
like
was
of justice
as
as
other
judges
well
as
the form of an
in
But the Chhatra-
Peshwas
after
them
patriarchs
of
law
was, was not
there
old
than
Legal exactitude
in civil suits
Amicable settlement was

encouraged, and an attempt was always made
their
ideal.
to give a suitor every facility for proving his case.
Sometimes consideration was made fora defeated

party, to ensure good feeling between the parties
in
future.
Thus
in
the
suit
of
Maloji
bin
34S ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

Shahaji Bhanga vs.
about the proprietary
right
Bhanga
Narsoji
Hiroji bin
of
watan
Patilki
although the latter had failed to substantiate

claim, the
Punch
directed Maloji
give
to
his
Hiroji
a site to build a house on and

*'
piece of
30 bighas of land.
land about 30 cubits in length
and about 15 cubits
breadth
in
portion of the aforesaid

right of
30 bighas
and
village
of the
the
have been given to
Patilki
land
of
son of
Hiroji,
Bhanga by the assembled got."
and
ordinary
superior,
inferior classes out of the cultivable
village
inhabited
the
in
Got
the
Narsoji
caste-
men.
Pratnp Sin ha's Yadi
2.
The
piled
old customs about procedure were
and arranged
Maharaj,
in
a yadi
by
Chhatrapati of Satara.
Pratap
Sinha
Pratap
Sinha
reigned from 1808-1839 A.D. and the
Pcshwas took place
in
coincided
therefore,
with
period of
the
early
the
Bombay
dency.
But the rules and regulations
customs of
the
His reign,
administration
in
of
fall
the year 1818.
English
by him
com-
in
Presi-
drawn up
his yadi were based upon the old
the land, and give us a clear idea
of the policy
were guided
by which the old

in
the
administration
Says Chhatrapati Pratap Sinha

*
Maratha
P.D., Vol.
I,
pp.
in
179-181.
rulers
of
justice.
the
Nyaya -
ADMINISTRATION OP JUSTICE
Prakaran
dhish
realm
rule of this
settlement of
all
yadi
his
of
been
has
disputes
to
and
when
no
only
He
there
goes on to say
is
that
Shete
Mah^jans
(in
other remedy.
excellent
to them, to
Even
tration.
settle
custom
Mamledars
towns and market
parties,
quarrels,
if
by
dispute
their
serious
Patils,
places) should try to induce the
came
Pancha-
to call a
this
should be encouraged and the
and
The good old

make amicable
through the proper
exertion of the neighbours
yet
349
they
arbi-
beyond
the
and Shete Mahajans and

Panchayets appointed by them, says the Raja,
jurisdiction of Patils
it
would be well
if
settled
neighbours.'
tion of
through
Intent
on
the
the
arbitra-
welfare
of
and perhaps impelled by the good

old custom, the Raja says that in case of settlement by arbitration the parties would be exempthis subjects,
ed from the payment of Ilarki, which they would

have to pay, if the case was referred to Royal
Courts or Royal officers.
In case the parties
failed
to
settle
their
disputes
amicably,
should go to an arbitrator and the

us that such an arbitrator need
Raja
not
they
assures
fear
Royal
displeasure for his laudable efforts. 1
B*
'
/WJ.
Tbe
I.
8. M.,
original
niolan Vrittn of
Vaman
Bbat
THHy* SMiimeian
document has
tbi> HI warm Ifihttt
Yritta, pp. 51-52.
Ufa
publiabcd in
tbit
Tr Iliya Sam-
Shmnhodlio* Maud*) by Mr. Bbaakar
MARATHAS
and
The Separation of the Executive

the Judiciary unknown
J.
When
such
or settlement
had
of
efforts
by
arbitration
recourse
the
to
The
justice.
amicable settlement
for
failed,
instruments
regular
judicial
officer
parties
the
in
the
village
was the Patil as usual, above him the Mamlatdar

and the Sarsubhedar and above all the Peshwa
or
minister
his
head
theoretical
of
who was
Satara,
fountain
as
of
the
the
the
state,
like the
justice
representative
King
and
of
of
the
Raja
of
England,
honour.
the
towns,
In
learned judges, well-versed in the Shastras, were
appointed
for
Thus we
Nyayadhish.
men were
judicial
and were called
duties
Marat ha
see the
states-
not acquainted with the theory
of
the
Executive, the Legislative, and
separation of the
Peshwa and his minister,

the Sarsubhedar the Mamlatdar and the Patil
the
in
Judiciary.
the
The
exercised
village
different
The
functions.
all
these
widely
was
administration
of
Nyayadhish
Judiciary pure and simple.
Panchayet
4.
The
great
civil justice
instrument
was the
Maharaja says that
of
Panchayet.
for cases of
Pratap
minor importance
the Patil in the village and the Shete

the
towns
and market-places
Sinha
Mahajan
could
in
appoint
ADMINISTRATION OF JDSTICF.
35
The parties on such occasions had

Rajinama or agreement to abide by
Panchaycts.
sign
to
and the
the decision,
with
its
summary
of
proceed
or
the
Mamlatdar
the
draw up a saransh
enquiry,
and
case
The judgment had
judgment.
by
Panchayet was then to
But
if
pass
be
to
its
confirmed
was discovered
it
Panchavot
was corrupt or prejudiced

against a party, the case was to be reported
to the Mamlatdar. and if the Mamlatdar after
thal the
proper enquiry found

the
case
the
Patil
was
the Patil's
be sent
to
refused
the parties rejected a
to
would then
it
in
be
appoint a Panchayet
the
with
manner,
of
or
own
their
Mam-
to the
Mamlatdar's
the
If
Panchayet
legal
Panchayet
correct,
Sarknr.
case was to be referred
village, the
latdar
the
to
appoint
to
or to dispose of the case

if
report
duty
cogni-
Patil's
zance or to assemble a Panchayet at a place other

than the
cases
officers
appoint
village
beyond
of
in
the
disputants.
the jurisdiction
his
the
of
rank,
first
the
instance
the consent of the parties.
Panchayet
of
serious
In
the
Patil
or
Mamlatdar was
to
an
Failing this
measure
manner had
appointed and the usual Rajinama had
signed.
The
in
the
usual
decision
of
the
generally confirmed and upheld
members
of the
to
be
to
be
Panchayet was
by the
ment unless there was a charge

against the
with
arbitrator
Panch.
of
Govern-
corruption
Panchayet and Jury
5.
The
like
the
Panch,
it
by Panchayet was
trial
by
trial
may
in
The
jury.
THE MARATHAS
many
members
ancient Athens, and
it
amateur judges
the
like
not certain whether
is
got any allowance for their trouble.
Pratap Sinha
and
theory
in
at
were
Chhatrapati threatens
modern jury.
over by a judge,
seems such
The
permitted.
to punish
even
in
gratifi-
both the giver

if
the right.
the
former
was not exactly like

The modern jury is presided
but the Panchayet was not
over
always presided
when
it
But
Panchayet,
the
the
and
least
not
and the taker of bribe

happened to be the party
But
Elphinstone
any such
forbids
strictly
presents
private
they
the case was a protracted one.
if
of
some reward from
says that they sometimes got
cation,
the
of
be noted, were not paid out of the
government treasury
the parties
respects
by a government
Panchayet
was chosen
from
officer,
disputants'
the
was generally done),

the members were bound to be more or less
village
(as
acquainted with the facts of the

to take their judicial seat with
case and
more or
less
came
bias.
Moreover the parties were sometimes allowed

nominate
the
party naturally
1. 15.
members
of the
nominating
M
TnHjn
its
Panchayet,
to
each
own advocates.
anun*l!i Vriitn,
p. |>3
ADMINISTRATION OF jUSTICK
In
modern
nominate
the
influence
considerably
can
they
jury,
the
empanelment
cannot
parties
the
although
times,
353
the
by exercising
As the attendance of the members of a Panch depended simply

upon their sense of duty and dread of public
juryman.
right of challenging
more or less irregular.

And when they were nominated by the parties
perhaps they sometimes acted more like pleaders
were also hampered by
than judges. They
opinion,
the
was bound
it
to be
absence of any authority on
part
their
to
Their order unless vetoed
enforce their decision.
by the government was enforced by the Mainlatdar who also placed at their disposal a peon for
summoning
the defendant and witnesses
to
their
presence.
binding
It
the
is
absence of either
of
and
valid
legally
could afterwards appeal
times put upon the relatives
make him appear
left
my
was not
absent
the
in
party
and have it
pressure was someof
it
the
absentee
to
the court.
in
After that, hard times

living
parties
the
against
But very severe
quashed.
not
noteworthy that a decision arrived at
deemed
my
a party,
absence of
Decision, in the
6.
ensued and to earn
daughter and
mother
in
the
and went in search of some service. Then

Valimbc went to Ramchandra Pandit and had my
village
45
My
mother arrested.
THE MARATHAS
mother was there put
great trouble for four months and was then
to
made
to sign an agreement that she would produce her
months (Statement of
Shamji Ganghadhar Adkule in Shamji Ganghadhar and Gopal Tukdev Adkule vs. Bakdev and
Gopal Ganghadhar Valimbe).* A man of rank
could send his Karkun to represent him.
The defeated party had always to sign
a
document called Yejitkhat by which he
son
in
court within three
renounced
in
all
claims to the property
in
question
favour of his opponent, and the winner had
pay a
to
Sherni or Harki generally amounting to
twenty-five per cent
property
or
of the value of
watan.
Rut,
as
in
the disputed
assessment of
made
for his pecuniary
condition and sometimes he was
exempted from
revenue, consideration was
payment
and often a reduction

means was made. The Harki of
altogether
adequate to
his
twenty-five per cent, even should not be regarded
as excessive, as the suitors
in
were not required to pay any

services
professional
of
the Maratha courts

court-fee,
lawyers
and the
were both un-
known and unnecessary

7.
Appeals
An
appeal
against
Panchayet could
*
be
Watuu Patrco
the
decision
made
only
N trail a
Pairao,
of
the
on the plea of
|>.
3.
ADMINISTRATION OP JUSTICE
corruption, but
tiate his
the appellant failed
if
charge he had to pay a
355
to substan-
Gunha-
or
fine
gnri, and as his co-villagers generally sat on
Panchayet the appellant ran the

in
the
of suffering
risk
The Gunhagari was usually

the means of the appellant
the public opinion.
fixed according to
and
may
it
appeals
in
parlies
be
also
as
noted
as
well
in
had to give security
that
both
original
suits
here
abiding by
for
the
decision of the court.
For hearing appeal cases a fresh Panchayet

could be appointed or the Peshwas
minister
or
Mamlatdar (as the case might be) might
the
decide the case without a
Panchayet.
might also be disposed of
cases
method.
him
with
to
decide
whether or not
Panchayet, yet
refuse
it
Government
(the
rested
and
in
similar
But as Elphinstonc points nut " though
it
to
Original
the
case required a
was reckoned gross
one on a question
officer)
at
injustice
doubtful,
all
was always reckoned a sufficient ground

for ordering a new investigation when there
had been no Panchayet . 7 This popularity
of
not
it
Panchaycts clearly proves

generally
Elphinstone
open
thinks
were
themselves
corruption
to
"the
that
open
were
although
Panchayets
corruption
to
and
to
The Panchayets were popularly

" Paneh-Parmeshwar " and the members
partiality.
called
they
that
p.
58
Panch
the
of
in
many documents
MAHATMAS
are addressed
(WHI WTd). The

people of Maharashtra would not have regarded
by the parties as their parents
voice
the
unless
Panch as the voice
of
God.
deserved their confidence.
fully
it
Members of (he Pane it
8.
we
Before
note
the
of
upon to serve on the

called
to
we
further
may
take
men who were called

Panch
The Panchayct
suit of Bhanga vs. Bhanga
status of the
the
of
proceed
decide the
Deshmukh,
Deshpande and the gots {got literally means a
already referred
to,
consisted of
the
caste as considered collectively, or relations and
Hence
kindreds considered collectively).
by
trial
says
lilphinstone
peers,
was
it
that
in
Panchayet was
Deshmukh and Deshpande.
deciding boundary questions the

constituted of Patils,
assisted
by
the
Mahar.
reports of other cases that
the
as
We
know from
in suits
the
about watans,
Zarnindars of neighbouring Parganas as well

the
called
Patils
of
the
adjoining
upon to serve on
fact these rustic judges
the
villages
Panchayet
were
In
were expected to be well
acquainted with the unwritten customary
law of
document published in Sanads

and Letters of Rao Bahadur Ganesh Chimnaji
Wad (edited by P. V. Mawjee and D. B. Parasnis)
we find mention of a Majalasi (a council)
of
consisting
Rajsabha and Brahmansabha
the country.
In a
357
The members
of the Majalasi are described as people who
have property (vritti) and who are directly or
appointed to hear an appeal case.
indirectly acquainted with the
property.
Consonant with
customary law
of
this principle a dispute
relating to the right of priesthood
(Appana Bhat
vs. Shripat Bhat) was referred to the Brahman
community of Karhad for settlement " and
summoned were
witnesses
the
Joshis
or fellow
priests.
Government
9.
Panch
A
not
sanction
necessary for
however
qualified,
Panchayet,
could
proceed to perform judicial duties
legally
unless properly authorised by the government, but
such
irregularities
by the Peshwas
in
of the Panchayet
were
sometimes overlooked
consideration
case
of
motive
the
in illustration
may
be
quoted here
"
dispute
between
Ambare, and Sambhaji

in
of
regard
to
bin
Pilaji
bin
Krishnaji Ambare,
the Khoti of Chirani in Tarf
Taluka Suvarnadurga
Ragho Vishwa-
nath Ganpule, a Karkun attached to the

Shri
the seal
Khcd
was without authority
decided with the aid of a Panch by
of
Atmaji
temple
Bhargavaram, and a document bearing

His
of the deity was issued by him.
P D,
Vol. VII, p. 143.
358 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAR AT HAS

brother was therefore taken
Subha and
the
to
Ragho's conduct.
The matter having reached the Peshwa, a pardon
was given to Ragho, and his brother was ordered
*
The decision by this informal
to be released.'
was
called
upon to account
for
Panchayet was also ordered to be revised
10.
Evidence-.
In civil disputes the parties were
required
to
produce documentary as well as oral evidence,
They could
according to the nature of the case.
however demand a decision by ordeal,
of
which
various forms were in practice.
Let us see
who
witnesses generally called
the
and before whom

was undergone. These
upon to give
oral evidence were
an ordeal,
resorted
if
to,
were generally the village

the villagers
and the gots
well-versed in the history

village or
of old
supposed to be
people handed
carefully recorded
officers,
or
caste
and
so.
down
summaries
the
Pandhar or
people, men
traditions
of
the
From the evidence

us
to
of
learn that the past history of the
through the
civil
suits,
we
and
its
village
old traditions were orally transmitted from generation to generation.
Of the Pandhars the most
witnesses
important
seems, were
fairly well
were the
0., Vol.
VII, P
140.
who
it
acquainted with the tradi-
tional history of the village
balutas
and
its
Mr Bapti PurUahotUU*
watan-holdcrs.
Joolii'ts
Bumnurj
That
considered
preserved for us
shall give three
of
10
regarding
Jalgaon
in
Karhcpathar
the
in
records.
old
In
the
Joshi
and
Here we
Kulkami watans
Pargana Supa and Jalgaon

Prant Poona,
in
(literally
of the villages in
of
in
Tarf
Dado Shtvdev,
the
Rajinama, or agreement to
abide by the decision
The names
still
dispute (1749-
only.
be
will
witnesses
of
list
lists
defendant, signed a
Pandhar
necessary
essentially
glance at the
found at a
50)
had very great weight and
their evidence
was
359
the
evidence)
of
the
summoned
are
question.
witnesses
as follows:
1.
Sultanji bin Duryaji Patti.
Limbaji bin Mankoji Patil.
3.
Subhanji bin Bapoji
Rayaji
4.
Shctyaji
5.
Piraji bin Santaji
bin
Patil.
Patil.
Jadhava Chaugula.
Balutas:
1.
Babu
2.
Suryaji bin Ldaji Lohar (Blacksmith).
3.
Suhhanji bin Navji Kumbhar(Pottcr).
4.
I'daji
bin
Mankoji Sutar (Carpenter).
bin
Mankoji
Chambhar (Shoe-
maker).
5.
Subhanji bin
Jivaji
Gurab (attendant
of
village temple).
6.
Vaghoji bin Limbaji Koli (fisherman

carrier of water).
ipp.
d,
Voi. i.pp.
172-m.
and

7.
10.
8.
9.
MARATHAS
Malharji bin Raju Nhavi (Barber).
Maniknak
Rajnak (Mahar).
Yesnak bin Ximbnak (Mahar).
Sambnak
bin
Mang (Drummer),
Patilki watan of Wadgaon
bin Ajnak
In a dispute about the

11
(1741-42) separate statements

made by different groups of Pandhars, and
Budruk
names are quoted below

document
in
Group
Bud Mali (Gardener).
Shivji bin
in
the
Kondji Nhavi (Barber).
(Washerman)
3.
Bajaji bin Badjoji Parit
4.
Raynak bin Saynak (Mahar).

Hasa bin Chandnak (Mahar).
5.
as
their
i.
1.
groups
were
Group
2.
1.
Nimbaji bin Janoji Sutar (Carpenter).
2.
Badja bin Bahira Chambhar (Shoe-maker)
Group
3.
aged 75 formed a
group by himself and seems to have been better
Sukha Mali
bin Sant Mali
informed than the preceding witnesses.
Group
4.
Patils of neighbouring villages

1.
Kavji bin Malji Patil

P, D.,
VoL
I. pi>
(Ambegaon Budruk).
IMMM.
Rakmaji bin Malji Mate
2.
Patil
361
(Khadak-
basle).
3.
Hemaji
4.
Yesji bin Gopji Patil Borate (Barje).
5.
Yesji bin Yelboji Patil (Narhe).
6.
Amai
Patil Pola (Dhayti).
Borati Patlin (Hingne Budruk).
Group
1.
Hasa Mahar.
2.
Lingnak bin
3.
name shows).
Raya Mahar.
4.
Taba Mahar.
5.
Padamnak (Mahar
as
the
7.
Group
6.
1.
Moro Narhar Kulkami.
Har Mali bin Mant
3.
Sant Mali bin Raj Mali.
4.
Shivmabla bin Raumabla.
5.
Daj Varta.
Raya bin Ramnak.

Tahanak bin Santnak.
The
Mali.
difference in their statements
is
explained
that
they
were not equally well
informed about the
past
history
by
the
fact
the
village
case,
Shivaji
of
watans.
Wc
son
get our
of
46
third
list
from a
Tanhaji and others
vs.
Satwaji about the
THE MAR AT MAS

Loharki and Sutarki watans of
Khodad
Naravangaon.
also
In
this
case
signed a Rajinama to abide by

the Pandhar,
from them.
in
the
Tarf
parties
evidence of
the
and security as usual was taken

The Pandhars summoned were then
taken singly and questioned about the past history

of the
watan
be/
after
bhandar (analogous
copper and In /si,
mEl
given to them.
Here also we
{jVNit of
Bengal) had been

witnesses
find the
divided into two groups according to the

or scantiness of their information
fulness
and a glance
show how important the evidence

the balutas was in these disputes about watans.
at this
of
to
list
will
and here we
find the
age of the witnesses
given
against their names.
Group
An1.
Khandoji valad Subhanji Gaikwad
45
Bahirji valad Ranoji Kuchila
10.
2.
34
60
3.
Ramji valad Padaji Kharmala
4.
Kachu
5.
Mahadaji valad Harji Veranda
50
6.
Gondji valad Ranoji Raut
55
7.
Nimbaji valad Yesaji
60
8.
Malharji valad Imaji Koli
9.
Hari valad Gangaji Dabra
valid Khandoji Gaikwad
35
Kumbhar
35
60
Lokha valad Amaji Chambhar

**
D-. To!.
VII,
133-13*1.
The rim
5
P f grt p
were
ADMINISTRATION OK JUSTICE
1
12
363
Mahar
Uma valad Pangnak Mahar
Pemnak valad Yesnak Mahar
Jabjya valad Satba Mahar
Luma valad Hema Mahar
60
Yesaji valad Tanhaji
>3-
>4
>5
Group
35
60
Thorat
i.
Javji valad tiangaji Patil
Sakhoji valad Satbaji Mule
35
60
...
34
34
60
Khandoji valad Shctyaji Mule
Gundaji valad
5-
Hangoji valad Malji Dhangale
70
Chahu valad Mahadji Paril

A man valad Lakshman Mali
Nagoji valad Muktaji Mule
35
7-
9
to.
Jarya valad
Dhete
,,
his
35
25
20
Kama Mang
mother Rakhmai
The winner
in
this
case
35
55
Nimbaji Pan man
and
Rs. 200
Pilaji Patil
65
paid
Harki
of
//.
Trial by Ordeal
Although the parties signed a Rajinama to

abide by the evidence of the Pandhar, and furnished security for their obedience, the defeated
party might claim a fresh decision by ordeal and
if
one ordeal
an
ordeal
changed
his
failed
of a
he could ask
different
sort.
for
trial
Sometimes
by
he
mind about the selection of ordeal

before the
suitor, in
proposed by him had
first
How much
THE MARATHAS
been
tried.
indulgence was given to a Maratha
order that he might be satisfied that no
had been done to him. and how often

he changed his mind can be shown by a docuinjustice
ment quoted by Mr. Bhaskar Y'aman Bhat

Tritiya
Sammelan
dhak Mandal.
in
the
Vritta of Bharat Itihas Sansho-
Upon
second day
that, .on the
Somaji refusing the decision of the gots demanded

an ordeal by water.
He said that the man drawn
by hand out of the water by the
be regarded as
in
the
right.
Pandhri
should
When you
were
whether you were willing to undergo that

answered in the affirmative. The
ordeal you
asked
next
day he changed
ordeal
mind,
his
by water and suggested
should be decided
by an
oath
refused
that
the
the
case
mosque
at
the third day he
rejected the idea of an oath in the mosque and
again demanded an ordeal by water.
Then it
ordered
was
that the plaintiff and the defendant
Kasba Ranjangaon
pour
should
He who would
water
in
the
on
over each
other's
pass this ordeal should
hands.
enjoy
the
Somaji rejected this proposal also and

prayed for an ordeal by fire.'
watan.
Of the ordeals enumerated in the above document the first deserves our special notice, because
it
was
to
all
intents a
trial
** e.
u.
by the Pandhar or
by
The
the got.
365
and the Pandhars were
parties
sent to a sacred river like the Krishna, or better,
sangam
to a
of special sanctity like the
Vena sangam.
There,
an auspicious moment
at
the Pandhars stood on the bank after

the
in
Either
the
standing
the
rightful
from
party
conscientious
the
in
the
river.
place,
the presence of
at
all his
water and
An
verdict.
would not deliberately give

such
in
the
some other trustworthy

present was then ordered to draw
there
at
bath
or
Patil
man
a
remained
still
their
The defendant and
sacred stream.
plaintiff
Krishna-
ordinary
wrong
pass
man
verdict
moment and
co-villagers.
He would
such a
not only ensure for his soul eternal perdition after
This
gion
was therefore
ordeal
specially
in
execration
public
also
but
death,
those
Tarf
the
times of strong faith
Haveli,
of
Kamthes and
ordeal
watan
Patilki
the
alive.
unreasonable,
not
and of stronger superstition.
regarding
while
of
in reli-
In a dispute
Fursangi, in
Pargana Poona, between the
Gaikwad Harpalcs. such an
was resorted
to.
While the assembled
Pandhars stood on the sandy banks of the Krishna,

Yeknak, a Mahar was ordered by the gots
and the balutas
to
the watan
the
from
draw
river
the
v.
u.
Vl.
I, p.
owner
of
bed and he loudly
declared his verdict."

:
rightful
10b
THE MARATHAS
Ordeal by Fire and heated Metal
IS.
There were so many forms
of
ordeal
that
them all.
We will here take notice of the more
important ones only. One of the most common
ordeals was to draw a piece of metal out ol
a pot full of boiling oil. This had to be performed in a temple of special sanctity and at an
will
it
not
be
possible
to
describe
moment previously fixed by the

government. The ordeal had to be witnessed
auspicious
by the co-villagers of the parties as well as
government
An
deputed
officer
for
ordeal with a piece of metal
described
Lhus
regarding
Shankarji
Dangat
Apaji
Dadaji
and
"You
Baghoji
heated
took
liquid
in
The got
oil
mixed
two
in
Karkun
that
of
the
place
customary
pieces
of
fire
pro-
the presence of
metal from the
Then your
all.
The
the aforesaid parties were brought to

the
from
after a declaration of
hand was bandaged and sealed.

by
Balaji
to Pali for the perform*
You bathed and
your right,
with
temple and they lighted a
the
and heated ghi and

portion.
and
Devji
officers
is
dispute
of
oil
were then sent
Raut,
District
ancc of an Agnidhya.
in
heated
Hanmanl Stibhedhar and
Huzur and the

assembled
purpose.
that
between
watan
Patilki
Rajshri
summary
the
in
in
by a
next
the
of the District officer.
day
Huzur
On
the
third day, in
presence of the
the
bandage was taken
off
less
existed
there.
Majalasi
and the seals broken.
your hand were found only

merly
367
marks
the
Nothing
that
more,
the
On
for-
nothing
you passed the ordeal successfully. 11

Another ordeal is described in a document
;
quoted
by
Bhat
Mr.
in
the
journals
of
the
Sanshodhak Man da l." There, the

palm of the man is first bandaged with leaves of
peepul tree and new thread. Then a heated
Bharat
Itihas
ball
placed on his hand.
is
walk over seven concentric

seventh
pleting the
circle
He
is
then
circles.
he
drops
made
to
After
com-
the
metal
heap of grain which is burnt and

it is thus shown that no fraud has been practised.
These ordeals were undoubtedly the relics
on
ball
of
bygone
was not
at
little
But the fallacy of such
age.
altogether
we
demand
least
undetected;
the
find
in
one
trials
case
Sabha Naik objecting
to
rava (drawing out a piece

of metal from heated oil) on the ground that
when reliable evidence was available, an ordeal
the
should
of
be
not
permitted.
ordeal was in
seldom resorted to in ordinary cases.
Ordeals with boiling water and with burning
lamps are also mentioned
In the latter case
Fire
fact very
truth
of
was supposed
burning.
I#
to be indicated by the period
When
*
an oath
in
Vol. I, pp. 165-I6U.
Tritijm Samnelun Vrittn,

p 44.
temple or
368 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF TH E
MARATH AS
mosque was taken, a period was fixed within

which divine intervention was expected to take
place.
If
mishap was
family
but
man
the
expected
if
was
he
some
lied,
to
or
illness
him
befall
or
undisturbed,
left
other
it
his
was
believed that his assertion had been corroborated
by the god of the
man took an oath on

pati,
and as
Then
that the Maharaja's
feet
died
it.
Bhikaji
were
Accordingly he swore that
the aforesaid
Kamthe
Mauja belonged
was
Thalvaik
to
cholera
Krishna to
(Rajas)
his
watan
the
in
him and that
(Mirasi)
Within a day or two of this oath
wad got
of
Harpala said
the
him and he would take an oath on

feet.
occasion a
Shahu Chhatra-
the feet of
would have
fate
within a month.
On one
temple.
peasant.
Bhikaji
Gaik-
had to be carried back to

on the back of a bullock and there
cholera, he
the village
month in consequence of that

false oath taken on his behalf."
Boundary disputes between two villages were
he died after a
often
by ordeal.
settled
One
of
the
Patils
walked on the right boundary with a cow's hide

on the head ; here also a fixed period was allowed
to elapse for the
manifestation
go a Prayashchitta
11
P. D. Vol,
I, p.
P. D. Vol.
1,
dUpntea ice
divine
But the Patil had afterwards
mation.
"
of
P.
for defiling his
to
body.
confir-
under-
11
168.
p.
191.133.
D. Vol. VII. p. 65.
Fuc another ordenl to iettl Mich
N'tvad pntra and Watan patra
rj.
At the conclusion of the case a

or a
vat an patra was given
the
Peshwas name
were taken
for
the original, but
always
kept
copies
were
the old
of
of
The
affixed
on
and unreadable.
documents
old
and
seals
doubt.
It
In
it
These
dispute
was produced.
had become
indistinct
was then compared
with
and with similar

authenticity was proved beyond
of similar dates
its
Elphinstone says that generally great
was shown to men
men
of
rank.
of wealth
In
all
practical purposes defied law with

It
does not
countries they enjoyed
seem
'
T. D..
That thibga were not nu<b bettor
VIII,
Governorship
that
more
for
or less
Maratha
in
any unusual advantage.
VoL
in
and influence have
ages,
impunity*
favour
countries,
all
all
(faring the
the
1792.93 an old
in
character
doubtful
copy was
testing
in
records.
regarding a Deshmukhi watan
document
in
measures
Daftar.
sometimes useful
genuineness
seals
true
Peshwas
the
in
winners
judicial
all
patra
The winner was allowed
name.
in his
away
to take
tiivad
the
to
369
p.
of BIphlneCotH!
in
thill
reopoot at
can bo proved by
Bombay
thn
iaUir-
mad* in the Journal of Lady Wl, 1 quote here

only One extract
Aug. 24(1823), Mr. G. bus the native* flogged
without any examination, trio] or mill formality. A friend ncoda a
eating rvvvlnliwi
note to
him and aaya pray Hog the bearer and
initaoce# of high-ha tided nr *

ed. Drewitt.
47
Longman,
1907.
oeo Bouiha?,
it
Is
done.**
in the [day r
For
otfcnr
cj Qeorfc
MARATHAS

In the
th volume of his
long but incomplete account of a suit

inheritance
Maratha
V. K. Rajwadc has published
Mr.
History,
Sources of
the
to
property of
about
the
Chaskar
the
The Chaskars were near relations of

Peshwa (1779 A. D.) and the case was
family.
the
brought before the celebrated
Ram
Nyayadhish
Shastri.
The procedure
was not
that
was, of course,
because
were near relatives
the
the
of
viewed
Ram
Sometimes
in his
he consulted
but
parties
concerned
Peshwa.
Even the
procedure of village Panchayets

informal.
informal,
were extremely
was
Shastri
inter-
own house in private

Sometimes
common
a
frirnd of the disputants
;
on
but
with
the
whole he conducted the
firmness
In fact
justice.
and with an
Ram
any man
of
strict
Shastri was not the person
to deviate from the path of

of
attitude
business
justice for the
And Ram
in the world.
not the only Nyayadhish famous for
sake
Shastri was
uprightness
Maratha History. European observers cared

more for form and procedure and hard and fast
in
The absence
rules.
sweeping
remarks
them
of these
led
on
judicial
the
to
pass
system
of
Even an acute observer like

Elphinstone could not rise above this ordinary
prejudice.
Not that the rich and powerful could
the
Marathas.
not buy justice sometimes, but
means
the
general
rule
we
that
find
was by no
high
officials
punished
and
misdemeanours, and
for
inams attached
their
liquidation
for
37
'
watans
debts.
of
Powerful Sardars, however, could not be brought
This was the bane of feudalism,
under law.
then prevailing
European countries
in
European
till
So
too.
Maratha system
are concerned, it was a difference of ideals more
than anything else* that shocked them so much.
far as the
critics of the
Fees in Civil Suits
i j.
now enquire what fees the Peshwa's

government usually demanded from suitors in
civil cases.
In suits relating to money bonds,
Let us
the
usual
money
was twenty-five
fee
sometimes
realised,
twenty per cent,
was
per cent, of the
lower
charged.
fee,
The
that
of
creditors
however had very seldom to go to the law courts

of the land
The custom
of the
realisation
for
country allowed
the
of
money
lent.
them
to
practise dunning, the
most extreme form
of
which
was dharna
debarred the debtor
from
which
taking any food

creditor.
men of
Peshwa
or
drink
before
Dharna could be
the
highest
rank
as Broughton
by some
it
tells us.*
practised
in
the
his
against
country,
the
Daulat Rao Sindhia was
not excepted.
subjected to
satisfying
Muhammadan
soldiers,
Government interference
Krougjbeoo,
pf.
31-32.
372 ADMINISTRATIVE
of
sary only
exceptional
in
be neces
therefore
loan could
for realisation
and a
cases,
fee
of
twenty-five or twenty per cent, cannot be regarded
as too high.
These cases were sometimes
referred
" Fair bankrupts, says
lilphin-
to a Panchayet.
seem
stone,
have been
to
notwithstanding
discovered,
pay when
to
previous release.
however,
partition suits
pretty nearly as
made
Fraudulent ones were
with us.
In
let off
up
property
**
the
to
was exempt from any charge,

property above that value was charged at the
value
Rs. 300
of
rate of
ten
formed
be
of
Peshwas
Dakar.
the
the
So
disinherited.
could
also
from the
laws
inheritance
In
may
preserved
suits
civil
son
eldest
estimates
customary
the
of
summaries
find
Some
per cent.
not be
in
the
cases
we
altogether
watans were concerned,
far as
the right of seniority belonged to a son of a lagna
although
marriage,
(widow
religious
from
any issue
the
government,
his
widows.
to
the
inherit
mother
Although
without
a son of
could
her son and also
performances as well as
pilgrimage.
man
remarriage).
maintenance
younger than
still
the
were
property
of
by
an inheritance
ElpbiuaUjae'*
of
law
to
made
for
sometimes allowed
the property of a childless
payment
for
going on
consideration was
Brothers
claim
money
for
belonged
pat
Kcpuiu
tax,
p. to.
brother on
and adoption
Pcshtra Madhas
Rao
II
and
his Ministers
a
of
the
required
without any
dying
foreigner
within
made about
could
welfare
not
be
of
soul
about
disputes
When
watans,
was placed under
property
the
charity
in
the other
in
attachment
to
of
the
for
world.
disputed
the
was
investigation
found,
was spent
his
of
the Peshwas territory
legal heirs of the dead.
man
dead
the
the
be
The property
difficulty
was carefully preserved, and

they
formal sanction
government, which ordinarily could
secured
a
always
child
of
373
In
property
quick
force
settlement.
Elphi ns tone's Strictures
14.
Elphinstone
seems
says,
to have been
The
very
of
a suit
filing
proceeding after
with
the
receive
The
officer
rendered
it
difficult
even
if
PAISHWA
(or
mainspring of
the
the
for
well
increasing
filed.
neglect
it
arbitrary
The other occupations
superior
fixed
rule
It
with
the
the
rested
to,
to
injustice,
of
will
his
of these officers
them to attend to
disposed,
of
altogether.
your appeal from his
depended on the
equally
pations
of
no certain
Government applied
of
complaint or to
reception
affairs,
and no
had been
it
There was
imperfect.
no regular administration of justice
means
system
judicial
judicial
and these occu-
rank of the
minister)
officer,
who was
whole machine,
must
the
have

been nearly inaccessible to
so to the poor."
be
Perfection of
a,
Maratha
claimed for the
for
any human
institution
everything been
the
of
great
perfect
not touch the heart
of
for
cannot
had
observations
the
do
least,
No
things.
or
there
evolution
the
say
to
course
the world
But
historian,
entirely
institutions
in
have been no room
would
men and
all
doubt
the
Kamavisdars and Mamlatdars had other works

But their judicial
do.
appointing
in
Their work was
decision.
than
of direct participation
Moreover,
justice.
of
mainly consisted
duties
Panchavet
and confirming
more
in
the
of
receive
If
supervision
were
there
its
administration
courts under the District Nyayadhish
towns.
to
provincial
in
important
every one of these officers refused to

complaint,
the
plaintiff
could
still
Nyayadhish or chief justice at

Peshwa himself.
Poona, and the
The chief
had always been put under
court at Poona
approach
the
scholars and independent judges
brilliant set of
like
Rain Shastri and his successors
downwards to the time
when Balkrishna
important
all
office.
of
Shastri
The
from
Rao Raghunath,
Baji
Tokekar held that

Peshwa was not at
inaccessible to his subjects, rich or poor.
students
many
of
old
of
these
know
documents
watan
1760
patras
well
The
how
and nivad patras
begin with the customary clause,
you
Elphinatoiu's Report, p. 6&.
came
to
administration of JUSTICE
Swami
the
at
such and such
plained to him, etc
place
on
tour
375
and com-
The Peshwas went
out
and received complaints and
year
every
punished offenders.
month of Rabilaval of San hide Arbain

Maya wa Alf only (1740.41) Peshwa Balaji Baji
Rao visited no less than eleven places (Pali,
and some neighbouring forts and villages Parli,
In the
Vadvathar, Poona, Garade, Pargaon, Rhuinj

Satara).**
length.
year
if
Nor was
this
Rao Raghunath used

on
made almost every
to
Even the worthless Baji

go out on these tours and
one occasion he punished some miscreants. 8 *
The Maratha
to
journey of exceptional
Similar tours were
not every month.
and
princes were always accessible even
the poorest of their subjects
by no
means an admirer
and
of things
Broughton,
Maratha, was
and informality with which

Daulat Rao Sindhia could be approached even
while on an expedition by the seekers of justice. 1*
struck with the ease
/S-
Maratha and English Judicial

tutions
The
fact
is
compared
judicial institutions
were
going through a process of evolution
in
elsewhere, and evolution proceeded
on
* P. D., Ynl. II,

p. SSK
* Son ltMre of P*rfcrm
to (Ujaahri
Xunvi
BxouKhton, Letter*
fmm
MinLba
u lUrttha
as
different
History, Vol.
CMnp.
still
India
Bbnl *c<1 MaJhor Kmebnndi
R*jwi|p, Source* of
Insti-
Kulkarni
3C,
p. 3fW.
37^ ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

lines
different
in
more
instance
England
In
countries.
for
was laid on procedure.

had given a scientific turn to
studies and the Legislature of the land
stress
English jurists
their legal
had by a series of
effort to
existed
Acts made
a
remove any ambiguity where
as
Even
existing laws.
had been given a

machinery
enforcing
for
versed
interpreting
the
body
laws
in
shape through the deci-
There was a
and there was a

well
the unwritten customary laws
definite
sion of the courts.
previously
it
and intents of the
the purpose
to
systematic
to
of
the
land
professional
men
help
The
them.
laws
of
organised
well
the
English
judges
in
knew
suitor
where to file his case in the first

instance and to whom to appeal and he was
ordinarily sure of a fair decision provided he
could afford to pay the costs of a lengthy suit,
for a good lawyer always charged a high fee and
a chancery suit caused proverbial delay.
quite well
The Maratha
excelled
system
on
the
other hand
There was no codified

law, no fixed procedure,
and even a lengthy
suit
in
simplicity.
hardly cost
unavoidable
advantages
the
worries
were
could
be
and
of
anything
anxieties.
marred
caused by the lack

suit
parties
by
settled
prolonged
the
but
But
the
these
disadvantage
procedure.
The
indefinitely
by the
obstructive tactics of an unscrupulous party
He
could claim a trial by ordeal after the Panchayet
377
And if he
he might demand
had already delivered a judgment.

found one ordeal inconvenient
a second
trial
If
the
tion.
by an ordeal of a different descrip-
Mamladar
and he was seldom proof

party might
much
so
who
placed
friend
advantage over
add
losing
the
present,
to
get the decision arrived
Still
many
delay and so
and one
was a dishonest man,
had an
cancelled,
and
influential
highly
some
had always
court
the
at
ordeals
after
To
his less fortunate adversary
there was no professional
to these difficulties
lawyer and the provisions of the law, written and

unwritten, were
The
Hindu
old
tuated by their
But
and
English
better.
For
in
the
defend him as his
varied
and
was that
result
the
would
first
it
dishonest
English
hardly
instance
the
to
difficult
rich.
lawyers
help
him
poor
man
engage as able a lawyer to

wealthy adversary and the
expenses
of
prove
his
ultimately
Customs
find
against
courts
could not expect to
heavy
often
laws
English
the
accen-
The
judge.
rights
his
sometimes
and offered no valuable aid
the honest poor might
defend
always
did
commentators.
to the bewildered
definite.
not
law-givers
districts
different
and
clear
differences were
agree and
in
always
not
fortunate as to get a
a
ruin,
lengthy
even
if
suit
would
he was
favourable verdict.
It
so
is
unnecessary to labour this point any further. It

systems had their merits
is clear that both the
48
and demerits.
THE MARATHAS
Elphinstone passed
severe
very
upon the weak points of the Marat ha

system, because in his own country he had
strictures
judicial
not been familiar with
them.
But he was by no
means blind to the merits of the Panchayet as he

had recommended its continuation even after the
British
16.
It
conquest of the Peshwa's
Dr. Hope's Views
should be noted
British courts of law
in
territories.
connection
this
were at
that
unpopular
first
in
Their settled code of procedure, which

ought to have commended itself to the Indian
suitors was at the beginning regarded as an unIndia.
necessary innovation.
by these courts,
judgments
in
bewildered the
it
is
yet
the
The punishment
rapidity
which
with
some cases were

illiterate Maratha
inflicted
enforced,
also
peasant,
and
no wonder that they sighed for the

with which they were familiar.
In
the
fact
simplicity
the
of
their
Pancha-
old
judicial
system readily caught the imagination of European

writers
and
knowledge
Dr.
Hope,
who
had
first-hand
of India, definitely
expressed himself
favour of the original Maratha judicial system.
He says, We have found much
in
very
little
to
detest
in
public officers at Gwalior.

tion
knowing
well that
the 180 millions
if
the
to admire
and
administration
of
Such
the
is
our convic-
people of
could go to the
poll
India
on a choice
ADMINISTRATION' OF JUSTICE
governments an
of
almost
countless
would prefer a native one to one

ever
life
Law."
was
17
Serious Crimes Very Rare
17.
In the administration
the authorities were the

the Patil
in
in
the village,
the
District,
of
Poona above all.

If we judge by the
of criminal justice in
that
of
laws
criminal
also
same as in civil cases

the Kamavisdar or Mam;
Sarsubhedar
the
province and the Peshwa and
as
which
and controlling every act of

and haunting them with a vision
of an English court of
al
majority
supervising
their public
latdar
379
effect,
in
the
the
Chief
the
administration
Maharashtra was as
Justice
efficient
under
the
Peshwas.
Although he does not miss any opportunity of
denouncing the system as a whole, Elphinstone
himself admits,
from crimes.
I
have been
pitch, as
justice
civil
"
The country was peculiarly free

Gang robberies have never, since
the
in
bear
to
Bengal, described
country,
reached to such a
moment's comparison with
in
the
paper
laid
before the
Parliament.
Panchayet in Criminal Cases

It
does not seem
frequently
resorted
*
that
Panchayet was so
to as in civil cases
Tho Oouao of
HcibiJca. p. 8.
but that

was sometimes called
it
to
THE MARATHAS
make enquiry
judgment
facts of a criminal case as well as to pass
In the
thereon, admits of no doubt.
61
Rao Kshirsagar
Yeshvant
killed
consequence
in
1760-
year
Kameri
in
Karhad, and two others
Prant
Valve, of
of
into the
dispute
of a
about
Tarf
were
land
revenue, and Kshirsagar's son complained against
We
the murderers
Kulkami
find that the Patil,
and Rayats of the village were summoned to

the Huzur for an enquiry into the case, and
the
afterwards
compensation
be paid to the
to
murdered mans son was settled by a Panchayet.*
Upon that Shidoji bin

sumamed Ludge, half Patil
of the village, Anaji
Tukdev and Janardan Baburao

Rayats were summoned
other
After
Patil,
Kulkarni. and the
aforesaid
had to be disposed
that out of the
and
the
and
Huzur.
Inam lands
and the Mirasland

sixty-five
of the
bighas of
was proved
it
This
was ordered
Sultanji
of
village,
and according to
of,
Panchayet
the
of
the
and Baji
Sultanji
dispute
suggestion
of
three murders
the
of
the
Patil
to
Rayats
against
the
Kulkarni
proper enquiry and by the ev idence of the
charge
the
Kadam
Firangoji
and
Baji
Kunbi two houses
lands
with
boundary
duly described should be granted to the complainant as a

only
This document not
hereditary Inam."
shows that
trying homicides,
Panchayet was appointed
but
also
that
P. D., Vol. 11. pp.
M-66.
the
for
relatives of
the murdered person had to be
3S1
compensated
by
the murderer.
Fine according
19.
to the
Resources of the
Offender
Capital punishment
in
days of
the
Shahu
Chhatrapati and Balaji Baji Rao seems to have

been
unknown. Murder and treason
were
punished
with
fine, confiscation of property,
and imprisonment. The Maratha rulers seem

to have realised that punishment was to be used
as a corrective only and not to drive the offender
to the extreme of despair and convert him into
a
sworn enemy of human society.
That explains
the queer but common prayer on the part of
convicted
offenders that the fine inflicted should

f
not
exceed
means
their
and why Government
agreed not only to take the offenders' income into

consideration
but
also
while
fixing
them
allowed
to
the
amount
of
pay the sum so
fine,
fixed,
by instalments.
Morshet Bani, a resident of Peth

was accused of murdering his wife.
brought
to
He was
Huzur and examined. He was
the
found guilty and
he confessed
committed the crime.

a
fine
should
consideration
Somvar
He
that
him,
what
owed
debtors
he should be absolved of his sin."

P. D.. Vol. II,
had
also represented that
be levied upon
his
he
P so.
.
taking
to
into
him and
THE MAR ATM AS
Although the guilty had to pay a

ing
to
means,
his
innocent,
the
accord-
fine
if
accused,
could not escape without any payment.

that people should suspect
sufficient
bhaji
offence.
In
Perhaps
him was thought a
752-53 Rupaji bin
Mudtadak was accused
Setya,
pelting
of
Ram-
younger son of Jakhoji bin Setyaji Bhadag
the
Vanjare, to death,
and although
was proved, he had
to
Elphinstone
pay a Harki of Rs. 1,500."
"the
remarks,
rightly
might sometimes
innocence
his
but
suffer,
innocent
the
guilty
could
levied
Harki
upon
scarcely ever escape.
When
innocent, a
the
mercy when
punishment
of
false
from
false
charge
brought
Subhanji
of
theft
11
In
In
Saswad, had
witchcraft
fined
Rs.
Gunhagari as usual was " Jivatt
of
Rakhamaji
P
first,
the second we find
Kasba
was
the third instance Soyraji
the
75 for bringing
against
Govindaji
charge of
Jingar and
was fined Rs.
usual
Rs.
barber of
false
the
Three cases
Diaries.
fined
Dcshmukh.
a
was
are found in the Selections
Raos
Baji
Jingar was
how Rama,
Fine
such an offence.
for
complaints
Jagannath
accuser could not expect
false
detected.
Balaji
Vithoji
government
the
against
The
40.
s
Afajik.''
In
Narayangad
of Fort
50 for accusing Maini, daughter

Rcpal of adultery with Shivaji a
D., Vol. II, pp.
47
" It'd, pp. 61.62
* P.
U VoL
,
II, p.
61
washerman.**
noteworthy that Maini proved
It is
her innocence by
an ordeal by metal
drawing out a piece of metal from a

boiling
So
oil).
these
in
from
brother
the
of
find
policy
means
the
of
preventive
be
in
former,
brings
means,
was
This explains
would be a
case
of
the
Pratinidhi's
the
latter
although the offence committed by
more
serious.
Witchcraft
the
ofTence of
our
to
mentioned above
barber
notice
crime
would
that
certainly appear novel to us, witchcraft.
Yet the
European states had taken serious steps

suppression.
in
had
fined
proportion to the
in
What
the barber might have been
The
75.
had to pay a fine

times more than what was levied upon
Therefore
20.
of false
case of Rama, a barber, could not
in
twenty. five
fine
offender.
preventive
brother.
the
levying
of
of
same Peshwa
that Hanmant
Pratinidhi,
Rs. i.ooo for giving false evidence.*

the
potful
of small
for during the administration of the
and only ten year^ later, we
of
40 to
Rs.
men
Evidently the offenders were
(that
cases
three
complaints, the fine varied
Bhat,
383
England
not
meantime
was
Witchcraft
by
been
no
statute
repealed
less
till
than
illd, p. 63.
Hid,
p.
61.
of
made
for its
criminal
Elizabeth which
1736.
In
the
30,000
men
and
THE MARATHAS
women had
souls
their
selling
inhuman
Hickes
of
these
and
her
was suffered
as
fine
and
recorded
witchcraft
against
the
in
book as
statute
The Peshwas, however, thought
with
evil
penalty
sufficient
for
Only one case
spirits.
But
punishment.
capital
of
most
nine
girl of
law
the
imprisonment
intercourse
of
murders were those of Mrs
disfigure
1766
late
The
Devil.
the
daughter
to
on the charge
lives
to
Austria
In
1716.
their
lost
is
special
measures were taken against prisoners convicted

of witchcraft
and sorcery.
Rairikar was imprisoned
Joshi
were
instructed
to
recite
perform
the
to
take
more
he
was
required
took
posed
than
accused
of
instrumentality
killing
of
own
his
evil
spirits
the
and
sup-
power.
In
Poona,
was
through
the
of
man
and
food.
further,
infernal
and to
day,
deprive
resident
Moraji.
forehead
rites
per
went
his
of
meal
to
apply
not to be allowed
prepare
to
measures
offender
1775-76
one
Peshwas
the
direct
He was
charge
to
his
religious
daily
sacred hymns.*1
Sometimes
mark on
Ghangad
in
him
allow
to
sandal
ashes or
sacred
or
not
in Killa
warders
the
for practising sorcery,
Martand
In 1775-76,
His
offence
was proved beyond any doubt by the evidence

of fifty of his caste people
that in order to render his
P. D., Vo).
They
further prayed
witchcraft
VIII, p|K 114-116
ineffectual,
two
385
upper teeth should be extracted, and

he should hr made to drink water from a
Chambhar's reservoir, and lastly he should be
of his
excommunicated
public
granted
safety,
persecuted
witchery
This
wizard
had
against
his
Berads and Mangs 4
prayer
was,
for
and
further,
as
the
threatened
caste
practise
people
through
was excommunicated,
he
if
to
Peshwa ordered him to be imprisoned in the

of Kohaj and there kept under strict guard.*4
the
fort
W hen
to
pious
others
generally
man was charged
sorcery
by
and
under his commands.
spirits
common
suspicion
proofs *
of
was a man
were regarded as
Only
banished on
in
person and property of
his
sufficient
one
"
F.
!>..
Vol.
VIII,*
The
save
the
subjects
from
the
in
Uohr kti been
hjr
pp
11*0, in
tl
fll-92.
the wutor
me
drawn
naiiiml*
|i
tin*/ jink,
unshod
ham
Anoint!
its
mode
wiKirtl*
The
toaietiaiai
drmk
if
the/
were
of Ir/ing witch**
Asiatic
method
follows
how
its
(I90J),
of detecting witches
uiLt| teet
hy which
of piunifing iboin, tied up in u bag,
inti>
ewin. guilt/ j and
w.th death, at other* their teeth *ro

tli^
been immersed, are
writer in
which the akin*
of
with twig* of a particular bath,

hare pernliar pro par tie* and nro firmed ont of their
and sometimes rmt of the
49
the
tell
curio**
the/ are iiuiucrnt,
the/ aiw made to
nppoaed to
rate*,
w ns
litaroveiwil, it that
If
iiMildnn h:/s (hat the
the Xarjir (Juvenim.'nt
witches arc
service
||6.
document* dn mi*
detected in the Peshwa's dominion*
Trarta,
case
to
infernal influence of the evil spirits in the
11
and
charge of witch-
the
So anxious was the Peshwa
craft.
the evil
recall
Public opinion
offence
his
was
he
witchcraft,
and ordered to
lined
harm
with causing
he\t
ritiaê.' 9
Jenkins' Hepo/t, p. 00.

of
were appointed
Suvarndurg,
asked
was
officer
to
Anjanvel,
Vijayadurg,
year
the
in
enquiry
Talukas
the
in
officers
thorough
Ratnagiri,
Saudal
and
make
to
sorcerers
the
about
and wizards that two
sorcerers
the
THE MARATHAS
1774*75.
of
villages
the
visit
Devgad
The first
Talukas Anjanvel and Suvarndurg, and he got

two Karkuns and six peons to assist him, and
he was also authorised to employ five more
peons
The
necessary.
if
on an
appointed
second
officer
an additional allowance of Rs. 261
and
peons
fine
on the
also
and
principle
the
He
stationery.
wizards
350 and
Karkuns
salary of Rs.
annual
for
was
when detected,
down was
laid
was
to
levy
but
here
that
the
amount of fine should not he exorbitant. The

document clearly states that " in the instructions
about enquiry framed by the Sarsubha the
was from Rs. 25
amount
of
Rs. 50.
But the Rayats of the
fine
prescribed
and the Sarsubha wrote a

San Salas that taxes and
insisted
gari
(fine)
Konkan were poor
letter
fine
the
in
fix
according to their means."
general
on
this
in
with
the
the
evil
Sindhia's
account
in
the
spirits.
P.
D,
Even
Kashmiri
employ was disgraced

early years of the
century.
Gunha-
suspected
highly placed people often suffered for
intercourse
year
should not be
you should
Therefore
on.
to
Tot. VIII, pp- 112.114.
19th
2t
Adultery
Here we
adulter)'
any
shall take notice of another
punishment being so
the
female
penal
387
offenders
were concerned,
They
servitude.
of
their
relations
offence,
slavery
however,
were,
offered
as the
far
let off
stand
to
and
if
surety
good conduct. In 1741-42 one

such female slave was released on the application of her husband who offered to replace her
for
their
future
by another slave."
arrested
from
on
In
charge of
ignominy
the
application
woman
1754-55 a Koli
was
adultery
of
slaves
saved
on the
life
her caste people, but she had to

pay a fine of Rs. 50.
In
of
1785-86
Janaki
Lagdin,
an
then undergoing penal servitude at
adulteress,
fort
Visapur,
was released on her father standing surety for her

good conduct 11
In
one case we find that
.
was substituted
mutilation
82
wife
Ahili,
of
for
slavery.
Davra
Janoji
of
In 1781.
Dholwad
Junnar committed adultery with Devji

Khandoji Chinchvada.
Devji u'as fined
and
Prant
in
Ahili got her liberty at the loss of her nosc.
work hard
do
P.
Vat.
,
fortresses.
in
building
D
P D
condemned
thus
Girls
work.
I, p.
But
to
p.
to
sometimes they were

P. D..
106
had
Generally they had to
Vel. VIII,
slavery
P D
V6L
II. p. 67.
Vol. VIII,
p,
106.

sold off like ordinary
articles of
man Gangadhar Bhat Karve
THE MARA
sale.
bought a
1*1 4
AS
Brahfemale
30 only in 755-56 *' The male

offenders on the other hand were generally let
convict for Rs.
off
with
fine,
and sometimes
after
term
of
imprisonment.
23 Slaves veil treated
The
institution of slavery in
Maharashtra had
and America.
not the horrors of slavery of Europe
The
They
were some0
slaves were treated well.
times freed on the occasion of great festivals,
because
simply
were old
they
Maratha country
slaves in the
or
Moreover the
were
allowed
to
possess property, and sometimes actually secured

their release by
for their
purchasing a suitable
substitute
In the year 1773-74
two female
owners.
slaves were bought

slaves
belonging
by
Fuli
the
to
and Tulshi, female
government. 1 *
on the government establishment

well treated.
We
was granted
for clothes to
slaves
of
were specially
find that in 1762-63, Rs. 1,303-4
government
on
be given
Dasra
the
same year Badi a slave was

allowed to go wherever she pleased
In the
the daughter
of
Slaves
female
to
festival.
released
**
Muhammadan
1\
D. Vul
II. p. 8S.
4
*
r,
D,
P.
1).,
female slave
Vol. VII
Vnt. Vlt.pp. 1**.*3.
Ib.rf. p.
81*.
and
In 1774-75
attached to the cavalry under Sakhoji Mule

*
11
J,
was
p. any.
decently married
may be noted
Muhammadan
to
389
boy.
here that legal marriage of a
It
slave
meant her manumission.
girl
Purandhar,
at
woman, when you were
letter to Eshi, a
Rajashri
Ranoji
Bhonsle
repre-
sented that you were his female slave's daughter.
Thereupon you had been summoned to the Huzur,

but it was found that the gentleman had formerly
given you in marriage.
Therefore he cannot
force you to slavery.
Nobody has any

"
your liberty
interfere with
The condition
us
how
well
in
knowledge was
His
country.
slaves were
the
treated
female sla\es belonging to

Daulat
Rao Sindhia) came
"They
told
were brought
me," says
up
they led a very easy
Mamma
to his
whom
he had three
gentleman
and
in
were
at night they
her,
at
"that they
employments,
upon
liberty
number
wives,
his
to
to
repose:
dispose of
The Muha
of these
girls
from every part of India, who receive

*'
P.
1*.
D.. Vot.
day.
Mamma, where
down
lay
themselves as they pleased

favourite wife has a
camp one
of
camp, and rub the old
when he
s legs
(a relative
their only
during the day, being to attend

of
Two
first-hand.
family of
life;
Sindhia's
in
Broughton,
in
Broughton
from a Mahratta Camp
Letters
his
to
of the slaves in other parts of the
Maratha empire was equally good.

tells
right
**
Vol. VII,
T. p.
p.
250.
213.
Raj's
about
their
39 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THF.

daily food
and two
suits of clothes annually,
much more
are allowed to earn as
and
way they
any
in
Butkeen (female
slaves) remain
as
attached
accorded to
"These are brought up
the
to
40
Jenkins writes of the treatment
Nagpur
and
they can
proper. * * * The
think
family during their lives."
slaves at
MAKAIHAS
the
in
families of their purchasers, generally as domestic
and arc frequently
servants,
placed almost on
an equality with their master's children

food and clothing; and
to
for
who
persons
own, to adopt
have
their
labor,
or any
no children of
slaves
leave their property to
work
and
kindness and
their
what
is
their
sons,
their death.
beyond
general,
in
as
them at
expected of a hired servant,

slaves
regard
uncommon
not
is
it
in
Task-
would
be
never exacted from
they arc treated
consideration,
and
with
and become more
and it may be said friends

of the families in which they have been nurtured,
than the degraded slaves, from whom no labor
the attached servants,
can be obtained except what

of
is
extorted by
fear
punishment."*
Broughton.
76.
||
r (impure with
for having utrdin iam*thin.
Mad
Thlft
of food ho died,
mord*r
i>f
tkttft
And
And few at* tbo hooMoe

nr4 to be found."
Clift
in
tUw
and
R j region
ttbi
girla is
lumh
in her
of
Creatviei4
by
hoot* one other
aovor* pirtiiahtaeat
barfed In
tb dunghill
coannna Among the PorUguftae,
which the Weir ton*
of
Choir
bodie*
would
Mnnticei. ed. Irvine, Vol. Ill, p, 113.
Rcpoit on
1H27), V 63.
this
Sb* impriaoned
the FoituffUAfto of tUftlr
thft
Terri toriet of the Rajah of Nngrporv (CainaUA,
Bigamy and
Conjugal
Forcible
infidelity
39
'
Marriage
reminds us of two
other
bigamy and
Polygamy in India was of
forcible marriage.
course, no crime for a man. but bigamy on the
Hindu,
part of a girl, speciajly when she was a
offences connected with
was unthinkable.
rare
offence
are
marriage,
Yet a few
victims were
punishment
of
still
their
in
of
this
The guardians
recorded.
the girls were really to be
instances
blamed,
innocent
the
minority.
of
usual
he
marriage was confiscation
for forcible
property or excommunication or both.
times the offender was
fined.
In
Some-
one case an
irregular marriage of a girl of three years, with
Brahman bridegroom
forty-five years
old,
per-
formed by force while the parents of the victim

lay unconscious, was declared null and void and
a second and more formal marriage with a suitThe offenders in
able bridegroom was ordered
this
51
case were fined.
we have
Of bigamy
two cases
1752-53, Nimbaji vallad Yesu Jhagda
married the wife of
Dhondji
only
of
In
Sinnar
Mali of the same
according to the pat system. The aforesaid Dhondji had been away from home, and
Bapuji Mali, his fathcr-in-law, got his daughter
village
&
P. D-, Vo!
VIII, pp. 107-108.

married for a second time.
MARATHAS
But Nimbaji did not
enquire whether Dhondji was living or dead before
he married the
s*
80
Rs.
was imprisonment.
Vyas, a Brahman
married
Shivner.
3*
The
In
lady
1770-71,
daughter
her
got
Bhiu
whole family consisting
the
any
from
overawe
case
this
in
would-be
offenders,
committed
government
at
was clearly
guilt
and here comes one of
the Maratha system.
In order
boy
the drawbacks of
to
fined
daughter and a son was imprisoned
of mother,
free
and
twice
therefore
second case the punishment
In the
inflicted
Bai
was
lie
girl
to
the
Peshwa's
prison
innocent
children and helpless wives of convicted prisoners
Repeated instances
and absconding offenders.
measures are
such
of
Peshwas
the
three
Rao's
only
found
YVe
Daftar.
from those
administration.
across a paper which
here
will
In
choose
first
Madhava
765-66
we conic
Khandva
the
of
the papers of
in
pithily states that
Chakan having committed theft, his

mother, wife and three children (two belonging
Berad
to
of
him and one to Somya
fort
Kohaj. M
In 1766-67,
been caught thieving,

of
their
Berad) were
families
women and
daily
p. d,, Voi. 11,
P. D, Vol
P D, Vol.
VI,
to
certain Bhats having

12
were condemned to
Their
imprisonment.
11
sent
ration
at*.
211.
VI, pp. 303-30 1.
was
children
rigorous
fixed at
one seer
each adult and half a seer for each
for
child.
same year
the
In
at Killa Visapur
wife
393
Baji
committing
for
was sent to prison at
Mutilation
24.
Sonar was imprisoned

and
theft,
Sinhagad.
fort
his
8*
a punishment
We
have seen that capital punishment was not

inflicted even for murder during the administra-
Shahu Chhatrapati and Balaji Baji Rao.

But the two Madhava Raos not only condemned
tion of
offenders convicted
grievous
of
and
dacoity
hurt,
murder, causing
treason,
to death, but
theft,
sometimes caused them to be mutilated. Robbers

and thieves were mercilessly deprived of their
hands and
revival
Here,
feet.
of
the
old
we
course,
of
principle
find
the
removing the
of
recommended to the Hindu kings

compiler of Manus code, in bygone days
offending limb
by
the
of antiquity.
Among
papers of the second
the
Madhava Rao have been preserved long lists of

convicts condemned to lose their hands and feet
*
P. D., Vol. VI, p. 204.

D.,
l*.
was
severity
Daroit
aud
forum
should
VII,
304.
p.
practised
be
be ftned."
made
ehoald
terror*
be
of
should
days
it
uncommon
effectively
auppitMeing
necessary
executed
the
be noted that
for
law
in
and
hie
to order that every
own
that
his
village
whole
in
all
family
slave* and that every inhabitant of the village should
Hunter, Thie
ll
thueu
Id
Wuttcij Hastings found
robbery
convicted
the
Vol
itwaftl*
fl/
Ruml
Btsyn!, p, 73.
194 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM or THE

one
these
of
enumerates
lists
MARATHAS
the
following
sentences for theft

Capital punishment
Right
hand and
20 men.
leg
left
to be
cut off
Right hand only to be cut off ...

Right hand and one ear to be
cut off
Right
hand and
..
right leg to be
cut off
One
>8
man.
ear to be cut off
and one man was to be first paraded ludicrously

dressed and then nailed to death.*7
These punishments were undoubtedly cruel,
but
should not be forgotten
it
had
principles
criminal laws
first
the
on
the
India as well as in England in the
of
These inhuman
were perhaps
therefore
people
humanitarian
influence
little
decade of the 19th century.
penalties
to
in
very
that
less
shocking
the time than to us.
the native country of
Even in
Peel and Mackintosh the
criminal law was hardly
humane
For, while the
Maratha country escaped with the

a hand or a foot, his English cousin
thief in the
loss
of
forfeited his
for
life
the
same
punishment was prescribed

offences
which the
"
p.
offence.
Capital
by English law for
Maratha judge would punish
D .voi.
viii,
,.
ar.
with imprisonment only.
To
395
the natural
severity
was added the influence

41
The
Sir Spencer Walpole says,
of the rich
;
least infl uential member of Parliament had suffiof
criminal laws
English
cient
power
have any offence made
to
In 1815
felony, without benefit of clergy.
capital offence to steal
a shop.
in
It
in
goods to the value
was capital offence to
it
was
of
5$.
steal
40s.
was capital offence

It was made a capital offence
break frames.
a capital
It was
1816 to destroy machines.
from a dwelling
to
a capital
house.
It
Up
offence to steal a horse or sheep.
to 1808
it
had been a capital offence to pick a man's pocket.

Up to 1812 it had been a capital offence for
soldiers
and mariners to beg.
It
was seriously
1813 to punish the fraudulent debtors

There are no less than two hunwith death.
proposed
dred
in
able with death.

"
Mackintosh in 1819, punishThe result was that although
felonies, said
more people were hanged
in
England than
in
Europe besides. crime went on increasing.

When this was the state of things in England, it
all
no wonder that in India mutilation should b<

inflicted on convicted criminals by Indian and
is
English
rulers
alike.
According to
was executed on criminals
mutilation
Bustccd,
in
Bengal
under the orders of the British Government"

country
the
Maratha
found
Elphinstone
The reason was
peculiarly free from crimes.
Kehoea from old Calcutta, pp,
MMSu.

that
the
rulers
They would make

deserving offender.
were
not
every
THE MARAT HAS
consideration
(murderer
accomplices
were
for
Even treason was sometimes
pardoned or slightly punished.
Singhs
cruel
naturally
of
let
Some
Narayan Rao
off
with
This want of vindictiveness on
of
Sumer
Peshwa)
small
the part of
fine.
the
Peshwa's government, and absence of hard and

fast criminal
laws,
enabled
it
judicial officers
and so when an exemplary sentence

passed to overawe would-be
offenders,
to be lenient,
was
the
never failed to strike terror.
CHAPTER
Social affairs
We
have
VIII
Prison and Police
another place remarked that the
at
Peshwas and the Chhatrapatis before them were

not only the secular but
head
the
of
extent
the
also
the
ecclesiastical
state.
They united
rights
and prerogatives
to
a certain
of
the
Pope and the Emperor. This peculiar position

left
its
mark on the criminal laws of the
Murder was
time.
but
its
punishment,
legal
them not only a crime
And
also
sin
to
the
as
the
sin
had
had
crime
its
religious
penance as prescribed
by the Shastras. So a
murderer even when pardoned had to perform
the
necessary
reign
Shahu
of
murdered
his
intercession
concubine and
of
his
They
pardon, but
Prayashchitta
Shetyaji,
At
the
Shidoji
he
was ordered to
for
cousin-murder. 1
to
Shetyaji
Raut
a concubine and
Rakaji induced her
did not pay
cousin.
brother
An Abhayapatra granted
"Your brother Shidoji had
cousin
During the
Chhatrapati one Shidoji Raut
obtained a free
perform the
penance.
Shastric
to
his
commit adultery.
any attention to warning given

P. U., Vol.
I.
p.
183.
39^ ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
THE MARATHAS
once or twice. Thereupon Shidoji caught

concubine and cousin at the same place in
his
his
written
information
was sent to the liuzur with a prayer
for pardon.
house and
fr**e
pardon
is
absolved of
self
them.
killed
the
of
sin
get him-
he should
given, but
cousin-murder
by-
with
the
performing Prayashchiita."
I
Social Affairs
This combination
religious
authority
regulate
to
have
tioned
how
seen
duty even
undertaken
On
1656
(the
the
similar
shuklairitiya
day
third
Ashwin or October
due
with
Sarkhel
case
of
of
6,
like
duties
Similar
the
the
lighter
woman
Angrias
their
within
Ash win,
1734)
Shahu
of
of
Shaka
half
of
Sambhaji Angre
referred
salutations
Brahman
had sanc-
name
the
Feudal chiefs
Chhatrapati.
We
would.
he
the state.
of
not
Chhandogyamatya
the
of
orders were often issued in
fiefs.
if
Maharaj
Sambhaji
as the ecclesiastical head
had
and he could
affairs,
decisions
the
Peshwa
the
led
naturally
social
logically avoid this
secular
the
of
Savitri
to
the
the
Dharmadhikaris and other Brahmans well-versed

1
in the Vedas and the Shastras of Kasba Karhad.
It
is
to
be
noted
here that
on
questions the decision of the got or

-
B.l.b.M
Tritiya HfcanmeUD.p. 98
these
social
caste people
SOCIAL AFFAIRS; PRISON AND POLICE 399

and
was often confirmed

appointed
for
ment
Hr
Panchayet
enquiry about old customs
of the got
was seldom
The Peshwas
w as
as
An unreasonable
thereupon.
as decision
well
judg-
ever upheld.
if
did not exercise
authority
this
of regulating the social affairs
because they were
Brahmans.
their duties as
It
formed part of
chief magistrates of
documents wc
the
state.
the
one of the
In
customs
find that cases of social
and rights were sometimes decided by Muhammadan rulers like Aurangzib * As the Joshis
On
assert,
of
the
previous
and from
fort
occasion,
two to
of
Padsha
that the Jvotishis should
officiate
province
applied
their marriages.
in
about the
old
Jyotishis
were
customs,
not
to
As
were
non- Hindu
the
required
customs
social
an
officiate
enquiry
that
in
to
the
Mahars
we have worked
Jurisdiction over Non- Hindus
a.
was
ordered
be
decided
marriages and up to this time

according to that decision
Aurangzib
to
After
he
thousand
four
Mahars
the
the servants
the
of
and
to
called
religious rights
* p.
enquire
upon
to
p VcL VIM.
the
about
questions,
and customs
,
of
Hindus and
religious
also
ruler
country
the social
decide
disputed
so
Peshwas
the
decide
of
(*.279-281.
their
about
the
non-Hindu
400 administrative system OF the marathas
Thus in the year 1754-55, a

and Rustumji Andharu vs.
subjects.
(Bhikaji
about
by an
priesthood
the
Peshwa.
officer of the
In the year 1769-70
asked
for
officiate
Salsettc.*
in
was decided
Portuguese
clergyman
for his claim to
the church
Padre
others;
government patent
as Priest
Parsis
of the
dispute
Ramedi
in
Majardesh,
of
Farelpadra
Revdanda came to the Huzur at

Mukkam of Kasba Poona and informed
the Padreship of the church of Ramedi in
resident of
sette
belonged
Accordingly
him.
to
Mahadev had granted
the
Padreship
and
also
had
Sarsubhcdar
the
confirmation).
(of
letter
that
Sal-
Ramaji
him
to
given
patent
the
him
from
a
the
Huzur should be given him. The Padreship

was therefore granted to him and he was ordered
to enjoy its customary dues.
A letter to Ramaji
Mahadev
in
is
As
abovementioned clergyman
service and cannot attend his
the
government
duties at the church, he should be allowed to send
an agent to perform the duties of the church."

Spirit of Toleration
j.
It
appears
effectively
social
and
that
exercised
religious
this
by
extensive
the
affairs
Pcshwas over the

of their non- Hindu
subjects did not cause any discontent,
P.
t.,
VoL
II, pp. 24-25.
jurisdiction
P.
for
VoJ. VTI, p.
these
S42
SOCIAL AFFAIRS
Brahman
PRISON AND POLICE 401
uncommonly
were
rulers
generous to people who professed a

than
by
their
own.
faith
other
The grants and farmans
issued
Muhammadan
the
and
tolerant
not
were
rulers
only
continued but from time to lime new Inams were

given for the maintenance of mosques and shrines.
They
liberally contributed to the construction
of
mosques and churches, and timber from the

preserved forests was frequently supplied for
such
Cannons
purposes.
request
at
the
to
celebrate
Revdanda.
clergymen
of
were
fired
clergyman
Portuguese
thrice
Roman Catholic festival at

Rao II permitted the Portuguese
Baji
at Bassein to
excercise
rights with the single exception of
all
cow
slaughter,
an act so repugnant to Hindu sentiments.*

other
the
Maratha
respect.
this
rulers
always joined
officers
dressed in green
and even to-day
the
And
did not lag behind
Rao
Daulat
old
their
Sindhia
and
in
his
Mtiharam procession
Muhammadans
Muharam remains
as
should
the
do,
most
popular festival at Sindhias capital.
Superstition
4.
Their solicitude for the suppression of witchcraft
shows that the Peshwas were by no means
free
from
superstition.
Biker, Vol. X, p. 270
Further
instances
Sen, Uttiorical ftn'Ord* at Gan,
of
met with
their superstitious beliefs are
religious
and social regulations.
Rupee was given

counteract
in
the
THE MARATHAS
one
In 1721-22,
as a present to an Agnihotri
effects of the
evil
When
the hall of audience. **
1740, the flagstaff
the
of
at
fort
feasted and Shantijap was

7
was an earthquake
in
of a lizard
Mahuli was
Brahmans were
repeated a
the
In
fall
year
the
to
on the Dasraday
struck by lightning, one hundred
thousand times.
their
in
hundredthere
1751-52,
province
of
Kalyan
Bhivandi and good
assemble
for
supposed
Brahmans were ordered to

a Shanti ceremony (to appease the
wrath
the
of
gods).*
In
1753-54
performance of a similar ceremony was ordered
at fort Visapur,* because of unusual prevalence
of
sickness
in
of
similar
orders
of the
in
the
We
fort
during
come across
the
second Madhava Rao
were
performed;
administration
In 1773-741110 idol
the famous Pandharpur temple
a lizard, and Shanti and
a set
was touched by
Maharudra ceremonies
over
and
above
this
one
Brahmans were fed.

101775-761110
Brahmans of Kasha Trimbak represented that
thousand
10
they were seriously
troubled since the disconti-
customary sacrifice of a buffalo

to the local goddess on the Dasra-day, and the
practice was ordered to be reintroduced."
nuation
of
the
r. d., voi.
*
f-
D Vol
.,
P. D., Vol. II, p. 304.
P. D.. Vol
YIIJ.p. 355.
ir, p. las.
II, p. 195.
P. D..
'
P. D.,
VoL
Vol
II. p.
205.
VIII, p. 257
Influence of Orthodox Vitas
Sometimes the Peshwas were influenced by

orthodox ideas.
In 1744-45, ihc Peshwa was
informed
during
of
by
Bassein
Portuguese regime some
the
Yajurvedi
the
from
person
class
that
Brahmans
introduced
the
new
unorthodox practice of giving their daughters

in marriage to nephews (by sisters).
But now
as a righteous government was established and
as the new practice
was quite contrary to the
Dharmashastras, a
fine of
Rs. 50 together with
the punishment of
excommunication should be
on those who adhered to this practice.
inflicted
The suggestion was accepted and
instructions
were accordingly issued to the officers

of Bassein.
The
first
in
charge
Madhava Rao excommunicated Sakho
Moreshwar Belsarc Joshi Kulkarni of Jejuri and

confiscated his Kulkarni and Joshi watan because
he did not observe mourning fora death in another
branch of
sent to
Copies of the
his family.
government
community
of
administration
Jejuri.
of
officer11
In
1789-90 during the

II
P. D..
"
P.
the Prabhus
from pronouncing Vedic
mantras and other practices peculiar
were
and the Rrahman
Madhava Rao
were ordered to desist
order
to
Brahmans.
Vol IL p. 19& Thi# custom prar*IU union# the Gdarf*

Bvuhmma* conmvontj known iw 8henri*.
D. t Yol VII, pp. 300*361.
They
the
were
remarriage
community."
of Baji
ordered
strictly
But
Ran
it
appears
from
Raghunath
dated
'
Thu
oritur
refill
Pkigann Faksn came
as follows
of
71ir
Brahman*
4 r! not be ha re according to the regulation former h

H'lniinialrulHiD
ibwwfnr* be
an
tW
Brabman
ritoa.
the
An
nooordnnoa to these
hail
in
tfcvir religious
enquiry should
mud* nnd opdor

U hna been found
Pnahw* Suraymm Kao the following
mode hnt the Prabhtu
INm
Purbliua
made during the
that during
tha regime of iLe lute

w.*r*
order
of K&aImi
ibta
of ths Urn Pflshwn Xarayan Bito about
uoudecL und secretly celebrate
their
in
1796.97 that
wearing sacred
Huinr am! eobiplameii
to the
obstnict
lo
widow
Prabhus had the right
the
nut
willing
of
THE MARATHAS
regulations
signed an agreement lo
bghav*
in
her would pur form ua religious rite accompanied by a

Vedfc Mantras.
(2) That they would not prone aacs Vsdle Msntma,
if any occurs
(1) That
recital of
(in course of thuir religious rites).

(8)
That
Hoy
won!. I not
u*e cooked rice la offering Dilations lo
tbc dead.
(4)
That
in
performing dally oblations,
etc,,
tboy would pronoonon
Panranic Mantras only and they would not feed Brahmans

(f.)
(15)
at
That they would not worship the Shalurram doily.

That Uu*y would visit. only the tom plea frequented
LheirhoMO
\,y
fibudra*.
they would salute Bra). maos by colling out the word

Uatviami and use tb* imme word in aatatiug men (if cheir own mate
(7) That
() That they would
widow
not
oppose tho remarriaim of any willing
The Peshwa
orders strict obserranew of these

fathers regime, and threatens any foilore to
do eo with severe psnUhroent. Ths flovomment officers In different
of tboir cast*.
MfBlilkMM. made
in his
Mahals are entrusted with the execution
document see Peahwa*9

2I>2).
Diaries,
uf the a bore ordor (for original
Ban si Mndhara
Itoo, Vol. Ill, pp.
This doenment docs not proTo the illegality or otherwise of the
Prabhn claims, and

in social affairs.
is cited
simply as an instance of aiute
interference
have not thn lout intention of participating
in n
ha* already become aorimoniona, and nothing will
the quotation of this document horn (a giran an
controversy which
hurt
me more
if
interpretation likely to offoud iny
many esteemed Prabbu
friends.

thread like the Brahmans.
to
enforce the
Baji
old Shastric
marriage specially
Rao
II
tried
regulations
about
Brahman community.
He ordered that no Brahman should sell his
daughter or keep her unmarried after she was
the
in
nine years old. 1 *
To Mamie dar and other officers in Talukas and

Mahals.
The Huzur has been informed that
Brahmans
their daughters to their
sell
and keep them unmarried

years.
Thereupon
You should
your
excused.
Make
he receipt of this
addressed to you.
jurisdiction
them
careful
in
every
against
sale
unmarried
this will
enquiry
letter
age of nine
Brahmans
all
Failure to observe
nine years.
warn
and keeping
of girls
of
this letter is
strictly
under
village
after the
castemen
from
after
not be
day
the
and excommunicate
everyone who may have sold daughters after the

receipt of this letter.
About their re-admission
by the Huzur.
6.
will
be passed
1 '
Widow Remarriage
Liable
orthodox
modem
necessary orders
caste
into the
to
be
views
student
liberal spirit that
P.
guided
as
the
will
be
by
superstition
Peshwas
struck
more
and
were,
by the
pervades their social regulations

D,
Vol. V,
pp 2AI-252.
.
P. D.. Vol. V, pp. 2&3-3C..
the marathas

than
occasional
their
We
Bengal are more
in
society
students
of
Wc
lands.
narrowness.
of
concerned
widow remarriage and
question of
to
tinge
have
the
readmission
from
returning
come
ofLen
with
foreign
across
the
known as Patdam (tax upon widow remarriage) in documents previously quoted and among
tax
about
regulations
the
Prabhus we have seen them

they would
widow
was
common
mans
seems
have
to
Telang
that
Widow remarriage
among the non- Brah-
practice
There were two

and Muhurta
remarriage Pat
of
stipulating
of their caste.
Maharashtra.
of
of the
oppose the remarriage of any
not
willing
conduct
religious
says
more
been
the
informal.
celebrated
the
that
forms
Pat
Justice
general
Parashram Bhau Patwardhan had contemplated

the remarriage of
young widowed daughter
his
although the custom did not prevail
Brahmans and
no
less
an
Nyayadhish
gave
up
authority
Kam
this
bold
idea
in
unfortunate sisters in
condemned
than
Shastri
widows
Brahman
the
said he got the sanction of
is
it
among
IT
is
the
celebrated
Why
Parashram
and
not known,
Maharashtra
Northern India
to life-long misery and
like
their
have
been
austerity.
Among the non- Brahmans, however, not only

widow remarriage but marriage of a woman to
*
Vwudev
8lwmtri Khura
cviiitix* for ihii
Mertion
lisa
proriwl tnocliwively that thoro
hto
A4htk*r Y*#*.
la ot>
SOCIAL AFFAIRS; PRISON AND POUCH 407

husband
a second
case of prolonged and con-
in
tinued absence of the
means
livelihood,
of
depriving her of
any
was also permitted.
An
first,
instance of such a marriage
is
among
found
the
Shahu Chhatrapati.
The facts of the case are as follows
One
Godji Gaikwad, Patil of Mauja
Tarf
Bahuli,
Muthekhore, represented to the Huzur that
Jani, daughter of Manaji Ghorepada Patil of
Sayagaon was given in marriage to Jotyaji
Savant of Kasba Dahigaon.
Jotyaji however
She waited for her
left her and went away.
papers
Daftar
the
in
of
husband
for ten or
twelve years but
he
not
did
meantime her parents died and

there was nobody in her husband's family to
Then she went to the King and
maintain her.
return
In the
represented
as
that
her, she should
she
had none to support
be advised what
The King, thereupon, ordered
she
her
second husband according to the Pat
the
came back
Deshmukh,
the
purport
she
married
the
Pat
of
her
rites,
should
to
marry
Then
rites.
Muthekhore and informed

Deshpande, and the got of
to
the
to
Godji
But
he had performed
and
order,
Rajas
they
Gaikwad according
the
latter
was
to
arrested
asked by whose authority
by Pant Sachiv and
the
Pat
ceremony.
answered that he had the authority
and as he was
do.
afraid
be similarly troubled
that
in
of the
future
by others,
he
Godji
he
Raja
might
requested
King
the
An
Abhaya
to hin.
him a
give
to
Patra
was
MARATHAS
written
authority.
accordingly
granted
Victims of Violence
7.
The Hindus
Maharashtra
of
were more considerate towards

than
they
extended
the gentler
sex
now, and the government always
arc
its
those days
in
support to the
whenever necessary.
women
The
in
difficulties
case
following
will
perhaps make the orthodox leaders of the Hindu

society gape
was discovered
of
by
Sambhaji
Raj wade, and has been

Datto Vaman Potdar in the
Mr.
Angre
due salutations,
document
reports of the Bharat Itihas
original
the house of the Dharmadhikari
in
Karhad by Mr. V.
published
The
wonder.
in
all
Sanshodhak Mandal
Sarkhcl
informed
with
the good
Brahmans
well-
Vedas and the Shastras and the

Dharmadhikaris of Kasba Karhad that Savitri,
wife of Pumshottam Palsura, a
resident of
Dhopeshwar in Tarf Raja pur, was going to her
versed
in
mothers
the
the
house
in
the village of Rayepatan.
way she was
Malik
AbdaL'i.
violated
The
by a Muhammadan,
woman
returned
and related the incident
house
and
sent
to
written
the
report
of the case
to
to
VI
I. p.
218.
her
her people,
was thereupon
headquarters at Vijayadurg.
* P-
On
The
SOCIAL AFFAIRS; PRISON AND POLICF.
409
uhammadan was brought to the Huzur and

The woman however prayed that
decapitated
as she was violated by force and against her
will
and as the Sahcb was the upholder of

some Prayashchilta should be prescribed
her
so that she might conduct herself
Thereupon
way.
been
has
it
should perform Prayashchitta
Karhad
in
with
her caste
rights.
so
people,
Therefore
that
for
proper
the
in
settled that she
in
the holy place of
Brahmans and she
the presence of the
should be then admitted to
religion,
the
right
dining
of
and to other ordinary

addressed to you
this letter is
you may prescribe a Prayashchitta
accordance with the Shasiras
for
the
lady
in
in
order to admit her as before to the caste and the
Brahmans and give her
rights of the
for her caste people in Prant Rajapur.
letter
,D
Another document discovered by Mr. Raj-
wade and published
by
account of
a low caste
attacked
by
an
woman who was
intending
rescued by a wayfarer.
quite innocent
her
after
taking a
the
she w'as
violator,
solemn
of
given
Tri&iya
** lb U, p. 07.
was
On
about her innocence
one of the
a
Sangams
shuddhapatra
her innocence
or
but was also
publicly honoured by government
52
but
The woman although
oath
bath at
only
acknowledgment
simply
and chaste was outcastcd.
usual
not
Potdar gives an
Mr.
Vrltfa, pp. 93-91.
THE MARATHAS

It
show
victims
to
that
pity
after
that
Peshwas
under
reluctant
deserted
his
The
circumstances.
similar
compelled
back
take
unprepared
still
sympathy for such unfortunate

the Peshwas
readily extended
that
them
and a
century
western education we are
half of
to
is
husband
to
through
wife,
sense of social duty, for restitution of conjugal
could
rights
not
claimed
be
by
Hindu
wife.
Informal Marriage
8.
Peshwas nor the people of

those times were unreasonable.
Sometimes they
But
neither
the
would tolerate the omission of form

good,
was
as the
case
Sambhaji,
illustrates.
the
motive
quoted below
amply
son
of
if
Harji
Gauli
of
Mauja Abte of Tarf N'id in Prant Kalyan came

to the Huzur and represented that after the
death of Singrup Gauli, his wife, after wandering
here
and
Harji
and
son
be
came
lived with
named Chimaji
could
the
there,
died.
with
her a
Muhurla marriage
After that both Harji and
At the time
of
the
consent
of
death
his
Harji requested his son Sambhaji to get

legitimatised
father
Harji had by
before the
performed.
woman
him.
Sambhajis
to
Chimaji
the
got.
Thereupon Sambhaji and his uncle brought the

whole fact of the case to the notice of the
got.
and they consented to get Chimaji married
in

a
Poona
orders
issue
should
He
family.
requested
the got of
to
admitted Chimaji into their caste.*
An
informal
were
children
born
Sangamner,
ordered
was
declared
the pair.
to
community
carpenter
acknowledge
to
valid
Redgaon, and a woman after she

Khandoji
Rs
i.ooi to the
letter
Junnar,
the
to
were
had
Vivaka
Shastra
between Khandoji Banrao, a carpenter

him a son.
Junnar,
Daulatabad
a
if
1755*56
In
Sarkars
of
and
Baglan,
though not complete
marriage,
purposes,
legal
the
Poona.
was issued and the Gaulis of Poona also
letter
for
Saheb
the
that
of
Mauja
had borne
pay a Nazar of
to
government on
this
occasion.
Sutar community of Sarkars
and
Baglan
Sangamner,
Daulatabad
Mauja Redgaon and

Sirbande, of Pargana Chandvad, came to the
Huzur, and represented that his first and second
wives legally married to him (wives of Lagna
His third
marriage) were without any issue.
a woman of the carpenter caste, was
wife,
Khandoji Banrao, a Sutar
of
married to him according to the

rites.
Her name was
borne
him a son.
caste
the
Haibati,
He
community
after
the
The got
usual
is
VU,
|tp. :i2&-32fl.
to
admit
assembly
had
hi
her
into
of
the
ordered to assemble and
admit Haibati to their caste.

** F. D.. Vol.
and she
therefore prayed that
men should he ordered

caste
Shastra V'tvaha
**
F. D.,
VoL U,
p. 20S.
seems
It
this
among
allowed only
one
laxity
case at
we
least,
was not allowed
to
add
social
of
the
position
castes
Pratinidhi
Karhad
of
dining
of
but
for
the
to
Parashram
Shrinivas
community
and went
of adultery,
Apaji
of
Ram
mother of Apaji
to
have the
should
with his caste people and he has
been purified by a Prayashchitta ceremony.
Brahmans
in
even among higher
son
the
her parents house,

right
stigma
lasting
was accused
Masur,
But
castes.
Brahman
relates that,
was
laws
find that a parent's fault
the
to
lower
from
letter
marriage
in
the
THE MARATHAS
should
therefore
procure
All
that
right
him.
Q.
Involuntary social Offence
We may
now
turn
who could
outcasts
those
days
of
body ran the
in
constant
risk
Muhammadan
Muhammadans of Janjira
by
their
dining with their
Muslim camp.
warfare,
being
of
unfortunate
those
to
not avoid
captors, while prisoners
when every-
taken
enemies,
in
In
prisoner
and as the
particular
treated
their
Hindu captives with scant consideration,
their
friends
on
leniently
people
nf
the
sympathetic
and
relatives
their
return
unfortunate
and
B. 1. S. 11.,
all
that
Tutivu
had to
treat
them
home.
The
caste
man were generally

the Peshwa had to
Sam nit, !uu Win*,
!.

was
do
receive
sanction
Nazar
the decision
to
from
the
and
to prescribe (he necessary
his
readmission
the
Peshwa was
(or
assembly of
sabha were called

a
letter
the got.
Frayashchitta
for
Rajsabha
Brahman-
and a
nobles)
considering
was then
issued to the
One case
here,
illustrate the
the
Brahmans or
selected,
casually
system of readmission as
Mudhoji
Tarf
in
Jiti
under
YVadghar,
Chaugula
Chambargonde, while
Somvanshi,
Davalji
army
He
Surat.
to
went
into
fell
and
case,
it
to
will
prevailed
" Putaji-
during the regime of Shahu Chhatrapati

bin
for
Sometimes when
directly approached, a
the
got,
outcast,
grateful
the caste.
to
the
of
Kasba
of
employed
with
the
the hands of the
Mughals and was polluted by them.

in the Mughal camp for a year.
He remained
When
Balaji
Pradhan was returning from Delhi, Putaji

joined his army and came to his village.
He
Pandit
related
the
to his
facts
upon admitting him
who decided
caste.
The Patils
castemen
into the
Chambhargonde, Rasni and other

communicated the decision of the caste
of
Raja and asked
The Raja
effect.
be
first
then
his
permission to carry
directed
purified according
admitted
into
that
to
the
1).,
Vol.
Putaji
I.
p.
215
to
the
it
into
should
Shastras and
caste "
the
summary).*'
* f.
villages
(Parasnis's
THE MARATHAS
Although the caste people could, subject to

the government sanction,
readmit
a polluted
member
rank, they could not without
their
into
such order exclude anybody from
In
Malharji Jadava. a Kunbi, was excluded
1742-43
from society
Mahajan
to
caste.
his
people and
caste
his
the Shete
Ahtnadnagar were ordered by

readmit him into the caste.*5
of
Shahu
Not only could an innocent man be protected

from
unreasonable
the
oppression
man who had
men, but a
of his caste-
or
willingly
unwillingly
committed a social offence could, if repentant,

and willing to perform the necessary penance, be
forced
into
had petitioned the Bombay High Court
Barrister
to
Very recently a Brahman
his caste.
order
his
caste people
ceremonial dinners on the

practice
regime
could
that
prevailed
the
all
strength
during
but their Lordships
exercise
to invite him to their
did
of
old
Feshwa
the
not
the
think
prerogatives that
they
the
Pcshwas enjoyed.
to.
Exaction oj Dowry prohibited:
As the clergy
to
bring
in
under
mediaeval Kurope
their
jurisdiction
had
tried
everything
directly or indirectly bearing a religious character,
so the Peshwa
'*
r d
*
also,
as the head of
the society,
voi. i.,,.*ia
S^rvadhJknri-
ti!*b*pu
lor
Uife
information
to
8lr
Dcropmnui

control over
exercised a
and
everything social
The question of adoption and marriage
religions.
came as a matter of course under these headings.

The marriage regulations of the Peshwas evinced
a liberal spirit that may be profitably imitated by
modem
their
descendants.
any exaction by the bride
forbade
bridegroom,
the
Rao
Baji
arjd
threatened
The
officers
of
the
father from
punish
to
parties concerned in such transactions
strictly
II
all
.*7
Talukas of
Basscin,
Vijayadurg, Anjamvel and Revdanda are directed

to
orders
issue
preventing
any sum
bride from taking
as a loan from the
The
the
relatives of the
either as a present
relatives
the
of
or
bridegroom.
bridegroom or other persons

marriage were directed to give
relatives of the
settling
immediately after
Government
marriage,
information
any amount paid by them
of
relatives of the
above order.
the
brides
The
in
contravention
following
to
to the
to
penalties
the
were
prescribed
The relatives of the

such sum to return it to
1.
bride
the
receiving
relatives
bridegroom and to pay an equal amount

to the
2
person
the
of the
as
fine
the relatives of the bridegroom or
any
marriage
give
government.
If
settling
the
information to government of
to
any
failed
the
to
amount paid
relatives of the bride, the relatives of the

** P.
I*
Yol V. pp 206-288.

bridegroom should
government
tn
forfeit
the marathas
double
amount paid by them to the relatives of the

bride, and the person settling the marriage double
the amount received by him.
(Summary by B. P.
the
Joshi.)
//
Forcible Marriage
These regulations are based on

injunctions of the
declare a
marriage was
forcible
Kanyadan and
the Horn
strict
Shastras, but the Pesluvas did
not hesitate to take advantage of

to
the
technical flaws
marriage
nullified in
remained
void.
although
1778.79,
other ceremonies
alone
and
null
were over, and

be
to
performed
**
Such a marriage is still legally incomplete, but a

Hindu will regard such an excuse as flimsy on a
Hindu monarch's part. But what seems partithat they should
cularly strange
is
out
way
of
their
marriageable girls
order
without
parents*
their
to
In
fact
sometimes go
the wedding
of
being approached by
his
double
made the Peshwa's position unique
The Pope could excommunicate

could not force the
threat
of
own kingdom.
penal
to
embitter his
his
property
position
pp
but
he
outside
cannot
by excommunication.
aiiKaji
1*.
but
order
The King can condemn
servitude,
n.. Voi. vi.
of
the world.
a man,
execution of
confiscation
in
function
D., Vol.
he
by a
his
man
further
The
V. p. 289
Peshwas could do both

double
these
authority
combination of
yei the
more good to the
did
Hindu society than harm- In fact it is a matter

of wonder hat the spirit of reform gradually but
I
growing
surely
should have
rulers,
Bombay
the
in
under the auspices of the native
generation after
been
checked and retarded
more than a
contact with the West.
Presidency
its
for
method of demanding justice may

here be noticed, because it had its origin in the
Aggrieved
religious aspect of murder as a sin.
peculiar
sometimes
parties
to
authorities
suicide.
1"
drew
the
attention
grievances
their
Thr aggressor,
of
the
by committing
or the
party
giving
cause of offence, was held responsible for such

deeds, and not
only
was done but
the
sometimes required to perform
was
aggressor
justice
a penance.
/ 3.
Prisons
We
may
managed and
now
enquire
how
in
were
how- the great department of police,
so necessary for prevention as

of crimes,
prisons
well as
detection
was worked.
There being no regular prisons some rooms

forts were generally used for that purpose.
#*
Tbu
by no muiiM peculiar
the c oaten. io Tn%vr.turt* almi.

India.
53
to
Mahaniahtra.
Soo Drory. Life
uu<l
Drorv ootid d
Sport
in
Southern
418 ADMINISTRATIVE system of the
marathas
Elphinstone remarks that "imprisonment
in
hill
and dungeons was common and the prisoners

unless they were people 'of consideration, were
always neglected, and sometimes allowed to starve.
forts
Hard labour
unknown.'
in
building
was not
fortifications
Elphinstone's
remarks
doubtedly based on his experience
were
worst
the
of
un-
Maratha administration under that

bad prince Baji Rao Raghunath. Hard labour it
has been found is better for the health, both phydays of the
sical
and mental,
of the
And
prisoners.
as
for
seems they were treated according to

In Maratha prisons
the standard of the time.
allowance of food was regulated by weight and
the rest,
it
not by price, and
apportioning
in
prison
rations
the rank of the prisoner was taken into considera-
But such distinction
tion.
because the standard of

stations of
some
life
Even
in
is
unreasonable
not
living differs in different
British
India,
difference in rations allowed
for
we
find
European
and Indian prisoners.

JJ.
for
Leave for Religious Duties
The Maratha prisoners sometimes got leave

going home to perform some religious
ceremonies
marriage of
the
thread ceremony of
Peshwa as
Shradh
dead parents,
grown-up daughters, and the sacred
like
the
of
grown-up sons,
ecclesiastical
permit to be neglected.
which
the
head could
not
In 1760-61
Govind Rao
SOCIAL AFFAIRS
PRISON AND POLICE 419
was released from
Apaji,
his prison at fort
Chand-
and eleven
years old and could not be kept unmarried any
longer, and for the marriage expenses, an order
was issued to give him in cash or in ornaments
were
vad, as his two daughters
Rs. i,ooo out
probably confiscated
by
Bhat, then imprisoned
estate
the
and son
1776-77, the wife
which was
government. 31
Ralnagiri, were released
at
thread
They were however
of the boy.*
In
Trimbak Ganesh
of
performance of the sacred
for the
mony
family
his
of
ten
cere-
come
to
back to their prison after the ceremony was over.

In the
same year Dhondo Gopal Kelkar, an ad-
herent of the pretender, died
Order was issued

the
of
husband.*
14
prison at
fori
His wife was imprisoned at Ratnagiri.
Ghangad
ance
in his
to release her for
ceremony
Shradh
perform-
the
of
her
dead
Consideration for the Prisoners Health
At times some consideration was made for the

health of the prisoners.
1753-54 Tulaji Rhosle
In
was transferred from Vyaghragad to VVandangad

because the climate of the former place was very
cold
and
Among
unsuitable
the papers of
to
the
the
list
of
P. D.. Vol. It, p. 78.
>
P. D..
VoL
P.
Vol. VIII. p. 142.
[>.,
VIII,
>.
health.
Madhava Raos
elder
Daftar (1766-67), we find a
prisoners
Ml.
nine
persons
THEMARATHAS

imprisoned
different places for complicity in
in
Angre* The
plot with Tulaji
were
all
the
of
The
fact
the
male
put in
worth
is
sit*
in
the
they
because
fort of
were
year saw the release
the climate
of
the
Ramchandra
case was evidently
imprisoned
female prisoners
blankets
of these
released;'*
next
belonging
Y'iththal," for
imprisonment
this
of
for
brother of
1781-82
four
Ghangad got
saris,
stead.
as
the
in
was ordered to be
In
the fort of
in
wife
suit
large,
their
in
bodices and
at
or
Sinhagad did not
political,
Ramchandra, then
his
The
ill.
persons
nine
The cause
their health.
That one
seriously
fort
stand
to
Sinhagad were
of
one
to the family of
unable
Sakhoji and
Hari
1773-74.
imprisoned
the
1776-77,
were swollen, and
his feet
consequence
in
In
In
girl.
removed because
was
he
the
as
Dhondo Gopal Kelkar were ordered
shackles of
to be
slave
or
treated.
names of
show that some of them
the female was an ordi-
prisoners
Kunbin
single convict
differently
noticing
were Brahmans, while

nary
the
was
sex
other
eight male prisoners
while
irons,
the
women was
place was cold.*
not a
Brahman can
name Darki Kayasthin.

Keso Moreshwar Phadke and his wife Rakhmabai were imprisoned at Revdanda.
The lady
be easily guessed from her
P.
* P.
D. VoL
D, Vol.
** P. D.,
Vlt, p. 239
VIII. pp 136-137.
P.
VoL VIII,
P. D.. Vol. VIII,
Vol. VIII. pp. 151 - 1 *2
p. 142.
pp 139-140.
SOCIAL AFFAIRS; PRISON \ND POLICE 42
The fort was

became pregnant in 1806-07
an unsuitable place for her delicate condition
and Baji Rao Raghunath ordered her to be
released and to be sent to her relatives*
The
and relations
wives
sometimes permitted to
prison rooms to look
demanded
health
relatives in
them whenever their

The servants and the
it.
,
their residence
the
during
1777-78,
iheir
in
after
by the govern-
such cases were fed
ment during
them
with
live
were
prisoners
of
the
in
prison.
administration
second Madhava Rao,
was ordered
it
In
of
the
that
the
the fort of
Ganesh Phadke, a prisoner in

Chandangad, and a female attendant
should be
permitted to
wife of Mahadji
prisoner
should
were
given
them."
given
in
usual
Similar
ration
permissions
Madhava Rao
of
1785-86
him, for the
Treatment of Political Prisoners:
75.
But
it
should be remembered that no prisoner
demand any privilege as a matter of

They had to depend entirely on the
could
right.
favour of those
to
faithful
family
the
to
Krishna Bhingarkar
had
and the
indisposed
felt
be
reside with
P. D.,
pay
in
for
'
it.
Sakharam
and adherent
friend
VoL V,
and not infrequently
authority
p.
SK.
D. VoL VIU,
P.
Hari
of
* P. D.,
pp.
52-1.VI
Gupte, a
Raghoba, was
YoL VIII,
p, 143.
422
very
inhumanly
treated
was loaded with heavy

unhealthy
food
and unusual
rigours
brought about his death.
kept
secure
to
nursing her
in
health,
bad
prison
life
His wife had
stone unturned in order

for
ill
the
of
He
prison.
he was
irons,
and ultimately
places,
ment permission
the
in
no
left
he
govern-
husband
in
the
She spent her all and. paid heavily for the

favour which was granted to others.
But when
prison.
the favour was
finally
He was
needed no nurse
But
the
political
and
watched,
warders,
has
was
made
troubles
were ordinarily
made
were
as
they were
strictly
with
and sometimes with
their
Mr.
strictly prohibited.
mention of the rigour
as
well
communication
their
world,
husband
her
all
lodging,
comforts, although
for other
outside
prisoners
boarding and
their
out of
Good arrangements
well-treated.
for
purchased
the
own
Ranade
which
with
Dada and the

pretender
were
treated
But we have
to
remember what trouble these men gave to
the state.
The Maratha statesmen were not
The pretender was not thrown
naturally cruel.
the
supporters
of
under the
feet of
from
prison
the
his
government.
Raghoba
an elephant
until
of
Nat ay an Rao.
(led
and endangered the security
The ordinary
Sumer Singh,
the
of
soldiers of his
party were leniently treated, as were
adherents
he had
some
of
the
murderer of

It
wc know very little about

prisons
under
management of
pity that
is
internal
the
Pcshwas
the
Europe philanthropists and
In
John Howard and Elizabeth Fry

prisons and exposed their horrible
reformers like
the
visited
no
however,
Unfortunately,
condition.
such
Maratha prisons have

In England we are told, the
graphic accounts of the
comedown
to us.
people were
made worse
prison.
in
better instructed in crime than
We
do not know
what
They
left
it
when they entered.
the effect of a
term of
imprisonment was upon the morals of a Maratha
prisons
in
Maratha
18 th
the
appears
that
hill
forts
were
mostly
some attempts were made

welfare.
home and began
her
was sent
with
to be
kept
that
to
imprisoned at
criminals,
in
and
moral
secure their
to
in
the fort of
left
She
Sarasgad
watch
strict
prevent
The offenders convicted

always
the prisoners
practise adultery.
to
her
mostly
Trim baleji Chawan,
imprisoned
instructions
over
practices.
be
wife of
Kashi,
Enghlish
of
were
century
it
debtors,
small
denizens
But whilst the
offender.
her
immoral
adultery
for
different
should
places,
were
so that
man could never in future meet the woman.

Some extra precaution, it seems, was taken
The death
the case of Brahman prisoners.
the
in
or suicide of a
Brahman was commonly

* D. P.,
VoU VUI, p
19(1.
believed

to bring calamity
upon
the
THE MARATHAS
prisoners tried to secure their release

of suicide,
strict
Brahman
country.
by
threats
and were therefore put under a very
watch.
The
greatest defect
Maratha system
was that the prisoner had hardly any right.
He
might be very leniently
suffer
from
treated
of
sorts
all
the
in
and
hardships.
he
might
Everything
depended on the nature of his offence, his rank

and wealth; but ordinary offenders escaped un-
common
From
The
the prison
Here, as
police.
will
of
their obscurity.
The Police
16.
it
hardship on account
in
we
now
shall
the
judicial
be convenient to hegin
village police
the
The
village.
and the
Patil,
chief police officer in the rural republics
Mahar
was
was under the
district police
the
administration,
from
was under the
to
turn
the
Mam-
latdar.
In detection
of
crime
the Jitglas or village
watchmen, consisting generally of Mahars and

Mangs, were helped by criminal tribes as the
Ramoshis,
Bhils,
and Kolis
Unless
the
stolen
property could be recovered or the offence
be traced to some other
village,
the
could
Police
and
the criminal classes had to compensate the party
robbed.
the
All responsibility
detection
of
the
offence to another
however ended with
offenders
village.
In
or
tracing
the
latter
the
case
AND
SOCIAI. AFFAIRS; PRISON
POI.ICK 425
the inhabitants of the place to which the
had been traced were

such suspicion
for
make compensa-
liable to
But sufficient proof had to be put
tion.
before
offence
the
police
forward
and the
criminal tribes could shake off their responsibility.
Mr.
V.
Raj wade
K.
has
published
an
in-
complete report of such a tracing of offence

the
10th
Volume
History (page
we
16).
his
of
The case
wish that the rest of
been recovered.
Sources of
the
is
in
Maratha
so interesting that
report
Abaji Khando, an
could
have
officer,
was
going home with a report from Dada Saheb.
He
The
was robbed by thieves near Khandyala.

people of Khandyala traced the offence as far as
Bhuinj.
Thence it ought to have been traced
towards Chingholi, but the Rainoshis, by a com-
mon compact,
asserted
that
Ramoshis
the
of
Khadki had committed the offence and also induced Abaji Khando to support their assertion.
The Ramoshis
Khadki were thereupon thrown

into prison, but there was no proof whatever
against them.
Abaji Khandos loss was valued at
Rs. 30, and
was settled that the Ramoshis
of
it
of
seven villages should subscribe the amount.

I'j.
Criminal Tribes
The
disturbed
peace
of
by
Bhils
independent and
the
hills
54
and
the
country
and
Kolis
altogether
jungles.
was generally
living a
uncivilised
Complete
semilife
in
subjugation
426 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF TH E

these
of
their
was
tribes
hill
Hence
impossible.
were held responsible
chiefs
MARATHAS
any
for
and disturbance committed by them.

Police
performed
duties
by
the
For the
Bhil
they were permitted by the government
customary dues or Haks.
certain
was
tlphinstone
mended
the
the
continuance
British
to levy
So successful
evident theoretical defects,

its
Naiks,
arrangement that inspite of
Police
this
theft
in
administration
early
the
in
its
recom-
days
of
Bombay
Presidency.
When
theft
was any unusual outbreak of

and robbery, an additional force from the
local
Shibandi
sent
to
there
help
or
the
the
Rohila Gardis
neighbouring forts
local
police.
was sent
in
was
force of tot
1782-83 to help
because thefts and
Kamavisdar of Nasik,
dacoities had increased there. 13
The expenses
these
were
met by a
everybody
including
the
additional
police
payable
house-tax
force
by
of
Brahmans, but the poor were generally exempted.

In the year 1777-78 Krishna Rao Anant had to
employ
33
expenditure
to
raise
alone.
this
Berads
of
and
Rs. 2,104.
Mangs at an annual
He was instructed
amount by taxing the well-to-do
14
Such additional Police force was also sent on

temporary duty for maintaining peace and order
P.
**
P. tv, Vol. Till,
D.. Vol. VIII, pp.
m-134.
pp 182
183.
SOCIAL affairs; prison and police 427

in
holy
pilgrimage
of
places
like
Pandharpur
and Nasik at the time of great religious festivals

when people of all descriptions Hocked there.
In 1753-54, one hundred and fifty men from the
Salara, Chandan and Wandan and
forts
of
deputed
twenty- five horsemen were
to
Pali
for
41
one month to maintain order at the annual fair.
In 1788-89 one hundred Gardis were sent to
Nasik to keep order among the pilgrims

M
the place during the Sin hast ha.
The Kotwal
was placed under an
In big cities the police
regulation
of
duties
in
of
His
Kotwal.
called
officer
and taking of census. The

the officer arc enumerated as follows
Janardan
Mari,
the Kotwalship of
in
1767-68, for the guidance
when he was appointed

Poona
Minor disputes
the
several
Peths
the
in
Kasba should be disposed

of
included
duties
prices
of
a document issued
1.
visiting
of
Peths and
in
to
the
by the Kamavisdars
disputes
of
importance
should be disposed of by the Kotwal.

2.
and a
The Kotwal should

list
of
the
prices
fix
the prices of goods
fixed
should
submitted to the Government.

The Kotwal should arrange
3.
labourers
as
required
P. D., Vol. II, p. 72.
by
be
to
daily
supply
Government
* P. D.. Vol. VIII, p. 136.
from
among
the
several
castes
artizans
in
members of the
sales and purchases
made
with the permission
and
the
the city
should be
of land sites
MARATHAS
Kotwal who should prepare the necessary documents and receive the fees due to
the
of
Government.
The Kotwal should
4.
he should keep a
record of
into
and leaving the
the
Peths
on
take
should
census
the
city.
The
coming
Kamavisdars of
supply
him
with information
all
persons
this point.
5.
tion
Should the Kotwal consider any regulafollowed by the last Kotwal or any new
regulation
report
it
to
be
adoption,
for
Huzur and act
the
to
fit
in
he should
accordance
with such orders as might then be issued
disputes relating
All
6.
to roads, lanes
and
houses should be disposed of by the Kotwal.
The
7.
Kotwal
should
monthly
furnish
accounts to Government.
The
8.
Kotwal
proclamation
any
should
being
orders
issue
made by
the
for
beat of
drum.
Professional gamblers should not gamble
9.
without
the
should
levy
permission
of
from them the usual
persons are not allowed to gamble.

It
is
fees.
Other
17
needless to say that his ample authority
gave the Kotwal ample opportunities
"
who
Kotwal
the
T. l>.,Vol, VII.
J|I.
SJJ-aaij
Summary
by
for
it.
abusing
!\ JoHiJ.
The abuse
it.
the
power reached its climax in

Ghasiram, a Kanojia Brahman,
of
notorious
who occupied
the post of Kotwal at
Nana Fadnavis.
Much
made out of his case by
administration
the
has
capital
European
instance
Grant
writers.
of
on
olTiccr, is
annals of any state than the
Kotwal,
Police
or
Poona.
of
This
remarks,
the
part
"No
of
an
more extraordinary crimi-
subordinate
in
Duff
greater neglect
administration, or
nality
of
been
of
Poona during
recorded
the
in
case of Ghasiram,
Superintendent,
of
man, a Brahman
the
city
native
of
Hindoostan, employed the power with which he
was vested
in
perpetrating
the
and no trace of
Ghasiram was suspected,
them could be found.
Nana Fadnavis refused
but
most dreadful
People disappeared
murders.
to
listen
to
com-
apparently absurd from their unexampled
plaints,
atrocity.
reflects
do not think
that Ghasiram's case
any discredit on the administration
in
general.
/y.
It
Forbes on Ghasiram' s case
appears
from
contemporary
English
was not a tithe of evidence

against Ghasiram, and he was an unfortunate
victim of
undeserved suspicion.
According
account that
to
Forbes,
less a
was
there
who
derived his
information from no
personage than Sir Charles Malet, the mob

encouraged by many persons desirous of

mortifying
the
weakly
an
of
subjected the Kotual to
and
without
say that
supervision
even now.
their
offence,
Ghasirani
blush
and
prove any
that
humiliation
days
those
in
and we cannot
faults,
English
has
officers
of corruption
cry
neglect
shame.
of
That does
supervision
seldom assumed
it
make
would
which
on
Abuse
higher authorities.
the
but
mob
of
Police
by
of an
was,
sorts
all
convicted
of
foreigner*
About thirty years ago, a Brahman

Bengal Police was accused and
of
part
the
purged that department
absolutely
not
The
infuriated
officers of Indian
were not
officer
dependant."
stoned him to death.*
finally
The
the
surrendered
hands
the
into
through
minister
ruling
ignominy of the cutwal his
Peshwa
THE MARATHAS
such
the
there
serious
character as to be accounted a great public danger.

The
Elphinstonc remarks,
Police
however
was good on the whole,
murder or robberies
attended with violence and alarm were very
and I have never heard any complaints
rare
;
of the insecurity of property."
Baji
much
Rao
for
II,
the
weak and wicked as he was,

improvement
of
the
police.
did
special officer called
Tapastmvis was appointed
by him
supervision
for
general
They were
of the police force.
lilt
and inspection
quite independent
Fuvtoas, Qrfeatal Mcrooriet. Vol. IT, p.

Tlie full
will bo fonad in a lettex published in the Oth
AiLihastk Lokha
Sungmha
by
M u lev
Sbastri Khan*.
urrnunt ot
rolume of

Mamlatdars and
the
of
their jurisdiction did not
always coincide with revenue
districts.
The Metropolitan Police
20.
The Metropolitan
Police at
Poona became
model body during the administration
the
of
The efficiency and honesty

body had extorted the applause of critics
Elphinstone and Tone.
William
Henry
the Peshwas.
last of
this
of
like
Tone served
army of Baji Rao II, and

knowledge of the Peshwa's
the
in
had first-hand
he
Government.
His remarks
best regards.
Tone
able
says,
anything but
for
alone employs thousand

of
its
therefore
It
is
claim our
little
remark-
excellent Police which
men.
After
the
firing
the gun, which takes place at ten at night,
can appear
person
in
no
the streets without being
taken up by the Patroles, and detained
prisoner
morning by the Kotwal.

So strict is the discipline observed that the
Peshwa himself had been kept prisoner a whole
until
dismissed
night
the
in
for being out at
improper hours."
than Rs. 9,000, Elphinstone
upkeep of
tells us,
No
were
less
spent
this splendid
body consisting of a
large number of peons, horse patrols and Ramoshis.
Lt. Edward Moor and his brother officers visited
for the
792 and they heard that the police

of Poona was uncommonly well regulated." *
Poona
in
41 Moor,
meat (London
tho Operation* of Captain Little'* Data*!.,
Kftnrfttivo of
I7&4), p. *4w
We
cannot say that the Londun police
was
time
before
its
as
reorganisation
says,
force
London
in
as the
efficient
Walpole
nally
the marathas
by Peel.
There was no
'*
small
guarded the suburbs
nominally guarded
the
Poona
Sir
Spencer
patrol
a small
metropolis.
the
police,
efficient
horse
of
fool
police
nomipatrol
The horse
patrol consisted of only fifty-four, the foot patrol

of only
one hundred men.
The peace
of
London,
depended on the parish constables in

the day time, on the old watch at night.
The
otherwise,
ingenuity
of
man
could
have hardly devised a
feebler protection.'
The Maratha
by
branch with
cannot
fail
superiority
to
institutions,
compared branch
those of contemporary Europe,
our
extort
and excellence
in
many
admiration
cases.
by
CHAPTER
IX
Other Aspects of Administration

we may take a passing
the Navy and Army of the Peshwas
Before concludigg
notice
of
some other
for
cursory glance
at
was conducted
the
be
will
We may
place.
Maharashtra, and
it
however,
treatment,
fuller
reserved
have a
also
the condition of education

the
postal
by
the
Bombay Presidency
in
system and how
indigenous
introduction
the
before
rulers of
of the British rule.

/.
The Navy:
Maratha was more
The
rugged
hills
stormy
sea
the
genius
of
native
his
with
the
than
with
the
land
washed its broken coast. But

Shivaji had early perceived the
that
of
importance of naval
effective
familiar
arm
power
not
only
as
an
of war. but also as an instrument for
the extension of
oversea
Scott
trade.
Waring
says, Sevajee in his irregular incursions into the
Konkan had beheld

ful
settlements, for
to him,
He
so they must have appeared
which had been formed upon
aspired
55
with admiration the power-
to
participate
in
so
the
coast.
profitable
commerce
and
fortifications
mencement
of
value
the
greater part of his
ravages
add to the
Seven-droog and
Scvajec
power had
his
the
of
again,
his
leisure to
Rajapoor,
of
And
Colaba
spreading
while
Konkan, found
throughout
THE MAHATMAS
from the com-
justly
estimated
maritime
possessions and the
attention
had been directed
The
to the attainment of so desirable an object.
completion
of
plans was entrusted to Moro-
his
pant his principal
enough
to
and a Muhammadan
fleet,
in
do on
charge
very
of
Siddis.
Shivaji's
Daman
Maratha
under the
succeeded
some
fall
within
accomplished
fighting
with
the
Portuguese ship was
power saw
fleet.
its
zenith
but as they were practically
independent of the Peshwas,
docs not
It
organising
was placed
by the Maratha
naval
Angrias,
in
officer
navy.
1670 a large
In
captured near
The
land, he
excepting
little
Although he had
minister.
the
the
Angria's
scope of
this
fleet
work.
Peshwas the navy formed a regular

department. It had its headquarters at Vijayadurg
and Bassein, and the revenue of several Mahals
Under the
was
granted
shall
here
for
notice
the naval establishment.
two points only
in
We
connection
with the naval policy of the Peshwas.
the
Long before the birth of Admiral Mahan

Peshwas had realised the necessity of the
growth of a commercial navy

of
naval power and we
for the
development
actually find Balaji Baji
OTHER ASPECTS OK ADMINISTRATION 435

Rao
thinking
seriously
employing
of
trained
merchantmen in times of war on an

increased pay,' and Madhava Rao 11 enlisted fifty
of
sailors
Mahagiris
private
the
using
of
principle
hereditary
Darakhdars as a check upon
was
riors
naval
affairs,
the
of
used
at first
had
it
necessity
guidance
in
the
was not abandoned
Madhava Rao
Rao Dhulap we
the
all
(1765-66)
find
the
Rao
but he
In
recognition
letter
to Admiral
command
of
Ananda
recognition
first
necessity of undivided
in
of
principle, however,
once.
at
or
command and
undivided
The
officers
administration
he given up
navy.
although
their official supe-
the
in
to
of
And
1774-75*
in
of
Madhava
did not recall the Darakhdars of the navy
appointed Jagannath Narayan
the
civil
head of the navy to supervise and control the
work of the Darakhdars on a salary of Rs.

While the Admiral ( Subhedar
a year.
2,000
of the
Armar) was the military head of the navy, the

Amin was its civil head and he was generally
;
such work as accounts, muster-
responsible for
purchase
roll,
of provision, etc.
It is
noteworthy
made of the naval

The Europeans are
power of the Europeans.
at sea and negligent men should be
hostile
that in this letter mention
is
removed
procured."
P.
and
really
men
good
should
Tot. III.
lfW-67-
P. D.. Vol.
P. D-.
IX. pp ao-34i
VoL VI.
p.
IW.
be
ADMINISTRATIVE! SYSTEM Oh
second Madhava
In 1781-82 the
the Darakhdars of the
Rao Dhulap could
navy,
not
on
Rao
recalled
admiral Ananda
as
pull
MARATHAS
I'MB
well
with them,
and the entire charge of the navy was entrusted to

Dhulap.*
instructs
The letter conveying the above order,

Ananda Rao to fit out 19 ships 3 pals,
;
3 ghurabs and 13 gallibats, for an expedition.
The Maratha
for
was generally employed
fleet
chant-men coming
ports,
and also
right to the
for taking possession
Pcshwa
These
last
as
well
for
merchants of Bombay
torial
belonged as a
treaty
ships
their
for
belonging
Sovereignty
over
to
terri-
sea was therefore recognised and exercised
The Admiral granted

men sailing within his
2.
wrecks
of
government, but the English
had obtained an exemption by
own ships as
Maratha
and going from
to
within territorial water.
passports
to
Salary of Naval Officers
was
the annual salary of the Admiral
and
Sar Tandel
per month
Rs. 10
...
Rs. 7-8
Sailor
...
Rs 4-8
Rao
Rs. 1,186
sailors got the following
Tandel
P.
Baji
maunds, while
addition to grain measuring
the petty officers
merchant-
jurisdiction.
During the administration of Balaji
in
mer-
checking piracy, collecting Zakat from
to 5
Vol VI, pp. IBS- It*.
pay

Some
in
food allowance
money
addition to
officers
and
in
Peshwas
Madhava Rao
war
among
officers
and
wa*
services
in
navy were
sailors of the
ably rewarded by the
Rs. 4,250
distributed
navy
Haidar
against
suit-
good services
for
sailors of the
-
also given
amount varying
salary, the
with the rank of the man.
The
kind was
in
437
for
their
Three
Ali.
Damaji Naik Kuveskar, Shivaji Rao Surve

and Vithoji Naik Bamvkar got Rs. 300, Rs. 250
officers
and
Rs. 200 respectively.
received Rs. 500.

Rs. 3,000 in
Serangs and
and
sailors got
all.*
The Angrias and
other Maratha naval leaders
have often been charged with piracy

ing
and detaining vessels of
that did
not
with
sail
their
for
capturnations
friendly
dastak or permit.
was not regarded as an act of
This however
They were
piracy by the Marathas.
guided by Portuguese precedents

affairs,
Fadnis
Hari
Balaji
it
little
naval
necessary
by
compel-
their
Cartas.
to assert their sovereignty of the sea
and carry
their
in
and the Portuguese deemed
ling every vessel to seek
not a
Not only merchants of friendly nation but friendly

potentates like the Sultan of Bijapur and the
Canara had to secure the previous permission of the Portuguese government before
sending their ships on a voyage in the Indian
King
of
?.
1)..
V*L
III. pp. 1SS- 1 S7 .
P.
Vol,
3t, 1*
*44
The merchants had
Ocean.
THE MARATHAS
according to the capacity of
varied
and to acknowledge the

addressed to the
which
their
ships,
Portuguese
search before they could obtain a

letter
fee,
pay a
to
Siddi
of
right
of
In a
Cartaz.
on the
Janjira
December, 1715, the Portuguese Viceroy

pompously asserted, There is no prince in Asia
who is not aware that the Most High and Power1
6th
of
King
ful
of Portugal
the sovereign of the Indian
is
same is acknowledged by the Great

Moghul King and the Magnificent King of Persia
seas and the
inasmuch
observe
as
In another letter
years
Siddi
addressed to the
the
earlier
Cartazes and
mentioned therein.
conditions
the
all
take
vessels
their
fifteen
government
Portuguese
Portuguese are the sovereigns of seas and

pirates."
had
saying, the
emphasised the same principle by

M
The Marathas could and
not
did advance
same argument.* Moreover, it should not be

forgotten that the merchantmen captured by the
the
Portuguese or the Marathas were not
unarmed
published
it
From
unprotected.
or
appears that
sought and got
some
of
Cartazes were well
for instance carried nine

11*1*
VMbHm,
Tnnio VII,
Tomo
IV,
Cartazes
collection,
merchantmen
the
ghurab of Govind Das Nana,
the
monumental
Bikers
in
necessarily
armed.
26
Reis Vitinhoe,
Tor * foliar diactianoa sea 8^ 0 HUtorical Raccid* as Oca.
lot. 2fi.
,
BiW, VoL
TV, pp. 186-186.
Gujrat merchant,
10
pieces of artillery.
foil.
that
It

is
therefore clear that they
power
deliberately
439
defied a
claiming sovereignty of the sea when they
omitted to procure
they suffered
in
Cartaz
its
or
dastak
and
consequence they had very
if
little
reason to complain.
The
Army
Shivaji's
were nearly
followers
natives of Maharashtra.
of
Muhammadan
There was a sprinkling

and officers in his army,
soldiers
but on the whole
it
them
of
all
was composed
of
elements capable of being inspired
homogeneous
common
with
and common interests. The great Marat ha

leader had a distrust for feudal levies, his officers
and men were paid directly by him and he
ideals
carefully
from
refrained
The Pcshwas, on
creating
fresh
fiefs.
the other hand, relied mainly
on feudal forces and
divided
the
Maratha Empire
number
of military Jagirs.
The Sardars
sublet
into a
Barons
feudal
or
whole of the
on
their
part
some of their
and subordinates in lieu of military
service and sub-infeudation resulted with all its
a
part
of
their
fiefs
to
favourites
concomitant
more
attentive to
absolutely
The feudal chiefs were

their own interests and were
evils.
incapable
of
the imperial interests.

of the interminable
the
closing
Sindhia was a
years
civil
of
taking a broad
view of
This was the real cause

wars that characterised
the
Sardar of the
Maratha
Peslnva
Empire.
and was
4+0 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THK MAR

in
theory
bound
him military
to render
VI
HAS
service
Khande Ran Hari, better

known as Appa Khande Rao, held his fief of
the Sindhia and owed his allegiance to him.
whenever necessary.
George Thomas, an
Jagir from
Khande Rao Hari and was expected
him loyally and
to serve
Rao Sindhia
on
rity
Daulat
But
faithfully.
did not hesitate to impose his autho-
master
his
was
Hari
Irish adventurer, received his
Peshwa,
the
equally prepared
to
Khande Rao
wage a war
against his immediate feudal over lord and master
and George Thomas, a foreigner,

naturally cared more for his own interests than
the
for
felt
Sindhia
master's
his
sometimes
inclined
Peshwa,
it
and
belonged
their
the
of
fight
lords
against
and
neighbours
empire
and which
But
serve.
to
feudal
was detrimental to the
This
unity
the
If
the
no wonder that they were frequently
is
engaged against
chiefs.
welfare.
were
they
unfortunately
this
solidarity
which
to
fellow
they
all
supposed
to
was not the only
defect of the Maratha military system.

4.
Employment of Foreigners
army Marathas
the Peshwa's army were
Shivaji generally enlisted in his

of his
own
race, but in
employed men
Rajputs,
of all races, religions
Sikhs,
Rohillas,
and creeds.
Sindhis,
Gossains,
Karnatakis, Arabs, Abyssinians, Telingas, Bedars
and
Christian
and
Shenvi
subjects
of
the

Government
Portuguese
Peshwa and
the
when
home
and
to
them the
welcomed by
And
brought
powers
European
superiority of western discipline
military science, English, French, Portuguese
German, Swiss,
had no common
interest
Marat ha
the
to
those
of
service
the
of
state
knowledge
intimate
their
the
English
when
war
often
they
served.
easy capture
of
Thorn
Alighar,
observed that
facilitated
by the
Mr. Lucan,
between
the
Writing about
the
out
strong
fortress of
remarks "
the
It
should
was
achievement
loyal
a British
and
gallant
officer,
who
quitted the service of Scindiah, to
against
his country.
On
its
against their former
English.
the
Their
and
country
broke
Marathas and the
officers
opposed
were
defence was therefore used

masters
employers,
with
the
of
They
employed.
eagerly
interests
the
in
American and Armenian
Italian,
were
adventurers
and
all
tenants-in-chief.
his
with
conflict
were
441
joining
Kocl or
here
be
materially
conduct of
had
lately
avoid fighting
our army
he
undertook to lead Colonel Monson to the gate,

and point out the road through the fort, which
he
such a manner as to gain the

thanks of the Commander-in-chief,
effected
particular
in
and the public acknowledgments of the government 11 It was probably to prevent such a
betrayal of
11
military
secrets
that
Jaswant
Tboru, Memoir of tho Onnptigfii in HJndocotan
p.
9ft
Rao
OF THE MARATHAS
Holkar cruelly murdered Majors Vickers, Dodd
and Ryan, when they refused to serve against

their countrymen.
It
was natural and honourable on the part of English soldiers
countrymen
their
employees
in India,
always be relied on
and most
the
to his
made
government
British
leaving
British territories
It
be
should
noted
some Portuguese
the
to
officers.
had
Shivaji
his army.
in
duty and
their
retired
trained battalions
here that
officers
what exactly was
not
terms
their
and
Sindhia to be led by their native
of
could
when Perron
cost
compatriots
his
of
army
a war against the English as
Rao discovered
Daulat
with
in
even the French
but
Maratha
the
in
stand by
to
12
But
on what terms
had been employed we do not know. A

number of European adventurers had also found
employment in the fleet of the celebrated Kanhoji
they
Angria, long before Mahadaji Sindhia
engaging de Boigne.
of
forgotten
tempting
that
But
it
as the
thought
should not
terms
be
offered
by the Indian princes were they seldom attracted

European officers of real ability.
With the
exception of
Boigne
de
was not perhaps a single

Indian
who
armies
education
and
11
Wrffrr,
VoL
Downinjr,
[V,
could
military
were adventurers
p.
of
U6.
and Raymond
European officer
training.
a low
Sen,
boast
type
BôrUnl
there
in
the
a sound
Most of them
of
without
Ibctodi at Ooa, p.
any
OTHER ASPECTS OF ADMINISTRATION 443

Skinner
character, as Colonel
observed
tersely
11
Perron and George

and he had reasons to know
Thomas were runaway sailors, but they did not
belong properly speaking to the Peshwas army.
The account that Moor gives

who commanded a corps in the
Peshwa,
the
Poona
As
not at
of
employers,
his
European
known
him.
place
to
name
His
be
will
it
detachment
this
writes
very
is
and
Vellore,
where
of
troop
of
establishment.
he
cavalry
At
that
of
time
many
to
account of
was known by
he was quarter- master
indeed
little,
interesting
Evans,
him
of
hear some
was
which
in
the
he
Moor
Lt.
gentlemans history
all
of
was the type

employed by
the
if
officers
authorities.
this
service
hardly complimentary to the judgment
is
and choice of
of
Mr. Yvon,
of
the
was at
it
sergeant
the
which
last
Madras
must be
more years previous lo his death,

he had with him a European woman,
supposed
twelve
to be
or
his
making
lived
who
wife,
pastry,
very comfortably on
of a dispute with
expert in the
Evans was
as
several employments.
left
being
his
fencing,
at
the
profits
At length,
superior,
art of
they
of their
consequence
Evans and wife
in
Vellore clandestinely,
and were never more

until the time of which we are
His employment for several
heard of by his corps
now
speaking.
years
is
not
known, but after

,4
Metnaii of 81eior,er
considerable
444 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OFTHF.

lapse
we
time,
of
him
find
an
in
station in the corps that he latterly
In a
war between
former
we
ippoo,
Badamy
former
believe
his
native Christian,
it
dead,
siege
of
conduct were
happening, he
corps,
he
and
his
married a
appears chiefly from gratitude,
and
attentions
commanded.
the
it
companion being
inferior
Mahraltas and
the
was at
gallantry and good
so conspicuous, that a vacancy
was appointed to command the
1
MARATHAS
to him when
wounded and on other occasions." ** We are
further informed by Moor that the dues of
Evans from the Poona government amounted to
forty
thousand Rupees at the time of his
death.
What his pay was we do not know, and as
the Maratha government was very irregular in its
for
kindnesses
payment, the sum, most
probably,
more than 12 month's salary.

Evans had under him about
different
of
army
Peshwa's
Madhava Rao
was
during the
Europeans
served
in
Colonel
J.
his
the
in
administration
His successor Baji
II.
more fortunate
He appointed
to command a
fifty
He
nationalities.
represented
European
of
Rao
II
officers.
R. Boyd, an American,
regiment of trained infantry, the

numerical strength of which was 1,683.
One
service
11
of
Boyd's colleagues
in
the
Peshwa's
was William Henry Tone, brother
Moor, A XfijTutivv
went, pp- 2#, *7
uf
the Opeeetiuiu of Captain
of
Little'*
the
Detach*

famous
had
like
Theobald Wolfe Tone, who

American commander served in
rebel,
Irish
his
the Nizam's
army before
joining
Peshwa's
the
forces.
The European adventurers who came
to India
changed
masters very frequently.
their
monthly account
of
the
Regiment has been

volume of the. Peshwas*
Boyd's
fifth
salary expenses
published
Diaries.
of
the
in
Boyd
is
there wrongly described as Mr. Bight, an English-
man.
His
regiment of trained infantry cost the
Peshwa Rs. 26,242 a month and the
men were paid
and
officers
Colonel Boyd
...
Rs. 3,000.
...
Rs.
900 at the rate

Rs. 450 each.
of
4 Lieutenants
...
Rs. 1,000 at the rate

Rs. 250 each.
of
3 Sergeants
...
Rs.
270 at the
Rs. 90 each.
rate
of
14 Subhedars
...
Rs.
700 at the
Rs. 50 each.
rate
of
Kumedans(?)...
Rs.
160 at the
Rs. 80 each.
rate
of
Captains
59 Havaldars
...
38 Naiks
...
"PD.,
Rs. 1,050 (54) at the rate

of
Ks. 18 per head
and (4) at the rate of
Rs. 15 each.
Rs.
VoL
460 at the rate of

Rs. 12 (36) men and
Rs. 14 (2 men) each.
V. pp. 1S4-187.
6
Tambarchis
17
MARATHAS
Rs. 120 at the rate of Rs.
20
each.
6 Pipers
...
Rs. 150 at the rate of
Rs.
20
each.
2
Cymbals beaters Rs. 40
at the
rate
of
Rs.
20
rate
of
Rs.
12
rate
of
Rs.
12
each.
5
Standard bearers
...
Rs.
60
at the
each.
7
Drummers
...
Rs. 84 at the
each.
3 Karkuns (clerks) Rs. 120 at the rate of
Rs. 40
early.
14 Bhistis (water
...
Rs. 84 at the rate of Rs. 6 each.
6 Torch bearers
7 Scouts

carriers)
...
2 Shield bearers
Artillery:
8 Portuguese
...
Rs. 480 at the rate of Rs. 60

each.
Jamadars
...
Rs. 60 at the
rate
of
Rs. 30
rate
of
Rs.
18
Rs. 504 at the rate of
Rs.
12
each.
2
Havaldars
...
Rs. 36 at the
each.
42 Golandaz
...
each.
Tho
be ut up of a
Tam bur*
or small Turkish goiter.

24 Khalasis
...
Rs.
240
at
the rate
of Rs.
10
each,
9 Carpenters
...
Rs. 102 at the rate of Rs. 12(5)
and Rs.
io*8-o
men)
(4
each.
8 Blacksmiths...
88
Rs.
the rate of Rs.
at
each.
10 Beldars
(stone cutters)
5 Tabcldars ...
The
A ew
r
Rs.45at the
rate of Rs.
9each.
Regiment.
Captain
...
Rs. 450.
...
Rs. 500 at the rate of Rs. 250

each.
Sergeant
...
Rs. 90.
4 Subhcdars
...
Rs. 200 at Rs. 50 each.
5 Jamadars
...
32 Havaldars
...
Rs. 576at Rs. i8each.
...
7 Tambarchis...
6 Pipers
Rs. 120 at
2 Lieutenants
Naiks
...
Cymbal beater
Rs.
Rs 20 each.
20.
12 Bhistis
...
484 Sepoys
...
Rs. 4,356 at Rs.
9 each.
20 Portuguese
10
1
Musketeers
Drummers
hewer
of
...
wood, the word
or e!shc following a
camp. If
paavaltj Tinderttood 11 % latcar
...
5 Karkuns
4 Torchbcarers
1
Jamadar of
Sowars
15
Rs. 24 at Rs.
each.
Rs. 55.
...
Sowars
THE MARATHAS
...
Artillery.
6 Havaldars
24 Golandaz
12 Khalasis
2
Daruwalas
...
...
...
...
Rs.
60
at Rs.
30 each.
(Powder suppliers)
2
Chaudharis
...
Carters
...
8 Beldars
...
3 Tabcldars
...
Jamadar who

su-
pervises the work-
shop
7
...
Blacksmiths
4 Chambhars ...
(leather workers)
2
Rs. 30.
Karkuns
Ramchandra Krishna
">
Apaji Chimnaji
Rs.
300 at the
rate of
Rs. 150 each.
Grand Total Rs. 26,242

It is
officers
needless to say that the native

or
Jagirdars
Mahipat Rao
were
not
Maratha
so well
Kavde was granted
in
the
paid.
year

1762-63
Saranjam
taining
force
including
of
Rs. 25.000 a year
at
Sowars.
2,500
sorts
all
Rs. 6,25,000 for main-
of
His
was
allowance
of
salary
fixed
Boyd was appointed
while
on a salary of Rs. 36,000

a year
though the Regiment he commanded
was much smaller. Of course the feudal chief
thirty-three years later
managed
generally
timate
profit
by avoiding his
we should
but
not
as a rule get a
in
the
make more than
to
forget
better
than
Peshwa's employ were also more

In
horseman did
that a
The Portuguese
infantry.
obligations,
legal
salary
his
Almel
(?)
brother
officers in the
liberally treated
1789-90 a Portuguese soldier called

*'
a legi-
Musa
was appointed to the command
small unit of
men and he
twenty. five
monthly salary
under him got
Rs 9 only per month,
native Christian and
received a
The Indians
of Rs. 155.
of a
serving
while their
Portuguese colleagues
got
Rs. 15 and Rs. 25 respectively.
3.
The Arabs
Of the Asiatics
most favoured,
were the Arabs
of
these
informed
who
tells
had
us that
57
so far
Baji
foreigners
by
Maratha army the

as pay was concerned,
the
in
men
Rao
II
in
his
like
opportunities
Every
had
a large
army as
number
we
are
Blacker
to
and Prinsep
know.
Blacker
substantive
Native Power

had a
portion of
writes:
proof
of
the
in
proper to
by
soldiers
And
Prinsep
mention, as a
which the Arabs
in
the
pay they
received
comparison
with
the rate of
army
be
estimation
as
held
arc
may
It
11
these troops."
MARATHAS
powers,
native
the
in
natives
Peshwa's
of
other
countries.
Arabs, natives of Arabia...
Their descendants born
15
in
the country
10 Rupees a month.
...
Hindoostanees
(the
Rupees a month.
same
as our sepoys)
8 Rupees a month.
...
Mahrattas and Dukhunees 6 Rupees a month.
This certainly betrays a most deplorable state of
things.
for its
in
state
defence and
times of
looks
that
relies
war can
stable one.
For
towards foreigners
on foreign mercenaries
hardly
foreign
the
be
considered a
mercenaries,
who
constituted the majority of the Maratha infantry,
both trained
and untrained, could be inspired by
one motive only,

It
is
of the
viz., that of
noteworthy
young
to this class.
that
Peslnva,
self-aggrandisement.
most of the
Narayan
murderers
Kao belonged
Tone, who had personal knowledge
the Pardesis. gave them the worst possible

They are more
character.
soldiers
of forof
tune,
their
he
pay:
wrote,
they
14
and
serve
migrate from
Blacker, p. tl.
Prinsep,
VoL
It,
p. ISO.
only
Hindustan
for
to
11

Deckan
the
Pardesis
strangers
or
patriotism or love
plunder
know.
they have
their
these
exactly
way
their
of
are called
no idea of
but would
country,
native village without pang."
their
When
where they
service
for
45
into
foreigners
found
first
Maratha army we do not
the
documentary
evidence that
some Arabs were employed on a salary of Rs.
There
is
per month as early as 1742 during the administraof
the
Marathas
on
Rao. n
Balaji Baji
tion
was probably when
established
first
the necessity of a strong .body

the
for
time
first
their
authority
banks of the Nurbudda that
northern
the
It
for
fell
infantry
of
reduction
the
was
of
And as
and strongholds in that quarter.
the Marathas as a rule preferred to serve in the
forts
cavalry, foreigners like Rajputs, Sikhs,
Sindhis and Arabs had
new
service
numbers
6
be
recruited for
and to induce them to
attractive terms
this
enlist in large
had to be
offered.
The Cavalry:
Before
methods
lay
to
Rohillas,
in
in
the
the
introduction
the Maratha army
of
the
its
main
European
strength
The Peshwa maintained
cavalry.
his personal force or
Khasgi paga and the whole
country was divided
among Saranjamis
dars on military tenure.
P.
D.,
According
Vol. Ill, pi
lfl&.
to
or Jagira
paper

published
pal
THE MAKATHAS
the Kavyetihas Sangraha the princi-
in
Maratha leaders received Jagirs
mentioned against
a stipulated
name
their
number
to the
for
value
maintaining
Sowars (horsemen).
of
For m
Jugir of
Bowuii.
Malhar Rao Holkar
d2,ooo
95 lakhs.
Ananda Rao Pa war
15,000
45
Patwardhans
Chintaman Pandurang
:
and Gangadhar Govind

Parshuram Ramchandra
Kurundvadkar
ft
Pratinidhi
Ghorpade
Panse
of
Mudhol
ft
||
2i
5,000
>4
3 'o
800
21
Artillerv
..
3*
Throat
ft
5 00
Bhapkar
50
700
**
1,200
7i
1,000
4i
..
500
*1
300
2,32,000
Nana Fadnavis
Tryambakrao Pethe
Raja
Rao
Purandare
The
of Akalkot
Sultan
is
ft
ft
. 5
3
Rastia
3,000
...
paper need
noteworthy
not
that
be
while
a Jagir of 95 lakhs for

22,000 horse, Ananda
quoted
he
60 thous.
4j lakhs.
in
full.
It
Holkar enjoyed
maintaining a
force of
Rao Pawar got
a Jagir

45 lakhs only for a force of 15 thousand.
The Saranjami was usually a man of approved
He was
service and wide military experience.
of
informed
how many horsemen he was expected
bring to the
In
field.
allowance including
all
his
to
Rs
300 a
look after
year.
the civil
his
personal
items
was clearly
salary he
was to pay
usual
mentioned as well as the

lo each of his Sowdr.
Sanad
to
This varied from Rs. 250

He was also expected to
administration
of
Jagir
his
and to provide for its agricultural improvement.

The clerical work of the army under him was
done by a number of Darakhdars appointed
by the Peshwa, but paid out of the Jagir of the
Thus in the Sanad

granted to Mahipat Rao Kavde in
762-63 we
read that he was to employ the undermentioned
Saranjami or
fief
holder.
civil officers at
the following annual salary
R*. per
Diwan
Khasnis
...
...
Fadnis
ear.
5,000
5 .
Sabnis
Daftardar
...
950
400
5 00
Chitnis
...
400
Parasnis
Jamdar
Potnis
...
P.D.,
...
250
VoL IX,
pfi.
...
81CMU4
300
400
THE MARATHAS
454 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM Ob
The incumbents of these offices were all mentioned by name and Mahipatrao was expected
to bring
his
year and
to
force
for
general
muster
each
acknowledgment
receive an
after
Sowars had been counted
the
The
obtained an advance
Shiledars
Nalbandi
preliminary expenses and
for
from a document of
Rao
Balaji iiaji
"
be classed as
superior,
horse
learn
according
Rs 400 should
worth
worth
that
wc
time that
horses were divided into three classes

to their price.
called
middling and that worth Rs. 100 as
Rs. 200 as
inferior.
Any
horse worth less than Rs. too should not be count-
ed
but having a bad

in
horse classed as superior
should
rider
be counted
not
0
the muster.'
A
a
muster.
the
in
cavalry
number
no
and that
than
less
though
attendants
700,
was generally served by
of attendants,
had
Bhonsle
regiment
There were
5 Karkuns and 181

strength
fighting
its
was
regiment, 9 Rikibdars
Farriers, 8 Camel-drivers,
this
in
(stirrup holders),
under Ranoji
Khijmatgars,
Musicians,
2
Scouts, 5
3
Kotha vales (store-keepers), 2 Jamdars (wardrobe
keepers),
dlers,
worker,
1
13 Bhois
Washerman,
1
Sweeper,
Torch-bearer,
carriers,
(palanquin-bearers)
Macebearers,
Sad-
Leather-
Drummers, 4 Messengers,
Barber.
Tailor, 7 Water-
Sunshade-bearers,
* P. D., Vo!. Ill, p.
Trumpeters,
1M, Fnjnm'i Summary.
455
Potdar,
4 Mahatgadkaris (elephant drivers)
and 99 Grooms. These non-combatants were paid
1
very
is
by the Pcshwas' government and there
little
reason to believe that they were not very regu-
larly
the
for
paid,
Peshwa
and the
army was
and
his
frequently subjected to
always
chief
Dhama,
by the discontented
of dunning,
arrears
in
were
officers
an extreme form
soldiers.
Saranjam the Peshwas took care
In granting
to place rival chiefs
make some use
same area and
the
in
of their mutual jealousy.
Pant Bundele, the founder of
to
Govind
Sagar family,
the
was used as a check on the Bhonsla of Nagpur.

The revenue of Malwa was divided among the
Sindhia, the Holkar and the Pa war,
retaining a share
of
Saranjams
the
in
Thus
himself.
conquered
the
territories
and the
conquest,
of
spirit
for
Peshwa
the
grant
stimulated
division of the
revenue was calculated by the Peshwa
'to
check
undue increase of the Sardars' power,

and at the same time to secure co-opcration by
unity of interest.
But the Peshwas failed to
any
secure the
last
For
result
Sardars
dhia and Holkar grew more and
more
like
Sin-
powerful,
and although grave national dangers rallied

them to the Peshwa s side, the feudal tendency
and individual jealousy ultimately
ruption
of
the
on
dis-
The Sindhia fought

Bhonsla of Nagpur levied
empire.
against the Holkar, the
Ghasdana
led to the
the
Peshwas'
subjects,
and

war
constant
was the
This
resulted
public
in
insecurity.
source of weakness of
real
the
Maratha empire.
7.
One
career open to all
point however should be noted
Maratha army,
the
every
man
of ability,
a Marshal's baton
Sardars,
like
about Napoleons
under
and dvery
his
generals,
an
Marshals,
In
open
to
carried
soldier
knapsack,
Says
Emperor are
the
was
career
Napoleon's
position.
low
very
in
here.
many
and
from
rose
English
writer
Those men who
the
greatest
in
the
been the one a waiter, the next

a wine-smuggler, the next a cooper of barrels,
and the next a house painter. Those are the
country
have
Ney and
trades which gave us Murat, Massena,
Of the Maratha Sardars Ranoji Sin-
Lanncs.
dhia
was
slipper-bearer
the
of
the
Peshwa,
Malhar Rao Holkar was a goatherd, Govindpant

Bundele, a cook.
of
the
Peshwa
Balaji Vishvanath, the

family,
was
founder
village
clerk
and the ancestor of the Ramdurgkars was a

Fate Sing, Raja of Akalkot,
domestic servant.
This similarity
can be regarded as a foundling.
between I he French army under Napoleon I and
the Maratha army under the Peshwas, however,
is
extremely superficial.
solidarity
former.
and
discipline
The
latter
lacked the
that characterised
the

Darakhdars held
army
of Saranjamis as a
method proved
this
But
hereditary,
of little effect.
Pendharts
S.
The
The
policy of the
Maratha
rulers accentuated
war instead of mitigating
hardships of
the
generally
the
in
check upon them.
were
Saranjams
the
as
their hereditary office
457
it
Over and above the regular soldiers. Pendharis in

large number were allowed to accompany the
army on every expedition, in return of a tax

called Palpatti. These Pendharis were authorised
robbers, and plunder was their only profession
They shared their spoils with the government
to 25 p. c. of their booty) and
consideration for their friends or fellow-
(the tax
had no
amounted
countrymen.
not
were
Sometimes even
One
spared.
instance
Hindu temples
of their sacri-
Nilkanth Appaji
legious depredation will suffice.
wrote to Bala Saheb of Mira] on the 23rd
of
April
against
1791
during
Tipu
of
Dada Saheb
of
Shri
second
the
expedition
The Lamans and Pendharis

army plundered the temple
Shankaracharya
at
Shringeri.
and
worth several
took elephants and other property
and yesterday
all
in
rupees
of
lakhs
brought their spoils to a place about two miles
11 When Shri Shankaracharyas
from the camp
;
11 Khar*, Aitihutlk
Lekh* SangTaba,
P*
**^4,
45 8 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
OF THE MARATHAS
was not secure from the Pendharis of

the Peshwas army, we may easily guess what
temple
little
security private property of ordinary people
The Brahmans were sometimes protected

by Sardars of high position, but we do not think
that their protection had much effect against
these professional
robbers.
The Siddis of
had.
Janjira also sent chortas" or authorised thieves

to rob the
were
Peshwas subjects, and although these
ruthlessly
punished
Peshwa's
government
protection
against
when
could
caught,
but
afford
depredations
of
the
the
little
feudal
army. This, and not the corruption of the Maratha

officers, was the weakest point in the Maratha
The whole
government.
has
situation
been so
nicely summarised by Tone, that an extract from

his
letter
will
country such as
common,
the
bear
quotation
this
where revolutions are so
great spur
to
here.
industry,
In
that
of
taken away; the Rayat who cultivates

his grounds this year, is by no means sure of
security
is
possessing them the next, or

highly probable that
in
if
he should,
Government
it
is
that holds
its
supremacy only by sword, some large detachment may be quartered by the neighbourhood;
than which a greater blow cannot be given to
industry
for
a Maratha army are
more indefa-
tigable and destructive than myriads
The property
a
prey to
of friends
their
and enemies
indistinguishing
of
locusts.
falls
equally
depredations.

Hence
is
it
no man
that
more than barely
raises
serves him and the produce of the
equivalent to
We
again
When
and rewarded.
service,
if
Higher
killed in action, their
minor, erjoyed a
come
should
they
were well attended
age were taken
of
if
of
Peshwa's
the
into
pension
liberal
until
age and enter the army.
were encouraged
officers
When
army.
the
officers
children
to
turn
wounded he men and

to
just
is
consumption.'*
its
will
year
by
grant
of
Saranjam, Jaripatka, and similar honours. Some

of the government Kurans or grasslands were
set aside for the cavalry,
the
Cha.mbhar,
When
kampus
disciplined brethren
into fashion,
Saheb
letter.
Peshwa
These
did not lag behind their un-
in
the matter of plunder.
The
kampu under one
mentioned
more than one
in
**
9.
of
is
the
two battalions,
depredation committed by
Dalton
were
professional work in
for
also decided to maintain

battalions or
Sutar
disciplined battalions officer-
came
ed by Europeans
village artisans like
Lohar and the
the
sometimes requisitioned
the cavalry
and
Forts
The Maratha forts were in the Peshwa days

the same primitive type as in the time of
Shivaji.
observes,
advanced.
In
the art
the
In
of
Natives
this
fortification,"
of
India
country,
Raj wad, Vol. x.
it
is
Blacker
are
still
in
the
less
same

slate as
Europe before the introduction
in
regular
the
of
was
it
have
been
European
engineers
appear
have neither
appreciated
nor
their
to
reliance
judicious
nable
as
Even
systems.
works
judicious
THE MARATHAS
more
plan."
imitated
in
strong
they
example
the
They
profile
place
than
in
As a consequence, impregstrongholds
these
powers,
superiority,
its
by
constructed
Indian
for
some
though
appeared to
Indian armies, they could offer but
little
the
resistance
to the superior military science of the west.
revenue of some villages was
Generally, the
granted
garrison
in
fort
maintaining these forts
for
The pay
and
their
an ordinary soldier serving

was about seven Rupees and he was paid
of
months only though he was expected

serve for twelve months
When he lived in the
for eleven
to
fort with his family,
The pay
of the
Sabnis,
Havaldar and the

importance
of
he got
an extra allowance.
the
Sarnobat
Karkhannis,
varied
with
the fort under their charge.
the
the
In
763-64 the Havaldar and the Sarnobat of

Fort Bahula got Rs. 125 each per year while the
the year
Sabnis and
the
Fadnis were paid at the rate of
Subhedar got Rs. 250 per year.

The Havaldars of Chawand and Ahmadnagar,
however, got Rs. 360 and 300 respectively.
Rs. 200;
As
in
the
the days
of Shivaji
undivided supreme authority
in
no
officer
the
fort
enjoyed
Surety
was, as before, taken at the time of enlisting the

garrison as well as the
officers.
The
the Karkhannis was so
low
we
found
impossible
it
and
pay
was
he
on a higher salary,
AU
fort
forts
artillery,
of
that
man
11
were furnished
with
heavy guns
were
the
more
magazine
granary
at
were stored.
or
Atnbarkhana
or
Old grains were sold out

at the market price and new' grains
Towards the close of the Peshwa
each
intervals
an
as
well
as
in
Darukhana
There was also a
frequently.*
old
new
cleaned once a year and the smaller pieces

1
in
Trigodi
the
100 a year.
Rs.
vis.,
on
by a
replaced
the important
some pieces
of
of
from
learn
time
serve
to
salary
Rao's
Karkhannis
the
750-5 1
Baji
Balajt
of
a letter
that
461
fort.
period the Arabs were largely employed for garri-
soning the more important forts

empire.
Sir
Thomas Munro
small strongholds
in
of the
tells
lieu
alone
of
was
arrangement,
their
service.
by
appointed
it
is
that
us
some
the Karnatak were garrisoned
by hereditary servants enjoying

in
Maratha
rent-free
Their
the
commander
state,
superfluous to
land
say,
such an
could not
be conducive to discipline or efficiency.

10.
The Artillery
The
artillery'
formed a separate department
and was generally manned and
P.
P.
officered
D.Vol. III.p. 191.

D, VoL III, p. 11.
by
the
462 ADMINISTRATIVE
and
Portuguese
an
of
Indian
Portuguese gunner varied from
ordinary
Rs. 30
Rs. 15 to
month during the admi-
per
Rao
nistration of Balaji Baj
w
to Shripat Rao Bapuji
following
The pay
Christians.
arc
should be paid on the

Joki (Joachim
Manik (Manuk
day
They
to you.
sent
first
month
each
of
? )
Rs. 30.
?)
Rs. 25.
Rudrak
Pharasis
1753-54 shows: The
in
artillerymen
addressed
as a letter
Rodrigues?)
(Francisco
Rs. 12-8.
Jacob Rujel (Rozario?) Rs

Malakma!knr(?) Rs 15.
Manvel (Manoel
The
Peshwas had
manufacturing
Captain
1
739
?)
Rs. 15."
and
Gordon
visited
the
mortar.
was
told
making shot/
locks,
" His
17
are
very
in
the Bazars."
established at
%y
have
thirteen-inch
running iron
of
of Sindhia's
excellent
superior to the ordinary European
with
saw
such with great
art
Tone says
June 30th,
said to
of
for
balls.
where
shells
make
they
and have learned the
ease,
for
on
foundry,
form
factories
cannon
writes
many coehoms and bomb

been cast there, and
own
their
cannons
William
12-8.
arms
ones
to
fire-
far
be met
cannon-ball factory was
Ambegavan
near Votur
P D, Vul. m. p. 177.
Pomtt, M until a Series VoL
I, jx
&7.
in
Prant

Junnar
in
765-66 and a new factory was establish-
Poona
ed at
four years later
manufacturing
for
cannons. Unfortunately the Marathas relied main-
and the Portuguese for the

supply of artillery and munitions. Maratha officers
were often commissioned to purchase these
from Bombay while the Portuguese undertook
on the
ly
English
supply
to
Peshwa
the
with
the
of
artilleries
latest type.*
Moor was
Lt.
artillery
opinion
of
was more
that
of a source
the
pen
of
the
of
Major Dironi
The
park
of
park
artillery,
made an
are collected,
of
is
The gun-carriages,
dity of the timber,
in
from the
very great
where
interest
guns
their
all
extraordinary appearance.
which they
and use but
are clumsy
construction,
The follow'-
artillery
of
of
weakness than
of
strength to a Maratha army on march.

ing account
park
trust to the soli-
iron in
little
beyond
belief
their
parti-
wheels, which
cularly the
of large solid
are
of
painted
of
are
said
state,
to
cannot
every
their
wood
and formed
low,
united.
dimensions;
gods given
The guns
and having
to
them,
the most fantastic manner; and
them, held
of
in
in
and
sorts
all
names
the
pieces of
are
are
many
esteem for the services they

have already performed for the
in
now be dispensed
respect unfit for
use.
with, although
Were
the
guns
even serviceable, the small supply of ammunition
p. o.
"
Biker.
THE MARATHAS
has always
with which they are provided
prevented the Maratba
ually
artillery
from being
a marching
formidable to there enemies.
guns
the
light
move
guns
the
day,
On
soon
off
and
day-
after
tumbrels,
unwieldy without further
effect-
sufficiently
heaped
so
burden, are
stores
seem
to be
and baggage that there docs not
with
any idea
to unlimbcr.
being necessary
of its ever
and prepare
As there are no pioneers attached

the
artillery to repair
on the march.
for action
to
deficiency
this
roads,
Maratha
the
is
compensated by an additional number ol cattle,

there being sometimes a hundred or a hundred
and
fifty
bullocks, in
gun."
string
The European
Maratha
artillery in
artillery
Fadnis
for its
Space
department had
account and
will
permit
not
one
it
will
not be out
significant
Maratha
the
hardy
his
l
Dirutn,
to
the
in
home.
tents,
one
it.
con-
its
the
work.
more
place
to the Carnatak he
wo rough small
them
of
Sabnis and
detailed
system
take
here,
note
of
character
of
leaders.
saddle their
army
all
military
change
the
They were no
simple warriors who could
the
call the
of
saw
also
clerical
treatment of the Maratha

but
had
Darakhdars as the
tingent of
one
men who served
a very poor opinion of the
The
who
officers
operation
to
pairs
of
When
longer
rightly
Shivaji
led
had with him only

for
himself and
Htrralirt ol th* Campi^'gn in India,
the
pp. 11.1*2.
Maratha chiefs
But the
other for his ministers
465
who accompanied Sadashiv Rao to the fatal

field of Panipat needed like the Mughal officers
of
Aurangzib costly tents, splendid
and comforts and

followers
not
Raghoba could
amount of pomp and
homeless
do without a certain
Forbes
splendour.
cavaliers
their saddles with the
cows,
the
as* also
with gold
fan,
wild
chouree,
or
of
on the other,
man
formed
of
cow from Thibet, covered

and
handle
is
gold or
decorations
knobs,
the
tails
the
tail
with
long
as
the
of
silk
martingales
ornamented,
and wealth of the
or silver plates,
a large
with
soft
cruppers,
bridles of the horses, are

to the rank
called an
flow:
the
sometimes studded with
silver,
The
jewels
side
embroidered
velvet,
is
ing hair, delicately white,
On one
umbrella,
rich
Thibet
the
of
tails
head.
horses
generally
Maratha
ornament
frequently
bushy
an attendant carries a
aftaphgcrc,
The
writes
distinction
of
Even the
luxuries of all sorts.
the
of
equipments
owner,
according
with
gold
and a variety
coins,
of
and
grey
the
of
horses are
and orange colour, and

the manes plaited with silk and ribbands, inter-
frequently
spersed
dyed
of a red
with silver roses
have also servants with

of rich
gold
and
great
men
silver
staves
workmanship running before them,
called
chopdars and
who
The
sing
59
assaburdars
their
praises,
and
sort
of
heralds,
proclaim
their
466 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP

the hyperbolic style of
titles in
magnificence
the
of
THE MARATHAS
the
Indian
east:...
tents,
The
pavilions,
and summinianas, or canopy far exceeds anything of the kind in Europe

The Mahrattas
seem to prefer their tents to houses, and enjoy
more pleasure
camp
in
than a city.*
Shivaji could not countenance
the
introduc-
women into the camp on any account,

and he had made it a capital offence.
But
tion
in
of
Peshwa days
the
not
only
the
feudal
chiefs
horsemen were accompanied

womenfolk and dancing girls, jug-
but even the ordinary
by
their
glers
and
camp
as a
fakirs
flocked
all
good place
to
Maratha
the
Moor
The number of women with this army
(Parsharam Bhau Patwardhan's) could they be
of
business.
Lt.
writes,
at
accurately
all
computed,
believed;
our
bounds of
probability,
deem
In
that
so,
it
market
the
estimate
we are
place
or
life
but
necessaries
of
descriptions
found
campment"
Forbes
many
of
market
place,
and
the principal
thousand
tents,
far
afraid
camp
belonging
to
the
would
give
it.""
bazar not
only
of
all
Raghoba's
en-
us,
miles
to
be
exceeds
commodities
informs
square
not
strangers
least
customers.
space
to
at
so
would
his
covered
the
bazar or
own
division,
generals, contained
many
where every trade and profession
**
Fort**, Oriental Memoir*, Vol. II.

pp 41-44
Moor, Litiio'i Douchroont,
p. 29.

was carried on with as much
Goldsmiths,
a city.
regularity
as
in
bankers,
drapers,
carpenters,
tailors,
jewellers,
confectioners,
druggists,
467
tent-makers, com-grindcrs, and farriers, found em-
ployments
as did whole rows
13
copper smiths
the bazar did
Comus had no
that
grievance.
It
non-combatants
the
votaries of
needless to
is
in
and
Maratha
and
wine-
lack
not
as we learn from Broughton,
stalls
far
silver, iron,
of
say
army
exceeded the combatants.
The army
large number
in
Shivaji's
of
cattle
army
of
animals,
time.
thousand
in
description
animals,
attendant on
provender,
water
were
at
expense
also
the
in
camp
Maratha
of
and
climate, often fatal
Exclusive
cavalry
war,
trained
to
horses
belonging
bazar
alone
locks
to
the
shop-keepers, besides a
and
asses.
ployed
to
hundred
feeding
these
procuring
their
distress
and
sultry
the Mahratta
many
thousand
camp-followers
commodities
number
of
small
the
of
horses
Some thousand camels were

carry
the
>'orbe9, OrttatJkl
tents
and
Memoixi. Vol.
the
thousand bul-
twenty
required
convey
were
the
to
of
eye-
every
parched country
Asiatic
of
of
difficulty
great
very
an
two
least
the
is
variety
writes a European
the
as
The number and
astonishing
there
encumbered by a
deemed unnecessary
further
necessarily
is
witness,
for
was
baggage
11, p. 48.
em;
but
makathas
468 administrative system of the

the
proud
elephants,
elevation, were appropriated

service, or
scarlet
to
and
chief
of grains
on
nomads and brave

trade
of
did
not
by
force
Brinjaras,
could
to take an active part
It
plied
the
officers
retinue
not
in
supply
tribe
of
the double
corn-dealers.
They
merchandise
be obtained
by
were always prepared
honourable purchase and
ol their
hardy
procure their
hesitate to
it
regular
who
carriers
plunderers and
when
princely
the
steady and
the
carry
men, women, children and
vast horde of
for
his
gold
with
**
on state occasions.
relied
embroidered
destined
with majestic pace to join
cattle
of
decorated
cloth,
and silver fringe, were

houdahs of Ragobah
This
some honourable
to
covered with caparisons
and
velvets
distinguished
their
of
the
military operations
warlike customers
is
needless
to
say
that
the
vast feudal
army of the Peshwas could not be mobilised at

a moments notice.
The Feudal chiefs were
scattered all over the empire, and when an urgent
summons reached them they were
not always
able to hasten to the Peshwa's standard.

tious
it
and powerful chiefs
like the
Ambi-
Sindhia found
necessary to maintain a big army, but the lesser
barons found
it
profitable to
employ
in
times of
peace as few horsemen as possible. The Peshwa,

moreover,
was unable to finance a military
rorbei, Oriental
Memoirs VoL
II, p. ft*.

and the feudal chiefs had
expedition
money
for
Marat ha
It
appears that very few
had a surplus or reserve fund
chiefs
moneylenders.
on
on
is
It
Gokul
that rich bankers like

to
find
upon and on such occasions they had
to fall
rely
themselves.
to
this
Parekh
to
account
could
rise
Rao Sindhias principal

When the war was over the Peshwas
the position of Daulat
minister.'^
government had
to
grant
fresh
Jagirs
feudal chief to pay off the debt he

service
in
the
to
numerous
of
and
the
state.
had
the
to
incurred
This however led
interminable
altercations
between the feudal Barons and the audit

The ultimate result was
of the Peshwa.
officers
invari-
an addition to the feudal chiefs Jagir and

consequent increase of his power. The process
ably
Maratha
empire, the ruling Peshwa had very little power
went on
till
or prestige
in
left
the closing years of the
The personal
Peshwa did to a
this
result,
but
it
certain
defects of the
extent
was not a
last
contribute
little
to
due to the
inherent defects of the system.

//.
Postal System
and Military Intelligence
There was no regular postal department under

The work of military intelligence
the Peshwas.
and what postal work there was, were entrusted
to
Jasuds and Harkaras.

*
They were not
Imperial Record* Nomeccfatur*, IN 14,
VoL
129, p. 107.
only
::
good runners, but

ed with
on
roads,
officers
in
were expected to help them
sometimes
hostile
of
the
he,
11
the
critic,
their journey
and
in
are
Major Broughton,
in his
"These. Hirkuras,"
to
is
obtain
and convey
guides,
information,
letters
or
the
passes through
hills
or
roads,
and are so generally
rivers;
ancient
heralds,
they
and allowed
vileged,
to
other travellers would be
They
are
absent
often
across
the
as pri-
pass unmolested where
utmost
the
in
danger.
sent to great distances, and are
many
for
coun-
useful, that, like
looked upon
are
mm
messages
with
its
says
to act
they are always well acquainted

try,
praise
most active and useful set of
were addressed to
very eloquent
Harkaras.
their business
as
way
Kulkarni.
is
While
brave.
villages on their
letters to that effect
the Patil and

a
men, well acquaint-
resourceful and
public
duty,
intelligent
MAHATMAS
months
when
they
must
necessarily be subjected to the greatest hardships,

in
a country where there arc no
the inhabitants of
the
high
known
to
Maheshwar
rate
of
cover
subsist entirely
Rs. 3 per day, they were

the
whole distance from
to Delhi in thirteen days.
Education
12.
did
many provinces
and when
Sometimes the Jasuds were paid
by plunder.
at
inns,
Like
the
not
organise
postal
department,
any
the
Peshwas
department of
public

Learning was indirectly
instruction
by Dakshana grants to scholars
by
tuted
Peshwas
tinued by the
Scholars
to
from
Poona by
polis
Dabhadcs,
the
system
this
was con-
after the fall of that family.
money
reward,
as a great seat of. Sanskrit
and the metro-
Misuse
however was bound to set
such a
system
and what was
was extended
Peshwa Madhava Rao
indiscriminate
learning.
to
distribution
of
In the reign
says,
Madhava Rao
in,
check to
Dakshana
Scott
tried to put
of
meant for scholars

Brahmans in general.
originally
alone,
Waring
Originally insti-
Peshwas soon became distinguished
the
of
encouraged
parts of India were attracted
all
this
47
Peshwa
of the great
was ordained that the learned

Pandits and Shastrics should undergo an examination
the
at
it
palace
by
should there receive gifts
the
Head Pandit and
proportionate
to
their
4
Baji
Rao
annually
Dakshana
last
four lakhs of
spent about
II
in
The
and knowledge.'
qualifications
Peshwa
Rupees
In his time indolent
grants.
Brahmans, and professional beggars of that caste,

again began to take a
share
After the annexation
the
to
the
British
of
Pathshala for
learning
Poona out
at
The Pathshala no
the
of
the Dakshana.
Peshwa's
dominions,
maintained
in
the
Mr.
territories
Elphinstone
imparting Sanskrit
Dakshana
grant.
longer exists, but the grant
form of
survives
in
in certain
Colleges of
the
still
Dakshana fellowships
Bombay
Presidency.
Library
/ j.
The Peshwas
for
their
the
year
the
1747-48,
Ralaji
others
Udaipur*
He
religious
of
bought
also
1755-66.
in
In
Rao procured no
Baji
Madhava Rao granted
of
copied.
manuscripts
thirty-six
manuscripts
first
diture
procure old manuscripts
and get
books from
other
tried to
library
than
less
OF THE MARATHAS
In
fifteen
1765-66,
a monthly
expen-
Rs. 31 for an establishment for
making
copies of old books.*
Medicine
14.
The study
grants
of
They
were
medicine
medicine
ol
Inani
lands
further
encouraged
No
gratis
to
was encouraged by
eminent physicians.
distinction
to
distribute
caste and
was in this respect made. Among the
grantees, we find mention of Hindu and Muhammadan physicians and of a Portuguese Missionary
doctor *
It appears that physicians also got
an
of
.creed
annual Dakshana.*0
In
tions
some respects the administrative instituof the Peshwas were certainly as good as
those
better.
of
contemporary Europe;
The temperance measures
were so successful
P
D.. Vol. II. pp.

*
in
P D Vol.
It.
that
1W-80I.
P. D..
VoL
PP 129.194.
other respects
Peshwas
Wellington had to lay
'
of the
P. 0-, V.J
II, p.
907
VII. pp.
P"hftorhi B*lchr.
p, G6
OTHER ASPECTS OK ADMINISTRATION 473

special stress on the necessity
arrangements
Maralha
by
an
making
wine
future
Despatches.
The
attitude
to
tried
fix
an exchange
Wellington
by
described
of the
as
and regimental Bazars

orders of Government
relating to the
exchange
(3rd January, 1799),
camp, and
in
all
practices,
the
This morning
Shroff appeared
business
of
writers
so
for
much
corrupt
much worse than

Company's
the European officers in the
Bazars
the
officers,
perhaps not
were
the
of
December
27th
money.
European
by
condemned
of
of
Much
the general
consequence
The Maratha
was stopped."
in
only one
the
in
was
result
follows:
inconvenience has been occasioned
country
government
and the
rate,
Maratha
the
English
the
can also
Wellington's
of
government towards the currency

was almost neutral;
in
policy
from
extract
special
currency
The
Despatches.
his
in
their
of
proved
be
for the supply of
campaign,
soundness
f or
service.
Despatches alone, we find that
In Wellingtons
a Captain and a Lieutenant-Colonel were charged

with and convicted of committing embezzlement
was found guilty of purchasing

and two Lieutenants were
horse
Lieutenant
stolen
convicted
*
of
committing violence
Also ownpkrc the
It
>Ht it ir
injustice-
They
6o
who
Thome) there were
to everrbiMly that
(S.
the
Bazar"
following account of Portuguese misrule
Sac Thome (Manned Xtarin Do

of this town
in
uJ.
Irrlne, Vol. Ill, p.
were
th*
in
it
many
cue aoothfr; they du* and
20)
tnuatcni
oppression and
fortified
in
much
trrnrhc* in
MARATHAS
we lake
If
home
and
Clive
by
Maratha
officers'
lighter
comparison.
in
We
and
of
spirit
their
his
guilt
While
notice
measures
taken
not
till
religions
not
were
appear
possibly
England the
the
for
relief
eligible
State, but hereditary
the
of
Jews were
rulers
had
Muhammadans
The
high
for
1829,
subjects of
their
to
our
Catholic
before
Maratha
and creeds.
only
Roman
passed
the
1858,
claims
specially
toleration
in
under
efficient
contemporary England, and
in
accorded equal treatment

all
the
was as
Emancipation Act was not

and
contemporaries,
will
justice
Peshwas as
the
sent
have already seen that the administration
revenue
of
sums
into consideration the large
posts
Muhammadan
the
of
officers
like
Kazis were appointed for the benefit of their

community. Not only were the old grants made
the
former
by
mosques and holy
their
new
kings
saints
Inatns were granted by the
madans were allowed

rate levied
usual
favour
in
continued,
Maratha
case we actually find that the
one
In
Muhammadan
to
pay Hash 1/
upon the Hindus.
of
but
rulers
Muhamhalf the
at
Hut inspite
the atrootu, fanuahiag them with
MBnnn, Beth iiiuu Imd (fair reiide*modi money

ni:ntivnrn
wil Hi** re
If nny 000
c*rlc*lY down tb<* urret. they eho* At him wit* fhcfr mutch,
to**, %nd Rpent
Tbnjr obtained
k)ckK
even to the Holy of

oomhio*.
*
offeoo*
rewind for chair evil deed*, paying

tiuliee,
(Oth*r horrible
D.,
uhooting
1.0
respect
roh'irio 2
pra-
detail* follow.)
VoL lil.pp 316-310.

ofTered |o
down men Hariny
It cniiBot
M'.hamtnadam.
howev e r t># agrerted that

flndiuhiv Rito Blum,
it
tui
it
OTHER ASPECTS OK ADMINISTRATION
475
we cannot say that the

Peshwa's government was better than that of
of these
ideas
liberal
contemporary England, while the people under

the
latter
enjoyed
security
of
life
and
property,
the
territories
under
specially suffered from a lack of
was the
seen,
result of
former
the
we have
The Peshwas
This,
it.
Feudalism
checking the growth of Feudalism

considerably helped its progress and development.
instead
of
Instead
independent
of
maintaining
of
the
feudal
became more and
New
Sardars.
neighbourhood
more
new
Rastias, the
army,
Peshwas
the
dependent
Poona, and
the Patwardhans, the
and
forces,
were granted
fiefs
of
strong
on
even
the
in
families
the
like
Yinchurkars,
Phadkes rose in power

Even Nana
Fadnavis depended on these feudal Barons for
military help.
These chiefs, however, were not
more faithful to their master than the more
I
he
and
powerful
and Holkar
Sardars
older
Despatch, dated
In a
Sindhia
like
the
19th of
November, 1799, Wellington says that southern

Maratha chiefs including the son of Parashram
Bhau sent [Vakils to him and to the English
Agent of Mysore
This
force.
evinced
the
allinrml.
in
independent
the final
English
d*t?ii>|t*h4'd
vmtertftltt,
offering to subsidise
spirit
struggle of the
He had made
nt NniW
Puabwaachi b*khar
p. &2.
hihI
was
British
further
Peshwa with
himself unpopular
built
tccnplc* with their

with the
and with
cating
stand
common Rayats by
many
their
by
of
farming
ruler
They,
therefore,
and chief as
they ought to have done, and Baji

nath fell " unhonoured
unwept
in
songs.
revenue
the feudal nobles by confis-
Jagir.
their
THEMAKATHAS
*'
did
not
faithfully as
Rao Raghuand cursed
APPENDICES TO BOOKS
AND
II
War-Rockets
"The
war-rockets used by
which very often annoyed
two inches
is
or
eight
tube,
iron
in
sometimes fixed
to
commonly
five
feet
to
with
long,
with
to this
combustible
and on the lighted

fuse,
directed,
which
causes
much
enemy,
from
is
terrifying
and
Oriental
Memoirs
p.
63.
an
confusion
the
sometimes
sword,
spike
iron
staff,
materials
is
or
the tube
fastened,
fire
velocity
to the
if
well
uncertain operation,
it
and dismay among the
destructive
avoiding
of
difficulty
effects."
(London,
Also see William
four
projecting
rod, or
great
most
but
cane,
match setting
projected with
is
and near
destructive weapon
bamboo
an
of an
long,
a rod of iron,
strong
beyond the tube

filled
to
this
two-edged
straight
composed
is
inches
ten
diameter
us,
Mahrattas,
the
1813),
Irvine,
the Indian Moghuls, pp. 147- 150.
its
Forbes,
Vol.
II,
The Army of
47$ ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE
MARATHAS
Stone ns n weapon of Defence.
The use
weapon
as a
stone
of
defence
of
was by no means confined to Southern India

and to Shivaji's times.
Fitzelarence
found
heaps of stones near
war and
Pendhari
the
Deccan during
forts in the
Muriros
were
soldiers
when they attempted

storm Chunar as the following extract shows
Our men at first marched up the
with
assailed
stones
to
with
the
which
greatest
the
but
resolution,
enemy
out
rolled
and on each side of
the
threw them
it
down, and rolled them back again

at
time
What
with
so often
down
so
it
tumbled back
upon
fatigued,
up.
them,
our
that
they
rock,
by
and
people
twenties
their
were
obliged
Caraccioli, quoted by Sir
The Life of Lord Clive VoL
often
so
II, p.
to
being
stones rolled
large
were
by
breach,
endeavours
their
clamber up so steep a
stones
large
of
hill
G W.
at
to
last
give
Forrest,
273.
C
The Raja of Sat am.
Fitzclarence
has
very aptly
compared
the
Raja of Satara with the mis faineants of France,

and the Peshwas with the Mayors of Palace.
APPENDICES
He
479
says, In both cases the son of the
man
being a
continued
ment,
equal abilities
of
to exercise
govern-
of
became
people
the
father,
his
functions
degrees
by
till
the
to
usurper,
accustomed to the rule of an imprisoned monarch,

whose authority was exercised by the minister.
But
the
farce
appearing
of
to
under
act
the orders of the Rajah of Satarah, a descendant
family
the
of
kept up
Sevajcr,
of
new Peishwa nominally
the
from the rajah ihr khelaut,

appointing him
Journal
to
appears that both
to keep intact
Fitzclarence,
Northern and Central
in
the
authority
of
the
old
form and apparently governed the
country as their representatives.

of
honour,
Maratha conquerors always took care
India the
in
of
dress
the situation."
receiving
pp. 285-286.
It
or
always
been
has
Bhonsla
the
of
rulers
rulers
conquered
Jenkins writes
Nagpur.
The
as we have seen, founds

the Government of Deogurh, on
Booslah family then,

its
rights
treaty
to
with
allows the
original
its
possessors,
and
it
still
Rajah to the Gond princes,

with a commutation for the original share of
of
title
the
revenue of
the
period
privilege
officers;
ancient
of
the
country,
the
of
conquest,
receiving
whilst
it
of
the
and even ostentatiously
stood,
it
and
with
through
observances
the
proprietors
as
state,
adhered.
their
due
are
to
at
the
own
the
carefully
The Gond
480 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MARATHAS

Rajah gives
the
to
or
Booslah
princes,
on
Gadee, and he
the
certain
though
indicating
any
to
independence
all
by
to put
however
not
from
purpose,
the
prince,
other
with
Territories
the
detract
the
political
the Booslah Rajahs of Nagpore.
of
Gond
intercourse
his seal to
circumstances,
foreign transactions, they were
the
the
do
practical
accession to
their
These
royalty,
of
nominal partition of
dignity,
mark
entitled
is
revenue papers.
sovereign
In
Teeka,
ihe
states.
the
of
only
Rajah
constituted
channel
of
Report
on
of
Magpore,
pp. >40-141.
D
Reception of the Angria.
How
were
Angrias
the
Peshwa can be very
by
the
guessed from the follow-
well
ing description of Lord
received
Valenlia's
reception
by
Peshwa' s servants:
At a
went
on.
little
distance
halted,
and the Colonel
carpet was spread on the plain
deputation
alighted,
advanced.
Wc
and
after
the
a few minutes,
met on the carpet.
Each person
was presented separately to me by the Colonel,

and embraced we then seated ourselves without
Voyages and Travels, by
chairs on cushions.
;
George,
Viscount
Vol. U, p. 102.
Valentia,
London,
1811,
APPENDICES
48,
E
Character of Maratha Peasants.
"
The most remarkable

character
the
tions,
the
is
ceremonv
J
the
common
mechanic,
or
the
appearing before his superiors,
own accord, tell

and converse more
his
inferior
and
if
talks in a loud
The
sit
life.
order,
down
of
without ceremony,
an
an
than
equal
he has a petition to present, he
and boisterous
sets forth his claims.
of
lowest
will
his story
like
descrip-
all
intercourse
of
in
pay to show or
they
regard
little
in
peasant
the Mahrattas, of
of
perhaps,
feature,
tone,
and
fearlessly
Jenkins' Report, p. 54.
great body of the Mahratta people
are
very peaceable and simple peasantry, of frugal
seems to
be no district in India, of equal extent and population, where so few crimes are committed, and
of the robberies and murders which really occur
the greatest part by far are the work of the
habits,
and gentle dispositions
Bheels,
in
who
Central
sanguinary
accessible
on
India,
these
there
mountains as
maintain
precarious
independence, and are

to such
means
well
as
and
found
less
of conciliation as
have
yet been tried with them, than any of their
Narrative
more
of a Journey,
Reginald Heber, Second Edition, Vol III, p. 122.
northern
61
kindred.
482
Gao 11 Kkandt.
This
tax,
Prof.
Pissurlencar
informs me,
is
some villages of Portuguese India.

But what is still more interesting is that Prof.
Pissurlencar finds from some entries in the Livros
still
paid
in
dos Reis Vtsinhos that
from some villages
Moro
in
Gaon Khandi was exacted

the
District
of
Daman
by
Pingle, Shivaji's Peshwa, in the years 1676,
1677 and 1678.
BOOK
III
EVOLUTION OF THE MAKATHA INSTITUTIONS

THE ANCIENT HERITAGE
CHAPTER
Council and State Departments
Muhammadan
i.
conquerors
not
the indigenous institutions
Before
the
Hindu
old
disappeared
did
rulers
formidable
the
not
institutions
rulers
had
the
mad
but
the
new
with the adminis-
The Arab
had been employed for

Muslim conquerors, after
their
Kasim, the
bin
of
an
Sind,
but
priests
hindrance
the
enjoy
rent-free
ancient
form of worship
rulers,
Muhammadan
him
were
from
of
the
and
bar
continue
in their
and
or
their
sacred temples.
who
extraction,
Arabs,
only
granted by their
to
conquerors
Arab
scholars
without
lands
Hindu
not
revenue collection
Brahman
to
The
province,
officers for
former
not
and the only Arab
first
allowed
Brahman
monarchy, and Muham-
Indian
employed Brahman
inherited
India
Hindusthan,
of
of their national
conqueror
in
Northern
Persia
in
work by
fall
Islam
formerly
Iranians
the
of
emplo\ed Christians and

revenue work in Syria and Palestine,
for
similar
much
interfere
trative
Jews
another
to
onslaught
monarchies of
one after
hostile
their
followed
but
they
traditional
THE MAR AT HAS

policy and culture along with their
More-
faith.
over their number did not allow them to dispense

with
the
Hindu
the
while
Hindu
monarchies disappeared
th
institutions survived.
century
general
led
Vindhyas,
passed
his
but
conquering
he
neither
Muhammadan
ere
across
fcjrccs
nor
Muhammadan monarchy,
ment of a
not a
on the Ipyalty
little
against
the
Emperors
hostility
Delhi,
of
Vijayanagar,
of
The simultaneous
Deccan.
the
that
establish-
depended
Muhammadan
the
and the Hindu kingdom of

largely
to the
and
vitality
they
undisturbed not only
village
sway
Hindu subjects
its
institutions
allowed to flourish
autonomous
of
contributed
indigenous
the
of
the
immediate
his
successors could establish their permanent

over
and
services of the natives of the land,
republics
but
also
were
in
the
tihe
in
courts of independent or semi-independent Hindu
who found
chiefs
nable
forts
hill
institutions
Muslim
parison
Icings
will
close
safe retreat in the impregtheir
native
therefore continued
rulers
the
influence
they
the
of
Muhammadan
the
and
land.
to
The
exist
old
under
so powerfully did
administrative
policy
that even the most careless
of
com-
be enough to establish beyond doubt

alFnity
between
the
revenue regula-
Tipu Sultan of Mysore, a zealous follower

Prophet of Mecca, and those of the
the
tions of
of
Peshwas,
the "Brahman
defenders of the Hindu
COUNCIL AND STATE DEPARTMENTS

was no mere accident,
This
faith.
for
487
we
if
compare the regulations set forth in the llukumnamas of Coorg with the regulations of Tipu,
the same
resemblance will be evident. Our
western
critics
perhaps discover
will
only
another
instance
the
unchanging
East.
civilised
completely died
administration
out
in ever)'
administrative
have
criticism
when
times
in
of
the
they
oft
turned
but
mere
was
and the
right of
guidance to
for
theirs
blind
a work of
Few
rulers of
Madhava
first
superstitious veneration of
the
and
Peshwas.
the
of
surrender their
like Shivaji
course could,
their
root
its
reform as well as of conservation.
shake
system
national
however
not
Shastras,
Kao,
institutions
old
land has
been
not
they did
old
have
institutions
imitators,
the
which country,
in
The
of
and such was also the case with the
distant past,
They
But
uncivilised,
or
immobility
the
of
this
in
time-honoured
the
abolish
were either unjust or oppressive.
customs that
But such reforms were from time to time effected
Hindu
and the
nued
in
the
conquest
cumbed
system
of
government conti-
Bombay Presidency
in
1818
Before the
to their western
rival,
empire the same judicial system

that prevailed
valkya,
in
Narada
Shukracharya
the days of
and
the
till
British
Marathas suc-
we
find
still in
in
principle
Yajna-
Vishnu
of
their
existence
Manu and
Brihaspati,
same
the
and
revenue

administration
advocated
in
still
by the
operation
days
still
the
of
Hindu
had
aL
Raigad with
ahhisheka,
he
it,
all
national
'
been
When
Muhammadans.
enthroned
the
in
foundation
the
Padshahi,' Maharashtra
the
three
village
existed
monarchy, or as Sabhasad styles

by
same
the
been
Buddha.
Council of Ministers
Before
Kautilya
flourishing that
of the great
s.
K id
that
celebrated
hundred years before Christ,
communities
THE MARATHAS
Maratha
conquered
Shivaji
was
pomp
of a
the
committed
positively
himself not only to the policy of conservation

all
the
lindu institutions that
existence, but
might
still
to a policy of revival.
also
be
of
in
The
was the reorganisation of his

immediate
cabinet or council,
well-known as the Ashta
Pradhan Council, and there is a tradition that he
result
was guided in this work by the old Shastras in

general and the Shukranitisara or the polity of
Shukracharya in particular
But the Shukraniti is
the
not the only work
appointment
of
been commended
old,
though
they
on
by
polity
council,
all
were
not
According to the school of
made
to
thinkers of
quite
Manu
advocate
The step has
political
about the number of councillors.

of ministers shall be
to
unanimous
Kautilya says,
the
consist
assembly
of
twelve
Bail
Rao Kaghunath

members
the
school
shall consist of sixteen
Ushanas
say
members
But
needs
members
consist
shall
it
Kautilya
the school
always
should
ministers,
four
consult
whom
of
eight
that
the
king
principal
In the preced-
made
is
Manu
should
there
seven or eight ministers, whose ancestors
been
servants,
royal
heroes
sciences,
to
should appoint at least three
According to
ministers.
41
twenty
be Brahmans,
should
ing chapter of the Mahabharata, he
say
of
recommends
himself
Kshatriyas and one Suta
three
of
it
of
king
Brihaspati say that
of
number should be regulated by the

the State.
Bhishma* held that the
the
that
that
489
who
skilled
and descended from noble
in
have
the
use of weapons
the
in
versed
are
be
families
and who have
number
eight in the Mahabharata and the Manu-Samhita
there is very good reason to believe that the
tradition, we have already referred to, was not
The author of the
altogether without a basis.
Shukraniti. it is true, recommends that there
been tried.
should
be
But although we get
'
ten
Purodha or
councillors
Pratinidhi
priest,
dhana, Sachiva,
in
all,*
vis
viceroy,
or
Pandit,
Mantri,
the
the
Pra-
Pradvivaka or
Chief Justice, Amatya, Sumantraka and Duta or
Knuttljr*'*
62
ArtbiwtiMtmi PP- 32
MnhabhnrUA,
KUuu.
ShukmNUi;
rii,
64
Vvr**. Cb. 85.

i
8. B. K., p. 1W4,
8. B.
pp.
M1.

envoy,
but
as
perhaps no hard and

Shukranitisara
also.
it
for the
suggests a council of eight
itself
Pratinidhi
of the Shukraniti
list
was
there
about
rule
fast
we exclude the
If
second
suggested
Kautilya
from
and include
Commander-in-chief, we get the
in
the
the
it
Ashta
Pradhan
Council of Shivaji that consisted of the
Mukhya
Pradhan or the Prime Minister, the Amatya, the

Mantri, the Sumanta, the Sachiv, the Pandit-
Rao
Koyal
or
Com-
Senapati or
the
Priest,
mander-in-chief and the Nyayadhish or the Chief
The
Justice.
quently
post
by
created
was
Pratinidhi
of
subse-
second son of Shivaji
the
and that minister had also a seat
in
council
the
and the council of eight was thus transformed

council
into
nine
of
within
few years of
Shivaji's death.*
This
nation
similarity
councillors
of
evidence
Kanu
favour
in
is
the
of
drawn up
.labia
number and desigby no means the only
the
in
in
tradition.
In
the year one of the
Rajyabhisheka era (published by Rao Bahadur

Kashinath Xarayan Sane), we find that on every
paper, letter, and sanad issued from a state
department,
their
signature
we compare
the
in
fnr
these
regulation
Shukraniti,
my
my
Pradhans had
to
indicate their approval,
to
this
rurknowledjrc
drawing
eight
the
and
if
following
"the Mantri, Chief
Justice,
Mr T
Karre hor*
mdehcodn*#*
ittvctio* to
with
put
tti*
Co
S. Skajitvtil
origin* J tent of the 81 iokr*nili**r*.

learned
adviser
as
should
write
written
with
write
my
Well
written
Priest
doubt
little
at
to write
is
the
that
for
this
But
Shukranitisara.
'
particular
be
very
regulation
sage of
the
to
will
it
wc have
indebted
Sumantra
and the
the
this,'
Approved, "
was
Shivaji
least
'
is
Arnatya should
the
been
has
Well considered
ambassador
the
document
This
consent
then should write
as
well
491
mistake
suppose that Shivaji's Ashta Pradhan Council

was nothing but an imitation of Shukracharya's
to
is
superior
king
and
next
the
to
others
all
kingdom,
premier,
the
the
Sumantra,
spy."
then
comes
Sachiva,
the
priest
mainstay
viceroy
the
then
the
minister, next the Justice, then the
comes
the
According to Shukra,
institution
of
next,
then the
scholar,
Arnatya,
next
lastly
Nor was he by any means thr only
political thinker to allot the first place in the State
to the priest, the author of the
Mahabharata also
upholds the same
in
the
story
king
of
view and
Muchukunda who
defeat on Kuvcra,* the
Yakshas,
family
the
last
semi-divine
inflicted a
king
of
by the magical powers of

the sage Vashishtha.
But
mainly
priest,
Shivajis
support relates
Council
place
the
save
M.nkr Nit I,
Shukra NicJ.
ftbaiiii
priest
one,
was
while
relegated
to
8. B. H.. p. 97.
8. B.
Parr**
IT.,
pp,
tiM-tifJ.
Cha ?3 *nd 7*
the
the
his
in
to
prime

minister
and the Senapati were
seats on the right and
was
this the only
left
THE MARA I'll AS
allotted
the
first
Nor
Although the same
of their sovereign.
difference.
designations were retained
by Shivaji, thr duties
assigned to his ministers were by no means idenwith those appertaining to those very offices
tical
according to the
prime minister
had indeed
general supervision
Sachiva
of the
The Pradhan
Shukraniti.
like
or
Peshwa, a
the
of all state affairs,
the
but
Shukraniti was the war minister,
while the Sachiva of Shivaji was
in
correspondence
Amatya of Shivaji
his namesake of
was
Similarly the
his finance minister
Shukracharya's
revenue-
while
time had
Shivajis
the charge
Sumanta
foreign affairs, while the old
of the
The
revived
Hindu
the
of
Sumantra was
tradition
Shivaji had not
Mantri Parisad
such
of
in
Maratha
chiefs, for
the
councils
courts of
or council
had
perhaps
the semi-independent
Maharashtra had never been
thoroughly conquered by the
perhaps the institutions
still
principalities of the south,
Muhammadans.
existed
the
in
of
What we
the
re-
really a case
of slow evolution for aught
Or
the small
off- shoots
once great Vijayanagar kingdom.

gard as a revival might have been
to
at the
political philosophers in all its details.
survived
came
land
held the portfolio of
head of the finance department.

therefore
charge of royal
we know. The process

sudden stop when the East was
brought into forced contact with the West.
Private Secretary:
J.
needs
Ever\' ruler
and confidential
Avji,
493
reliable private secretaries
clerks.
Shivaji's Chitnis,
was however more
than
His counsel was sought
weight and
Shiva ji
Bala
there
on
Rao
Expediency alone
not
brother
his
might
Rao
nature of their
official
should
speak
the
time.
should
It
is
deem
also worth
it
ministerial
that
kinds of
customs
One who
in legible writing,
smart
and sharp
well
thought
is
of
his
possessed of
with
composition,
all
good
reading shall be
in
out
same
B C.
Kautilya
appointed as a writer (Lekhaka).

Such a
having attentively listened to the king's
and having
the
Lekhaka to
Says the great
acquainted
in
to
the
for
qualifications,
the
Lekhaka
possess ministerial qualifications.
Mauryan statesman,
in
noticing,
necessary
about
4th century
while describing the work of the
the
interesting
duties almost
strain as Kautilya did in
Prabhu.
demanded
is
it
council.
Lekhaka,
Nilo
have
creation of these posts, but
note that Malhar
only
of
that
us
his
in
the
scribe.
question
tells
had offered him a seat
Prabhu was
was another,
mere
every
Ram
Malhar
Balaji
the
writer,
order
matter under
consideration, shall reduce the order to writing.'' 80
Do we
not
hear
an echo of
Kaotily*,
p.
the
BO.
above
when

Malhar
Ram Rao
Lekhaka
Patra
Chitnis
what
ways
various
in
writing
4:
Chitnis
all
royal
corres-
notes.
He
should
in
the
should
mind
king's
cleverly
put
and
into
it
at once.''
State Departments
Let us
and
there
is
The
us
write
pondence and diplomatic

divine
tells
should
THE MARATHAS
now
Mahals,
twelve
necessary
turn to
to
eighteen
the
which
organise
for
Karkhanas
Shivaji
found
administrative
it
pur-
poses.
These were 10
The eighteen Karkhanas

1 .
Khajina
...
Cash.
2.
Jawahir Khana
...
Jewellery
3*
Ainbar Khana
...
Grannary.
Sharbat Khana
...
Medicines.
...
Artillery Stores.
...
Record Depart-
56.
Toph Khana
Daphtar Khana
ments.
7-
Jamadar Khana
8.
Jirat
9
*
Khana
Mudbakh Khana
Cliitoi*. p,
rttbluuMl.
ocmvMbUoc*
106.
pp Wt-96.
of the
imdar.
TW
...
Public Treasury
...
Agriculture.
...
Kitchen.
for
the
Ushtar Khana
10.
Camels and
...
495
their-
trappings.
I.
12.
3-
Nagar Khana
Talim Khana
Pilkhana
Band and music

Gymnasium.
Elephant
sheds,
etc.
Faras Khana
Carpets
and
accessories.
>5
Abdarkhana
16.
Shikar
Drinks.
...
Khana
Games,
aviary,
chase and
allied
materials.
*
7*
18.
Daru Khana
Shahat Khana
Magazine.
Conservancy
Department.
twelve Mahals
tie
1.
Pote
...
...
The Treasury.
2.
Saudagir
...
Merchandise.
3-
Palkhi
Kothi
Iinarat
6.
...
Palanquin.
Store house.
...
...
Building.
Bahili
...
...
Chariots.
Paga
...
8.
Seri
Daruni...
10.
Thatti
...
...
1.
Tankasal
12.
Sabina...
...
Stables.
Comforts.
The Zenana.
...
Cowsheds.
Mints.
...
Guards.
496 administrative system of the marathas
Some
were doubtless
departments
these
of
unknown to the old Hindus. Artillery did not

come into existence in Kautilya's time and
he could not therefore think of a Superintendent
Tophkhana or a Superintendent of Darukhana.

many of the other departments were
Rut
India before the Muhammadan
well known
in
of
conquest, or as a matter of fact before

of Chirst.
king
The
appoint
should
elephants,
camels,
Shukraniti
horses,
the
that
heads
the
infantry,
chariots,
birds
deer,
recommends
separately
birth
the
of
cattles,
jewels, silver, clothes,
gold,
the chief of treasure, the chief of grains, and
superintendent
of
parks,
cooking,
of
and
palaces, as also always
superintendent
the
head
the
superintendent
the necessaries and contigencies,
charge
of
superintendent
of
the
present
text
the
of
be objected therefore
fairly
is
the
has recounted
no
of
left
less
is
than twenty
which survived
till
marks
undeniable
well admitted
duties
compiler
Shukraniti
But the antiquity
work.
Arthashastra
it
of
in
and the
(Nalika), and
that
of
officers
The
charities."
of
acquainted with fire-arms
recent
the
religious establishments
the
and
buildings
of
the
the
it
was
may
comparatively
of
Kautilya's
and Kautilya
superintendents of
departments
at
least
ten
Shivajis time, while others

in
the
Shukraniti, g. B.
institutions
H_ p
T5.
of
the

Pcshwa
for
Kautilya
period.
has
laid
down
497
rules
examination of gems that are to be entered
into the treasury
the treasury'
contemplated
him therefore corresponded to
Khana.
Kautilya
Superintendents
Armoury,
recounts
of
Agriculture,
Shivajis
the
duties
by
jawahir
of
the
Commerce,
Cows, Horses,
we find these
Store-house,
Liquor,
and
departments also in the list quoted above from
Sabhasad. These departments however did not
Elephants and
form the only
63
Chariots,
link with the past.
CHAPTER
II
Town Planning
/
Site of the Metropolis
Let us turn
to
Shivaji's
His
capital.
abhi-
sheka or coronation was celebrated in an impregnable hill-fort, where he could with impunity
defy his enemies to do their worst, for aircraft
was
undreamt
still
nursery
in
writers
of
tales,
us
tell
that
repulse
down huge
pieces
a strong
the
his
the
defenders
their
of
impregnable
wall, ditch
Aurangzibs time
stone
fort,
only.
well
by rolling
protected
for his safety a fortress, protected
fortress
built
in
by
to establish
has also counselled that
the king should build his capital town,
was
It
and arms, that the sage of
Manu
Raigad
of
assailants
Mahabharata advised the king

capital.
excppt
and contemporary European
could easily
such an
in
of
(stone
making
by a desert, or
and earth),
or
one
protected by water or trees, or one (formed by

an
encampment
of
armed) men or a
1
Sttcti
Man
ii,
ParTa,
hill-fort."
ch., &G.
VII, 70, 8.
B., p_ 2*7.
TOWN PLANNING
Town Planning
2.
wc need not
But
on
his capital should
be
inaccessible rock,
so able and shrewd
convenient
the
not only palaces
for
According
of
Rairi
separate
quar-
fortress
queens,
Sarkarkuns and
ters for the
head.
built in the
for his
to his son's
Sabhasad
Ananta
necessary information on this
not
repay our
will well
can profitably turn
him Shivaji had
were
metropolis
court historian, Krishnaji
to
distance
and quarters
buildings
founded
We
the
of
Samhita, to see that
unconnected with the past and

attention.
of
well-fortified, well-protected,
within
But
newly
matter
and favourably situated on an
well-provisioned
from the sea.
emphasis
want the injunctions
not
Mahabharata, or the Mann
his
was
It
prudence, and one
as Shivaji did
much
too
lay
coincidence.
this
common
of
499
Commanders
of five
thousand and men of note,
council-hall
and market, but also stables
for elephants, horses
palanquins, chariots, and

The palace is to be
store-house.
and camels, sheds

cattle
in
and a
the midst of
charya
tells us,
elephants,
clerks,
and
for
the council-buildings, Shukra and it, must have stables for
horses
recommends
building
that
and
cattle.
He
further
dwelling houses for ministers,
members
of
Sknkraniti.
council
S B H
p. SB.
and
officers

should be built separately to the north and east.
The
and
the people in order of wealth
palace
in all directions.
remarkable
It is
within a
accountant's
treasury, the
house, the
others,
the
elephant-stables,
kitchen,
royal
that,
constructed
among
Kautilya mentions
fort,
of
near his
birth
while recounting the buildings to be
the
house
wise king should provide for the
store-
office,
the
store-house for forest produce, the arsenal, stables

for asses
and camels, stables
chariots, shops
and
conveyances and
for
hospitals, stables
and horses, and quarters
for
cows
superintendents
for the
commerce, of manufactories, and

of the army.
But this was not all.
Raigad will
bear a detailed comparison with the ideal fort
of the city, of
of
and
Kautilya
the
metropolis
ideal
of
the
Shukraniti.
Raigad was capital

for
sixteen
siege
of the
of
eleven
Since then
But
uninhabitable.
ponds and cisterns

which,
the
to
stand
many
when
1818,
in
still
in
been suffered to
has
it
and to-day
ruins
into
fall
days
had
and public buildings were badly
houses
damaged.
and
only
years
Maratha kingdom
of the
is
it
there
the
is
deemed
no scarcity
ruined
Ganga Sagar and

This
quite
the
city,
two
of
of
Kushavarta
tank,
are
one
Shukracharya's injunction-that the capital
of
fairly
large.
BhakrMiiti, 8. B.
naturally
p. 83.
reminds
TOWN PLANNING
must ever
pools.
of
be
the
published
ruined
the
in
with wells, tanks and
provided
not easy to establish
It is
all
50*
identity
but
in
the
map
Gazetteer*
we
find
that
buildings,
Bombay
the
the ministers' quarters and the bazar were situated
two store-houses to
the south and the south-east, and the Mahadeva
the north-east, there were
to
temple
stood
far
to
and around the temple
were
the
palace
the
of
dancing
girls'
Within two hundred yards of the Rang
quarters.
Mahal
north
the
or palace of pleasure, to the
north
of
it,
stood the citadel and the powder magazines were

built
the Shrigonda point to the east.
near
the north-west of the palaces
According
stables.
be
built
to
were the
houses
and
for
other
ministers,
animals 0
clerks,
the north or east.
towards
of
the
separately
to
and 200 cubits towards the

cantonments are to be
east of the palace, military
out*
Dwelling
Leaving a space of 100 cubits
north
the
camels,
members
council and officers should be built
laid
elephant-
Shukra, houses should
towards the west for cows, deer,
elephants
To
Kautilya
observes
royal
that
teachers, priests, sacrificial place, water reservoir
and ministers
to the palace
hospitals
to
Bbaltra Nisi, 8.
'
8.
B Q
p.
SO
shall
occupy
B U,
p. 29.
east by north
by west shops and
to the north
the north
sites
the royal tutelary deity
Vol. XI, p- tel.
Bhnii. Kid, 8
B.
il
p 33
THE MARATHAS

of
the
city.*
It
not
is
easy
to
dismiss
The more
resemblance as a chance coincidence.

inference
logical
rules
that
is
town-planning have
of
from generation
this
these
conventional
been
transmitted
generation, and the plan of
to
Raigad had been evolved from one that was

fashion
Northern
in
more
India
than
in
three
centuries before Christ.
Thus
is
it
clear that not only
was
his cabinet
modelled on the Mantri Pansads of old,

secretaries,
but
his
eighteen Karkhanas, and twelve
his
and even the palaces, council-halls, the

officers' quarters, and other buildings of Shivaji's
capital formed a link between the Maharashtra of
Mahals,
the
the
of
century
7th
could
adaptation
that
It
Kancilja.
may
But
C.
old
institutions,
were
others
antiquity equally remote and
an
evolution and
would
interest
incidentally
be
p.
all
gradual
students
of
U1
noted
ittiAe<*l
nn
according to
tl*ai
e*l by
more ekwelf followed li plan

any oth*r work on policy.
tk.An that of
these
Politics.
phftfil frfiihlcn nho'ild
tbt*fnie
only
ArthaihuUm,
bo
Mauryan Aryavarta
arid
story of slow
Comparative
the
boast of
tell a
t).
century
4th
by no means
could
t*
oqtk.
Kmmlya, Hofebivaji
hud.
in tbu fthukianltl
'
CHAPTER
111
Village Communities
Their Antiquity
/.
In
Pesh was, the
many
and
time
Shivaji's
of
within
ihe
1 he
isolated.
State,
head
The
by a chain
villages
government.
the
past.
that
the
royal
of
We
king
village;
means
the
at
officers
Such had
read
also
in
should
self-contained
the
of
helped, hut by no
council.
as
well
under the
Maharashtra were so
villages
States
despot,
as
the
was
state
controlled, by a
base were linked

with
the
supreme
been
the
case
Vishnu
"appoint
in
Samhita
chiefs
also lords of every ten villages
in
every
lords of
hundred villages and lords of a whole district.*

The Mahabharata mentions lords of a single
village,
lords
villages, lords of
thousand
Manu
in
lord
ten
ten
of
hundred
villages
also:
over
villages,
We
let
'
(each)
lords
Viihna,
Shsnli
villages,
lords
and
villages
find
him
the
(the
village,
as
twenty
of
same
king)
lords
of
division
appoint
well as lords of
of twenty villages, lords of a
B. It,
Pam,
VoL
Vtt, pp JUfr.
Chap. 81.
THE MARATHAS

hundred,
and
division
no
time,
prevailed
replaced
one more simple and
by
villages
still
divisions
been
thousand."*
of
longer
had
it
lords
Shivajis
in
long
ten
convenient.
hundred
or
did
Prant.
twenty
ten,
It
but
did
not
exist.
villages,
hundred Tarfs make

not improbable that Shivajis
is
was
division
Single
unit,
Tarf did not necessarily consist of ten
nor
him
before
formed the administrative
of
This
the
or
evolution
natural
of
the
when Manu's code had been

compiled, the connecting link between the two
one that
existed
systems
being
retained
the
lordship
of
supplied
unit
ten
of
Vishnu who
by
the single village, with the
His
villages.
district
corresponded to Shivajis Prant.

Another link with the past
appellation
the
Tarf.
He was
of
in
when
Paripatyagar
the
rare
officer
appears
of
that
Police
Shivaji
Danda-nayaka
the
perhaps
supplied
by
charge of a
in
still
ruled,
called
and
from
Mr. V. K. Rajwadc
had to perform
Magistrate.
he was
that
this
he
is
instances
some papers published by

it
still
the
duties
appears
It
from
successor
lineal
and
of
Dandanatha of the old

For the word danda has uften been
used in old works on Hindu law as well as in
the Mahabharata * in the sense of punishment
inscriptions.
Maan.
VU,
14,
8. B. E.. p.
23*
Sh*r.U Purr*.
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
505
and can therefore be regarded as synonymous

with
Marathi term
the
paripatya.
Bhandarkar no doubt
holds
Sir
that
R. G.
Danda-
the
nayaka was a minister of war* and Dr. Fleet

was of opinion that the terms Danda-nayaka and
Chamunath
were
instances of
being used in the other
its
Dr. R.
well.
Shama
unreasonable
and
it
really
survives
still
sense as
in
therefore
not
will
It
suggest
to
was
Paripatyagar
are
Shastri has translated Danda-
Magistrate
dhara as a
be
synonymous,* but there
that
the
term
of
the
past,
relic
Pari pot hay gars
the
of
Coorg.
The
been
has
nities
Indian
the
antiquity of
beyond
established
Vishnu,
Brihaspati,
law-givers
made by
been
of
old.
Village
unfrequently been described
The
stories.
exhaustively
and
that
all
readers to his
treated
I
*'
should
antiquity
of
R C
do here
Corporate Life
and confine myself

rights
Buddhist
in
to
Indian
have
affairs
Dr
by
other
Manu,
not
Jataka
been very ably and
has
subject
Kautilya,
and
Narada,
doubt.
regulations and
References to their constitution,

bye-laws, have
commu-
village
in
is
Majumdar
to
my
Ancient India,"
enquiry
an
refer
and perquisites
about
of
the
village
officers as well as their duties.
IDarly
J.
B.
Hat. of
Br.
64
thi*
Min, 2nd edition,
K. A, B.,
XVI,
p. 2.
'
o. 1)0.
K*ntly*, ArtLtuUiaatra, p. 10.
Headman and
2.
The
headman
village
Patil.
It
the Scribe
evident
is
in
old
Kulkarni
is
called
has
been
inscriptions.
The
word
the
that
was Kulkarni, occasionally styled
officer
very
Maharashtra
in
derived from Pattakila of the
second
the marathas
records
most
as
probably
the
a
is
Grama-lekhaka.
compound
of the
words kula and karam and originally meant an

officer in charge of accounts relating to village
Kula occurs
lands.
ing to Dr.
Buhler
in
Manu
VII,
19 and accord-
much
denotes as
it
land
as
one family; Kulam," says he, is

a technical term which Medhatithi explains
suffices for
really
by
ghanta,
term
Govindaraja, Kulluka,
nanda
state that
is
the double of a
much as can
oxen while Nandana
plough,'
twelve
it
known in some districts.

Narayana and Kaghava-
i.e.,
share of
as
one
cultivator.''
be
interprets
It
Manu.
The word
is
not
in
it
kult
indicating
the
inscription
as the
some
the fixed contribution that
measure of
Singhanadeva
was
of
kula of
following sentence
of
with
however
been derived from
land, also occurs in
Kanarcse
middling
cultivated
impossible that the term kura known
Bengal districts has
in a
Also
allotted, free
from
opposing claims, on the fixed betel plantation

measuring five hundred kulis which was to the
all
s. B.
R. XXV,
p.
236
"
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
south
temple)
(the
of
Manu
god.
the
of
507
Kulam
was not
unknown in Southern India. The word karana
according to Dr Bhagavanlai
Indraji
means
as
therefore,
department
and
understood
Kami
Fatal
it,
the functionary
10
charge of the Patal Department.
in
been
has
translated
Dr.
accounts.
of
That
Superintendent
officers
charge of a
in
Karan had also perhaps something

the State
records
from
extract
to
the
in
do with
following
Bhandarkar's
G.
Dekkan
History of the
to his
Sir
seen
be
will
as
Karnika according
Sharna Shastri was

11
Kielhom
Dr.
11
documents
writer of legal
to
by
Karnika
In
the
Early
introduction
Dharmashastras he (Hetnadri)
works on
Mahadevas Shri Karanadhipa or Shri

Karanaprabhu.
In the Thana copper plate of
194 Shaka also, he is said to have taken upon
called
is
adhipatya
the
himself
This
Karana.
(emanating from
11
riwt.
11
Hr.
the
Vol,
I, p.
A. 8.. XII.
106.
and was
Patil)
the
wrote
all
Inti
in
charge
The words Karan and
records.
also
kept
documents, as well as orders
HarftL* Ioauriptijn, Ep.

Bp. Ind
tioo
J.
masters and
his
The Kulkami
'*
accounts and legal
village
all
seems to have been that of

one who wrote and issued all
behalf of
Slate Record."
of the
of
office
chief secretary or
orders on
controllership
or
pp
,
22ff.
Vul.
*
K*rlv Hiaiorj of the Dwkkaa, 2nd
II,
p.
Ind.
Am,,XU,p.
122.
129, Si t adorn Ifitwrip-
Kaut-lra. Arthaahaatra,
od., p. 110,
p.
71.
Kamika as
scholars,
My
'
interpreted above by these celebrated
include
these
all
functions.
different
suggestion that Kulkarni
compound
is
of
'
and karam meaning an officer in charge

the karana of kulas or village lands is not
1
kuta
of
themarathas
therefore altogether untenable.
3 Their Duties
now
Let us
antiquity
turn
the
of
our
to
main enquiry,
as
duties,
official
the
well as the
rights
and perquisites
The
Maratha davs, was the revenue

the chief Police Magistrate, and he united
Patil, in
officer,
himself
in
officer
as
well.
revenue,
functions of
the
chief
14
Dr. Majuindar says,
Kharassara
duty of the
officers.
the
the
learn from
these village
of
Jataka that
"Thus we
it
headman (Gamabhojaka)
and with the
help
of
judicial
was the
to collect
local
men
to
secure the village against the inroads of robbers."
The
Patil
had also inherited
from
his
predecessor of
villages.
"The
judicial
his judicial authority
the
powers of the headman
of a village (Gamabhojaka)," says the

are referred to
in
the
that
the
*
he cxcerciscd
villagers.
Ctwpomtc
The
the
in
them
in
pL
67
writer,
Jataka
stories
conjunction
Kulavaka
Life in Anctent India,
same
stories * There
Jataka
no express mention
is
Indian
ancient
seems
Jataka
11
No. 79,
with
I.
864.
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
show
to
villages.
The
altogether
the
of
was the case
that such
1*
about
been committed
has
the lord of
Y'ishnu certainly refers
when he
to his judicial authority
offence
important function
this
headman
village
that
some
at least in
Hindu lawgivers arc not
old
silent
509
in
any
If
village,
the
suppress
village
says,
let
and
evil,
give redress to those that have been wronged. n
The
properties
had
the
and restoration of
discovery
for the
he
under the Marathas was responsible
Patil
He
loss.
the
to
time
the
next
which
village
Apstamba's
by
appointed
town from thieves
one krosa
to the distance of
the
king
They must
were charged with similar duties.

protect
by
this
when the
the headman
of that village. In
officers
for
village
was transferred to
and the inhabitants

*
failing
however escape
could
thief
responsibility
jurisdiction,
stolen
make adequate compensation
to
tracing
his
within
all
every direction
in
each
from
village.
(They must protect the country
to the distance
one krosa from each village.)
They must he
of
made
darie
B.C.),
lar
of
to repay
what
When
"
).
wrote
regard
to
drunken customers.
S. B. B..
VoL
B. R-,
century
ToL
p.
simi-
property
customers
82.
* 4th or 6th
VII, p. 16.
the
When
* Corporate Life in Ancient Indie,

it
(4th
wine were charged with

with
responsibility
(boun-
stolen within these
Kautilva
vendors of
tneir
is
centnry B. 0.
510 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTF.M OF

under intoxication lose any
merchants of the
equivalent
of
fine.
but
loss,
pay an
also
Similarly the Superintendent
merchants
by
under
his
about
the
in
charge.*'
country
the
part
of
Kautilya
is
not
silent
of
the
village
responsibility
similar
Having made the value, etc.,

merchandise known (to the headman
"
headman.
their
the
the
had to make good whatever had been
Tolls
lost
the
things,
their
says Kautilya, shall
shop,'
make good
not only
of
THE MAR ATI (AS
traders
village),
When any
village.
which
has
shall halt in
part
has
headman
village
loss.
the
Kautilya
further
places
Superintendent
of
good.
arc
places,
there
If
the
officer
make good
occurs
in
is
stolen or
two
between
the loss
lost
If
the
in
the
make
shall
in
such
Chorarajjuka
shall
pasture-lands
called
the
lost,
villages,
pasture-lands
no
village
make good the

down that "what,
shall
lays
ever of their meichandise

intervening
merchandise
their
been stolen or
during the night
of
part of a
been truly sent out of the
not
of
of
some
of
the loss of merchandise
such parts of the
country
as
not
are
provided even with such security (a chorarajjuka).

the boundaries
the people
in
contribute
to
people
ten
in
make up
the loss.
the boundaries,
villages
of
the
the
of
the
If
place
there are no
people of
neighbourhood
Kimtilys, Art
p. 148.
KnirUya. Arthaabnatr*,
p.
138-
shall
shall
five
or
make
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
Under the Maury as, therefore,

not only the village headman, but in certain
cases the villagers had to compensate for any
up
the
loss/**
property stolen or
When
the
earlier
than
lost
on
who had
goods stolen by
to
entire
may
belong.
them,
lie
treasury.
" he
If
Having
recovered
him restore them

to whatever caste they
unable
recover
to
must pay (their value) out of

Narada, who possibly wrote
his
own
in
the
A.
however,
L>.,
lays
down
that
whose ground a robbery has been com-
on
mitted must trace the thieves to
the
best
of his
make good what has been
power, or else he must

stolen,
robbed
let
been
he has
been
18
century
sixth
thieves
owners,
their
king.
the
(not
century A. D.) the duty of
3rd
compensating persons
devolved
neighbourhood.
Samhita was compiled
Vishnu
the
their
in
the toot marks can be traced from
unless
ground (into another man's ground). When

the foot marks after leaving that ground are
lost and cannot be traced any turthcr, the neigh-
that
road,
bours, inspectors of the

that
loss.
region
J
'I
tion
to
very
well
old
shall
responsible
bis certainly offers the closest
Maraiha
the
illustrated
paper
Marathi
made
be
and governors
*v B. ., Vol.
by
system,
in
of
the
for
approxima-
which
can
be
comparison with an
which a similar process
a
Ktwlilya, ArtfcMbMiUu, p. 201.
VII,
p. 20.
* 8. B. K., V1.
XXX111,
p.
2*.
The
has been described.**
Magistrate
the
of
ponsible for the recovery
the
but
real
work
work
pensation-money
paid
generally
by
raised
res-
property,
stolen
all
criminal
police
the
with
became
naturally
of
Police
of tracing out the thieves fell
Kamoshis,
upon the
as the
Patil
village
MARATHAS
charged
tribe,
The com-
of the village.
the parly robbed, was
to
on
the
levying
stories,
referred to by Dr.
fine
Kamoshis.
From the Jataka

R C. Majumdar as
Manu Samhita and
the
appears
that
the village
Mahabharata,
as the
well
Vishnu
the
Smriti,
it
headman was appointed
From the story of the Nishada

by the king.
*
Kayavya
however it appears that the Gramani
headman was sometimes elected
villagers.
The Maratha Patil was neither
or the village
by
the
elected
by
State.
He
his
co-villagers nor appointed by the
was
hereditary
with
officer,
hereditary rights which he could transfer by sale.
According to Dr. Majumdar, one

image
Jaina
lady,
inscriptions
would was the
man and
which
to
imply
Thus
appears
iW
to
even
village
the
that
headman was hereditary

that
refers
the
village
it
Mathura
in
in
very
Aucioei India,
pf>
of
the family. 0
early
Mahabharmta. Sbanti Parvn.
,r Oor|or4lf Life
head-
post
fUjwudc, Uarot byiinc by* ItihAianci BadLar.nn, VoL X,
wife of the village head-
daughter-in-law of
would seem
man,
first
of the
ril-fU
times
p. 110.
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
the office had
The process
character.
hereditary
transformation
of
guess, and in
acquired
5 3
not very hard to
is
Maratha days elected or appointed
Kulkarni were altogether unknown.
Patil or
While discussing the etymology of the word

Kulkarni, we have discussed the duties of that
officer.
duties were
here
suffice
will
It
somewhat analogous
Gopa and the Sthanika
Gopa,"
says
gotra,
the
both
men and women
also
ascertain
Likewise, the
attend to the
their
officer
the
keep
"shall
the
households,
He shall not only know

name and occupation of
households.
the caste,
of
his
Mauryan towns.
twenty
accounts of ten households,

or forty
to those
of the
Kautilya,
that
note
to
those households, but
in
income
and
expenditure.
known as Sthanika
shall
accounts of the four quarters of
the capital."*
The Potdar
J.
The
vis.,
origin of another
the
Potdar, can
and
mentions
that no
his duty
an
gold
village
traced to the
a Sonar or
examiner
coin
of
should
its
coins,
Maurya
Kautilya
and lays down
accepted
be
officer,
goldsmith by
was to assay coins.
treasury officer unless
65
Maratha
be
The Potdar was
days.
caste,
.-
by
the
purity has been attested
"
Kao'ilja. ArthMfhaat**,
Kautilja,
p.
J#l.
AnhiduNtni, pp.
66, 79,
M.

examiner
to by the
was
It
as
his
duty
medium
exchange
tender admissible into

Kautilya's Rupadarsaka
Potdar a goldsmith
it
charge of
officer in
both
and
legal
by
was
like
caste
or
as
31
Whether
the
Marat ha
treasury.
the
we
profession
may be noticed here that, the

the Maurya mint was, as in
While
Marat ha days, a goldsmith.
in
Shivaji's
Peshwa regime the goldsmiths

on the payment of a premium,
time and under the
obtained license,
opening and
for
stipulations
had mints
working mints under certain
and reservations,
of their
of the
us
Patil's
now
office
turn
and
to
try
them had the sanction
worked
State goldsmith
the
to
Maurya kings
these were
The Patit s perquisites
Let
of
the
own, and
under the supervision

4.
perquisites
out
find
the
of
of
the
how
many
old
Hindu
appears from a Marathi deed of sale

that the following were among others the dues
lawgivers.
that
it
from
t.
2.
3.
It
was customary
his co-villagers
bundle of
for
the
Patil
to
receive
fuel.
maunds per boat load
of grain
Twenty-five bundles of jawar-sticks
from
each cultivator.
Art huh ultra,
p. <14,
currency
regulate
to
of
do not know, but
Rupadarsaka).*
coins (or
ol
Aiihubutra,
p. ft9
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
4.
Five seers of cotton from each
5.
One bundle
6.
Two
9.
field.
jawar from each cultivator.
of
pairs
55
shoes
of
from the
year
per
shoemaker.
One
7.
bundle
fodder from each
green
of
cultivator.
Nine taks of
from each
oils
Thirteen leaves per
oil-mill.
day from each
seller
of betel leaves.
One
10.
lump
of
one
molasses,
sugar-cane and one
tin
bundle of
of
juice
each farm growing sugar-cane,
from
except-
ing that belonging to the Joshi.
One goat from each herd on
11.
Dasra
the
day.
One
13.
piece of cloth per loom per
all
One
13.
classes of weavers.
piece of cloth per year from
of a
14.
year from
Half
the loom
Dhangar.
a
cocoanut
for
every
marriage
negotiation,
marriage-
and
widow-
remarriage.
5
'
16.
Vegetables from vegetable growers.

All produce, except corn, on one
x afa
from each farm.

1
7.
Customary shares from each
seller
in
the
market.
18
19.
Customary
seer per
shop.
rent from each Banias
bag
of
stall.
grocery from a grocers
516 administrative system OF THE MaRATHAS

20.
The customary amount
and chaff
salt
of
per bag.
21.
One
22.
Water
The
of
nut per day from each grocers shop.

to be supplied by the Koli
perhaps owed these dues to a law

which says Those (articles) which the
Patil
Manu
ought to furnish daily to the king such

as food, drink, and fuel, the lord of one village
villagers
The
shall obtain.
enjoy one kula (as

family),
the
of
much
land as suffice
ruler
twenty-five
of
hundred
Superintendent
of
revenues of) one
village, the lord
(the revenue of) a town."**
ponded to the lordship

to Manu he was not
land, but the Maratha
drink
and
fuel,
of
The
one
entitled
allots to the
the
according
king
to
Patil all
could
other
kulus,
the
thousand
of
Patilship corres-
to
in
According
any
the
land
that
expect
Hindu
(the
villages
rent-free
to
list,
well.
As
"the
from
jurists.
food,
above
as
ought to furnish daily to the king,"
what
one
Patil in addition
as enumerated
shall
for
village.
enjoyed some rent-free Inara
Manu
(villages)
ten
ruler
villagers
let
us
see
a village
The
king,
according to Kautilya, could "exercise his right

with regard to fishing, ferrying
of ownership
and
trading
in
reservoirs or lakes."
vegetables
3*
From
* 8. B. B.. Vol.
11
JCaotilja,
(haritpanya)
in
villages of different
XXV. pp 2U-235.
Arthnh*atm, p. 53.
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
descriptions, he could expect taxes in the form of

grains, cattle, gold or raw materials,
54
and dairy produce
Vishnu allows the king to
take from his subjects
every year of the

other seeds
and clothes
liquids
and
bamboo.''*
the
document
not
give
Palil s
of the
as
to
The
the
the rights and
office.
These varied
supply
entitled
flowers
water
and
the
for
the
to
had
B.
VoL
of
his
items.
occasions
had to
house.
He was
Koli and
the
him
with
The Mahar could
dead
VII. p
doubt
little
supply
to
KAatilyu, ArthMhiinrm.
parts
different
Patil's
respectively
not take the skin of
the
labour of
free
who
fuel
of
leaves
on festive
Mali
Mahar
the
Vishnu
and
different
in
dues and those supplied
Patil's
antiquity
village
split
A comparison between
India at different times
Kautilva
of
Maharashtra, as the king's
parts of
by
made
all
of
list
demands must have varied

list
earthen pots,
is
the
perquisites of
our
fruits,
leaves (of the
skins,
anything
complete
different
gold
by no means exhaustive and

from which we quoted it, does
quoted above
cattle,
necessary to note here that the
is
list
in
wood,
others),
and
It
sixth part of all
perfumes, flowers, roots,
condiments,
vessels,
part
sixth
part of flesh, honey, clari-
sixth
palmyra tree and

stone
and
the hundred, of
in
fied butter, herbs,
"a
taxes
as
grain
two
labour
free
lb.
p.
cattle,
178.
and the
MARATHAS
5*8 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE

shoemaker, the
him shoes,
a
share
man, the weaver had to give
oil
and
oil
the
of
vegetables,
and herbs sold
Kautilya,
Me was
cloth.
or
entitled
to
haritpanya
of
He got
the village.
in
one goat from each herd on the Dasra day which

correspond to sixth part of flesh, which according
to Vishnu the king could take. " The customary
rent
each
for
Bania's stall"
the Shukra Niti
is
no
less old
than
we read that the king
where
should have "land tax from shop-keepers."
The
old
evidence
only
the
antiquity
as
The
well.
were entitled to a small tax
Patils
occasion
the
of
marriage
village.
each
of
the
of
and
made
is
in
Maratha
money on
and widow-rePatdam) in the
marriage
(Lagna-patti
Reference
form
not
them have been mentioned
of
inscriptions
old
does
favour
in
Some
these dues.
works
legal
to such a tax in a
Kanarese inscription of Yadava Singhan* Dcva.*6

" And whenever those same Ugura three hundred
and the
hundred and four, so runs the
five
"asked with
scription,
one coin such as
The
same
is
importunity
in-
they gave
given on marriage occasions.
mentions
inscription
an
impost
of
betel-leaves on betel-leaf sellers and a measure of

oil
on each
tribution
oil
on the
mill.
profits,"
ing document, " was
" Harikekuli and the con-
IW, J.
B. Hr.
we read
in this
the impost of
K. X.
8, XXII.
interest-
betel-leaves
pp. 22/
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
on the road
levied
same god one
visa
burden of betel
Two
leaves.
on each
were given
ceremony
and there was

on each load
allotted to the
beast of
of a
solasages
of
oil
to provide for the
mill
oil
59
of averting the elTects of the evil eye,
which was held on Mondays at the Singvatti
And one
that locality.
god.
the
dried
fruits,
grains,
And
etc.
apart
set
lor
gave a katuiage
cultivators
Sixty
was
oil mill
reapers
the
of
of
of
The
the betel plants will give (a contribution).
ministers of the king shall recognize these imposts.
And
inside
the
village
when they
realize
Purushottama,
Belgauin
an
Deva,
Singhana
district,
the
of
1145
how
cash
contribution)
(a
the
price that they
This grant was made by Danda-nayaka
obtain.
is
give
will
in
and areca-nuts
leaves
the sellers of betel
officer
to
temple at Munoli
and the date of the
Shaka
imposts
these
Vadava
of the
era.
were
king,
in
the
inscription
This clearly shows
common
Southern
in
India in the 13th century of the Christian era.
These imposts were not however peculiar to

South India alone, they are mentioned along
the rent
with
North
Indian
of
a Bania's
stall
inscription,
temple inscription
of
vis.,
Siyadoni,
ascribed to the tenth century

to
Prof.
recorded
will
Kielhorn.
in
this
huge
Among
'
in
an
the
which
earlier
famous
can
be
A. D., according
other
donations
inscription, the following
be of special interest to us.
(Samvat
(26-27)
The
Samkrantau.)
son of Kesha va
Vaishakha
994,
of
sellers
vadi
5,
Shavara,
betel.
and
Madhava, son of Ichchu,

gave an endowment realizing the payment of a
vigrahadrammavisovaka on every palika
up by Chanduka.
(27-28) Nagaka gave a palika of
to the
every
god Vishnu,
of leaves
oil mill of
set
the
makers.
oil
Samvat
(30-31)
Magha
1008,
Kesha va, Durgaditya and other

a
palika
of
from
oil
Cakraswamideva,
from
oil
every
up
set
oil
oil
shudi
11.
makers, gave
mill
to Shri
by Purandara
in
the
temple of Vishnu erected by Chandu.
Samvat
(36-39)
Magha
1025,
The
vadi 9.
merchant Shridhara, son of Mahaditya assigned

a quarter of a Shrimadadivarahadramma, paid
:
as the rent of a vithi to Shri-Vishnu-bhattaraka
Mahaditya in the temple of Vishnu
erected by Chandu.
do not contend that the imposts mentioned
up by
set
in
the Munoli temple inscription
tary gifts
were
enumerated
in all
to
village.
all
in
the
royal
'
tax
in
with
Manu
says
villages
the
KielHoro, Bp.
UA,
dues of
could
that
in
expect
lieu of
were allowed to pay
shape
Vol.
the
the village officer
that the king
Kautilya
cash some
a tax
Siyadoni inscription
respects identical
entitled
from a
the
According to
the Patil.
was
in
and the volun-
I,
of
p. Ifl8
grains,
dairy
VILLAGE COMMUNITIES
products, labour,
military
service,
above two inscriptions we
find
52
In
etc.
and a certain measure of
oil
each
were made
god.
it
in
favour of a
quite unreasonable to suppose
leaf
areca-nut
oilman,
the
seller,
to give the
had
share
Patil
of
the
that
from
Is
betel-
shoemaker, the
the
(grocer)
seller
the
imposts of
that
betel-leaves,
oil mill
'
offered
similarly
produce, to
their
which he was entitled according
to
laws of
the
Manu, and the existing imposts in favour of the

village headman had led to similar imposition
in favour of the village god ?
The Balutas
5.
The
Balutas or
important
part
Maratha
monopoly
in
hereditary
enjoyed
within the village, and
a share of grains
in
from
villages.
of
is
made
in
their
harvest
the
Yadava
They
trade
time got
each cultivator.
ence to the perquisites of the artisans

nadi)
played an
artisans
village
Refer-
(Karukai-
inscription dated 1175
Shaka era.* The Balutas were termed

It
is
as Karu in the Peshwa days also.
not
of the
therefore
unreasonable to
existed in the
tury
A. D.
suppose
66
these
Maratha village in the 13th cen

also, when Maharashtra
as still
under the Hindu Yadava kings.
that
rieot, J.
Br. H. A.
XII,
p. 49.
CHAPTER
IV
City Police
The Kotwal and the Nagaraka
/.
From
The
the
village
was styled, as we learn from
The Kotwal was a
Nagaraka.
and
to the
turn
at
head
the
dispose of
all
He had
keep a record of
the
city.
Kautilya,
all
disputes.
He had
He had
to take the census
coming
persons
He had
to
dispose
into
of
disputes relating to roads, lanes and houses,

finally
the
he
had to furnish
government
It is
as
Police Magistrate
of the city police.
important
regulate prices.
leaving
city.
charge of a Maratha city was the

the officer in charge of Mauryan
officer in
Kotwal and
city
us
lei
to
to
and
and
all
and
monthly accounts to
evident that the Maratha
Kotwal had inherited some of his duties from

'*
to look to
the Mauryan Nagaraka who also had
the
affair**
of
his
city,''
whose
assistants
the
Gopas and the Sthanikas kept accounts and also

(What else can Kautilya mean
took the census.
41
he shall not only
when he says of the Gopa
know the caste, gotra, the name and occupation
;
rh'.
Dikrieo.
XMlhara too
I.
Vol. II, pp. 234-236.
CITY POLICE
men and women
of both
also kept himself informed of
through
Gopa and
the
households,
those
in
income and expenditure
but ascertain their
He
5*3
new
all
arrivals,
The
Sthanika.
the
Nagaraka enforced regulations regarding houses

and streets as well as sanitary regulations. He
had to arrest thieves and to search for bad
characters with the help of the spies, and the
Tone
Baji
that
Kao
was
detained
at
ten
"
dismissed by the Kotwal.
Tone
cipline,"
for being out at
we
is,
Kautilyas
writes
*'
:
our surprise, at
the
before
whole night
This
dawn
fall
old
least as
between
as
statesman
nalikas
six
night and six
of
shall
regula-
While recounting the
interval
(a| hours) after the
Pcshwa
the
Nagaraka, the Mauryan
The
the dis-
strict is
prisoner a
Arthashastra.
duties of the
So
improper hours."
find to
firing
The prisoner
when
he
was
"that
us,
kept
been
himself had
tion
tells
the
after
the
in
night.
morning
till
regime of
appear
could
from
learn
the
arrested,
being
at
We
all.
under
no person
II
gun
the
not
is
Poona,
at
without
streets
of
This
police.*
city
be
the
period
nalikas
when
trumpet shall be sounded, prohibiting the movement of the people. The trumpet having been
sounded, whoever moves
in
royal buildings during the
first
of the period shall

(3 hours ?)
*
Kaui.lv*. ArthMhtr,
the
or
be
vicinity
the
last
of
the
yama
punished with
pp I80-IS6, Mid
p. *71.
MARATHAS
one pana and a quarter, and during

middlemost yamas with double the above
and whoever moves outside (the royal build-
a fine of
the
fine,
ings or the fort) shall be punished with four times

*
the above fine.
Thus we
of
find that the administrative divisions
Maharashtra, the organisation
communities, the organisation
ment were
all
The
old
Hindu
only
survived
development
and
of
And
system.
but
if
in
Hindu system.
most cases not
contributed
largely
village
of the city govern-
based on the old

institutions
the
of
to
the
Maratha
administrative
we examine the Maratha revenue
the
system,
we will get further
convincing proofs of the survival of the old Hindu
judicial
institution
grant
in
deeds
evidence
Maratha
of
Maharashtra.
and
this
judgments
process
institutions
of
from
institutions through successive
Even the Marathi

will
yield
fresh
slow evolution of
the
earlier
stages.
Kifcutiku, ArUuiliatn, p.
I.H4.
Hindu
CHAPTER V
Land Revenue and Cesses
Classification of land :
/.
Land
Maharastra was divided
in
main classes
(
three
into
Land
out to permanent holders.
let
(2)
Crown
(3)
Forests.
or
demesne
land.
and
Arable land was again classed as jirayat

hagayat according to the character of their
soil,
and patasthal and motasthal according to the

manner of irrigation, and superior, inferior and
ordinary according to their fertility, as- we find
in
of
letter
Wan
addressed to Appaji
Dindori,
in
Mamlatdar
lari,
He was
be surveyed. The
*'
the year 1760-61
told that the villages should
land should be classed as superior, ordinary and

inferior
and also as
jirayat
and bagayat as
patasthal and motasthal."

is
further
distinction
made between waste and rocky
lands already
a
still
fresh
purposes
according
raised on the
lands
brought under cultivation,

classification
land
in
to
is
the
made
for
crops
question as
well as
will
and
While
revenue
generally
be seen
THE MARATHAS

in
the following extract from a document
of
the
assessed at
the
time of Balaji Baji Kao:
Rice lamia should
(1)
5 per bigha as before.
rate of Rs.
(2)
be
Lands producing sugarcane should
be
bigha
as
assessed
the
at
rate
per
Rs. 5
of
before.
FV^Wrid/ie-producing
(3)
pay
should
lands
Rs. 2 per bigha as before.
Lands under summer crop
(4)
assessed
at
should
be
Rs. 1-8 per bigha as before.
These various
and
divisions
classifications,
no means new and were

known as early as the Maurya era when the
Brahman administrator and political
great
He makes
philosopher wrote his Arthashastra
subdivisions were by
a clear distinction between situ or produce
from
crown lands and bhaga or portion of produce

payable to the government. Flower gardens,
fruits
gardens, vegetable gardens, wet fields
fields
where crops arc grown
for
seeds
under Setu.
by
sowing roots
(Mulavapah), he continues,
Game
and
forests, timber forests
come
and
ele-
While recounting the

phant forests are forests.
duties of the Gopa, Kautilya lays down that
It is
the duty of Gopa.
village
accounts of
attend to the
five
accountant,
or
as ordered by the collector general.
Knut'ly*,
ArttmbMtr*, p
ten
By
to
villages
setting
LAND REVENUE AND CESSES

up boundaries
as
of ground
villages,
to
527
numbering
by
plots
plains,
* *
wet lands, vegetable gardens, fences, forests,
cultivated,
uncultivated,
*
* pasture grounds and
irrigation works
* he shall register gifts, sales, charities
mission of taxes regarding

is
made
frequently
pay one-fifth
cultivate
says Kautilya,
on shoulders one-fourth
carrying water
produce; by water
lifts
irri-
shall
produce as water rate
of the
re-
according to
Those who
gating by manual labour,"
and
Reference
fields."''
to classification
irrigation facilities.
roads,
by-
the
of
one-third of the produce
and by raising water from
tanks,
lakes,
rivers,
and wells one-third or one-fourth of the produce."* Mention is made of irrigation tanks
also
in
vogue
in
where
ascessment
for
fication
wc
one-third,
passage.
subsequent
that
was
purposes
when the Sukraniti

find
Similar classialso
was compiled,
the king should
realise
from
places
one-fourth,
which are irrigated by
or
one-half
tanks,
canals
and wells
The Chola
by rains and by rivers respectively.'"
kings also recognised this time-honoured distinction
between irrigated and unirrigated lands."
The assessment
is
said,
under the Cholas
in
1046
(Dv. 75), to be one-sixth of the produce, and

recognised Hindu rate from the
this was the
earliest times.
*
Arthaahutm,
But a quarter of a century

*
p. I7R.
Ruhr*
Kiti,
KmUIj*. ArthMliMtr*,
8 . B. tt
p.
148.
later
p.
1*4.
MARATHAS

it
isjdescribed in more
as
detail
fifth
the
of
and of lands on which

dry (unirrigated) crops are raised, and a third
of the produce of lands below a tank on which
produce
paddy
of forest tracts
The
grown."
is
classification
land
of
and actual state of cultivawas perhaps the outcome of the Mughal
according to
tion
fertility
influence.
The Principle of Assessment
2.
It is
not for us to decide whether the revenue
But
land tax or rent.
ment, as
it
old indeed.
Hindu monarchs was a
by
derived from lands
existed
the
principle
Shivaji's
in
Agriculture
was
of
was very
time,
then, as
assess-
it
is
now,
and land revenue

naturally formed the principal source nf income
of the Peshwas as well as of the Chhatrapatis.
But while a long lease and a fixed rent were the
the principal industry in India
special
of
features
the
land
revenue system
under the Peshwas, the founder of the
Maratha
Empire preferred to share the actual produce
Sabhasad
of the field with his subjects.
was made
each bigha and
that an estimate
grain)
of
of
the
after
to the
d 174.
Lcwirt
Rayat
us
produce
(in
dividing
the
shares
grains into five shares three of the

left
tells
were
two shares were taken for the
Rhw, Mjiore
anil
Coorg from
the
necriptioni,
pp. 173

government
the
the crown
made
is
pillar
inscrip,
Athabhagiye
of
of the produce claimed
share
eighth
Kumindei
the
In
Asoka mention
tion of
or
8
.
529
Bhaga,' as we have already
by
seen,
means the portion of produce payable to the

government according to Kautilya. According
Vishnu the king was entitled
to
every
year of
other
seeds.
may
to
part
sixth
and a sixth part of all

Manu lays down that the king
the
*
grain
take the eighth, sixth or twelvth part of the
produce
tenants
paying
41
according to the difference of the soil

and labour necessary to cultivate it, adds a
commentator. * Youan Chwang found the Maratha
rent
10
one-sixth
The Chola
claimed
sixth
of
kings,
of
the
produce
the
as Rice
actual
as
tells us, also
produce
in
the
eleventh century A. D.
Shcr Shah collected oneexpected one-third of the
and
Akbar
total crop though the Quran permits no more
than one-tenth
Thus it is clear that although
fourth
proportion
the
demanded
varied
from time to
time, the principle that a certain proportion of the

total
crop
state
was
Shivaji
should
in
be annually rendered
operation
back to the
can be traced
time of Asoka
8 N. Son, air* CUhaiiapati, p. 37.
SwiiUi. Atofca. p. 18.
if
to the
from
not earlier.
8. B. K., Vol. VII,

p 10.
8 B. E., Vol. XXV, pp. 23&-207.
The Institutes of Manu, by C.
0 Houghton, quoted by Thomaa,
EUtdu 4 8 rarve* of the Mughal Empire, p. 1ft.
Watiere, Oo Yooan Chwang. Vol. I, p. 170.
67
MARAT HAS
530 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF T HE

should
It
was
not
Abul
sixth
peculiar
Fazl
Turkey,
to
the
informs
us
Turan and
and
share
time to a
fixed
the
of
India.
rates
that
|he
were
>ne-fifth,
in
one-
f'rom
respectively
actual crcP in Shivajis
assessed
rent
principle
to
11
the
of
or
Hinds
Iran
one-tenth
specified
inspection
this
however be noted that
harvest,
the
af tcr
undei he
actual
Peshwas,
was but a natural change

Rent or land tax did not form the only item
n any age
of a states income in any couniO'
*
This was supplemented by

taxes,
cesses, an d undefined
remote or recent.
customs
duties,
Hut
exactions.
Maratha
it
was the fixed principle
of the
financiers that these levies should not in
any case exceed the resources of the tax-payers or

in their own words taxes should always be jivan
mafhik.
Here also consciously
unconsciously
they were following the precepts

tors.
due
his
for
duties and
both he
work receive
calf,
ances-
example, lays d own that "after

consideration the king sh#H always fix in
Manu,
realm the
that
their
the leech, the
their food l^tle
so must the king draw
annual taxes."
such a manner
due reward.
and the bcc take

11
;n
and the n>an who does the
himself
their
taxes,
from
by
And again, Lct him
Ain-i-Akhari, Oladwin, Vo>-
B K
Val
XXV, p
S*
even
realm moderate
hi?
"
little,
not cut up
LAND KEVRNUR AND CESSES

his
own
taxes), nor
(men) by excessive greed;
of other
own
ting up his
root
ed.
weaver
by cut-
for
receive rent
from
such a way that he be not destroy-
in
to
It is
root
(or theirs),
opinion that the king should
the peasant
the
he makes himu
wretched.
Shukracharya was of
them
self or
no
root (bv levying
53!
be
realised
in
fashion of the
the
merchant.
of the garland not of the coal
14
Baudhayana recommends the same principle of

moderation when he says Let him also lay just
(duties) on other (marketable goods) according
to
heir
(the
value
without
This may
be
intrinsic
11
traders).
coincidence,
as
the
principle
oppressing
an
is
accidental
one that
will
recommend itself to the good sense of every' statesman in every age. But it cannot be an accident
that many of the taxes and duties of the Maratha
age
be
can
traced
reason of course
is
custom.
Human
where neither the

rulers
(it is
true
sanctioned
in
by
law
or
the
the
Muhammadan
taxes
rulers
at the
often
time of
"
8.
"
" . B K.. VoL XIV. p 200

Hhokr* XlU. 8. B. H_ |x 47.
W- imi how h lawyer 00m missioned b? Charlo* I ru manured the
E..
Vol,
xxv,
p jgm.
.
It
Inti? iH*per nf Ertrluml a r d cltimatolv diicorered to

i#t
kings
same everyMuhammadan nor the Hindu

nature being
many obnoxious
remitted
The
particular seldom forget
in
revenue
item of
1,1
remote past.
not hard to guess as
general and autocrats

a single
to
the
Kiiirtiiii
tax payer* tho
right-
utter
to lory Shipuiooey.
iniru*i
532 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF.

their
accession
the royal
the throne, hut
to
mandate was not
distant provinces, or the
rights in
prohibited
this
particular
many
this explains the survival of
with or without legal sanction

sent times.
Let us
now
seems
in
were
duties
forego any of
and
direction
of these
levies
even to the
how many
see
that
respected
either
revived before long) were likely to

their old
it
MARATHA$
pre-
these
of
and extra cesses had been inherited

by the Maratha rulers from their predecessors of
taxes, duties
the Epic and the Pauranic ages.
J.
Taxes and Extra asses:
Begar or Beth Begar as it

is called by the
Marathas, was certainly one of
tue most obnoxious, as it was one of the oldest, of
i
Forced labour.
these exactions.
Madhava
it
not
Rao
only on
Grant Duff
of
most
Manu
as
paper
but
the
king
Shudras
Shudras who subsist
each
to
it
work
month""
"
(for
to
work
and
Peshwa
abolished
finally
practice
in
although
Mechanics
a month.
may cause
he
as
too,
had the sanction
Hindu law-givers
authorises
and
to the credit of the

that
tells us,
of the
artisans,
in
It is
of
old.
Father
make mechanics,
for
him one day
artisans,
as
well
by manual labour, he
himself)
Vishnu
also
s. B. K.. Vol.
xxv. p
one (day)
lays
zss.
down
in
that
manual labour-
" Artizans (such as blacksmiths),

ers (such
work
for the king
for
According to Shukra,
"
the
fortnight*
of
day
18
to work
Sudhana
the
In
Mahendra Sena
made
is
king's dominion can
do
month.'"
to
the
in
Kinnaryavadan
the
observe that
escape
subject
the
once
Kalpalata
Bodhisattavadana
the
each
in
shall
The king should make
and artisans
artists
1
and Shudras
carpenters),
as
533
king
in
no
forced
and the king s punishment* Forced labour is mentioned by Youan

Chwang also, but he says that it was very
labour, the king's dues
sparingly
imposed* Lewis Rice says
inscriptions
it
appears
towards the close of
that
the thirteenth century forced labour

of the
formed one
imposts levied by lloysala kings on their
subjects *
madan
that from
It
rulers
Begar
was
in
both
vogue under the

Northern
in
Muham-
and Southern
somewhat analogous in principle

to the feudal practice that demanded that the
tenant should for certain days in the month
work in his lord's field, and we need not be
surprised if it still survives in some parts of the
India.
is
But begar
country.
S. B.
"
Sb.kr*
is
not
the
only
heirloom
Vol. VIl.pL 17
Kill, 8. H. H., p.
Bodlii&fcitvftvriiuiA
148
KilptliU
of
Kahrmfindr*,
PulUva
11
Wattarm, Qt Y.m*n Chwtng, Vol.
11
Mvtort nod Courg,
p.
17G
1, p.
176
Bastj. fourth

Maratha
that the
M A RATH AS
Til K
rulers inherited
from their pre-
or Rahdar't. a
duty levied on
decessors.
Raha dan
2.
goods or merchandise
appears from
its
Muhammadan
an old
tax
Kautilya.
The
be a
to
but
origin,
( Variant )
name
Persian
purely
through land,
transit
in
of
tax
in reality
is
it
frequently mentioned by
officer in
charge of
boundaries
(Antapala )/' says he. " shall receive a
pana and
a quarter as road ccss (Vartani) on each load of
merchandise
men
Again, In
shall receive the
One
cess."*4
toll,
boundaries,
ferry
carriage cess and road
Revenue Collectors
of the duties of
and spies was that they should ascertain the

amount of road cess M Shukra authorised the
king to levy this cess not only upon the merchants
but
41
who had occasion
all
use the royal road.
to
For the preservation and repair of
he should have dues from

streets."
3.
the streets,
who use
those
Another minor tax we come across
and pre-Shivaji
state papers
is
in
Shivaji
Mohnnpatti which
means an expedition cess
literally
the
and we
find a
Kautilya
in relation to the
similar tax mentioned by
Revenue Collectors and spies As regards
duties of
foreign merchandise of superior or inferior quality
KnatJtyft. .\i*.h*hRiurM.
p
%*
*
tT
14
Kanttl?*. p. J.W.
Vide
tiiv IkM
<f
Shulmi
Nil*.
ooi pill'd
iriT
Katitjlj*,
p l&O
H p. 14B.
b j me and embodied
B.
in
Boo*

by land r water, they
arriving thither
tain the
amount
shall ascer.
road-cess, conveyance-
toll,
cess,
military
cess,
of
535
two taxes were analogous
whether these
But
etc.**
in
character
is
it
hard to
ascertain now.
&
two taxes
In Shivaji's time
5.
TelpaUt
and Tup by name were not uncommon. Telpatti

literally means an oil cess and Tup is clarified
These were in all probability taxes in
butter
kind exacted from
seek their origin
authorises
trees,
the
meat,
passage of Manu which

king to take the sixth part of
butter,
clarified
herbs, substances used for flavouring
and
also found
in
altogether
may
in that
honey,
ers, roots,
We
manufacturer.
the
'
fruits.
" ,l
An
already referred
about
these
villages
to
produce. *' But he includes
food, flow-
identical provision
the Vishnu Smrili."
silent
perfumes,
Nor
Kautilya
Wc
taxes.
supplied
that
oil
is
and
is
have
dairy-
clarified butter
more unequivocal terms among the items of

revenue when he recounts the imposts that come
in
under the
head of
forts.
Tolls,
fines,
weights
and measures, the town-clerk, the superintendent

of coinage, the superintendent
ports,
of seals
and pass-
slaughter of animals, threads,
liquor,
ghee, etc., come under the headof forts.

* Kaatalja, Arttiaahftatr*. p. 180
B X, Vo*.
XXV,
fl
,d
B.
Kactil>vf* 178.
91
Kfcj'-ilTa,
R., Vol.
VII,
p. 17.
p.
|.
ArtiiivaliMira. pp.
oils,
We have
THE MAHATMAS

also seen
in
the famous Siyadoni
inscription
how
the oilmen levied a voluntary impost of a certain
measure
This
is
of
oil
in
favour of the
however a North Indian
temple.
local
But
inscription.
we have already seen that the impost was not

at all unknown in Southern India as well.
Ghi
or clarified butter was one
of the
fessedly abolished by Firuz
Shah
" imposts pro-
A.D. 1375.'
in
may therefore be safely concluded that Tclpatti

and Tup were very old imposts possibly as old
It
as the 4th century B.C.
if
not older.
Weights and measures formed one of

those imposts that, as wc have seen from an extract
quoted above, came under the head of the forts
6.
in
of
Mauryan days.
this
tax
goldsmith
and
in
Kautilya
explains the
while recounting
the high road.
"
counterweights shall be
the superintendent in
the
nature
duties
of the
Weighing balance
purchased
charge of them.
from
Other-
wise a fine of twelve Panas shall be imposed."
The standard balance and weight

at length in the
chapter dealing
86
arc
described
with
the office
superintendent of weights and measures, 16

where wc further find that The Superintendent
of the
charge 4 mashas for stamping weights

or measures. A fine of 27! panas shall be imposed for using unstamped weights or measures.
shall
* 1
Tnottia*
ftmmoroaa nf tho Muphal Rmpir*.
Kitutilyu, Art biwUa&tr*. p, 10B.
**
Kautiijrn,
Arthaahiutra. p. 125.
p. 5.
Traders
-AND REVENUE AND CESSES

day
every
shall
one kakani to
pay
towards
Superintendent
the
charge
the
14
stamping the weights and measures

commodities were similarly
could
offered
be
their
four
or five
collectors
Imported
When merchants
shall take
toll-gate,
down who
the
whence they come, what amount

merchandise they have brought and where
merchants
of
merchandise arrive at the
with
of
stamped before they
sale.
for
537
are,
for the first
sealmark has
time the
been
made
Those whose merchandise

has not been stamped with sealmark shall pay
l'or counterfeit seal,
twice the amount of toll,
If the sealthey shall pay eight times the toll.
on the (merchandise).
mark
is
effaced or
tom
(the
merchant
in
ques-
be compelled to stand in ghatikasthana.

one kind of seal is used for another
tion) shall
When
or
when one kind
of merchandise has
been other-
wise named, the merchants shall pay a fine of

load." Every information
panas for each
about this particular impost
been
has
bv the Mauryan sage and there

lett
to
be
a position
to
estimate
thing
even
We
desired.
its
supplied
hardly any-
is
are therefore
in
exact character and
careless comparison
will
convince
one
Mauryan impost is undoubtedly the

It has
prototype of the Marathi Bat Chhapai.
that
this
been described by
Mr.
Elphinstone as a fee on
Kit u lily , p. 1*>

11
68
Knutilyn,
pp. itt-136.
SYSTEM OP THE MARATHAS
5^8 ADMINISTRATIVE
the annual examination of weights (this

affected the
but
traders
retail
From an
and measures.*
appears
fell
entry
in
specially
on others too)
Peshwa
the
was charged for

Chhapa or stamping of cloth. The duty on
stamping cloth was 5 p c. on the value of
imported cloth and 2\ p.c. on cloth of local
manufacture and sellers of unstamped cloths
Diaries
it
that
fee
were ordered to be fined.
These instances could be multiplied; even

imposts
minor
such
as
Jhadjhadora can be traced

Vishnu,
and
Shingshingofi
to
Kautilya,
and other law-makers
Manu,
House-tax
is
mentioned in the Shukraniti.

us that in
Lewis Rice informs

the sixteenth cent.iry, under Vijaya-
nagar, the
much
marriage tax was
among
rejoicing
tax or Lagnapatti
existence
in
all
abolished
classes.
**
Marriage
must have been in

the Vijayanagar dominions before
therefore
abolition
in
the
sixteenth
Jangampatti,
tax
whose very name
its
its
causing
recent origin
Lingayets were
the
(for
first
century.
Jangamas
or
organised as a sect
Even
implied
Shaiva
towards
nth century AD.; the lax

therefore must have been levied some
time
later) was a pre-Shivaji impost.
From cpigraphic
the
close
evidence
*
of
Rice
the
concludes
Elphinitonr, Report on
Mjioro end Coorp,
p.
Jangampatti
or
tlr Terri torie* recently conquered from
the Paubwm.
Jf
that
175.
LAND REVENUE AND

a tax on the Jangamas existed
Vijayanagar
tES>SLS
1505 under the

Octroi duties, such as the
rule."
in
Marathas exacted on each load
of grain or salt or
by men or transport cattle
merchandise carried
had also been long customary

imposts arc mentioned
Deva
539
Such
India.
in
the Munoli Panchalinga
in
Danda-Nayaka Purushottama
41
the Pehava inscription.
inscription of
as well as
in
Octroi
4.
Kautilya
graduated scales
long
gives
of octroi
showing
list
the
which varied according
to the capacity of the transport animal.
M
ing
minor quadruped as well as a
some load
shall
man
carry-
pay one masha.
on
head-load, a load carried
shoulders,
cow, and a horse shall each pay 2 mashas.
and a
camel
buffalo
each
shall
pay 4
mashas.
small cart 5
drawn
size)
by
and a big cart
mashas
bulls
and a cart
pay
shall
explains other kinds of loads."
tioned
in
the
medium
6 mashas,
mashas.
head-load of merchandise
An impost
(of
similar to
masha
Ashva Zakat
Harsha Inscription
Mjbotc and Ouurg,
B ikbr,
Kmtllrm
p. 17*4-
Ep. Iad. v YoJ.

pp. 158, 100.
this
**
I, p.
184
is
men-
where we
find
540 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE .MARATHAS

that one clramma on every horse
by the * * * of horse dealers from
was assigned
the
Northern
this
question.
country. u
We
The
need not
further
establish
suffice
to
cesses,
and imposts
been
existence
in
pursue
we have already furnished
instances
most
that
of the
It
is
the
is
it
really
autocracy
and
taxes,
foundation of the
not a discredit
that they continued to levy
but
these
Maratha times had long
before
Maratha empire
of
will
some
very creditable
irresponsible
or
in
them
to
most
of these,
those days of
government
that
from time to time these Maratha rulers (charac.
mere plunderers, robbers and scoundrels by the

late Dr. Vincent Smith in
his
Oxford History of India) rose to the occasion
terised as
and
abolished
many
harassing
obnoxious imposts as did the

Vijayanagar
of Delhi .
Muhammadan
and the
not
the
be
antiquity
revenue system
out
of
Pad,
of
of
place
practice
* Kielhorn, Bp. Ind.. Vol. II,

p
rulers
of
emperors
43
will
It
the
Hindu
and
Rasad
j.
into
44
duties
the
to
enquire
peculiar
Marathas.
to
When
I2fl.
Mr* ore und Coor#, p. 1 7a,

ThoiUMt. RcmniM* Ktf&OOrecB uf the
Kioe,
Ain*i
Akhiri
etui
MunulUl
Mu* lml
til
Lfctrab.
Btuperor.
A Kill
541
Revenue Collector was appointed, the government made him pay a large sum in advance,
a
which the
the
was allowed
officer
revenue
of
District with interest.
his
advance money was known

practice
where
we
receive
it
guarantee
that
find
land-revenue
as
This
Rasad.
This
least as old as the Shukranitisara,
at
is
from
realise
to
Having determined the
of
the
village,
from
one
rich
the
(for
the
man
payment)
king
advance,
in
of
should
or
that either by
monthly or periodical instalments.

Agriculture :
6.
All
Rao
II
extend
to
Maratha
took
agriculture,
to
and
improve
waste
market
and
come and
wealth
contribute to the
to
reclaim
artisans
other territories
Shivaji
care
to
villages
traders,
kingdom as
from Shivaji to Madhava
particular
found new
induce
rulers
and
lands,
towns,
cultivators
settle,
to
from
and thereby
and prosperity
of
the
well
as to the revenue of the king.

that New Kayats (who) will
ordered
come (to settle) should be given cattle. Grain

and money should be given (to them) for providing themselves with seeds
Money and grain
(should
be) given for their subsistence (and) the
sum should
be
realised
according to the means

"
fihulmuuti, 8.
two or four years
in
(of
H H
the
p. 149.
Rayats)
In
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MARATHAS
542
manner should the Rayats be supported." a

This policy was not only continued but further
this
developed under the Peshwas.

addressed
1774
Mamlatdar
Mahadeva
to
Amod, he
of
In a letter dated
Nana
Shet,
instructed to bring
is
the waste lands under cultivation and to advance
The
Tagai to the Rayats.
made
to be
given
are
person
bring
cultivation
the reclamation
for
in
details of concessions
another
covering
lands
document; Should
an entirely
by
waste
of
rocky
it
ground
with
earth
any
under
and
by
shall
embankments around it, half the land

be given him in Inam and the remaining
half
shall
providing
and
reduced rate
at
that
after
be continued rent-free for twenty years

for five years
period be subjected to
more and
full
shall
assessment.
any person reclaim cultivable land on

the sea coast by providing embankments, onefourth of the land shall be given to him in Inam
and the remaining portion shall be continued
rent-free and at reduced rates for such periods
Should
as upon a consideration of the

spent
may seem
fit.
money and labour
This was not
all.
Irrigation
works were cither constructed by the State or

a substantial grant was made to encourage and
private
further
"
enterprise.
In
times
of famine
was levied from cultivators purchasing

bullocks and buffaloes in case they were in
no
want
fee
of
cattle
S.'N
for
agricultural
Sen, 8iva Cbbittniputi,
p.
37
'
purposes.
543
These were the various concessions made
extending agriculture under the
improving and
may be added
were made for the
Peshwa regime
concessions
of
new,
for
and
industries as well as
introduction
improvement
the
for
for
similar
that
It
of
infant,
foundation
the
of
new
market towns.
Let us
theory
writers
now
at
see what was
on polity
simply lays
what
or
was recommended, by
least
development
done,
for
down
that
industries or cultivate
and
Shukra
people undertake new
agricultural
of
Hindu
improvement
the
in
14
If
industry.
new lands and dig
tanks,
canals, wells, etc., for their good, the king should
not
demand
anything
them
of
until
realise profit twice the expenditure."
**
they
Kautilya
recommends similar concessions more than once.

Unprepared lands," he observes, "shall not be
taken away from those who arc preparing them
for cultivation.
In a
* 44
This
however not much.
is
subsequent passage he goes a step
provides for a reduced rate of rent for
liberal.
He
but
cultivator.
still
14
even
Fields that are
left
by
cultivate for half the share
he
there
is
expects something
brought under cultivation
who
reclaimed
inducement for undertaking
waste lands as an
their cultivation,
further,
Sukra
from the
unsown may be
employing
in
Vitt, a. B. H.. p. 14S.
Kautilya, p. 62.
not too
the
those
produce

or those
may
who
cultivate such Helds
much
physical
exertion
or ^th
of the
(to the
king)
as they can without entailing any
hard-
produce grown
as
by their own
live
or they
for
Jth
may pay
ship
upon themselves with the exception
own
private lands that ire difficult to cultivate " w
But
we should
re
tion applies to
fallow for
want
mem b
those
that this
of
only
lands
hands alone
of their
recommendawhich
remain
Their cultivation
does not demand any unusual hardship or present
any exceptional
offers really
The Maury an sage
difficulty.
tempting terms
improving
for
and reclaiming waste or
tion facilities
irriga-
unculti-
vated tracts. In the case of construction of

works, as tanks, lakes, etc., taxes (on
below
years.
such
tanks)
shall
be
remitted
For repairing neglected or
of a similar nature,
taxes
the
shall
be
new
lands
for
five
ruined works
remitted
for
For improving or extending water
four years.
works, taxes shall be remitted

In the case of acquiring such
for
three
years.
newly started works
mortgage or purchase, taxes on the land

below such works shall be remitted for two years.
by
If
uncultivated tracts
by mortgage,
are acquired for cultivation
purchase
or
in
remission of taxes shall be for

of
crops grown by irrigation
power or
bullocks
or
below
parks, flower gardens, or in

'*
by
any other way,

two years. Out
means
of
tanks, in
wind
fields,
any other way, so
Kaotilj*, p. iw.

much
of the produce as
ship on
cultivator
Government.
annual
for
etc., of others at a stipulated price, or
rent,
of the crops
shall
or
etc., in
good
wise they shall be punished
And
and
demand
of
of
on the
other
hand,
who
those
Kautilya and Sukra and

is
too
striking
The
Marathas
were
been
preceded
by
of a living
liberal
had inherited the

with
fair
the
to
system
old
that
with
grain
lands ."
Marathas
the
Hinduism
and they
type,
is
their
system
transmitted
had
rise
land
the
of
therefore
land
but
revenue
was nothing but an evolution
Hindu
61
regulations of
of
traditions
it
He
as accidental.
revival
faith,
their
militant
old
acknowledge
of
Hindus,
and
indigenous
these
the
that
waste
dismissed
the
other-
of his subjects
supply
those
be
to
down
quality
colonise
The resemblance between
repair
such
low
tracts
cattle
permit-
are
with a fine of double

lays
the
live in
shall,
he
finally
" kings shall never
as
who
of shares
such lands free of rent of any kind,
keep the tanks,
the loss."
number
certain
for
grown, or persons,
to enjoy
ted
hard-
entail
may be given to the

Persons who cultivate the lands
the
below tanks,
would not
545
of
almost
in
the
its
Muhammadans. The Muhammadans no doubt made a change here and an

the
entirety
by
addition
there, but that did not materially affect
its
real
character,
'
69
and to look
Kaatil.va, pp. 210
and SOS.
at
it
whether
54$ ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
Muhammadans
under the
recognise
to
prevailed
that
Mauryan
as the
it
Marat has
or the
but
is
honoured
time
Mauryan
in
THE MARATHfcS
system
and possibly
pre-
India.
The Economic Policy
7-
The economic
ment was also a
Maratha govern-
policy of the
of the
relic
past.
Shivaji
and regulate the price of such
to control
tried
articles
as areca-nut, salt, etc., according to the needs of
The Peshwas
the people.
and dictated
the
to
went a
step
further
manufacturer what
should
be the length of a
particular
much gold thread
of what quality should be
in
manufacturing a
is
really
history
lights
mcrce
shall
and
or
student of the
administrative
of
and
rise
in
fall
in
merchandise which
products either of
which
It
system
Kautilyas
The Superintendent of Comascertain

demand or absence of
Shastra.
various kinds
the
used
so forth.
following regulations
Artha
for,
that
Maratha
the
on the
demand
headgear and
with surprise
of
kind of cloth, how-
the
land
or
may have been brought
by water path.
He
of
the price of
may
be the
water
in either
and
by land
shall also ascertain the
time suitable for their distribution, centralisation,

purchase,
and sale.
That merchandise which
is
its
widely
price
distributed
enhanced.
shall
When
be
centralised
and
the enhanced
rate

became popular, another rate shall be
The merchandise of the king which
manufacture
shall
be
merchandise
shall
be
markets
for
such
people
with
5*
the
large
of
as
of
the
several
merchandise
will
country,
of local
in
Perhaps the state interfered

trade
is
imported
to the people.
profits
declared.
distributed
Both kinds
sale.
shall be favourably sold
avoid
centralised
547
He
shall
harm the
so
both
much
in
the
Mauryan as well as in the Maratha age, because

Hindu kings not only identified themselves with
the state but also considered
the
locus parents
*'
with
themselves to be
in
regard to their subjects.
Art km Bistn.
lift.
CHAPTER
VI
ARMY
The army
Mughal army,
model of the
the
Marat ha
Peshwa was organised on
of the
of
tactics
harassing
the
the
famous
rear
of
the
enemy, plundering the convoy and cutting

the
had also been
foragers,
tried with
success by the famous Abyssinian
Ambar
general Malik
Hindu
famous
in
rulers
and
7th
more on
relied
The
huge elephants and

descendants
their
on
centuries,
Sth
statesman and
Maharashtra boasted
of
elephantry,
strength in
eminent
pre-Maratha days.
their
in their inscriptions of
off
their horse
the
in
the
other hand,
than on those huge
whose courage could not be always

counted on, specially when rockets and artillery
monsters
were
freely used.
departure
wide
organisation
old
therefore
It is
had
from
been made
time
some
had survived
/.
The
in
of their
theorists.
the military
But at the
practices and principles
the Maratha army.
Bargir and Shiledar

distinction
Bargir force
in
that a
conventional rules of the
the
Hindu tacticians and
same
certain
between
was quite
Shiledar
and
when
the
well-known
ARMY
549
Thus we
Sukranitisara was compiled.

discriminating
author
army
**
untrained
or
between
trained,
by the
state or not officered
two
supplied with
vehicles
by
kinds
equipped by
state,;
own
their
the
of
by the
officered
the slate with arms, or supplying their
and ammunitions, bringing
the
find
own arms
vehicles or
State."
These
apply equally well to the Shiledar and the Bargir;

the Shiledar,
Shivaji
it
is
had been
true,
under the orders
placed
Sarnobat,
of the
properly speaking they were not officered

State.
Similarly the
by
but
by the
between three
distinction
kinds of strongholds or gad, kot and janjira,
was
known to Kautilya. * The Mauryan sage recommends the appointment of many officers with
each military unit to
Ele-
prevent treachery.
phants, cavalry, chariots, and infantry shall
be officered with
many
each
chiefs inasmuch as chiefs,
when many, are under the fear of betrayal from

each other and scarcely liable to the insinuations
and intrigues of an enemy. The same rule shall
hold good with the appointment of boundaryguards and repairers of fortifications. "* We learn
from Sabhasad that exactly for the same
reason Shivaji never entrusted
of
any of
the
his strongholds to a single
sole
charge
commander,
but appointed no less than three officers of equal
Shckraniti, 8 B H., p. 217-
Arthft Sbaatr*, pp 60
*ud
67.
KatiUly*. Artbft Shaairm, p. 02.

rank hut of different caste to exercise
authority over each fort
Pension
3.
After the
directed
to
the
fallen in the affray
minor Children and Widows:
Khan
Afzal
that
conjoint
incident
had
Shivaji
widows of those who had

and had no sons should be
maintained by (a pension) half (their husbands')

The wounded were given rewards of two
pay.
hundred, one hundred, twenty-five or
according to the nature
per man
wound
4
.
The
practice
soldiers
the style
Hons
of
their
granting
of
widows and
pensions to the
fifty
children
suitable
of
fallen
was continued under the Peshwas, under

parveshi and Nan parveshi .*
of Bala
This system had a long past as will be evident

from the following passages from Kautilya's
"The
Arthashastra.
who
die while
wages.
on duty
Infants,
persons related to
also be
sons
and
shall get
wives
persons,
the
deceased
shown favour ."
The
those
subsistence and
aged
7
of
or
diseased
servants shall
practice
prevailed
under the Chola kings of Southern India as Rice

informs us on the testimony of their inscriptions.
grant of land was
made
for the family of
8n. Birachhatrupftli, p. 30
Rn,
Pestiwanckt Babhfir,
A thnshaatrn,
i
RiricbbrntrnpAU, y 2b.
p. 300.
p. iU.
the
ARMY
man which
fallen
bal-galehu but
the term
grants
to
cases
early
used
the
in
the
battle."
in
survived
practice
Similar
west,
of rent-free land, called kodaji

fell
though
is
styled
is
mostly called a kalnad
sivane
men who
that
is
some
in
551
were made
may be noted
It
the
till
the
of
fall
Maratha empire.
The Pendharis and CJiorfas
J.
The Pendharis formed, as we

Maratha
integral part of the
by profession
with
the
called
shared
or
to 35 p.c., of their
granted
tent
every Maratha
were
also
booty for the
Occasionally
and the
generals
sent
both
Habshi
harass the enemy subjects.
by
rulers
It is
Kautilya recommends the use of
and wild
friend
But
tribes
and
who make no
foe, in order
whether
their
duty
to
duty
license
professional
in
Peshwa
the
Maratha
of
janjira to
noteworthy that
brave
distinction
thieves
between
weaken the enemy.
corresponded
with those of the Maratha chortas
The
which amounted
thieves or chortas, as they were called

times,
spoils
ill-gotten
duty
entire
them.
to
their
an
Plunderers
force.
For they had to pay
state.
Palpatti
know,
all
they accompanied
and
expedition
is
not
exactly
clear.
thieves mentioned by Shukracharya, however,
Rice. MjBort? nuJ Oourg.
171
552 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THR
MARATHAS
must have been the progenitors of the Pendharis,

shared
they
for
But
their
seems that they had
it
operations
thieving
with
spoil
the
at
on their
carry
to
king.
the
order
king's
but
independently of any military assistance from the
and thus acted
state,
chortas.
If
same manner as
the
in
the
thieves steal something from other's
kingdom by the king's order they should first

give one-sixth to the king and then divide the
among
themselves. "
to licensed
free-booters
rest
When
Brihaspati also refers

in
unmistakable terms.
anything has been brought from a hostile
country by free-booters, with the permission
of
their lord, they shall give a sixth part to the king
and share (the remainder)
due proportion."
in
The proportion as recommended by

is
also
worth
noting,
as
who
shares
and
one (particularly able)

remaining
that
bluest
boast
their
for
blood
among
Sanskrit
to
*
*'
take
shall
associates
of
chief,
know
thieves
they
and
they
had
Siiukinaiti. 8. B. H., p. 211

S. B.
E, VoL XXXIII. p.
241.
Maratha
lineage,
had the
marauders.
sufficiently well
that
two
share
shall
very long
anything, and
counts
Perhaps they were not

in
to
therefore clear, that the
It is
Pendharis could
if
consideration.
(specially) valiant shall receive three
is
the
alike.
exertion
individual
and enterprise are taken into

" Four shares shall be awarded
he
Brihaspati
grounded
in
their
Marat
ha
Cavalry
ARMY
favour
less
great
great
political
law-giver,
or
no
philosophers and
authority
incontestable
the
than two
one
553
of
might
they
have
and vested interest

when Lord Hastings waged a war of exterAs it is, they had
mination against them.
more faith in the good old law of might, and
when a mighty government refused to let them
pleaded prescriptive
ply their old

their
the
trade,
right
they
had perforce to beat
swords into ploughshares.

strongest
no
doubt,
Some
became
of
Chiefs
Nawabs, but there again the old law held
7o
them,
and
good.
CHAPTER
VII.
JUHICIAl. INSTITUTIONS.
Judicial
/.
officers
Perhaps the influence
was most
givers
system
were
of
tried
him to the
by
the
Kamavisdar
or
the
criminal
appeal
the
judicial
cases
generally
District
officer,
by
represented
The Nyayadhish was
chief Nyayadhish.
from
lay
authority was the king
judicial
who was
in
The
an
Patil,
Hindu law-
old
evidence
in
Marathas.
the
and the highest

himself,
of the
the
invari-
Brahman and this naturally reminds one

Manus injunction, but if the king does not
ably a
of
personally
investigate
appoint a learned
the
Brahman
suits
to try
find in Shivaji
and pre-Shivaji
tion of Hazir
Majalasis
consisting
civil
and
of
learned
as
then
let
them."
him
We
documents men-
final
Brahman
courts
of trial
lawyers
military officers of the state.
We
and
read
Sabha Naiks or presidents of the courts

and Mahaprashnikas or chief examiners.
It
also of
appears
from the
Shukranitisara
that
Sabha-
Naiks or Adhyakshas and Mahaprashnikas
unknown when
not
B, B., Vol.
XXV, p tM.
that
were
work was compiled. 8
B. B. H., pp. ISA
1S9.
JUDICIAL INSTITUTIONS
Shukra
Pradvivaka
the
us that
tells
documents
so called
is
and from the old
because he asks questions,

Marathi
555
Maha-
appears that the
it
prashnika also used to do exactly the same thing.
So much
highest
for the
judge-
the
tribunal,
president and the chief examiner.
For the
and
village
Maratha system
Hindu works. For
the
also,
officers
district
the
authority of
judicial
had the sanction of the old

we read in the Vishnu Smriti " If any offence
has been committed in a village, let the lord of
that village suppress the evil and (give redress
to those that have
do
able to
announce
he too
if
whole
is
too
lord
of
out
of
place
here to
him
The
it
to
the
lord
of
the
evil
to the
The same procedure
but
it
examine
evidence
the
be
not
will
on
inflicted
is
Mahabharata.*
of the
procedure and
later,
punishments
the
of
civil
discussed
be
shall
of
let
hundred villages
must eradicate the
recommended by the sage
The question
un-
is
to the lord
it
unable,
is
district.*
power.*
his
he
If
him announce
let
whole
district
of
best
unable,
the
of
lord
to the
it
he
if
wronged).
him announce
let
so,
villages
ten
of
been
antiquity
convicted
criminals.
It
m**
U mcidontaUy
Bnkrl text
A. B. .,
VoL
If
'
VII, p
noted
her*, the-,
Defh*' which
IS
If
the
ward n*d
in the ori-
tynornmouf with Utiwthi
Bh&nti Knrva,
CK
#7.
THE MARATHAS

Mutilation
2.
Capital punishment was very seldom inflicted
and
was almost unknown

earlier days of the
Maratha empire
punishment however became common
mutilation
Nana
Madhava
second
long
Among
Fadnavis.
lists
hands and
Rao have been
of convicts
One
feet.
papers
the
condemned
these
of
left
Right hand only to be cut
be cut
off
13
18
off
off
Right hand and right leg to be cat
off
ear to be cut off
And
man
one
ludicrously
dressed
was
to
and
then
their
enumerates
Right hand and one ear to be cut
One
the
of
20
lex to
under
|ose
Capital punishment
Right hand and
This
preserved
to
lists
the following sentences for theft
the
in
be
flrst
nailed
men
men
men
men
man
man
paraded
to
death.
The same punishment was inflicted for causing

grievous hurt
The Maratha government did
not
spare the
frequently
were
relatives
thrown
asked
to
into
perform
of
who were
And convicts
thieves
prison.
Prayashchitta
or
penance over and above the corporal

punishment they had already undergone
religious
Mutilation and
Shukracharya
methods
of
execution
among
various
punishment,"* but
a. b. n.,
are
p iso.
mentioned by
species
they were
in
of
use
in
We
times.
older
still
instance,
Sarnhita
for
he spits
(on a superior),
both
his
hold
of
be
to
lips
hair
the
he
lays
let
the
been
has
The
considered
were
mutilation
but
assault,
If
hands . 1
his
off
cause
shall
superior)
above
mentioned
offences
as
cut
off.
arrogance
of
king
the
Manu
the
in
out
If
cut
(of
king unhesitatingly
read
557
recom-
mended as an appropriate punishment for theft

For stealing more than
also by father Manu.
palas
fifty
offender
him
let
enacted that the hands of the
is
it
shall
be cut
off;
inflict
of
For stealing
women and
men
fine
but
seven
of noble
the
fix
Brahmans,
limb
thief
punishment,
in
after
For selling cows belonging
And
general
or medi-
for piercing the nostrils of a
feet.
down as
punishment
weapons,
cow and for stealing other

Brahman the offender
a
half his
offen-
time and the purpose (for which
they were destined).

to
and especially
capital)
(or
king
the
considering
times the value.
family
For stealing -large animals,

let
other cases,
most precious gems (the
the
der) deserves corporal
cines,
in
cattle
shall
barren
belonging to
forthwith
lose
the lawgiver lays

principle ; " with whatevefinally
any way commits (an offence)
against
men, even of that the king shall deprive
him
order to
in
prevent
8. B. K.. Vot.
'
SHE.,
Vol.
(a
repetition of
XXV. DO. 303 A 304

XXV, pp. 310 A 811.
the
THE MARATHAS

0
crime."
Nor
legislator
Manu by any means
is
favour of this horrible punishment.
in
Vishnu also recommends

assault
for
and
in
same punishment
or hurts
insults
inferior
of
that
stolen a cow, a horse, or a camel, or
have one hand or one
shall
stealer of gold,
silver
more than
Mashas
fifty
an elephant,
cut
foot
clothes at
or
off.
value of
shall lose both hands.'
Mutilation as a form of punishment
is
"
mentioned
Upaguptavadana and the Hasti-avadana
(he
in
his
limb the king shall

1#
" He who has
be deprived.
caste,
him to
cause
the
According to him with
theft.
whatever limb an
superior
the only
Bhodisattvavadanakalpalata.
of
Punishment of
j.
the offender' s relatives
an old form of punishment,

the practice of arresting and imprisoning the
Kautilya
relatives of thieves is no less old.
If
savs,
mutilation
'
Sons or wives of murderers and thieves

they are found not
shall,
if
ted
but
been
is
in
absolutely
they
shall
" ,f
concert
impossible,
be
It
concert,
in
seized
found to have
if
very
is
difficult
sons and
for
be acquit-
wives
thieves, to exculpate themselves from the

oi
connivance with
9-
their fathers
B TiA XXV.
.
ft
a, K. K.,
Vol VII.
j.p.
aia.
31
not
of
charge
and husbands,
S. B. K-, Vol. VII, p. 27.
11
if
32
Kautilya, ArtfiaUmitr*, p. 287.
presumption
as the
The
only
result
always
is
of
this
559
against
was
rule
them.
that
in
Maratha days the wives and sons of thieves

and other offenders were arrested and imprisoned
as a matter of course.
Sometimes the Maratha
arrested
officers
offenders
out
order
in
of
the
relatives
induce
to
hiding
their
and
absconding
of
them
come
to
surrender
them-
selves.
Penance
4.
Let us
now
the
Peshwas
on
themselves
penance
to
Chhatrapatis and
deemed
them,
after
the
prescribe
as not
only the
chief magistrate,
head of the
regulator of
religious
"
practices.
orders,
tice,
shall
the
that
He
shall
protect
says Gautama,
'
in
the
state,
but
and
customs
and
castes
and
accordance with jus-
and those who leave (the path of duty) he

lead back (to it). Certain crimes made
1
offender
an owteast,
social
intercourse
also a high
outcast
is
and
religious
The king was
also as the ecclesiastical

social
incumbent
it
some
convicted offenders.
for
regarded
why
enquire
is
with
He who
crime.
tells
such criminals
us
is
associates
with an
outcasted himself after a year;
and so
he who rides
who eats
and Vishnu
in his
same carriage with him, or

company, or who sits on the same
in
the
B.
B,
Vol. III. p. 232
who
bench, or
It is
THE MARATHAS
on the same couch with
lies
him.
14
therefore clear that the Chhatrapatis and the
Peshwas compelled the offender to undergo some

religious penance in order to prevent the subversion of caste and order by contact with such offendand
ers conscious or unconscious, intentional
unintentional.
Moreover,
was the duty
it
tells
us, to correct the evil-
Adultery was another
offence for which very
Vashishtha
king, as
minded
in
every way.
Adultery:
5.
was
severe punishment
offender.
inflicted
In the year 1746
on the
next
year
the
The
of ghi.
Muhammadan
wife of
female
one Bhikaji Gatiliand
paramour were fined one khandi
his
of the
carter
was sent to prison and in 1755 a Koli woman,

Randki by name, was condemned to slavery,
but she was saved from this terrible fate at the
.
prayer of her kinsmen and was
Rupees
Rupees was
of
fifty
only.
inflicted
on one
committing adultery
for
girl
was actually sold
rise
above the hankering
administration
it
of
was decided that
woman
deserted by
fine
in
in
let off
of
the year
slavery
elder
adultery
her
hundred
five
Chauhan
Shankraji
of the flesh.
the
with a fine
1755-56
for failing to
Under the
Madh&va
with
Rao,
willing
husband was no offence
8. B. K., Vol. VII. p. 13S,
> Pe-thwa* Diaries, lUiaji B*ji Rao, To!. II, pp.
M 68.
all," but
at
was
two ordinary cases imprisonment
in
punishment
the
56)
inflicted.
17
year
the
In
1781-82 an adulteress, Ahili by name, was set at
male
her nose had been cut
after
liberty
was
offender
years
few
later
let
with
off
while the
off,
woman was
another
only
fine
released
from prison on her father standing surety for her
good conduct.
1,1
now enquire how
Let us
had the sanction of
the
far these
old
punishments
lawgivers,
or
to
what extent they were the inevitable corollary of
down by them
Kautilya recommends three punishments
the regulations laid
When any
adultery.
person abets a
adulterer, he as well as
ears
herself for adultery shall
yields
tarily
and nose cut
panas,
the
while
down,
yields herself
husband
character
of
pay
In a subsequent chapter
intercourse.
relative
Kautilya
lays
take
under
a servant of an absentee
or
the
his
own
protection,
her
latter's
husband.
J*k1,|1. *10.
11
I'flfhww' Diaries.
11
Arthftjhastra, pp. 2&4-Kj
M&Ahava
shall
her
If
I,
of
wait
loose
Being
for
the
husband,
on
Vol. 11, p* 20.
R<k>, IT,
11
wife
protection.
she
FedKwas Diaries, Multi* r Hue
71
500
of
fine
A woman who, of her owti accord,

to a man shall be slave to the king.*
may
under such
return
have their
"
that
Again,
'*
an
volun-
thief or the adulterer shall
sexual
with
pay each a
off or
double the above fine."

dealing
thief or
woman who
the
for
Vol. Ill, p. 108,
Artbuuhastr*, p. 200.

his return, entertains
shall be acquitted.
any objection, the woman
raises
and nose cut
ears
no objection, both the pro-
and the woman
tector
put to death as an
THE MARATHAS
have her
shall
while her keeper shall be
off,
adulterer.
clear that Ahili would
he
If
have
**
It
therefore
is
her nose, and the
lost
would have been the king's slave
Koli
girl
many
of their fellow criminals
even
they
if
like
had
by a Mauryan court instead of a Mahaat the

It should be noted
rashtra Nyayadhish,
been
tried
same time that the principle laid down by Madhava

who
had
the approval of Kautilya
Rao
says Those women who have been rescued from
1
the hands of thieves, from floods,
in
famine,
or
national calamities, or who, having been aban-
in
dead
doned, missed, or thrown out as
if
have been taken home may
enjoyed
be
in forests,
by
the
rescuer as agreed upon. Narada is more explicit

A man is not punishable, says
on this point.
as
he,
ihc
with
an
adulterer
wife
of
for
having
one who has
left his
the
case
woman
herself consents
above
referred
to
it.
In
the
woman had been
the
to.
wife with-
or consumptive,
out her fault, or of one impotent

if
intercourse
abandoned by her husband and would have died

of starvation, but for the food and shelter afforded
by
to her
the
man
in
question,
and evidently
she had given her consent.

'*
ArthftrtftftSim, p. 291.
*
8. B. E., Vol.
f *
ArtUahwir*,
XXXIII.
p. 177.
jx
202.
563
imprisonment of an adulteress
Slavery and
was perhaps the direct consequence of a regulation

of Apastamba which says, If a young man has
had intercourse with a marriageable girl, his
property shall be confiscated and he shall be
Afterwards the king must support such
banished
and damsels, and protect them from

the presIf they agree to undergo
defilement.
cribed penance he shall make them over to their
women
(lawful)
guardians.'*
14
goes without saying
It
when the king was expected to protect

them, he should keep them under strict guard
and watch, and as he had to support them, he
that
should
some work from
exact
turn
his
in
these
The Marathas kept them

and made them work there, the last
unfortunate women.
in
hill-forts
portion
of
the
authorises
indirectly
misled daughter to her
when
the latter
however
regulation
Apastamba's
state
father
hand over a
to
(lawful
guardian)
makes himself responsible
moral welfare (stands surety
for her
for her
future
good
conduct).
Manu
punishment
was very
offence
for
horrible
not
this
unnatural
If a wife,
indeed.
proud of the greatness of her relatives or her

own excellence, violates the duty which she
owes
to her lord, the king shall cause
devoured by dogs
many."
a,
53
We
E-, Vol.
in
p.
IBS.
'*
8. B.
to
frequented
place
do not know whether

U.
her
this
Vol.
be
by
law was
XXV,
p. 319.
564 ADMINISTRATIVE
Hindus,
ever put into practice by the ancient
was not
use
in
Maratha days.
the
in
it
Thougli
Peshwas on some rare occasions condemned
the
a troublesome
an
infuriated
instance
of
to be trampled to death by
rebel
elephant,
we do not know
misguided
woman
any
being thrown to
hungry dogs.
Another punishment which Manu recommends
" s6
also
for a woman who pollutes a damsel
deserves our notice, as a similar punishment
been
by
prescribed
"If
herself.
teress
Vashishtha
a
Shudra
female of the Brahman caste.

" the king shall
down,
up
Virana grass and
in
He
fire.
to
cause the
approaches
Vashishtha
Shudra
throw
cause the head of
shall
adula
lays
to be tied
him into
the
Brahmani
shaved and her body to be anointed with
be
butter
shall
the
for
has
naked on a black donkey,
placing her
he shall
conducted along the

King Brahmadatta of Benares had
cause her to be
high road.
inflicted this
punishment on his
unfaithful
queen
Soshumba, as we read in the Devavataravadana

Kshcmendra s Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata.
of
was, however, not in general use when the
It
Marathas established their sway in the Deccan
6.
Slaves
We
have read
adultery
s. B. K-,
Let
.-
of slavery
us
Vo l XXV,
now
p.
318.
as a punishment
enquire
into
S. B. E., Vol.
for
the rights
X1V1,
p. 10b.
and the law
of slaves
Manu,
ing to
wealth
the
of
a slave
cannot have any property,

his master.**
to
Marat ha days a slave could
In
on his
own
property
purchase
account
he
but
could
slaves were often permitted
their
liberty*
slave
But
be
shall
only whatever he
Manu,
Chanakya who
of
enjoy not
to
without
also
but
to
Maratha
the
entitled
has earned
work,
masters
to his
inherit
in fact
had the authoritative support of

says,
only earn
not
though contrary to the codes
practice,
Accord-
manumission.
belongs
earns
he
565
prejudice
inheritance
the
he has received from his father.* Marriage of a

female
under
slave
equivalent
her
to
Maratha
the
manumission,
down almost the same
lays
When
writes, "
by
slave
mother
a child
at
The Marathas
liberated their
men
own
when he
the
ctvil suit
a Panch'ayet or a court of
child
female
and
its
free.'
31
further,
they
these
were
otherwise,
with
or fellow slaves.
Civil suits were, in the first
on a
step
instance or
Procedure in a
7.
principle
be recognised as
went a
only
Kautilya
female slaves, whether
married at their
free
once
and
begotten
master, both
her
shall
is
was
law
a b
B,
Voi.
xxv,
instance, tried by
arbitration
consisting
p. aae.
BiuugtitOfi, Letter* written in Maratfca
Kantilym, ArthMhnjtm, p. 232.
11
Camp
Arth*eh*fitra.
p.
233
THE MARATHAS
$66 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF
The
of village elders.
courts can
such
origin of
be traced to the regulations of Narada,

Gathering
Shukracharya.
and
pati
corporations
appointed by
are
was
Brihaspati
power to decide law
with
invested
artizans (such as carpenters
companies
moneylenders,
Pasupatas),
their
(of
own
And
profession.
artizans), assemblies
religious
token of
and robbers should
according
adjust their disputes
artists,
(tradesman),
of
dancers, persons wearing the
order (such as
others),
or
suits.
Cultivators,
that
opinion
of
one
and the king (himself)
king
the
(kula),
(gana),
assemblies
(shreni),
Brihas-
rules
the
to
relatives,
companies
co-habitants)
(of
of
and
other persons duly authorised by the king, should
among men. excepting causes

judicial
he
crimes ." M
violent
lawsuits
decide
concerning
authority of shrenis, kulas and
ledged by
Maratha
with kulas
Shukra also."
Panchayet was
(families),
shrenis
(corporations),
that
was
these
it
from
is
acknow-
but
this
the
is
clear
that
not
quite
identical
It
ganas (communities)
bodies
corporate
ganas
it
is
not
impossible
right
prescriptive
of
old,
and
that
of
the
community, a corporate body in

derived its judicial powers, which was
itself,
by the Panchayet, subject to the
exercised
Maratha
village
Xarab. & B. B-. XXX1U. pp. *nd

S B. K Vol XXXIII, p. 280.
.
Sbakraaitimm, 8.
B. H-, p. 185.
7-
sanction of the state
Brihaspati's
to be
as
assemblies
more akin
to,
if
the
in
567
Hindu days.
old
co-habitants seems
of
not the actual prototype
of.
the village Panchayet.
The
documents
and
as
Uttarvadi.
of
Purvapaksha
the
written
and
Uttarapaksha
which
however stood
The
to execute a
in
version
Finally
the
recommended
the
of
case
by the old
well ascertained,
procedure
the
is
law -givers.
claimant,
shall
cause the
Narada
having
after
has
plaint
The defendant immediately
pond to the tenor
the
of
part called
called the answer, the
the
part
the
called
the
* 6.
B H.,p
106
declaration,
deliberation of
:
J *
8. B.
Vul.
plaint,
corres-
the part
trial,
and
the judges
these are
proceeding.
be
to
Brihaspati
part called the
regarding the onus frobandi

parts of the judicial
plaint."
been
after having
become acquainted with the tenor of the

shall write down his answer, which must
The
in
and judg-
produced a pledge the value of which
says,
sub-
first
losing
This
down, that the
written.
the
for
party had
deed called Jayapatra or Ycjitkhat
favour of the winner.
lays
the
and the defendant
Then evidence was heard
ment delivered.
one
of
plaintiff
statement
then submitted his owm

writing.
styled
is
reminds
naturally
and the answer.
mitted a
Marathi
in
defendant
This
Shukranitisara,
plaint
Purvavadi
plaintiff is called
The
the four
plaint
XXXIII, p
21,
is
OF THE MARATHAS

called the
the
part, the
first
the third
trial is
practice
and the judgment
part,
granting a
of
was
winner
the
polity,
his description of the
document.
case or
is
Jayapatra
known
well
compiled his work on

says he,
the second part,
is
as
A Jayapatra,"
one that contains an account of the
against and also the decision. Every

the Maratha
this
true
of
and
for
student of
system knows that
administrative
equally
is
from
appear
will
to
Shukra
when
brought forward, arguments
suit
is
87
the fourth part.
The
answer
Marathi Jayapatras
or
Yejitkhats.
Evidence
8.
now
Let us
enquire
how
far the
about evidence were adhered to
rules
Maratha
the
in
boundary disputes and
In
courts.
old
about
suits
proprietorship, the evidence of the village officers

artisans
the
of
neighbouring
of the
on.
This law
Empire.
" In
is
We
villages
at least as
read
was
the
as
old
regarding
officers
mainly
Kautilya's
in
disputes
all
and
Bahitas
or
relied
Maurya
the
Arthashastra,
the
boundary
between any two villages neighbours or elders

of
case
five
on
natural
the
or
villages
ten
or
evidence
artificial
* 8.
shall
to
be
investigate
furnished
boundary marks.
E., Vot.
XXXIII.
p. 28.
the
from
Elders
569
among cultivators and herdsmen, or outsiders

who have had the experience of former possession in the place, or one or many persons (not)
personally acquainted with
under dispute, shall
and
marks
the boundary
describe
first
then wearing
unusual
ing fields shall be decided by

of the
dress
shall
Disputes concern-
lead the people to the place.
neighbourhood or
boundary marks
the
the
elders
kinds of
All
village.
the
of
settlement on the
disputes shall depend for their
Manu
held
that
boundary dispute on
the two villages."
to
failure
give
evidence
of
witnesses
property
decision
the
rests
with
in
or
from
" In
Narada
According to
quarrels regarding landed
daries, the
'
from neighbouring
witnesses
villages should be called
all
by the neighbours.
furnished
evidence to be
boun-
neighbours,
same town or village (the

other) members of the same community, and the
As also with
senior inhabitants of the District.
the inhabitants of the
those living outside on the outskirts of the village
and who
in
live
by the
those parts and
and
hunters
men
These
tillage
with
other
of the
herdsmen, bird-catchers,
inhabitants
woods.
the
of
determine the
shall
situated
fields
boundary."
Brihaspati says, in a dispute regarding a

or
field,
KmHIj*.
to
inhabitants
the
pp. 214.213.
8.B.E.,
72
house
the decision belongs, to the neighbours
as well as
*"
VoL XXXIII,
of that
8.B.E.,
pi>.
Vil.
1M-IM.
town
XXV.
p. *0ri,
or

village, or to
members
men,
artisans,
and
mischief makers,
Alutas
gleaners,
on
and
direct resemblance
He was
and
sale
gifts,
receivers
with
valid
village
g.
in
Balutas
cowherds,
more
is
explicit
more
had
Maratha practice.
the documents of
the
purchase
only
officers,
about
immovable
approved by the
or
village
These regulations explain

artisans and elders from
called
disputes about boundary and
to
give
fields.
Trial by ordeal:
recommends
Brihaspati
deciding a
or reliable
of
artisans,
neighbouring villages were
evidence
The
regulations
that
officers as witnesses.
the
kinsmen,
41
when
and having the Gramapas
goods are
why
fishermen,
the
his
opinion
of
hunters,
Shukracharya
point
to
cowherds,
robbers.''
under
fall
etc.
this
roots,
of
and
society,
Likewise, to husband-
servants,
gleaners, diggers
and
same
of the
the elders (of that district).
THE MARATHAS
curious
way
of
boundary dispute when no witness

In default
evidence was available.
witnesses
and
signs,
agreeable to both parties,
even
may
fix
single man,
the
boundary,
wearing a red garland of flowers and a red cloak,

putting earth on his head adhering to truth, and
having kept a fast.
42
S.B.E
"
8.B.E.,
disputed boundary was
Vol. XXXIII,
VoL XXXIII,
p..m
p.
352.
57
by a Patil of one of the contending
fixed
during the reign of
villages,
Chhatrapati Shahu,
not
in-
and red cloaks on and
deed with red garlands
earth on his head, but he walked over
dary with a cows hide on his
boun-
the
head and putting
a garland of tulsi beads round
This
his throat.
was a decision by ordeal.

Trial by ordeal was very popular
fact
in
under
India
the
Maratha
forms have already been
Wc
shall
now
confine
Southern
in
Their various
rule.
described
ourselves
Book
in
to
II.
4*
an enquiry
into their antiquity here.
Ordeal as a means of ascertaining
been
in
practice from
very old
in
Rig
the
Veda.
Griffith
artd
water
ordeals.
do
not
agTee
with
discovered
in
According to Weber,
Tula or the balance ordeal

Satapatha Brahman a
referred
is
Rig Veda reference to
another passage of the

fire
Gledner
times.
suggests that ordeal by a red-hot axe

to
has
truth
Macdonnel
any
to
referred
is
of
in
and
these
the
Keith
scholars.
Zimmer and
others thought that fire ordeal was mentioned
in the Atharva Veda, but Bloomfield and Whitney
Macdonnel
have disproved their contention.
Weber,
Schlagintweit,
and Keith an*
of opinion that although
dtvya or ordeal
the practice
is
is
not found
Bharai
in
the
the
term
Vedas proper,
referred to in the Vedic literature,
** A1ri> rrry bl* ppo

Itfhaa
Ludwig,
by Mr. BhuVar
Vman Bht
Btm&hodh** Mundil'* Tritiya 5*mmelnn Vrittn
in
the
OK THE MARATHAS
57= ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
Panchavimsha Brahtnana and
for instance in the
Chhandogya Upanishad
the
Father
says
Manu
44
.
provides for
The judge may cause
to carry
party
the
He
by ordeal.
trial
or to dive under water, of severally to
fire
and
the heads of his wives
the blazing
not to
fire
come
children,
whom
burns not,
(piickly
up,
touch
whom
lie
the water forces
who
meets
no
with
speedy misfortune, must be held innocent on the
was accused by
the spy of
of his
by
the
his
fire,
even a
hair
burned
his
of
In
Apastamba,
to
veracity .*1
cases
and the
Vishnu not only recommends

detailed
they
shall
means.
like
by
trial
ordeal
about
regulations
formance of ordeal by
According
having ascertained the
truth by inference, ordeal
down
not
doubtful
give their decision after
lays
V'atsa
younger brother, the
world,
reason
when
For formerly
strength of his oath.
balance,
fire,
sacred libation, about the time of
by each of these ordeals

fire,
per-
water,
and
perform-
their
tried
Ordeals by balance,
4*
recommended by
down that an ordeal
lie also lays
should be performed at sunrise
Mucdunael ami Keith, Vdic
SBF. W, XXV.
p.
3 B
*
Taldffnyapo
E., Val.
riiihiuii
Vol
after the party

I
)fi.
'-s.Bb.Sd
04
VII,
pi*.
presence
the
in
Brahmans and
thejking and
*
but
water, poison and metal are
Yajnavalkya.
of
the
ance as well as the case and the party to be

.*7
&J-61.
kocho diryinlliA
3 IN,
Jil7.
II.
l''
Narada says, Proof
has performed a bath

said
be
to
Human
proof consists of
By
evidence.
is
and divine
documentary and
oral
meant the ordeal by

other (modes of divine test).
divine proof
balance and thr
Where
human
two kinds,
of
573
is
a transaction has taken place by
day,
in
a village or town, or in the
divine
test
is
presence of witnesses,
not applicable. *
Divine test is
(where
applicable
place) in a
the
solitary
interior of a house,
transaction
forest,
and
msed
the two-fold
and divine
nine-fold
11
division
the
testifies
matter of
by the divya,
fire,
and
and oaths
vice, rice
the sages.
the
''
the
or
poison,
human
evidence,
of
according
Sukracharya
"In
says
in
violence
of
him was
to
not only to the
legality but also to the antiquity of trial
He
taken
Rrihaspati also',recog-
Divine test
or
night,
cases
in
of denial of a deposit.
at
has
by ordeal.
decision
vessel,
of
water,
cases
virtue,
these are prescribed
Ordeal by water
Padmavatyavadana
mentioned
is
by
in
Bodhisattvavadan-
of
kalpalata.
Foreign travellers also testify to

rity of
trial
traveller
by
Youan
ordeal
in
Chwang
the seventh century A.D.
India
the
The
visited
He
gives
account of different forms of ordeal.

*
%x
India
Compare Martthi
p.
334.
Chinese
during
detailed
He says,
*
Gobi it*t* mviuatbi.'
S.B.K. Vol XXX11I, pp. 3U<H.
8.B.K. Vol. XXXIII, p.*P7.
SL jkrA-mtm&ra.
popula-
THE MARATHAS
574 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OP
These (ordeals) are by water, by fire, by weighing and by poison. In the water ordeal the accused
is
put in one sack and a stone
in another,
then the two sacks are connected and thrown
into a deep
stream; if the sack containing
and the other sinks the man's
the stone floats

guilt
is
The
proven.
ordeal
fire
accused to kneel and tread on

it
his
in
he
is
hands and
lick
not hurt, but he
In the weighing ordeal
against
stone
the charge
ram
of a
requires
be
cut
that
the
and
off.
he survives, and
The
Rihan
of
Ghazni
to
the
manners
the
to
eat,
man
is
accompanied
India
left
one
an
interesting
heated
The
earliest
*
inscriptions, as
several
his
of
account
Hindus
the
of
by
water,
metal and
fire.
s*
in
several
Lewis Rice
tells us,
method consisted
Waiter*,
Mahmud
on
Trials by ordeal have been mentioned
poisons
astronomer Abu
mentions ordeal
libation water, balance,
South Indian
leg
innocent
Sultan
and customs
He
as he saw them
hind
according to the
Muhammadan
expeditions and has

of
if
The
true.
not the poison takes effect.
if
celebrated
Alberuni
and
lighter
is
right
portion assigned to the accused

are put into the leg,
weighed
is
is
it
guilty.
is
latter
otherwise
is false, if
poison ordeal
accused
the
if
innocent
is
he
if
the
take
to
iron
he
if
burnt
the
and
hot
it,
is
requires
On Yoonn Chwaop, VoL
Sachau, JUburni'i India, Vol. II,
the
in
I,
accused
p. 1?2.
pp,
109-160.
making oath
same
the
at
guilty,
the presence of
in
food.
would choke him on partaking
it
Instances
appear
ordeal
this
of
payment
In the first the
1275.
god holding
the
consecrated
the
time
575
of
it.
and
1241
in
If
some money
of
was inquestion, the second was a boundary case.
The
ordeal of grasping a red-hot iron rod or
the presence
in
recorded
1309.
in
perhaps a severer
god
the
of
Hoyasaleshvara
form of
later
won
and consisted of making
test
Instances occur
Thus, the continuity of
been
has
the
to
when
century
beyond
established
Vedic limes
hand
into
no injury resulted, the defendant
If
(his cause).
1677."
is
was
ordeal
oath as before and then plunging the

boiling Ghi.
bar
Maratha
the
practice
this
doubt
decade
first
1580 and
in
from
the
of
the
19th
empire came
to
an end.
It is
popular ordeals
in
in
the Maratha
every minute detail
We
sages.
ordeal
Shahu's
sanction of
of
all
11
me
my
the
old
which
the
of
rules
in
oath
taken
ordeal
Shukra who says He has
merits
Rice,
p.
This
feet.
be cursed with
I*wU
simple
be
burden
of
extinguished. M
Mr*or nd Cooc*
SW6
or swear by
the
most
the
of
days conformed
instance
the feet of superiors,

let
the
to
read of one
consisted
touching
'
how some
also noteworthy
by
had the
to touch
the
gods,
sins,
let
The two
fnTin the In*rriptiotiH, p. 177-

most popular ordeals
those by
fire
in
Maratha period were
the
and heated metal, agni-divyn and
rava.
Narada on Fire ordeal
now compare the Maratha
Let us
regard
with
to
regulations of
by
is
The
practice
with
Narada who has devoted
next, the
fire.
two ordeals
these
Says Narada, "
chapter to ordeals.
pound
excellent
interval
law
long
will
pro-
regarding ordeal
two
between every
circles
Thus
ordained to measure thirty-two Angulas.
covered
space
the
by
circles
eight
and
two hundred
measure
the
seven threads)
will
Angulas.
fifty-six
should place seven leaves (on his hands
He
the
professional blacksmith
with
who
has practice in working with fire, and whose

previous occasions,
tested on
skill has been
should be caused to heat
iron
fifty
ball
made
repeatedly
palas
it
weight
sparkling
in
fire.
having
and
An
been
red-hot,
truth
should
* * This prayer
as follows.
having
a pure Brahman who

address
in
fiery,
iron
the
the
reveres
been carefully written on a leaf and recited he

should fasten the leaf on his head, and after
the iron
having done so, should then give him
Having bathed and stepped into the space
ball
covered by
the
the
fiery ball,
eight
circles,
take his stand
he
should
on one
circle
seize
and
JUDICIAL INSTITUTION'S
walk slowly through the seven
man must
through
On
eighth
ball,
In
always
should
for every
he passed
till
measured
the
of
way the
this
ground.
may
he
circle,
The
others.
down again
it
whole
the
reaching the
fiery
fire
not put
577
be performed.
ordeal by
It is
adapted
season except summer and very
weather.
and
sores
All
on
scars
the
drop
his
cold
hands
marked with signs previously, and

one should examine the hands again afterwards
be
should
which the sores
(and look after) the dots with
marked.
been
have
whether (either
in
his
should
shall
be
innocent.
If
punishment.
We
not
two hands
the
might.
his
all
been crushed by
of the court
he
with
hand,
having
does
it
is
he
is
burnt
if
of rice
The grains
the members
him to be unburnt,
declare
honourably
released
he
shall
being
as
receive due
,J*
read
agni-divya
him,
appear
burnt, he
and seven times crush grains
take
shall
of)
If
in
the
following
Marathi
account
an
of
document.
On
Wednesday my hands were bandaged and sealed.

The next day, Thursday, the aforesaid Pandit
sat with the Brahmans, Watandars and men of
note on the banks of
bandage
god,
of
my
Godaveri,
the
hands
in
the presence of
and had them rubbed with
they were washed.

B. B.
73
The
opened the
rice,
the
and then
signs on the two hands
E, VoL XXXIil, pp. 108.111.

were
all
marked and an
ma shas
tolas a
thrice he ated
in
THE MARATHAS
iron ball fifty pa las or 168
weight was duly
They bound
in fire.
weighed and
bhalapatra
my forehead, placed seven ashvatkva leaves

on my hands and bound them with thread.
Then they
placed
the
ball on my
hand
and ordered me to walk over seven circles
on
and drop the ball on the eighth.

Accordingly
walked over the seven circles and
dropped the ball on some grains which had
1
been
kept
grains
in
took
the
appointed
*
fire.
and
place
Then the
the
aforesaid
and all the assembly inspected my

hands and they were shown to Ganesh Dattaji.
The hands were not even slightly burnt by fire.
Then they again bandaged and sealed my hands
and after two prahars of day and four prahars
Pandit,
of
had
night
elapsed
they
took
me
the
to
assembly on Friday (the Dvadashi) morning.

The bandage was taken off and the aforesaid
Pandit and the people assembled inspected the
hands.
Dattaji.
Both the
hands
No wound,
were shown to Ganesh
not even
one of the size of
a sesame seed, was seen on the hand.
on
the
hands noted
at
the
The
signs
time of the ordeal
were carefully compared, there was no difference

whatever. "
Almost
were
regulations
the details of
carefully
abovementioned ordeal
,f
all
In
attended
Narada's
to in
the
fact the old practice
Wallin p*tr Nitadpair* p. 51.
continued with very
sion will be
between
Alberuni
an old
in
India
Marathas and
the
till
existed in
it
account
by
Trial
by
an ordeal
of
a Marathi
Mahajar.**
Southern
in
account
heated metal and
by a comparison
confirmed
further
This conclu-
variation.
little
579
of
rava
ordeal survived
downfall
of
modified
form
the
in
Travancore.*
It is
many
clear that
Maratha
of the
tions were nothing but relics of
How
far
madan
these were
rulers
the Hindu age.**
and how
No
can
be
Eventually
documents
were not a
rulers
indebted to
little
for
of
may be found
it
their
Whatever might have

indebtedness,
whether they
system
had
mere
were
the
they
blind
contribution
imitators,
the
interesting evolution
*
Muhammadan
institutions.
extent of their
improved upon the

or
whether
is
cannot be denied.
to
certainly worth
Bared
Dharm*
tho
practice
of
SJMftru* 8* Pro/AMOT
S#e Camindfft History
of
DAa**
lr*dk%.
India, VoL,
pp
I.
Uopkine
The
this
p. 7.
W and 70.
had the sanation
Waakbarton
of
studying.
Wataopatra Niwudapaua, Ed. Parmanie and Mawji,

Drnry, Life and Sport* in Soathan*
they
continuity
Muhammadans
the
of
the
inherited
system
indigenous
that the Marathas
military
been
nature.
similar
their
and
civil
resemblance
striking
their
to
Marathi
with
to be ascer-
who has read Persian far mans
one.
blind
they were
far
revived by the Hindu kings has yet

tained.
Muham-
transmitted by the
India
of
institu-
ki
uf the
pointed
old
out.
appendices
A
The Arabs
"The
enjoyed
in
which
toleration
the
in
Sind ( Book ///)

the
conceded
greater than what was usually

countries
but
of
principle
was dictated
it
other
in
any
than
the
native
the
suppressing
was
by
less
humanity,
or
justice
impossibility of
religion,
their
of
practice
Sindians
native
religion
number of Arab invaders. When

time had fully shown the necessity of some
relaxation in the stern code of Muslim conquest,
by
the
small
was directed, that the natives might rebuild

their temples and perform their worship, and
that the three per cent., which had been allowed
it
to the
priests
should
not
they
also
under
Dahir's
officiated.
retained
in
office,
throughout
while
the
in
laity
prime
for
whom
minister
was
order to protect the
and to maintain the native
rights of the people,

institutions;
by the
withheld
be
government,
former
the
Brahmans
provinces
which had been fixed
to
were
collect
distributed
the taxes
The History of India as
own Historians by Sir H. M. Elliot and

Professor John Dowson, Vol. I. pp. 468-469.
Also
told by its
see Elphinstonc,
History of India, pp. 302-303.
APPENDICES
581
B
State Departments
Book
///).
Panchobh copper-platc inscription

of
Samgramgupta, Superintendents of kine,
and mares are mentioned
buffaloes,
goats
The
inscription
(gomahi$abiva(lvadhyak$adi)
the
In
probably
is
Bihar
Journal of the
See
A.D.
not later than the 12th century
Research
Orissa
Society, Vol. V, Part IV, p. 589.
C
Evolution of Marathi Danapatras {Book Ilf).
Of the innumerable
have come down to
Marathi documents that
us, not
a few arc grant deeds.
worth studying not
They
are
they
yield
interesting
information
about
also because of the unbroken link with
lays
in
down
in their
style
following
the
and form
give a
be observed
rules to
and
of
To
he had bestowed (land) he must
document, destined
of a future
piece
whom
past
Vishnu
drawing up a grant deed or Danafatra
those upon
the
the
the landholder had to pay but
various taxes that
that they furnish
because
merely
ruler,
which must
(cotton)
must contain
for
cloth,
the
or
names
the
be
a
of
information
written
copper
his
immediate ancestors, a declaration of the
upon
plate,
(three)
extent
582 ADMINISTRATIVE
and an imprecation against him who
of the land,
should appropriate the donation
should be signed
reproduce
with
to
own
his
seal."
Danapatra of Chhatrapati
and
himself,
Let
us
Shahu
and see how far the writer conformed to the

above rules.
The document runs as follows
Vedamurti Gapesbhat wa B&laihbhat bin BipQbhat
upan&m
Purandare,
gotra
Bh&radvftj,
sQtra
Aival&yan, vast a vy a Kasbe Sisvad, ybiplu huzQr
&4hQnagarfmajlk
kille
yeQn
svamlsabnidh
Sfttara
ycthil
keleu
vidit
kin,
mukk&mTb
kailftsv&sl
Pradhin yabijtb fthrh&As Maujc

Khilnvadl, Tarph
Karhepthar,
Print Pupeb,
yethll jiriyat
jamln uttam pratichl chavar }.
Bftjaji
Pabtfit
yekun
bighe
wa mobgal&l yckfln
dutarpha
dekhi
inam tijai wa sardesmukhi
kulbftb wa kulkinQ, haillpatfl wa pestarpaUl, jal
tls
svarajya
taru,
kherlj
hakkadar
majkQrchya
pisap.
kastha,
trija,
l>ad
tyftpramuneA anbhavlt
wa
dilhlu pahijet
chfllavftvcn
hmanQn
vidit
Maujc
dilhlxi
Tari. Maharajanlb
karar karun hallin
nikjgaundi
paramparencu
deun
ghalQn patreu
ahori.
sadarhupramftpen inam
sahotra
inam
karfin
dast&ht
nidhinikjcpsahit
inftm
deQn
yavisib patreb
nQtan
vabsa
karun
karun Pandit masirnilhe
yauchln patren ftpOn d&khavill.
Ty&varun manas
apun he bhalc brihmap satpitra sn&nsaiidhyadi

nirata
yinchen chalaviliyft svimls
satkarml
wa
svamlehe
rftjyas
'
8.B
E VL
.
sreyaskar
VII, pp 21.22.
aisen
jipQn
APPENDICES
svftml
masamilhe
hoOn
krpalb
yftbjvarl
583
ySAs!
Pandit
Mauje majkdrpaiklb
yaunTii
uttam pratlchl jamln chfivar p&v ekQp
jir&yat
bighe
tls
svarftjya
wa
infaa tijAl
wa sardesmukhi hallfpaUl wa pestarpattl
wa kulkanQ
kid bab
nidhiniksepsahit
parcpeu
karun
inam
jal,
t|na, kastha
taru,
khcrlj
inam
hakkadar
ptisan,
vabsaparam-
Tyapramaneft
dilhs.
karar
nutan sadarll jam inis sahotra wa
halliii
nfidgaubdl
ekon dutarpha darobasta
mobglill
wa yaiiche vamsaparamparegeb
dilhA
yevi&b dharmasfistrachrp
yftsl
karun
vachancb.
Svadattftu
vasubdharftft.
jftyate
krmi.
sabodarT
va
Sa$tkivar$a
sahasritapi
Svadatta
duhitft
yo
harcchcha
bhumi
vistfiyab
pitfdatta
Anyadattft bhavenmfilft yo haret
sabgamf.
trisu
Danapalanayorrnadhye dAnat sreyo
pAlanam.
tarta
paradattfirt
Dftnftt
padam
svargamavftpnoti
nu
pnlamldachyu-
YenebpramSqeb
dhanuaAstrSchlb
vachancb yukta patron karfln dilhlb Ahet tarl
tuhmlb Mauje majkOrpaiklb sadarhllprainaneb
pavchavar jamln chatuhsimS
pflrvak
y&bche
inAm
vaiiisapraihparepcn
Prativarsib
Patron
novln
patrAcha
Rfijyabhisek
sake
samvatsarc Asvina shuddha
y&sl
wa
chAlavanrb
akêp na karneb.
90 Subhfinu nima
panchaml Bhauma-
vftsara yeviilb patren.
Sanadipatreb
2.
Vol.
Sulfcllooa
I,
from the
pp 305 aod
306.
(1
Mukhypatra,
Saura
Kaja'a and
Mokadam).
F*hwu
DfatHem
Deimukh
Chitjjisl (1
3.
RAjasrl
karklrdls s'ikke
the
of
land
has
Vishnu.
some
Sanskrit imprecation
one.
is
which threatens
land with
the
been
an
defined,
and the grant deed
conformity with the regulations
in
In
above grant deed
who should appropriate
the donation has been inserted,
has been scaled
5.
Paravfingl Vyankftjlpaftt."
jalc.
to be noted that in the
extent
ekilo
Madhavarftv PaAdit Pradhftn
imprecation against him
of
DesAdhikarl
tarphcncn Gapes Viththal y&che
S&tftriyfts tyftche
the
DespAntfe,
MAdhavarAv Pa Adit Pradhan)
Kftrkird RajaBri
It is
THE MARATH AS
sin
of
Hindu and the infamy
Marathi
Danapatra
the
substituted by a Marathi
the
appropriator of
the
cow-slaughter
if
he
is
of killing a pig
if
he
is
Muhammadan.
This, however,
not
is
The phrase
all.
paWt va pestarpattT kulbab va

tpja,
kAstha,
hakkadar
been
in
before the
p&sftp.
nidhinik&ep
demands our
use
rise
of
Shahaji to power.
many Marathi
deeds
Shivaji
It
grant
may
or
deeds (that
pflraakam
plate grants.
As
of
the
let
centuries
of
added that
in
we need not
is
described
phrase
us see
phrase
how
to
sasuvarpa-
pre- Marat ha
for the other
have quoted above
has
which corresponds
the latter part of the Sanskrit
dhora
it
accession
quote in extenso) the act of donation

as dh&raika or dhar&datta
kherlj
sahit
for
the
also be
taru,
jal
special notice as
donatory
in
kulkanu
halli
copper-
which
frequently
we
it
APPKNDICKS
occurs
may
South
in
Indian copper-plate grants,
dismiss the North Indian
paratively
important
less
practice
as
here the evolution of
ing
585
as
we
com-
we are discuss-
South Indian
grant
deeds.
Maharashtra proper had been formerly ruled

by the Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, the Shilahras
and the Yadavas.
It is from the Yadava kings of
Devgiri that the
the
land
of
Muhammadans
We
Marathas.
the
conquered
first
shall therefore
examine the copper-plate grants of these four

families and compare the terms of grant with
those of the grant deeds of Shahu Chhatrapati
already referred
Govinda
era
to.
Rashtrakuta
111
deed executed by
grant
in
716 of the Shaka
defines the grant as sodraiiigab
saparikarah
sadasApar&dhab sabhQtapiltapratyRyafi sotpadya(vl) shtikafo sadhinyahiraflyildeyo
inftnari
(cha)tabhitapravesyah
tapraksh(e)pai)iya.
sarvvarAjaklyftnam ahas-
The terms
grant of Vikramaditya V. of
dynasty
is
more
Sanad
Marathi
chacha
similar
of
the
to
the
later
the
Kauthem
Chalukya
terms of the
They are: Savrkshamllftkulab
sadhlnyahiraovildeyab
rajaktya(nft)m
anamguli
prekshapiyab nidhi nidhiina sametafi ghatikiichchhatrachamar.ldisahitah
vanamasya
*
sarv-
iti.
Pftilhan pint** of
Gorind*
Ind. Ant.. Ynt XVI,
74
sasukl(aka)h
III, Ki*lliorn
p. 24.
Bp. Tnd^Vol.
Ill, p. IOM.
MARATHAS
586 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE

In
Kharepatan
the
1
(Shilahar)
recorded
is
it
of
plates
that
Rattaraja
village
in
was granted to the king's

is
preceptor, Abhoja Sambhu. and the grant
defined as pOrvvadattta devad&ya vra (bra)
Ratnagiri
the
District
which corresponds to Marathi
varjjnm
hmadftya
Another donation of a
kherlj hakkadflr karfiij.
Shilahara
Bhoja
king,
by name* was
II.
ptirvvakam analogous
Marathi
to
dhftra-
dhftrftika
or
and the terms of the grant are sarvva
dhilrftdatta
sarvva-ftya-visuddham
b&dhft
parihftrarii
yilnam
anaihguli
prekshgpiyam.
rftjakl-
These
show
some of the terms we came across in Shahu's

Sanad were already in use when the Rashtrakuta
Chalukya and Shilahara princes inscribed those
donatory plates. Let us now example the copper
plate inscriptions of the Yadavas and the Hindumonarchs of Vijayanagar who in some respects can
that
be regarded as the immediate Hindu predecessors

of the Maratha kings of the house of Bhonsla
About the year 922 ol the Shaka era (or 1000

A. D.) Mahasanianta Bhillama II granted certain
lands to twenty one Brahmans and the fact
thus
is
recorded
inscription
in
Sangamner copper
the
plate
1
:
Evamlsh&m
dvijftnatft
pitrpaiOimahoparjjUaih
Matulingltatsainavasitarii
Arjjunodhikftgr&marh
V.4. III,
KiU>orn. R|i
EoMmpur
Intcriftliftfl, KfclKfNTM.
Kfolhorti,
Kp InH V ol
tilJ
II,
|>.
3ul.
S)0
ri
Vi1. Ilf
pp.
2M
210
APPENDICES
I.aghuarjjuuodhigrftma
tatha
vedagarama
587
Laghu
yabhyamtararh
(dv)
vavvula*
savrksha-
chachatubsimftparyantarii siishtAda&i
mSlakulain
prakrtyopetam v&plkupatadagfirfimasahitam satfnaka (stha) p:\shanopctarti sa (sa) kala samaslo.
petam
etc.
The
first
verse also
is
couplet of the Sanskrit
as
from
old
known
to
well
is
Kalas
In the
In
fact
last practice
may
inserted in this inscription.
innumerable illustrations of this

be given
imprecatory
donatory inscription
Indian
all
students of Indian History
Budrukh plates
of
Bhillama
111
(Shaka year 948),* we read that the gift was

made to twenty Brahmans with great honour
and water in hand hastodakaiii kptvn and the
terms also are strikingly similar to those of the

Maratha Danapatras. They run as follows
:
k&shtham
sa
satfpa
savrkshamftlAkulath
Saslrna-paryamtarh
prabhrti-k&nuka-vishaya-ftsrayam
sarid-vapt-kupa-kflpika-tadAga-dlrghikA-jalasthala*
khanyflkara-mrdvanaushadhi-pr&silda -gopur- o p esarvv&yasthana-sahitarii
tarh
vAtottaram
namasyama
putra pautntdyanvy-opabhogypm
achftta-bhB.U pravesam pQrvva

Kalasa
ruVnanatn gr&maiii pradadau, of
course with the usual imprecation.

inscriptions
dynasty
lud
t#
of
ABt Vol XVII,
|.
The Gaddak
of
Hayasala
gift of the village
Hombalalu
Viraballala
records the
.
datta
varjjam vasad bhojya
dvijadftyadevadaya
vyittirh
kara-
*1
deva
PUna, Ind. Ant
Vol. II. p. 30X.
OF INK MARAT HAS
588 ADMINISTRATIVE S VST KM
with
1114)
nidhinikshepa
svamyayuktam
piirjjanopetam.
sulkadariujftdi sakala dravyo-
etc.
us
only
multiply
quote
another
Kama Chandra
Yadava
inscription that of
the
king of the dynasty.
last
to
needless
is
It
Let
instances.
these
jalaptlsh&Q&r&m&di
tribhogyAbhymtaramastabhogateshja
sahitarii
(jab)
(Shaka year
Panditadcva
Chaddrabhushan
to
L)cva
Rama
grant of
Chandra Deva Yadava dated 1212 saka or
1291
A.D., records that under the orders of Shri
Rama
Sri Krishna
Deva governs the whole province
ol
the Konkan. For the sake of causing the prolongation of Shri
Deva
Rain Chandra
with
Anjora with
giveth to Brahmans,
village
its
of
proper bounds
and
forest
together
with
with
hidden
marks
"
the
limited to
water
limber,
grass,
its
he
etc.,
water,
hamlets
its
land
the
life,
gold and
mines and
trees
treasures
Palllsahitah
rqakash thodakopetab
savfksham tlikulab nidhi nikshepasahitah
svastinaparyamtab
pradattab'"
pQrvv
hiranyodaka
chaturaghafopctab
This
certainly
reads
k a
Shahu's
like
Danapatra quoted above.

It
fall
may however be objected
of the
Yadavas
of the 14th century
of Devgiri in the
and the
middle of the 17th. there
two hundred and
"
that
fifty
I.K.A
is
years
8.. Vul.
between the
earlier
rise of Shivaji
in
part
the
an interval of about
But
in
V. p. IKi.
the
meantime
APPENDICES
the
and the form
style
were
continued
kings
of
in
Harihara
II
The
Hindu
grant
Nallur
of
tamimamgrnmam
dv&dasasaiiiyuktath
Vritti
deeds
grant
Deccan by the
the
runs as
these
of
Y'ijayanagar.
"
589
uttainam sarvamflnyaifa chatusslmasariivutam cha

samaihtatali
dya
(sfi)
nikshepa
nidhi
pilslifina
sidlulha
A)
fhtabhn
jal&nvataiii.
Ak^hanvaongamisaruyu
subhtltidaiii
(gyarii)
chhfiramaischa
(ktaiii
taplkdpatatftkais'cha
putra
subhitaiii
bhirbhogyaih krauvt (d) achatndra
Almost the same
phrases are
Satyamangalam plates
1484
A. I).),
'
of
Krishna Raya
of
Yijayanagar
but
repeated
end
(dated
inscription
in
branch of the family known as

1664."
till
were given to Brahmans
and grant
executed
by
in
favour
Maharashtra.
Some
Lands
deed*,
these
of
pre-Shivaji
have come down to us and they
explain
the
continuity
V. V eii Li.
"
K. Hnllxach, Up. lud
"
HulUei h Ep. lad, Vol
Mire Mjra*>r ami
Ep.
IihI
Vol. III. p. 123
Vol. Ill,
I,
ocrir p.
fully
form and style of
of the
j n,
were
minor Hindu chiefs
Sanads
the
1565 when
and slain at Talikota near
an
the Karnata dynasty survived
in their
II
in
The kingdom
1529)."
to
Ramaja was defeated

Raichur
tirakani.
Krishnapura
(dated
came
pautradi-
Deva Raya
of
and the
kach-
p. UN.
p 400.
1
590 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OK THE MARAT HAS

these
deeds
grant
centuries.
evolution
deeds that
Parasnis
This
of
t
in
the
for
short
is
the
innumerable
he labours
have
period
made
of
student of Maratha history.
about
history
RajwaHe,
to-dav
f
to
ten
of
Marathi
Sane.
familiar
of
the
grant
and
every
/
BOOK
IV
EVOLUTION OF THE MARATHA INSTITUTIONS

THE MUHAMMADAN CONTRIBUTION
RAMA
VARM
nC3EARSM KICTITUTL
JRICHUR, COCHIN STATE.
CHAPTER
Revenue Principles
Non-interference of Muhammadan Rulers
/.
In the preceding book, an
made
to point out the intimate
the actual practices of the
and
attempt
the
theories
political thinkers.
that
the
had
been
It
But
Muhammadan
by
from
the
established
fairly
rulers
of
institutions
played
India
Hindu
ancient
their
part
Hindu
old
administrative
evolved
prototypes.
Maratha Government
has been
Maratha
between
relation
down
laid
has been
in this
by
the
interesting
was by no means insignificant. For

centuries they had governed the land and had
evolution
given the administration the shape
Marathas inherited
kingdom
of
Vijayanagar
before
the rise
of
Hindu
system
of
in
many
South,
it
of
from
it
would have been
Shivaji
and
old
Hindu
institutions,
in
the
and
his
hilly
Hindu
vast
an end
to
still
successors to
had they
that
the
survived
States
altogether
district,
The
although
administration
the petty
which the
them.
had come
Shivaji,
for
extinct
in
the
of
impossible
revive
been
the
quite
formed the
nucleus of the Maratha empire and had once been
75

an integral part
of
not aim at
administrative
conquest
their
of
made a change
suit
here
taste
their
from
inherited
therefore, the
practically
the
Muslim
policy
but
intact,
theories
they
was founded by
the
in
predecessors
had
When,
theologians.
Padshahi
Shivaji he had to follow
Musulman
the
at
and an addition there to
and
Hindu
existence
did
They
revolution.
in
the
Deccan
the
of
kept the system they found

time
Like
Bombay Presidency
conquerors
an
Kingdom
the Bahinani
the present rulers of the
Muhammadan
THE MARATHAS
footsteps
and
his
of
continue
their
conservation
and reform.
So the
evolution went on unchecked and people could
hardly perceive any change in the main theories
and principles of their Government.
Maratha
Subhedars replaced Muhammadan Subhedars,
and
of
Maratha
the
the revenue
and
the
the
terms were
Persian,
still
issued
mere translation
to
the sanads
Revenue
of
Persian
have before us the
financial
Muhammadan
We
old
the
instructions
were
occupied
Muhammadan Sultan but the

was still paid in Muhammadan coins,
position of
revenue
Chhatrapati
collectors
farmans of
rulers.
Hindu law-givers,
but
the
theories
principles
of
laid
down by them had been embodied by Muhammadan rulers in their instructions to Revenue
The Marathas simply continued the
officers.
same form, the same terms and almost the same
REVENUE PRINCIPLES
language
appoint mem letters.
their
in
595
Thus
Hindu principles was due

the Muhammadans, and the Marathas in their
the survival ot the old

to
helped
turn
survival
the
Muhammadan
the
of
forms and practices.
Abu/ Fat! on l he
-J
Du lies
Collector
The whole process

comparison
sanad so
concerned.
Hindu
of a Persian
as
far
We
the
of a Revenue
be evident
will
farman
and
revenue
principles
had
philosophers
concessions for cultivation of waste
principles
had
advocated
finan-
humane and
These
strongly emphasised
the
been
cultivators.
when Abul Fazl enumerated the duties

ideal Revenue Collector
The Collector
Revenue. says he, should be
Zeal
agriculturist
his
rule
not
cease
of
murderers
were
lands,
time of distress and
considerate treatment ot
very
Marathi
have already seen how the old
political
cial help at the
from a
and
conduct
from
and
truthfulness
*
punishing
evil-doers,
be
should
highway
stilled.
be
robbers,
that
heavily
the
He should
husbandman with advances

recover
them gradually. *
the
should
from
nor
an
of the
of
He
mulcting them, and so administer

of complaint shall
friend
of
cry
assist
the needy
of
money
and
should
ascertain
the
extent
of
the
cultivation and weigh each several portion
soil
in
He
in
the
MAR ATM AS
scales of personal observation and be
with
The
quality.
its
in different
varies
adapted
and take
take
and certain
districts
He
crops.
therefore,
differently,
each
with
account
into
with
former
of
the procedure of
agriculturist
He
waste lands
He
waste.
should
of the assessment
tion.
provident
He
stimulate
increase the
of
under
the
tillage
employment
and surveyors
to
Abul
Let
him
husbandman year
the
nothing beyond
take
and
just
by year, and under the pledge of

ments,
augmenta-
measurements.
facilities
the
somewhat
its
be
He
cultivation
in
to
should
his
in
a view
with
"
the
cultiva-
into
increase of valuable produce and remit

*
should
and remedy
collectors
is
are
deal
discrimination
and take heed that what

not
soils
ignorance or dishonesty.
should strive to bring
fall
land
of
should
his case into consideration.
engagements
tion
value
agricultural
certain
to
acquainted
Fazl
the
also
his
engage-
actual
area
recommends
and honest inspectors

help the Revenue Collector in
able
of
the work of assessment.

j.
Far nuim and Sounds
These were the
principles that
madan Emperors endeavoured

were
never
tired
of
/ftfrf,
y. 40,
II.
Muham-
to enforce
them
repeating
Aini'Akbari, Junctt, Vol,

*
the
yp
44,
-K
in
they
every
REVENUE PRINCIPLES
farman
Two
they
issued
to
such farmans
Jadunath
Prof.
their
have
in
Mughal India 1 and though

very lengthy,
will fully
their
justify
from them.
After
down "That
by
Studies
in
documents are
and value
some extracts
interest
quotation of
the
officers.
translated
his
the
intrinsic
the
Revenue
been
Sarkar
597
usual preamble,
it
is
laid
and future
and ami/s of the Empire of llindusthan from
end to end, should collect the revenue and other
[dues] from the mahals in the proportion and
manner fixed in the luminous Law and shining
officers
of the present
orthodox Faith, and [according to

been meant and sanctioned in
mandate
in
pursuance
of
the
whatever has
this
gracious
correct and trust-
worthy Traditions,
And
they should not demand new orders every

year, and should consider delay and transgression
as the cause of their
disgrace
in this
world
and
the next.
First .
They
should practise
the cultivators, inquire
exert
that
into
their condition,
themselves judiciously and

[the
cultivators]
may
joyfully
try to increase the cultivation,
tract
benevolence to
may be brought under
Second
tactfully,
and
and
so
heartily
and every arable
tillage.
At the beginning
of the
year inform
yourself, as far as possible, about the condition of
every ryot,
as
whether they are engaged
to
*
Pm-
168 . im
in
THE MARATHAS
598 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM Oh
can
cultivate,
they
abstaining
ply
them with inducements and
assurances of kindness
in
from
are
or
cultivation
If
it
and if they desire favour

But if
any matter show them that favour.
after inquiry
it
being able to
till
found
is
that, in spite
and having
had
are abstaining from cultivation,
their
of
they
rainfall,
you should urge
and threaten them and employ force and beating.
Where
the
peasants
whether
revenue
that
they
arc*
implements of
tillage,
from the
in
State
proclaim
them
from
realised
the iorm of
If
you
to procure the
unable
advance
the
to
the land or not
cultivate
peasants
find that the
be
will
it
fixed
is
to
(nyon
them money
taking
after
security
0
Six///.
may
the ryots
Seventh
into share
desire
it
fix
crop,
of
may change
or
vice
rrrsn,
In lands
any
non-preventable
field,
if
revenue
the ryots
And
to
subject
the
bv
the
in
realising
to fixed
revenues,
calamity overtakes a
you ought to inquire
remission
required
ease.
fixed
otherwise not
grant
such an amount that
not be ruined.
Xin/Jt
sown
as
You
if
extent
truth
of
carefully,
the calamity,
and the nature

revenue
and
in
kind
of the
from
REVP.NUfi I'RINUIM.KS
the- remnant,
produce
see
to the
left
is
Fourteenth
revenue:
If
should
fruits
he
under fixed
house on his land
lands
builds a
before
and the
he plants on the land trees without

an
turns
arable
was assessed,
garden, and
plants
for
fruit
tion], take Ks.
gardens,
although
bearing
fruit.
But
almond
trees,
while
is
the
the
in
cultivation
spaces
which
2},
on which
land,
into
trees on the whole tract
without leaving any open
for
pay rent as fixed

if
revenue
man
the
[of
ryots.
Concerning
same thing
If
one-half
net
he
that
599
the
[fit
for
highest revenue
trees
are
case of
not
yet
grape
do not bear
they
cultiva-
and
fruit
take
customary revenue only, and after they have

begun to bear fruit, take Rs. 2f, provided that
the
the produce of one canonical big ha, which
45X45 Shahjahani
yards, or
cemetery or
canonical
<
yards, amounts to Rs.
Fifteenth.
60x60
means
If
or
more.
any man turns
serai
in
his
endowment,
land into a
regard
its
revenue as remitted.
<
Eighteenth.
In
muqasema
lands,
if
any
calamity overtakes the crop, remit the revenue to
the amount
of
the
injury
And
if
the calamity

Happens
reaping
after
remains
grain
the
on
revenue
or
before
the
portion that
was addressed to
Muhammad
the
uthyearof
gather
reaping,
THE MARATHAS
safe.
This
farman
llashim,
Dewan
Emperor
Gujrat,
of
in
The document
Aurangzib Alamgir.
so lengthy that
it
has not been possible
is
quote
to
and the commentaries.

The second document translated by Prof. Sarkar
was addressed to one Rasikdas. This officer is
ordered to make a detailed enquiry about the
it
in full
with
the items
all
condition of cultivation
the
in
charge and the document

concluding portion of
quoted
letter
in
You should
of
every
is
village
actually
portion not ?
year
lying
uncultivated
the
orders,
parganahs under your
the
in
it
What
the extent of
is
proportion of this
under cultivation,
What is
What
every
the
circular
The Emperor
I.
his
inquire into the real circumstances
arable land in
total
like
Dattos
and ami ns. namely, what
di-warts
the
reads almost
Annaji
Uook
under
districts
the
is
amount
the
Also
system of revenue
what
of the full crop
cause
find
and
those lands
of
out,
what
collection in the
was
reign of
Akbar under the diwani administration of Tudar

Mai ? Is the amount of the sair cess the same
as under the old regulations, or was
at His Majesty's accession ?
it
How many mausas
are
cultivated
and how many desolate
the
cause
the
of
increased
desolation ?
After
What
is
inquiring
REVENUE PRINCIPLES
6oi
into all these matters, exert yourself to
arable
under
lands
by
tillage,
bring
giving
all
correct
agreements (qa rtf) and proper promises, and to

increase the first-rate
crops.
Where there are
disused wells, try to repair them, and also to dig
new ones. And assess their revenue in such a
way
and
the
may get their dues

the Government revenue may be collected at
right time and no ryot may be oppressed.
Rasikdas is further enjoined to make local
that the ryots at large
enquiry through his a mils as to the condition

the
cultivation
and
to
take a statistics of culti-
vators and ploughs, encourage
to improve
make
the
cultivator
the
quality
of
work hard
amils
the
the
from
sides
all
by
produce,
to
order to induce
in
the runaway peasants to return, to

vators
to
the sowing and the extent of cultivation
increase
and
of
gather
culti-
them various
offering
inducements and to devise means for the reclamation of waste lands 1

The outstanding arrears
.
were to be
realised
to
the
condition
of
prohibited
prevented
of
instalments
finally
to
the
according
The exaction
be
checked and
the ryots.
abwabs was
And
by
papers
The Marathas were no

in
their
did not
the
7
.
Mughals
literary
achievements, and their language
permit
the
Mnghnl
BiodlM
Ibid, p. 194.
6
7
rivals of
the
of
records were to be gathered at the right time
in
flowery
India, p. 191.
and pompous
style
*
Ibid, p. 192
IWd,
p. 196.
602
ADM NISTRA flV'R SYSTEM OP

1
grandiloquence
famous.
should
Persian
therefore
literature
every detail and
in
word
letter
word
for
tally
The
with the revenue regulations quoted above.
Marathi document
and
succinct
terse,
is
and lacks the preamble and the ornate
Mughal Jarman
two leaves no doubt

by
other
the
principles
and Dindori,
The
1.
far
revenue
we
the
find
guidance
following
above-mentioned
the
in
Wan
Mainlatdar of
for his
villages
appointment
In the
Bhikaji,
down
as the general
for instance,
instructions laid
of
inspired
one
the
were concerned.
Lakshman
letter of
style
was
that
so
brief
a close comparison of the
but
is
expect
to
futile
terms of a Marathi appointment
the
that
be
will
It
which
for
MARATHAS
I'HE
The lands should
Parganas should be surveyed
be classed as superior, ordinary and inferior and

also
as
jirayat
motsthal,
and the
and
result
and
their
bagayat,
The Amin should
fix
reported
The waste and
made
Amin.
the
waste lands under cultivation,
If
you
you
should
be
two or three
within
years from the current year.
and
accordingly.
lands
fallow
under cultivation
brought
to
the rates to be charged
the assessment should be

2.
should be ascertained
area
should be
and
patsthal
fail
will
to bring
lose
your
appointment.
3.
takes
If
any serious
place,
remission
disturbance or rebellion
of
rent
will
according to the custom of the land.
be
made
REVENUE
Fadfadmas
4.
will
IKIXCIILKS
be fixrd
603
Govern-
by the
ment hereafter and paid accordingly.

Kauls of istawa have been granted
5.
certain villages in
You should
Parganas.
these
make an enquiry about them and having

which villages are
tained
the report
ascerreport
unprofitable,
The Amin
the result to the Amin.
to
consider
will
and make necessary arrangements by
which you should be guided

Full information regarding
6.
should
be
furnished
to
Parganas
the
He
the Amin.
would
then lay down the system of Jamabandi according

to
which collection should be made. 1
Of course we do not come across

instructions quoted from the farinan
Muhammad
Hashim.
bered
that
while
Dewan
of a province,
charge of a
farman
few
But
it
be
Muhammad Hashim
addressed
to
rememwas the
Bhikaji
Parganas only.
the
addressed to
should
Lakshman
all
was
Similarly
Rasikdas also
certain details from that addressed to
differs
in
the
in
Muhammad
But some of the revenue regulations

Hashim
that we miss in Lakshman Bhikaji's sanad will be
found
in
sanads granted by the Peshwas'
other
Thus reference has already been

Government
made in Book II of tagai or taqavi loan menIn the same
tioned in the Mughal farmans
book mention has also been made of efforts made
by the Peshwas Government to induce runaway
-
P.D..
Vul HI.
|>p.
880-383.
604
peasants to return
to
and resume
deserted fields.
In Book I
been made
has
a quotation
from
mentioned
inspectors
reminds one of the
Abul
Maratha
beyond
establishes
doubt
with
praise-
and
surveyors
the
by
gathering
in
sides
all
And
diligence.
to
his revenue officers
and reassurances
together cultivators
worthy
Sabhasad
from
show how Shivaji also wanted

to use conciliation
MAKATHAS
villages
their
the cultivation of their
1HF.
naturally
Fazl
This
Fahanidars.
the
intimacy
close
between the Maratha and the Mughal systems.

But
be a mistake
will
it
Muhammadans
to
anything of
it
their
has not been possible to quote the two
It
documents
that
the
simply transmitted the old Hindu
system and did not add to

own.
suppose that
in full,
some
in
Emperor
of
but
certainly
and
is
necessary
omitted
the
makes
Aurangzib
tithe-paying
it
origin.
in
mention
instructions
distinction
rent-paying
Islamic
to
lands
This
the
between
which
is
distinction
naturally did not find
system
Book
which as
II)
any place in the Maratha

we have already noticed (in
recognised the claims of
Brahmans
to
various concessions.
Muhammad Hashim's
farman claims our special attention, as it deals
with jirayat lands converted into bagayat and
Item
also
fourteenth
with
special
plantations
profit
to
which
the
of
concession
do not
cultivator.
made
yield
The
for
costly
any immediate
principle, as laid
REVENUE PRINCIPLES
605
down here, is based on the orthodox Muhammadan theories of finance. Aghnides says that
the rates
tions,
six
for trees,
palms and sugarcane planta-
according to al-Mawardi were ten, eight and
dirhams respectively.
says
The
above
concerning trees applied only
he,
they were closely planted
isolated trees growing
exempt from tax
was impossible,
cultivated
in
for
were
fields
was then taxed as

This principle the Marathas
They
in to/o.
special
laid
rales
orchards and sugarcane plantations, while
for the
cocoanut palms as well as Undani
were taxed as individual
was levied
Thus
culti-
for the land
a cultivated land."'
did not accept
case
in
such a way that
in
vation of the intervening space
trees
taxes,'
until the
tiees.
fruit
But no tax
palms and trees began to pay.
case the Marathas
this
in
and jack
reject or accept in full
the
did
not
either
of
taxing
principle
enunciated by
Muham-
madan theologians and introduced in

Musulman conquerors, but somewhat
India by
palms and other
trees, as
altered
it
to suit their purpose.
Paymalli Compensation
was not infrequently
It
accepted
or
the
indifferent,
by their
instance
*
policy
as
they
Muhammadan
is
found
or
in
that
the Marathas
principles,
had
been
predecessors.
the
good,
bad.
transmitted
One such
Maratha custom
AfeLLiUtr, UoLiDiii&jediib Tin ones
(if
Fi&auc*, p.
371#
of
606 ADM IN'ISTK ATI VK SYSTEM OK THK MAHATMAS

compensating aggrieved peasants and
paymalli or loss caused
for
on
the crops
Hamid
and consideration,
Bakshi
of
Mir -at is
a hadis
the
road,
and the
should
guard
that the growing crops should not
As,
train.
caused
says
should
archers
his
with his matchlock-men
so
sense of
him to order that the
with
be trampled under foot by

royal
seventh
subjects."
for his
" induced
the
other,
Abdul
the
in
Majesty's
charge of one side of
take
the
" His
reign.
Hamid,
treading
such paymalli compensation was
his
Abdul
by
author of Badshak Nanui
Emperor Shah Jahan
of
justice
village
Peshwas'
the neighbouring fields.
the
that
paid by
year
in
Lahori.
us
tells
by the
when encamped near a
forces
villagers
daroghas
the
followers
of
damage might
however,
mushrifs
the
be
and
,
a mins
were
appointed to examine and report on the extent of
the mischief, so that raiyats, and jagirdars tinder
1000, might be
loss
they
compensated
had sustained."
for
the
individual
14
may however
Abdul Hamid that
It
appear from the language of
compensation was a pure act of kindness

and grace on the part of Shah Jahan, and not an
this
obligation
Of course
no obligation for
was really a common practice
Delhi Emperors and was continued by
an autocrat, but
of
the
Shah Jahan
in
there
is
it
successors.
the best time of the
Irvine
"
Even
monarchy and under the
Elliot six) Lfcjwaoii, Vvl.
says,
vi i, P 43,
.
REVKNl'K PRINCIPLES
strictest
commanders
607
the course of an
marked by desobtion.
There
army was
were great des-
truction of growing crops
through a
fairly
when the army passed

cultivated country.
Compensa-
under the name of paemali "foot treading.

was certainly allowed, according to the rules, in
the shape of a remission of revenue on the bnd
tion
injured, but this
must have been
was
It
in the
shape of
incom-
the crop."
of
a remission
the land injured " that
on
very
plete indemnification for the loss
of
revenue
the
Peshwas Government paid the paemali compensation, and there

is
reason to believe
that
in
case
their
remission bore but a poor proportion to

sustained.
It
therefore,
is,
instance at least the
clear
that
Marathas meekly
too
the
the
loss
in
this
followed
Mughal example which so far as the compensation itself was concerned was a laudable one.
the
But the compensation

the cause of the
naturally
loss.
It
was as
reminds one of
Irvine
us the 'great destruction of growing

the
Mughal
by the
commander even in the best days

monarchy. * So the Marathas were not
1
11
Irvine,
,f
Mftuncci writ***
M Baud**
soldiery
which could not be prevented
forces,
strictest
the
of
informs
crops " by
All
Army
of the
IndUt* UugbulB, pp. U0.1U3

the oppress Son of the Mughal
a boat
thot* inflation*
immm
here otK*r
they
Ice
army:
we. for when the
through they plunder every
on, cattle, food- eopptiee, jfnu* tr*w
thing they cab lay hand,

they destroy houeee to get Iro
worwl ftRd on the villager*' head a they load their luggage. and
of blowa force them to carry
if*.
Manqcc f,
by
dint
*d. Irvin*, Vnl. II, p. 488,

the only offenders
Til
Desolation was
F.
MARATHAS
caused and
growing crops had been destroyed by the Mughal

forces too even while passing through the imperial
territories
in
peaceful
horseman has earned
times,
his
a plunderer and robber,
unenviable
was more
ble to discipline than his
the
Maratha
notoriety as
because perhaps he
more thorough, more quick,

not because he
but
was
more cunning and
ruthless, or less
Mughal
brother,
amena-
CHAPTER
Revenue Policy
Classification of
/.
before
revenue had
of
Arab theologians long

India, and the Hindu
of
had been
principles
.-
theories
the
conquest
the
{concluded)
Lands
The Muhammadan
been enunciated by
II
laid
down by
old law-givers
Mar.u centuries before the birth of the

Prophet of Mecca. The growth of these two sets
like
of
Revenue
theories
and within
without
had therefore been altogether independent

Vet
other.
they
similar that their
the
same
the
as
effect
principles
irrigated
the
land
fertility,
of
two
union of
have already seen
distinction
in
between
dry
The Marathas
according
land
the nature of the crops, and the
This
principle
of
to
method
classification
was recognised by Musulinan theologians

77
and
of irrigation as a
assessment.
their
how
the Shukranitisara
of
and the method
classified
irrigation.
similar
This happened with regard
We
determining factor
variously
the
and the author
recognised
each
governing the classification of
land in particular.
Kautilya
of
sometimes happened to be so
interaction on each other had
Mcndalian gametes.
to
India
also.
6lO ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

"
Al-Mawardi
discusses
as
follows
factors
the
which determine the tax-bearing capacity of land.
The person who assesses the kharaj on
should consider the capacity of land, which
land
according to three factors, each
varies
One
of
amount
the
affecting
is
a piece of
the
kharaj more or less
of
pertaining to the land
factors
the quality of the land by virtue
crop grown
causes the
factor
on
to
which the
of
The second
produce to be small.
relates
itself
the defect which
or
rich,
is
it
factor
kind of crop, since grains
the
some fetching a higher

price than the others, and the kharaj must
The third
therefore be assessed accordingly.
factor pertains to the method of irrigation, for
and
fruits
vary
in price,
has been
crop that
the
water
with
irrigated
carried on the back of beasts or raised by a water-
wheel,
cannot
which
could
stand
be
running water or
charged on
rain.
strictly
follow
Muhammadan
of
we
was paid to the slate

factors enumerated by
the
folaj
into
three
and
Ag'acidfti, p. 34J1
rulers
the
in
India
by
did not
theories
financial
find that
Thus
in
Akbars
more attention
of cultivation than to the
Al-Mawardi*
forauti
classes,
kharaj
of
watered
land
theologians.
classification of land
rate
The Muhammadan
always
same
the
good,
lands
although
were
middling
divided
and
; Jarretf Aib-I Akhari, Vol_
II, p.
bad
63
REVENUE POLICY
Akbar permitted
But
special crops
rates
for
Abul Fazl informs us
as
from
revenue
special
61
indigo,
poppy,
pan,
some
The
turmeric,
Trapa biopinosa ), hemp, kachalu ( Arum

colocasia), pumpkin, pinna ( Lawstmia mermis),
pignut
cucumbers, badrang (a species of cucumber), the
egg
( Solatium
plant
melongena),
radishes,
Momordiea chdrantia ), kakura,

tendas and muskmelons, not counted as produce,
was ordered to be paid in rcaJy money at
the rates hereafter mentioned." *
Murshid Quli
Khan, during his Dcwanship of the Deccan,
carrots, karela
not only distinguished arable
from rocky
land
and water- courses," but also recognised "the

method of irrigation as a determining factor in
soils
assessment." Where the crop depended on rainfall,

the State
took one half of it. Where
agriculture depended on well irrigation the
of the State
and from
was one-third
to
the
in
case
the
case
of
share
grain,
grape,
sugar-
cane, anise, plantain, pea-wort, and other
special
of
and high priced crops requiring laborious watering and length of culture.
Where the field was
irrigated from canals (pat) the proportion
revenue to the crop varied,

higher and
sometimes
irrigated from wells."
being
lower
than
Alo-UAkbuH. Yol.
JftrrtU,
Jndanath narkar. A urun?iih, YuJ.
in
II. p. (fc.
I,
pp
the
sometimes
of
192-103.
lands
6l 2
ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF. MARATHAS
Murshid Quli's system we come across

almost all the characteristics of the Maratha
In
The
practice.
rocky
soils
arable land
and the
different
are taken into consideration
system, however, did not
in
from
distinguished
is
methods
of irrigation
The Muhammadan
these respects make
any new contribution to the
evolution
of
the
But a special rate for special
Maratha system
and high priced crops requiring laborious watering and length of culture "
was the new feature
Muhammadans.
introduced by the
Marathas went a step further

the
for
cultivation
Undani trees than

sugarcane,
anise,
continued
they
they
palms,
of
In
trees,
what Murshid did

plantain
the
and
Musulman
more
did
jack
the
fact
and
for grapes,
pea-wort,
and
practice
with
regard to sugar-cane plantations.
Principle of Assessment
Let us turn to the
and
in this
principles
of
connection our attention
attracted by the istawa
under the
early
assessment,
is
system which prevailed
Hindu
rulers.
This system
was not revived by the Marathas, as

living practice, a
rulers
an
and tha
independent
look to the
naturally
principle
ruled,
when
kingdom.
Muhammadan
familiar
We
both
Shivaji
must
historians,
it
was a
to
the
founded
therefore
and not to
the old Sanskrit works on law and polity,
for
the
REVENUE POLICY
history of
transmission.
its
it
known
of
certain
is
possible
the
that
principle
Akbar's days and probably
in
Sher Shah
many
not
and give a connected
supply every link

but
It is
613
story,
was
well
the
age
in
also, for
Akbar was indebted
revenue
regulations
of his
the
to
to
for
great
Pathan
Emperor
The istawa principle was
applied by Akbar in the assessment of chachar
and banjar lands
Abul Fazl writes, with
regard
to
"When
either from excessive rain or
the
assessment
inundation, the land
husbandmen
In
the
first
produce
is
are, at
out
falls
of
year, therefore, but
taken;
an
cultivation
two-fifths
the third, four-fifths and in the
revenue ."
through
the
the
of
second three-fifths;
the
in
land.
considerable distress
in
first,
chachar
of
fifth,
The same writer

banjar lands, In banjar land
8
in
the ordinary
observes
about
for the first year,
one or two sers are taken from each bigha in

the second year, five sers
in the third year,
;
sixth of the produce
fourth share
years a
man
may pay
convenient."
tion
is
In
istawa principle
or
kind
the
as
Here also the process
While
perceptible.
cases
all
money
in
dam
in
the
in
other
husbandis
of
most
evolu-
Akbar applied the
assessment of
Aic-i-Akbari,
Ibid % p. 68.
year,
This varies somewhat
suffices.
during inundations.
one
with
together
third
the fourth
in
VoL
II, p. 157
chachar
6l 4
(land that has lain fallow
three or four years)
foi
and banjar (land uncultivated for five years and

more) lands alone, the Marathas applied this
principle in the assessment of all classes of lands,
good, bad or middling, whether under cultivation

It
should also be noted that the
or fallow.
husbandman,
pay
did
in
Feshwa's Government,
whatever was
or
kind
under the
money
convenient to him.
Payment by Instalment
j.
Payment by instalment was also allowed by
Muhammadan
his officers,
rulers.
In a farman
Akbar advises them
collect rent from the subjects
addressed to
Let
thus,
in
them
*n easy manner,
may
with
population.
be cultivated and
* * *
In collecting
rent from the
cultivators,
do so piecemeal, and
in
order that
blessed
lands
all
deviate in no degree from
has been made."

also
should
months
month,
be
and
in
the
Abu
collected
tax
tax-payers
*
the
theologians
BirtJ,
Aghcidet,
p. 4G5.
by
Jizyah
maintains
bn
that
al-Hasan,
it
every
may become more

and more
Akbar's
beneficial
intention on
SUtiaticaJ Uiatorr of Qujrai, p 3&*
which
by instalments every two
order that the
Moslems."
of
Yusuf
Muhammad
onerous for the

to
collection
'*
instalments.
The Muhammadan
advocated
agreement
the
the
REVENUE POLICY
contrary
We
I
was to make the payment more easy.
do not know
guidance
the
bn
Hasan
al-
615
instalment,
but
for certain
whether
of
Abu
in
recommending
certain
is
it
Yusuf
he
followed
Muhammad
or
collection
by
he acted on
that
far different principles.
The Agency of Collection
4.
The agency of collection was practically the

same under the Muhammadans and the Marathas.
The village communities flourished undisturbed
and the village headmen were responsible for
revenue
kept
accounts.
the
manner
The
was
the
accountant
village
The account books
government
sent to the
same
and
collection
under
almost
officials
both
were
in
the
Governments.
the
Pat-wari, says Abul Fazl, of each village
apportion
to
among
(the
name by name,
village)
subordinate agents,
the various
collectors were to send the cash

of the Patwari to the treasurer.
and the
under the
seal
The Muquad-
dams were considered so indispensable that Murshid

Quli Khan, during his Dewanship
found
it
necessary
men where
migrated
to appoint
in
new
the
village head-
the old family had either died
to
some other
Elliot
place.
and Oowaoo, Vol VI, p
Deccan,
64.
out
or
6l6 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS
5.
Remission of Rent
Like the faymalli compensation remission

rent in limes of famine
They thus
Emperors.
for
the
principle
of
rent
were also
Marathas to
made by Mughal
precedent
strong
set
even
follow,
of
though
the
was not new. One case of such remission

will suffice here.
In 1629 Gujrat and
Deccan were visited by a terrible famine,

and Abdul Hamid Lahori tells us that, Under
the directions of the wise and generous Emperor
taxes amounting to nearly seventy lacs of rupees
were remitted by the revenue officers a sum
amounting to nearly eighty krors of da ms, and
amounting to one eleventh part of the whole
revenue.
When such remissions were made from
the exchequer it may be conceived how great were
the reductions made by the nobles who held
10
Akbar was contented,
jagirs and mantabs.''
when a similar calamity overtook Uindusthan,
the
with
the
distribution
of
alms as
Shaikh Nurul
llakk informs us,
During the year 1004 H. there

was a scarcity of rain throughout the whole of
Hindustan, and a fearful
raged
famine
ously for three or four years.
continu-
The king ordered
that alms should be distributed
in
all
the
cities,
and Nawab Shaikh Farid Bokhari, being ordered

to superintend
and control
Elliot
their
distribution,
OowBon, Vol. VII,
p. 26.
did
REVENUE POLICY
power to
his
in
all
617
relieve the general distress of
Public tables were spread,
the people.
army was increased
and the
order to afford maintenance to the poor people.' "

in
commendable example that the

Mughal Emperors set before the Marathas was
Another
that
granting
of
physicians
land
rendering
for
deserving
to
their
professional
of charge to the suffering humanity.
free
service
rent-free
Muhammadans and Hindus

astrology and
believed
alike
in
long association and spirit of inborn
had generated
Hindus
that
reverence for the mosques and the saints of
their
tolerance
the
in
Musulman neighbours which devotees of one

faith seldom entertain for another
The Sultans
of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar therefore granted
rent-free
lands
in
mam
Hindu astrologers while

by
granted
saints.
inam
such
physicians
for
however,
Muhammadan
the
year
granted
follows
they
had the
of
a Pars*
to
the
Hijira
physician
of
Ell -oc anil
Dawson, VoL VI,
and
medicine.
example of the
their
eyes.
farman
which
revenue collectors and
the
1
7*
before
faith
all
distribution
rulers
989
of
free
Order,
Let
were
and his successors for the

mosques and shrines of MuhamThe Maratha rulers also granted
to
nationality
Here,
lands
rent-free
Shivaji
maintenance of
madan
and learned
to successful
In
was
runs
as
officials
and
p. 193.
fHBMAKATHAS
Na vasari
Mahr Tabib
Desais and Qanungos of the township

be informed that whereas the Parsi
(physician)
any other rneans
possess
whereas he
has
perpetuate
a sacrifice,
as
of His Exalted
dominion),
his
and
subsistence,
of
himself
offered
for the blessed life
God
person and does not
deserving
is
of
Majesty (May
extent
the
of
and culturable waste,

cultivated and three Auls of cultur-
four Ah/s of cultivated land
one Aul
of
(waste), within the environs of the aforesaid
able
been settled upon him as his
has
township,
As soon as they receive intimation of

Parwanah, they should hand over to him the
watsifah.
this
land
said
it
apart, so that having tilled
may spend
he
ability,
(providing) the
with
himself
means
of subsistence
mind
tranquil
permanence of His
Kingdom. Let them know
in this
to
21 st of the sacred
to
their
his
thereof in
and devote
praying
Majestys
matter as a
and do nothing contrary

on the
according to
it
proceeds
the
the
obedience
and setting
fixing its boundaries
after
for
powerful
duty and regard
positive
obligation
the same.
month
of
Written
Muharram
989.
It
the
is
inam
certain that the Parsi Tabib did not get

in question for merely " Praying for the
permanence
dom," but
11
of
for
noiir&U.
His
his
Majestys
professional
in
Pferni
powerful
King-
services
to the
Hintury, pp. ITS- 173.
REVENUE POLICY
suffering subjects
on
this point
quoted by
His
of
619
Any doubt
Majesty.
removed by another document
is
Hodivala
Professor
" The children
Parsi History,
Studies in
his
in
Qiam Tabib
those, who
of
beg and request the evidence of all

have any knowledge of the matter,
to state
whether the person aforesaid cures the ailments

of the needy poor and distressed of the township
and whether
of Navasari
depend on
thereon,
fifty
cognizant
of
means
Bighas extent of
the
in
his
the
land
township.
said
fact
of
of subsistence
with trees
any one
If
is
the aforesaid Tabib
having cured the diseases of the needy and the

indigent, let
mony
below,
him
affix,
for
which)
(for
God's sake,
he
will
his testi-
receive
his
reward from the Lord
men.'
and deserve thanks from

The request was answered by several
Muhammadan gentlemen
truth
of the
who
attested
statement and attached
to the
their seal
and signature to the paper quoted above.
It
should be noted that the children of Qiam Tabib

were the descendants of Mahr Tabib of the
first
document and
the inam
and
in
father
indigent
of
lieu
is
it
of
the
rendered
their
clear
to
native
that they enjoyed
service
the
their
needy
town.
ancestor
and
the
The Peshwas
did not open hospitals and charitable dispensaries,
they considered their duties performed when they
HodirnU, Studio*
in
History, pp,
I8G187.
620 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAKATHAS
some
granted
rent-free
land
inam to some
in
was a Hindu
physician, whether he
Muham-
or a
madan or even a Portuguese did not matter

much, who had the public spirit and generosity
and the indigent
of treating the poor
sick
free
of charge.
Kauls
6.
Kauls have been referred

addressed to
to
in
Muhammad llashimand
and we have seen

was
Book
in
II
farmans
the
Rasikdas
how common
this
Peshwa days. There is

believe that
reason to
the
Marat has were
indebted to the
Mughals for this excellent
practice although the theory underlying it was
practice
in
the
older than
Muhammadan
war against
engaged
in
Mughal
officers
the
often
frightened peasants to
the
tried
come back
Portuguese the
to
by granting
them
kauls.
had first-hand knowledge of 'he

as
writes
follows:
As
their
Manucci,
Deccan
who
affairs,
villages, the frighten-
Upon
noticing
governor sent for the
village
headmen
took
and treating them

and
their deserted
flight.
peasants
this the
the
soon as the governor
approached the Portuguese

ed
induce
to their villages
and carry on the cultivation of

Helds
While
conquest.
to
courteously
reassured them,
them that they ought to remain in

villages and go on cultivating their fields
told
R KVKNlE POI.ICV
as
so
For,
usual.
He
them.
no one
them,
assured
he
would interfere with
621
sent them
away
contented, giving presents to each according
to
"
his merits.
Taxes and Cesses
7.
the Mughals had
If
survival
cesses and dues.
rulers,
of India,
the
they
practices,
of the vexatious
but
human
natural,
Muhammadan
The
is.
it
in
assumption of the Government
their
found
were levied by
was
This
what
being
on
instrumental
been
many good Hindu

responsible for many
of
were no less
nature
many
that
and
taxes
former rulers and
its
cesses
were
they
Sometimes the
conscience of auch orthodox Musulman Emperors
Shah Tughlak
as Kiruz
and Aurangzib was
in
no hurry
pricked
quite
and
like
extra
them.
abolish
to
because some of
taxes
these
did
not
conform to the injunctions of the Quran

they abolished
Akbar
and
cesses and
Jahangir
abwabs
irksome to the trader and

prohibitions
had
local
paid
but scant respect
Only
in
big
cities
these prohibitions be
Mnn*i
4,
despots
abolished
because
cultivator.
effect
little
provinces where the
the
Benevolent
them.
officers
they were
But
the
in
many
these
distant
and jagirdars
to the Emperors wishes.
and the metropolis could
enforced,
d. frrine, Vnl.
II,
but even there

p
22M.
it

had only a temporary
effect.
the vexatious cesses and
THE MARATHAS
After a few years
abwabs were
revived
all
and the Marathas continued to levy these dues

when they became the masters of the land.
Lagnapatti or marriage cess was certainly
t.
one
of these old dues, levied
by Hindu
rulers
Vijayanagar and abolished by them

teenth
century
We
Patdam
frequently
mentioned
ments, and
cess
the
Vijayanagar
century,
in
but
of
rulers
the meantime
the
till
did not
immediately after the abolition
and
Marathi docu-
in
survived
cess by the
the six-
Lagnapatti
find
The Marathas
conquest.
in
of
British
power
rise
to
the
marriage
the
in
16th
great Akbar
the
continued to levy
it
informs us, His
Majesty also takes a tax from
both
to enable
parties,
Abul
empire.
his
in
them
to
shew
Fazl
their grati-
The payment of this tax is looked upon

Mancabdars commanding from
as auspicious.
tude.
five to
one thousand, pay to Muhars, Mancabdars
commanding from one thousand to five hundred

4 Muhars, Mancabdars to commanders of forty
Muhur, do to commanders of ten 4 R. The
i
latter
fee
is
also
middle classes pay
paid
R. and
demanding
dam.
In
to pay
regard
of the bride.'
by
this
rich
people.
common
tax, the
The
people one
officers
have
to the circumstances of the father

'*
During the Peshwa regime the
,f Ulocliiwvto,
Ata-l
AkUm. VoL
I,
p.
27s
KKVKNl'P. POLICY
marriage cess was levied

in
623
at the rate
case of a marriage and
when
Re.
of
annas
it
was
re-marriage.
Among
2.
the taxes
mentioned Sardarakhti
Jahangir also
says,
my
on
reign
to
tree.
has
been
gave orders
is
Almighty
the
trees
fruit
and
Akbar
by
on each
a tax
Thanks
'
God, that no revenue

taken during
remitted
'*
that
any one were to plant a garden in cultivated

land he was not to pay any revenue. ,J
So it is
if
evident
Jahangir and
them
was
sardarakhti
that
Akbar,
levied
though
but
before
abolished
by
was revived Liter on. In Maratha days

the tax was known as jhudjhadora.
it
Ashva Zakati
3.
in
Book
previous
that a similar
From
tax
is
foresight and
a cess
is
It
is
and
Arab,
two and a
Rupees
on account
Arabian horse
two
of
Rupees
imported
for
to
note
Abul
Fazl.
the
large
His Majesty enforced
for every Iraqui
imported from
half
interesting
mentioned by
profits of the horse-dealers,
a tax of three
we have mentioned
Mujammas
Kabul and
every
from
Persia;
Turkish
and
Quandahar,
and
Kabul horses and Indian Arab breed." '

Manucci also mentions a similar tax." Most
for
of the horses used by the

14
Mogul come from
A1o-l-Akfc*ri, Vol. U. p. 66.

Moghul
Empire, p. 17.
fUtOurcto of the
,T
and
iron,
Elliot
Do
Veil. VI, p. &-
.Turrets
,#
Blocbnumn, Ain-i~Akbari, Vol.
Mtued,
ed
1, p.
Irrine, Vol. II, p. 271.
Alan
21A.
ihonu,
the
"
624 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF. MARATHAS

regions of Balkh, Bukhara
come
and Kabul.
Thence
more than one hundred thousand, and on them the King makes a great profit
every year
At the crossing of the
by the duty he imposes.
Indus alone a payment twenty-five per cent,

their value is
made.
There cannot
4.
shumari
or
tax
be
any
doubt
Mughal prototype
Shingshingoti, but
.is
it
Rahdari which
to multiply instances.
gau
that
head of oxen
on each
abolished by Akbar, was the

the Maratha
on
lected on every highway frontier and
of
needless
was
col-
and
to the revenue, and
brought in a large
Pandari (or Pandharpatti) a ground or house
ferry,
sum
cess,
which was paid throughout
the
Imperial
dominions by every tradesman and dealer, from

the butcher, the potter and the green-grocer to
the draper, jeweller and banker
Emperor Aurangzib
prohibited by
hibition
Khan
however was not quite

us,
tells
beneficent
Although
the
exception
their
men
of
pro-
Khafi
gracious
these
prohibiting
the avaricious propensities of
with
This
effective.
his
Majesty remitted
issued strict orders
that,
had both been
taxes,
collection,
prevailed,
pandari,
had no
effect
VoL
so
which,
being mostly obtained from the capital and

chief cities, felt the force of the abolition,
royal prohibition
and
and
the
the
and faujdars and

CA
Jarrvlt, Aiu-i-ALbari,
BlUot A Uoweoo, VoL VII, p 247
II, p.
REVENUE POLICY
625
jagirdars in remote places did not withhold
And again, The

condemned by righteous
hands from these exactions.

rahdari
and
particular
in
men
just
as
is
most vexatious impost, and
sum
oppressive to travellers but a large
by
In most parts of
it.
their
the
Imperial
raised
is
territories
and jagirdars by force and tyranny,

now exact more than ever from the traders and
the faujdars
poor
necessitous
wonder that
exact
the
rahdari
1
travellers."
So
no
is
it
Marathas should continue to
and taxes
analogous to pandari
Mughals did before them. They had

accepted the bad as well as the good points of
as
the
the administrative system
which they found
when they wrested the land from
operation
in
their
Islamic masters.
needless to go into details
It is
tax and
the
cess.
taxes and
It
will
cesses
suffice
levied
about
here
by
and afterwards continued by the
if
every
some
of
Muhammadans
Marathas
are
mentioned.
1.
Beth Began**
2.
Belekati
3.
Telpati
4.
Tup
5.
Hejib
Ibid,
p.248.
Kr*nd labour existed nndar the Portuguese
Even the Bmbmane wtre

form.
Origin of Bombxv, pp. 110-113
79
nc/ft
exempted from
in
it.
a rory
rtjforont
Sue da Cunbn,
6l6 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS

6.
Mohtarfa
8.
Ghurpatti
9.
Bat Chapai
10.
Kotowali
14.
Wancharai
Khan has mentioned, among
Khafi
and
cesses
abwabs, prohibited
other
by
'the fourth part of debts recovered
Book
in
how
II,
amounting
had
creditors
For
lfl.
Elliot
A lti
took
the#-* *o?
17.
i* A
Jarret,
Man uc
Ain,
VoL
prowr*
to
ihc
help
have
seen
pay
to
i,
money
state help under the
Urine,
rd.
Vol,
pp, <47 A 248.
II,
tlu*
pp.
old
fifl
fee
Thoruaa. Krvccur Saaroc* of the Moghul
IB.
Dowaiwi, Voi. VII,
car
by
twenty-five per cent, of the
to
recovered from debtors with
pp. 5,
Aurangzib,
We
from creditors.
of Magistrates
taxes,
T7
II.
Kwpire,
pp. 3H0 A
tt*7,
Bln!, Gnjormt, pp. 118
The Forluguesc generally
rerena* cutcni*
and
an
iina^p-s
A Comfrimnon with Aatocio Pra&Cfcaro Heajumin

Pinto a* Prwildeot nod XaTirr da Cnnlia, V.A. (^wr do Mollo,
Fraacltoo Jr*0 Jacob Coutinbo aa member* wat appointed (2nd
May 15*37) to report on the practice, hmm and diatoms rr^npdlrtf?
far
r.8
poaaihle.
paj numt of rent*,
wpoft on
the
etc.,
in ch* vil iagt of
24th AnguaC. 1*71.
K Doc*mtn}a Pnnt A Historic dr

by Aatoolo Fmod*co Motiix Junior
,Vnf*e*a
Notit
Dnman.
The
and wo
tbeir
fJ.im.3o
Antiga
Proviocia
in
J>#
(lllTMj B*tom).
It rntfmnta
and pririlo*** enjoyed hy the Rtute aad the
all i.h* right*, tax**,
landlord*,
Tho? ubmitto<l
report baa bean |Kibliihed
find
revenue pnrpoto* oa in
(p.
168 ) that jirmyet land
Mabamahtra
(terra
wm
recogmacd for
alu Chamad oJerat)
Mint
cooonuut troo* wore taxed (p. IOO) (pagdo pnr com oajun* das rupiaa)
and that real varied according to the nature of the crop oaluratad.
.
Mention
to
i*
made
Daniel our
of a
Mat.
Danô, on ram tom

n tituto do Dan.
duo calUd Dan
(p. 172),
moot probably analogous
For am a Vigm do term do L"ndn do produftflo da

jorat pajru-.e Tint* 0 do.*
park
*em
jerot
VSoto
REVENUE POLICY
Peshwa regime. Customs,
specially
ablc to the powerful, die hard
627
when
indeed
favour-
Customs and transit duties were levied m

India by her Hindu rulers from very early times.
The Muhammadan kings who succeeded them
continued the old duties as usual and sometimes
added to their incidence. In the early years of

the Mughal rule, when Babar laid the foundation of his power at Delhi, there was a duty
levied on the frontier on goods " and there were
on
transit duties
merchandise transported from
one part of the country to another. ** Jahangir

a but there cannot be any
prohibited transit duties
doubt that they continued to be levied. *' Mundy,

Thcvenot, and Tavernier, who took an interest
such
in
topics,
dues
transil
tells
how
the
ecclesiastic to
of the Indus
force
in
of the country,
show us a regular system
and
throughout
Father
passport
of
large portions
Sebastian
Manrique
granted to him as an
travel from
Lahore to the mouth
was used by a merchant
of his party
evade many demands during the journey.
to
Thevenot counted, on the road from Aurangabad

Golkonda, sixteen taxing posts in twenty-three
0 Customs, tolls and transit duties were
leagues
to
collected throughout the territories of the

Erakinc, A BUtorr of Judin under Ibe Pint two
the Honne of Turnin', Vol. I, p. 630.
tit hot k Downon. VoL VII, pp. 290 A2#I.
Montand, India at the Denth
Ibid, p. 60.
of
Akbnr, p. 40.
Sultan
Korempni
of
628 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MAHATMAS

of
Golkonda even at
The Marathas
conquest.
impose
time
the
cease
not
did
Mughal
the
of
time-honoured duties, but
these
time the hardship of the
in
to
their
merchants and trades-
men were considerably ameliorated as a class of

men known as llundikaris undertook to transport
commodities from one place to another
all
for a single
payment.
Customs Duties
farmed
regime
out
to
Peshwa
the
tax-contractors
for
Here also the Marathas seem to

the footsteps of the Mughals.
specified sum.
have followed
were during
in
Manucci not only mentions tax-contractors, but

gives a
graphic
conduct*
Thus we. find
taxes had been
from
the
account
that
Muhammadans,
indebted
the
to
term
Zakat
their
Islamic
hardly
be
many
cesses and
the
by
the
while
must
rulers
identified
every follower of the
Marathas
Hindu ancestors through

others they were
for
Muhammadans
they
shameless
their
of
inherited
ancient
their
of
have
but
alone.
The
borrowed from
Zakat
their
could
Poor tax which
with the
Prophet of
Mecca deemed
bounden duty to pay for the benefit of the

poorer and more indigent members of their community.
The payment of Zakat formed part of
it
his
the
Islamic faith,
*
technically
therefor?
IiTin, Munuoci, Vol. II, pp. 3*7
Macuoci, od. Inrm*.
VoL
3K8.
II, p. I7&.
it
could
REVENUE POLICY
629
not be levied for the benefit of the State nor was
an
unbeliever
to be
entitled
remembered
tradesmen too
that
pay it. But it has

Zakat was collected from
to
complete nisabs of
for
trade they possessed, by the ashirs.
were
collectors
road
public
in
stationed
by
order to
collect
Moslem traders, as
dhimmi and harbi
not
difficult to
the
well as the tolls
articles of
"The ashirs
imam on the
Zakat of
the
imposed on the
who pass him.
traders
guess how the Zakat
which
It is
origi-
formed an obligation on the part of all

Muhammadan householders who possessed the
nally
amount of property, became a source of

income of the Non-Muslim Maratha rulers. The
taxable
Muhammadans
of course
of finance with
them and
brought
tried
as far as possible, and as
continued
the
the payment
pay
more unscrupulous
began
to
public
appropriate
officers
of the
Quran.
its
of
the
their
for
properly disbursing
with
to
enforce them
to
was an obligation on the part of

they
their theories
all true believers,
them.
Gradually
Muslim
the
Zakat
own
of Zakat
rulers
collected
use
instead
by
of
according to the injunctions

The Hindus also became familiar
collection
it
by
officers
on
the
roadside
and whether they were familiar or not with its

origin, they began to regard it as a source of
revenue like other taxes and cesses.
When
" For
A.';liuide,
Muhammadan
Tbeorita of i'mauce-

therefore
the
Marathas
madans the term

and acquired a
from
collected
faith,
replaced
meaning.
wider
far
traders
all
Quranic
original
lost its
of their
But sometimes
Kamavisdar
was
some other taxes
caste and creed, and like
we have seen
sense
It
irrespective
were farmed out to a contractor.

as
Muham-
the
was
Zakat
of
appointed to check the oppression and corrupt

practices of the tax-contractors
<.
Standardisation of Price
Before concluding this chapter on the revenue

principles
wc may take
notice
passing
of
Hindu practice transmitted to the Marathas by

All Maratha rulers from Shivaji
the Muslims.
to Baji Rao II actively interfered in the manufacturing industries
and
land
their
of
control the prices of the necessaries of
practice
is
But
Kautilya.
Muslim
rulers
of
must
be
India
did
necessaries
achieve his
demand
of
purpose by a
and
Asia.
But
like
fixed the price of
Anybody who
in
true
all
was
his
This
to
keep
keep down
He
the
of
principles
in
autocrat
his
to
balancing of
skilful
time
it
price
not try
did
These
supply.
perhaps undreamt of
much
tried to
life.
to
conceded that the
keeping down
by
expenses
military
all
it
Allauddin Khiliji
alive.
of
the
life.
Shastra
Artha
as
old
as
tried
were
Europe and
he
arbitrarily
necessary articles of food.

detected
in
demanding a
REVENUE POLICY
higher
rate"
uddin
was not
was severely punished.

the
only
standardisation of prices.
one of the duties
after
of
fixed
all
as
principle
the
Abul
of
English
of
the
careful
prince
In
at
it
was
Kotwal to supervise the

goods in the market place.
price
of
enquiry
Fazl
building
to
the
informs
introduced
idea of
VoL
1,
'* BlocJimann, Ain-i.Akt*r,
pp,
And
us.
price
the
materials
satisfaction
state-controlled
Brlc*.' Kfriihu.
aim
to
Mughal days
and economic non-interference
But Alla-
of the
purchase and sale
Akbar
631
the
survived
free
till
trade
in India.
36&40O
VoL
I,
pp. 121-273.
From |pt:i moounnod In Catalog Jw- Mmnntmiptoa da BMwtkeca

jmbliM nrawr, It npj.Mra that the Portujfueee Oorei nmeil aWodeotnc-d
it
their doty to reffalate the price of rice., 4e
See
p. 300.
CHAPTER
III.
Military Organisation.
Man sub and
/.
For
Marathas
military organisation the
their
more
were
Saranjatn
indebted
directly
Muham-
the
to
madans than for their Revenue system. The

Revenue principles were mostly Hindu in origin,
Maratha
the
but
madan
kingdom,
numbers
Nizam and
the
After
armies.
Bahmani
large
very
in
were
foundation
of
enlisted
Shahi regime they
willingly
Muhamthe
in
Pathan army and during
the
Adil
were
rose
High ranks and
conferred
their
on
to
rich
competent
Muslim masters, and
no wonder that they completely assimilated
is
military
the
South
part
with
Muslim rulers of
Having once formed a component
tactics
India.
the
of
the
fact
of
followers
Muhammadan
Shivaji
enemy's army.
the
Ahroadnagar and
early
Shivaji's
In
the
in
Marathas
the
Maratha generals by
it
the
prominence.
great
jagirs
by the practice
inspired
directly
regulations
military
were
Bijapur
forces,
naturally familiar
military
organisation.
often enlisted deserters from his
But
it
should be remembered that
the genius of Shivaji warned him against a
slavish
MILITARY ORGANISATION
While
imitation.
of
uncommon
the
by
differed but
from
little
While
good
maintaining
detriment
that
the
of
their
its
organisation
Mughal
their
of
held their office
Pcshwas had,
the
exaggerated
the
the
worth
to
deprived
And by
army
their
and suffered
preference
giving
Peshwas and
the
foreigners,
they
Marathas had no infantry
that the
name.
of
Foreign critics like
their infantry to deteriorate.
Tone observes
again
cavalry
of
value
granted
imitation
in
Mughals
the
Like
Mughals.
the
generals
to
of their empire,
solidarity
their
to
for
jagir
introduced the military jagir system and
Saranjams
great
of
and got no
will
forces,
their
in
generals
Shivaji's
at the Kings
the
genius
Peshwa army
the
leader,
foes.
had been largely influenced
forces
Shivajis
organisation
the
therefore
633
their
officers
which
of that national spirit
formed the strongest characteristic of Shivajis

But while differing in the fundafollowers.
mental
underlying
principle
Shivaji
organisation,
had yet to
Muhammadan practices in
He recognised the
tion.
Shiledars and
In his
him.
same
administra-
distinction
between
as the Peshwas did after
and payment
his
Muhammadan
predecessors.
his
services
manner
80
army
of enlistment
He honoured
guished
many
retain
method
followed
he
Bargirs
his
military
his
as
men and
officers
in the battle field
the
Muslim
for
distin-
almost
Sultans
in
the
and
MARATHAS
Even his tactics, which made the

famous in the military
horseman
were not unknown to the
India,
Emperors.
Maratha
annals
of
Malik Ambar
Muslim generals.
had employed
same tactics against the Mughal invaders of

Ahmadnagar, and the Bijapur officers on more
than one occasion had found the same tactics
equally useful against their heavily armed and
the
armoured enemies.
Method of Enlistment
a.
extent
for
musketeers,
and
light
each
the
Raja
man
brave and
the
himself
should
the
the
be
of
forces,
archers
appointed
had carefully inspected

(and
individually
shrewd.
Of
spearsmen,
prevailing
method
his
says,
men
armed
the
detail
practices
instance,
for
the
after
the
of
Sabhasad
enlistment.
more
in
indebtedness to his Muslim
some
army,
his
consider
Shivaji s
of
teachers
in
now
us
Let
The
selected)
garrison
in
the
the
fort,
Samobat should he
Marathas of good family. They should
be
appointed after some one of the royal personal
So
staff had agreed to stand surety (for them)."
the spearsrnen, the archers and the light armed
the
Havaldar
and
the
'
men were appointed

$vi.,
after
personal
8iv* Chhatmpnli,
p.
20.
inspection
King himself and a
by the
demanded
appointed
also
and taking a
Without
takes
ahdis after
partiality
several
daily
they
of,
7 aliquah,
descriptive
the
The paymaster
us,
bribes
he
who
Majesty,
the
Yaddasht,
roll
and
a
takes
then
the
accounts.
and
security
a second
candidate
introduces the
informs
they have been approved
through
pass
Fazl
His
before
When
examines them.
personal inspection
accepting
or
also
Akbar
Emperor
Abul
security.
was
surety
The
them.
from
635
time to His
Majesty who increases his pay from an eighth

to three-fourths, or even to more than sixsevenths.
The
was very common when
rank
soldiers
of
Manucci
lived in India.
all
of taking surety from
practice
He
high and low, generals and
general that even the princes find
to
"
conform
the
custom
the
said
soldiers,
whatever
their
birth
All
taken
into
the
for
observed
in
service.
complaint,
the
And
again,
and generals,
the
case of
Nor is
same
princes
od. Urine, Vul.
II, p.
I,
not
will
This thing
Bluchmami. Ain-i-Akbari, VoL

MnnuL'L'i,
necessary
it
they
this
and no one can complain.

ground
,J
position, arc obliged to
Without
furnish sureties
.'
captains
or
forced
common and
so
is
so
to
are
they cannot obtain
it
This practice
employment.
All soldiers
captains,
surety and without
give
to
11
writes,
of
is
universal
there
rule
any
being
the blood
pp. 249-250.
>77 .
be
No
royal.
wonder,
that
those
in
treachery and disloyalty a surety

condition
inevitable
as
the
Italian
writer
be
the
and
the
commend
should
shrewd
of the
of
Mughal army,
the
in
says,
good sense
to the
itself
employment
of
was universal
practice that
should
days
Maratha
leader.
too,
j.
Payment
In
Shivaji's
clothes.
in
notice
taken
the
were paid
soldiers
partly
time and
Maratha
partly
days
money and
11
we have
in
Book
In
official of a
although
salary
Peshwa
the
queer practice that deprived
oi
in
he
month's or two months'
had to serve the State
for
twelve months.
Every Maratha soldier was
familiar with
baramaht ckakri and daha main
full
or
Here also
akra ntahi pay."
government simply imitated a

of
the
Mughal
the
common
Maratha
practice
Akbar deducted
army.
one
month's pay every year on account of the horse
Abul Fazl informs us

of every
self
the
contingent
twentieth
which reimburses
We
read
in
is
him
The commander
that,
allowed
part
of
for
to keep
the pay
Muiidlvi, rj. Irvim.-,
tUnade
for
him-
of his
men,
various expenses.
Harivansanchi
6
.
VqL
IV, p.
Bkchinauu, Ain-i-AkWi, Vul.
Ibid, p.
Bakhar,
MC.
I,
|i
JJ01
that
Purushottam alias
Patwardhan
Daji
deduct one month's pay
637
for the
same
used
to
reason.
In
Manucci's time the Mughal soldier did not get

even
months'
ten
who had
adventurer,
practice,
service
they receive
that
is
off
as
foisted
not
in
Italian
respect of one
in
years
or eight months'
six
all
the
knowledge of the
personal
For
Mughal
Even
Writes
pay.
coin
respects two
they are
always
pay
months'
pay.
with
clothes and old raiment
from the house-hold."
The Marathas found
specially
pay partly
in
it
clothes because
to dispose of a portion
got
in their
of
convenient
that
spoils
they
Mulukhgiri expeditions.
Mulukhgiri
4.
The
term
origin, derived
giriftan to
Mulukhgiri
from Persian
is
Mulk,
The Sultans
take.
Muhammadan
of
country and
of
Gujrat
also
regarded
Mulukhgiri as
income.*
Professor Jadunath Sarkar observes
this
to
enabled them
this
the
14
connection,
Shivaji's
foreign
sovereign
is
in
The coincidence
between
and that
Quranic
policy
courtier
official history of
same word,
legitimate source of
of a
so complete that both the history of
Shivaji by his
Persian
Krishnaji Anant and the
Bijapur use exactly the
Mulk-giri, to describe such raids into

Irving VoL
Maaued,
Ifirat-i'AbraadL
ed.
II. p.
37u.

neighbouring
The
ideal.
at least,
countries
as
MARATHAS
regular
was that
only difference
political
theory
in
an orthodox Muslim King was bound to
spare the
Muslim
other
states in his
not to spoil or shed the blood
of
path,
believers,
true
while Shivaji (as well as the Ieshwas after

carried on
Mulk-giri
his
into
and
him)
neighbouring
all
Hindu no less than Islamic, and squeezed

Hindus as mercilessly as he did Muham-
states,-
rich
madans .' 0 In practice, however, the Muhammadan invader had very little mercy for his
brother in faith and while some of the Maratha
expeditions were but
prelude to the conquest
and annexation of the country invaded, all the

Muhammadan
Mulukgiri expeditions led
by
generals, whatever might
have been
their
aim,
were not rewarded with similar success.
5.
In
the
A'
ward for
rewarding
services
distinguished
in
war,
the
Muhammadan
Titles were conferred
on successful
Maratha
precedent.
Military Services
generals, they
rulers
followed
sometimes obtained the honour
of
using Sunshades or Aftagirs, Pa/quis and Nalquis
and
another
distinction
which
could expect was the use
Sabhasad
tells
us
that
1,1
Shivaji,
Shivaji
Vim
officers
Chaughada.
of
soldiers with gold bracelets,
brave
rewarded
earrings,
lid.,
p. 48UI
And
his
necklaces.
ORGANISATION
Mll.lTARN
crests
and
against
Afzal
medallions,"
horses and
higher
with
success
officers of
rank got
According to
ranks.
weapons with jewelled
jewelled ornaments,
palkis,
his
after
Khan, while
&39
gold
fringes of
and
lace
Irvine
hilts,
pearls,
mounted and jewelled trappings and elephants were presented by Mughal

Emperors to their military officers in acknowhorses with gold
ledgment of their services to the State

gir
is
mentioned
says that
in
in
Aftab-
Ain-i-Akbari and Irvine
the
Mughal army only
the
11
.
royal princes
He writes,
were entitled to this high distinction.
Aftabgir This sun screen shaped like an
open palm
fan was
leaf
By the Moghul
to
royal
however,
rulers
princes.
the
also called Suraj-mukhi.

it
could only be granted

eighteenth
the
In
Marathas adopted
commonest
century,
one of
as
it
and even the smallest

group of their cavalry was in the habit of
Aftagir
was conferred by
carrying
one."
Shivaji on his generals and officers of lesser rank
their
ensigns,
1:1
as early as
seventeenth
the
century.
Similarly
standard,
conferred
Jari Patka the golden

on distinguished Maratha
generals,
was
quite
the honour of carrying
also
in
accord
with
the
Irvine remarks that in the

Mughal custom.
Mughal army "apart from titles or money
8n, 8 :ya Chhatrmpati, p. 23.

Irvine,
Army
Jbid.p. 34
of
FndUn
Mcgrhul*, pp. 29-30.

or
rewards,
ordinary
among
awarded, "
other
man
gifts,
MAR ATH AS
might
distinctions
be
the
(/)
right to carry a flag or simple standard arid (r7) the
drums and beat the naubat.' "

The Chaughadas granted by Maratha rulers were
1
right to use kettle
nothing
but
kettle
drums
Maratha Sardars had

had
Shivaji
the
the
naubats as
their
upon
Gujar and
principal
well.
two
of
his
Mohite,
Hansaji
Kao and
Pratap
of
titles
and
conferred
Kadtaji
generals.
'*
Hambir Kao
Rajaram also honoured his officers

with high-sounding titles, but a mere glance at
respectively.
the
of
list
the
convince one
he conferred
titles
that
Chhatrapati
the
of
following the practice
once
was simply
Badshah
the
Shamsher
Hukmatpanha,
will at
Delhi.
of
Shahjang,
Bahadur,
Sharfanmulk,
Amir-ul-Umara,
Rustam rao,
Madarulmaham, Saphcjang Bahadur, Shahajat-
mulk and Fattcjang P*ahadur" were undoubtedly

of Muslim origin and not Hindu titles.
Pension
6.
Irvine
paid any
does not say

pension
Marathas
his
11
Army
For nn
Ctiitaia's
of
instance*
minor
killed
in
although
veterans
old
Irvinev
did,
the
to
widows of soldiers
th
of
Sambhaji
Indian
Mughals
the
and
children
action
as the
Balban had granted

pension.
full-pay
MmicIiuU.
Chaairb*<1*
noil
whether
p.
to
The
35.
l>*lwtnoh1
Rajaram, ed. San r,
p.
Kakhar, p. 74
52.
"
men
such
madan
monarchs.
was
natural
death,
his
son
there
if
given
so
also provided for
as
informs
killed
who were
died a
jagir was confirmed
to his
battle
in
was
that
!I
settled
might
there
upon
be no
The
To widows
Princess
and
Chausa and
Gulbadan
and
orphans,
in
the
Kanauj or
service
royal
intermissions, he gave pensions,
water,
an amir
men who had been wounded and
of
at
if
or
killed
step-sister
his
us,
kinsfolk
Bigarah) that
Emperor Humayun
the widows and orphans of his
of complain.
soldiers,
Muham-
was established by
suitable provision
dependents,
ground
rule
the
to
of
daughter, a
the
and wives
children
was no son, half of the jagir was

daughter
and if there was no
the
to
(Mahmud
soldier
any
or
the
was not unknown
Sultan
the
helping
of
principle
641
and
and servants.
land,
Bhakkar,
during
and
In
or
those
rations,
and
days of His
good fortune, great tranquillity and

happiness befell soldiers and peasants. They
lived without care, and put up many an ardent
Majesty's
prayer for his long
Sabhasad
IT
us that Shivaji captured about
tells
thousand horses at
Bnyloy, Cu)*nu,
Bovpridffe,
pp.
Branding of Horses
y.
four
life."
17*.?#.
81
A. $.
p.
.
Surat and
41
a cavalry
167-
Th llnmajim Numa
ef
Qnlbodatt
THE MARATHAS
642 ADMINISTRATIVE SY5TF.M OF
was organised with them. As the distincmark of this force, a quadrangular sign was
force
tive
branded on the right
For
this practice of
were
certainly
introduced
first
immediate successors.
Shah and
by Sher
Mughal army by
in
the great Mughal,
is
the
king
Fazl
must
who
given
branding
the
of
who
was
regulations
about
silent
the
till
has
Manucci,
the horsemen," writes he,
under
Abul
military
not
his
into the
continue
about
the
Allauddin
to
time.
with
familiar
quite
by
introduced
Akbar,
Akbars
Muslims.
discontinued by
finally
information
detailed
the
was however revived
It
downfall of his dynasty.
horses
to
but the practice was
Khiliji,
horses."
branding horses the Marathas
indebted
was
Branding
buttock of the
arc
of
All
it.
vwtisabdars
have impressed on the
mark made like this

brand.
From the day
right flank of their horses a
f-i
which
is
the
that they get this
The Generals
royal
mark made
pay
begins.
also cause a brand to be placed on
the horses of their

the
their
troopers,
Their brand
left flank.
but
is
it
is
usually
made on
the
first
name, and their men's pay begins

also on the day that the brand is imprinted." n
letter of their
It
seems that Shivaji
branded his horses
first
second sack of Surat.
after the
8*c,
'
'
Sir* Chh*trapoti,
Irrine,
Army
p.
VoL
that time he
88
of the Indian
JUnocci, ed Irrine,
By
UoghnU,
II,
p, 40.
pp 370*377-
must
become
have
military
well
regulations
of
But we do not know
acquainted
with
Mughal
his
for
643
enemies.
whether
certain
the
this
branding horses survived Shivaji
practice of
in
the Maratha army.
The ShiUdars:
8.
his
From the horses let us turn to their owners,

Shiledars.
The Shiledar "had to purchase
own horse and was not compensated for
its
loss,
the
whether
From
State.
Sangraha,
it
by
war or otherwise,
in
paper published
appears that
the
in
the
Itihas
was suspended
this rule
during
his
Appa
campaign
against Basscin and the horseman who lost his
by
Chimnaji
horse
But
in
this
the siege operations got
was an exceptional
price.
its
general
the
case,
same as that prevailing in

the Mughal army.
The Shiledar's horse was
his
own property and he seldom risked its
writes
of
the
Mughal army,
loss.
Irvine
The constitution of the army was radically
Each man was, there can be no
unsound.
practice
was
the
14
doubt, individually brave,
Why
then do we find them so
from a
battle-field,
much
to lose
trooper rode his
he
was
ruined
to
make
retreat
off
after
Simply because they had
and so very
own
recklessness.
to
ready
so anxious to
the slightest reverse
so
even
horse,
little
and
irretrievably."
if
gain.
to
it
was
Irvine
killed
further
MARATHAS
remarks,
Moor
observed
reluctance to charge
which does
deficiency
cause
not
be frequently
will
proceed
from any
but
from this
courage,
personal
in
Mahratta
the
same cause produced the same
cavalry that the

effect.
among
noticed
Mahratta
a great part of the horses in the
service are,
we have understood, the property
who
the riders,
monthly pay,
receive a certain
according to the goodness of the horse,
own and
horse
his
and
be as
careful
Moor wrote
he
therefore,
will,
the
in
we
remarks
hold good
not
of
that
know
Shivajis
many
of
is
course,
of
both."
decade of the
last
do
and
certain
has
animal
loses his
possible to preserve
as
century,
however
man
If
the Sirkar, but he
his allowance
for their
wounded, no equivalent
or
killed
made him by
services.
beasts
their
of
whether
8th
his
army.
It
his
military
is
regulations were suffered to disappear during the
and the Peshwas not only tried

imitate the pomp and splendour of the Mughal
Feshwa
to
court,
period,
Mughal model.
army
g.
therefore
we take
us take a
11 IiTine,
army
The organisation of
was equally unsound.
Pendharis
Before
let
organised their
also
but
Peshwa
.-
leave
passing
Army
the
on the
of the
notice
of tbe Indian
of
Maratha army
the
Pendharis
Moghul*, pp. KfeSOQ.
who accompanied
Authorised
it.
645
were
thieves
known in ancient India, and they accompanied

the Mughal forces also, to harass the enemys
country.
Manucci
says,
the
Along with
armies there march privileged and recognised
*
Bederia (Bidari)
thieves called
first
enemy's
to invade the
plunder every thing they
these
are
the
where they
territory,
The handsomest
find.
items are reserved for the general; the rest they
on their own
sell
when he was within the

near Goa, had
in
because of
my Second
my
to
21
the Pendharis.
in
in
note
sometimes confounded with
Such confusion
identification
The
mentioned
thieves
common
several
They accompanied
or
unwarranted/*
Pendharis and the authorised
by Manucci shared
have stated
remarks
however absolutely
not
is
as
Irvine
that these Bidaris are
such,
the lands of Bardes
ravage
non-return,
Part.''
Shivaji,
of
territories
army seven thousand
his
whose orders were
Shah Alam,
Prince
account.
characteris-
army to ravage
and plunder the enemy's territories. The Pendharis
paid a tax which amounted to 25 per cent,
tics.
booty,
their
of
while
a regular
the
choicest items for the general.

**
Manure i,
"
It l
It
ifl
iliac SutiiiiifcAil
Vol. 1. p. 52.
a*
think*
body of Pcmiburi* wh*n h*
therefore* clear that thcie Bidari*
cttuioropornricH
It
may
be noted
e<L Irvin*, Vol. II, p. 169.
Wurth policing
accompanied by
reserved th:
Bidari
P**nd)iari*.
tlukt
laid
IliUil
Mejre to
Ktitn wait
Kocduna.
wer known to Uwtir M*rv,!u*

8*n,
Kx^rcr Aud Document,
646 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF. MARATHAS

that
the
and
thieves
authorised
robbers
who
accompanied the Maratha army were variously

called the Pendharis and Lamans and in extreme south
Bedars.
It
altogether unreasonable,
of so
great
an
may
therefore
be
though the objections
authority
lightly rejected, to
not
suppose
as
Irvine
that
the
cannot
be
Pendharis
Peshwa army had their prototypes in

It
the Bidari who followed the Mughal forces.
should be noted that it is not known whether
Shivaji had, like the Peshwas, an auxiliary force
Naturally the
Peshwa
of authorised robbers.
army organised on the Mughal model shows more
points in common with the Mughal army than
does the earlier Maratha army that earned
eternal fame under Shivajis leadership.
of
the
CHAPTER
The
The Kohval
/.
IV
Poi.icp..
The Maratha Government

had nothing to do with the
village
headman kept
could
with
rural
help of
the
the
like
rural
Mughals
The
police.
peace as best
as
he
Mahar watchmen.
his
was maintained by the

state, and herein also we find another instance
of the Marat has adopting the Muslim practice.
The head of the city police was the Kohva!% and
But
the
urban
the origin of
police
his
office,
as
the
name
indicates
was certainly Muhammadan. His principal duties

as enumerated in a document dated
1767.68
were
to
(for
dispose
full
of
particulars
important
see
Book
disputes
II)
(1)
within
his
jurisdiction, (2) to fix the prices of goods,

(3)
supply labourers for Government work and
to
to
supervise sales and purchases of land, (4) to take

a census and keep a record of all persons coming
and leaving the city. And over and above

these he had to maintain peace and order in the
to
city.
According
to
Abul
Fa2l
Kotwal) should keep a register
also,
of
He
houses,
(the
and
MAR AT

frequented roads, and engage
the
citizens
in
pledge of reciprocal assistance and bind them

a
common
participation of weal
woe
and
intelligence
be
should
conducted.
a
to
Of
'
by whose
another as broker,
the business
AS
name one as
every guild of artificers, he should

guild master and
of
purchase and
"
He
shall
sale
discover
thieves and goods they have stolen or be responsible for the loss
the
in
reduction of
He should use
prices
and not allow pur-
made outside
chases to be
his discretion
the
he shall examine the weights.*
city.
And
According
to a
Karman addressed by Akbar to all his officers,

was required to supervise the
Kot'd'al
the
purchase and sale of goods.' The Koheal should
according to I)astur-u! Ami, summoning the
watchmen and sweepers, take bonds from them
that they should daily report to him the occurrences of every
mahuUa (ward
of the
out suppression or exaggeration."
Kotval
the
is
advised,
to a quazi in the
of a case.
post careful
to
I'
On
9
power
the
men
M. and
14
public
to act as
P.M. to
to
be thieves and
to
you.' Manucci
1
JuTFt'tl
arriving
at
the
truth
streets
of
the
cities
watchmen from sunset
dawn,
wayfarers and arrest those
to
scrutinise the
whom
they consider
evil-doers,
Aifi'i'AWmH, Vnl
says
II,
and
that
pp. 41, 42-
8 artcnr, Mughal AJminialruUofi,
with-
Do justice,
may liken you
that people
of
city)
bring
"it
t
was
them
the
Binl. Cujr(, p. 402.
Fir** Edit km, pp. 94*95.
THE POLICE
kotvmVs
business
arrack
He
Indies.
stop the
to
used
obtains information about
on so as to be able to send
report.
"
He
thieves
arresting
has
also
and
the
all
in
his
duty
of
criminals.
also his business to collect the
town."
the
in
that goes
of
distillation
eau-de-vie
the
(spirits)
649
It
is
income from the
comparison of the above two
Maratha and the Mughal,

leaves but
little
lists,
of the Kotwal's
doubt that the Maratha
the
duties
Kotwal
had to perform almost the same duties as those

entrusted to his Muslim brother in a Mughal
We
town.
Maratha
have
Kotwal's duties
similar to those of
Town
the
But
Prefect.
Marathas went so
it
far
that
the
were to a great extent
Nagaraka,
the
doubtful
is
Mauryan
whether the
from their own
search of their ideal for a
was
elsewhere
noticed
times in
when it
neighbouring Mughal
Police officer
easily available in the
cities.
2.
Compensation for stolen property:
Wc
may
also take note
undoubted antiquity which
Mughal rulers of India.

was stolen it was the duty
*
Manned,
ed.
nine, Vol.
m<* tint Kau-d*vv>o i*
rough kind
if
82
rum.
of
police
rule
of
was adopted by the
Whenever
of the
anything
police
officers
II, pp 49CMZI.
Mr. KnmibaUian. tells
mar* ffentmllf uaed Coi bitmly, ri*rk wu* a

of the place to recover
the
sate the owner for his
loss.
MARATHAS
property or compen-
This compensation
was on rare occasions paid out of the state funds

but more generally by the Policemen concerned.
The Ain-i-Akbari
lays down,
shall discover thieves
He
kotwal)
(the
and the goods they have
stolen or be responsible for the
Manucci
tells us that loss from robbery was compensated
by the state during Shah Jahan's reign. 1 The
same
writer,
whose statement
loss."
based on actual
is
observation, says of the Kotwal,
robbed within the bounds of
his
If
any one
jurisdiction,
is
he
make good what has been taken.

he Faujdars who supervised roads had similar
responsibilities.
Manucci informs us, These
is
r,
forced to
'1
faujdars have to supervise the roads, and should

any merchant or traveller be robbed in day light,
they are obliged to pay compensation.
at
night,
it
having halted
his
the
is
earlier,
complaints
survived
in
the
traveller's
being
heard."
Central
the middle of the
all,
without
This practice
Indian principalities
19th
and the Rhils who infested

inheritance
from
their frontier
the
Xot
Manucci, etl lrviap,
M&uucci, d living, Vol.
Xanncci,
t*d.
Irvine,
VuL
llanl, tttalirticul Ui*c.
*.f
I,
p.
II, p.
XI,
|,
401.
pp. 1(jQ
ff.
Kolis
was also
Muhammadan
they had replaced*
till
The Maratha
century.
policy towards such criminal tribes as the
an
not
for
fault
and he loses
robbed
If
rulers
THE POLICE
J.
Mutilation
From
ment
them
651
the Police
us
let
turn
the
to
punish-
on thieves detected or arrested by

Thieves often suffered capital punishment
inflicted
towards the close of the Peshwa period.

Capital
punishment
for the same offence was by no
means an exception under the Mughal days.
Manucci
less
than 500 thieves

n
perverse
in
us that Aurangzib
tells
And
order
in
again
decapitated
no
terrorise
the
to
Once when
was
living
Lahor, fifteen thieves of this tribe were caught.
They had robbed a house

seized
and
sentenced
at
midnight
to
death.
they were
When
the
officers of justice
in
were taking them to be executed

front of that very house, they passed in front
of
my
door."
10
Mutilation
a
of
criminals also was as
common
under the
practice
Mughals as tinder the

Jahangir ordered his amirs " Not to
Marathas.
punish any person by ordering him to be

or to have his nose
or
cars
cut off."
11
blinded
But the
Wakiat-i-Jahangiri gives at least one instance of

the Emperor's inflicting a terribly cruel punish-
ment on an unfortunate Hindu offender.

conviction, " says the Emperor,
his
After
ordered
that
tongue should be cut out, that he should be
"
'
Manned,
Manned,
Elliot
td. Irvine,
Vol. II. p. 421.
ed. Irvine, Vol. II. p. 0.
k Dovton, VoL VI.
p. 325.

kept
THE MARATHAS
and that he should be

fed at the same mess as the dog keepers and
sweepers/' l!
Nor was mutilation uncommon
when Manucci wrote. The Emperor Aurangzib
in
prison
for
life,
prohibited the sale of wine and other intoxicants

and " he directed the kotwal to search out
Mahomedans and Hindus who

one of
whom was
Convicted
every
spirits,
one hand and one foot." ,s
to lose
offenders
sold
lost
limbs
their
during
the Pathan period also as
we are informed by the

and humane Firuz Shah Tughlak,
benevolent
who
put a temporary stop to this
the reigns of
former kings, the blood
of
Musulmans had been shed, and many

employed.
of
torture
and
feet, ears
pouring
Amputation
and noses
molten
into
lead
the bones of
the
burning
body with
into
the
the
hands,
tearing
the
hands and
and
feet
sinews, sawing
man asunder
similar tortures
were
merciful
seek
for
God made
prevent
the
and the
infliction
them or
of
any
*'
'
*'
nails
the
and many
these
The
great and
any kind
men."
14
of
torture
Mutilation
Vol. VI, p.
A Dowiun, VoL
myself
to
Musulmans,
of
314
ifnnucci, ed. Irvine, Vol. II, p. 6.

Elliot
iron
cutting
devoting
killing
* Dowiun,
mallets,
His servant, hope and
by
unlawful
upon
me,
mercy
His
practised.
eyes,
crushing
with
bosom,
hands
the
throat,
driving
many
varieties
of
out
feet
fire,
In
practice.
III, p, 375.
upon
was
THE POLICE
common
Golkonda
lost
punishment
Manucci says
and
4.
Trial by Ordeal
In
the
use of
the
Hindu fashion.
commonly
of
resorted
Ali
to
"Akbar
by ordeal
the
in
with raw thread, and
being
author of
the
An
people
conquest
ordeal,
ignorant,
spade,
iron
on
placed
several
of
of a
the suspected
of
still
that
is
Green leaves
an
then
for
ignorant
Sher Kani,
hand
are tied on to the
it
slap
A
11
Muhammadan
Kiram writes,
among the most
must carry
Persian
justice,
by the
to
taking a red-hot spade.
redness,
of
Ordeal by heated metal was
of that province.
practised
of
trial
Sind even after the
Tuhfalu-l
offence.
administration
encouraged
that
giving
for
Hindu who had given him
Kingdom
the
in
offending hand
his
653
tree
person
heated
to
palm,
he
his
spaces quickly and
it
has often been seen that neither the thread nor

the leaves have been in the slightest degree
by
affected
the
heat
although when cast

it
like
the
17
grain."
of Indian
sand
in
to
the
of
ground
the
oven
the
red-hot
James Forbes, an
of
it
Manned.
'
V. A.
Smith, Akbar the
EUiot
A Do who n. VoL
art.
IrrtM, Vol.
I,
scorched
parchcr of
intelligent
customs and manners, says
observer
that
Ill, p. 131.
Gnat Mogul,
pp, 32^-330.
iron,
p. 3*5.
trial

by
was allowed under Muhammadan

Governments. M
And the Maratha documents
show that trial by ordeal was very common under
ordeal
Muhammadan
Southern
ordeal
distinctly
opposed
to
though one
may
come
is
Islam
potentates.
instance of taking an
ting the
Kaba
in
oath
the principles of
across
rare
circumambula-
after
vindication
by
Trial
of one's
innocence.
Jalal-uddin Khilji wanted
Siddy Mowla and
accomplices to undergo a
fire
ordeal.
gives the following account of that
king caused both Siddy
nod-Deen
Kashany
brought
before
persisted
in
The
Mowla and Kazy
Julal-
be
apprehended, and
witness appeared against
and as no other
them,
was rendered doubtful.

The
caused a fire to be prepared
Bahadurpoor,
in
mitted to the
fiery
of their guilt;
ordeal
ceremony, he ordered a
round the pile. Siddy
the
accusation
king,
therefore,
the
in
order that they
and having
They
examination.
for
innocence,
their
Ferishta
affair:
to
him
his
plain
might
of
be sub-
to
purge themselves
left
the city to see the
circle
to
be railed
Mowla and
accused were then brought,
in
order
the
off
other
that they
might
walk through the flames to prove their

innocence.
Having said their prayers, they were
just about to plunge into the fire, when the king
stopped them, and
turning
to
his
Oriental Memoirt, Vol. II, pp. 3fc&.399.
ministers,
THE
asked,
fiery
if
it
was
P0I.1CR
lawful to try
655
Mussulmans by the
ordeal
They unanimously
nature of
fire
the righteous
to
declared,
that
it
was the
consume, paying no respect to
more than
to the wicked,
and they
pronounced the practice to be heathenish,
also
and contrary to the
Mahomedan
Probably this
to reason."
law,
as well as
heathenish practice
was confined among the Hindus and was not

resorted to, as in the above case, if the parties
concerned were Muhammadans. The only logical
conclusion possible under the circumstances is
that
the
Southern
Muhammadan
simply helped the survival of

the
its
Deccan and were
in
trials
biiftp. KriliU. VoJ.
1,
p SB.
had
by ordeal
no way responsible
introduction.
rulers
in
for
CHAPTER
V.
The Karkhanas.
The Council:
i.
We
have seen how
in
revenue system,
their
Marathas
and police organisation the
military
had been influenced by Muhammadan ideas and

Muslim
Indian
departments
Other
practices.
Most of the members

of the Ashta Pradhan Council had Muhammadan
designations before these were replaced by new
had not been unaffected.
Sanskrit
designations at
coronation.
the
Rut even then
time
of
Shivnjis
heads
later
the
of
Maratha Empire were known to the world outside,

by their Muslim designation of the Peshwa while
the Sanskrit
used
in
Peshwa
Mukhya Pradhan seems
state
papers alone.
Even during the
provincial
governors
into
fallen
Mughal brothers as Subhedars.

Kamavisdars and Mamlatdars are
origin
and
from the Muslims.

Council owed
Hindu works on
its
must have
Though
origin to
polity,
its
disuse
known,
were
their
Persian
have been
period such Persian designations as Dabir
and Surnis had not altogether

while,
to
like
Karkuns,
words
of
been borrowed
the Astha Pradhan
Hindu
original
ideas
and
members, the
THE KARKHAXAS
Pcshwa,
the
Dabir,
the
Mazumdar and
first
been appointed
madan
the
its
Sar-i-Naubtat
Thus
courts of the South.
original
Shivaji's
had
at
Muham-
the
imitation of
in
Waknis,
the
Surnis,
the
later re-organisation
657
inspite of
its
never
lost
council
Muslim impress.
2.
State Documents
We
have seen
preceding Book how every
in a
royal grant, sanad.
and other papers had to be
signed and sealed
by
and
ministers of state
the
several
how
the
Pradhans or
accounts of the
Government had to be passed by the

This practice was in all
several Darakhdars.
Provincial
from
derived
probability
Muhammadans
the
Under Akbar every parwanah and barat had to

be signed and sealed by several officers and it
will
not
that the
the
later
unreasonable
altogether
to
infer
Maratha practice originated from
Muhammadan one.
exactly the Muhammadan
previous
see what
or
be
were expected
to
do with
Let
us
now
officers
regard
to
did
the
above-mentioned documents.
Abul Fazl writes
The Sarkhats
in
all
Sub-Bakskis
are
entered
and
are
the
daftars
distinguished
The Dvxan then keeps

Sarkhat with himself, prepares an account of
particular
marks.
annual and monthly salary due on

the matter to His Majesty.
83
If
it
of
by
the
the
and reports
His Majesty gives
MARATHAS
658 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM or THF.
the order to confer a jagir on the person specified

in
words are entered
the Sarkhat, the following
on the top of the
numayand.
report
This order
The
suffices
i-tan-qalmi
the clerks;
for
and make out a
they keep the order,

that effect.
Ta liqah
draft
draft
then inspected
is
by
to
the
Diwan who verifies it by writing on it the words

sabt numayand.
The mark of the Daftar arid
the
seal
Diwan,
the
of
Bakshi
the
and
the
Accountant of the Diwan are put on the draft

in
when
order,
the Imperial
The
the outside.
signature
for
this practice will
of
Diwan
sent
is
Other instances
'
be found
on
written
is
completed
thus
draft
the
to
grant
the same
in
Ain.
About the order of the seals Abul Fazl writes,

Farmans, Parwanchas, and IJarats, arc made
into several
On
the
beginning
folds
first fold
which
the edge
towards
vakil puts his
seal
is
from
broad, at
less
where the paper

;
opposite
lower, the Mushrif of
the
bottom.
the
to
it
is
cut
but
Diwan puts
little
his
seal
such a
lower,
comes
The Mir Mai,

etc.
the
the
seal
of
the
Khan Samman,
Cadr.
seal on the second fold, but in such a
fold.
'
The
seals
of
the
Diwan,
Blocli nrnnn, Air.I.J.A Vbnri, Vol. I, \y ant.
pp 262*883.
the
to
little
the Parwanchi,
ner that a smaller part of their seal goes

first
the
off,
manner that half of it goes

second fold. Then in like manner, but
in
place
man-
to
the
and
the
THK KA R KHAN AS
659
Bakshi do not go beyond the edge of the

fold,
the
whilst
Diwan-i-Juz,
and the Diwan-i-Buyutal put
The Mustaufi
third fold.
the
second
Bakshi-i-Juz
on
seals
their
puts his
the
on the
seal
and the Cahib-i-Tauji on the fifth fold.

The seal of Mis Majesty is put above the Tughra
lines on the top of the Farman where the princes
fourth,
put
also
seals
their
Marathas, so
far
as we know, did not go to such
niceties in affixing their seals, but
too every paper
and several
sealed
In spite
of
even a cursory comparison
Muhammadan
that the
of the
3.
Maratha
now
we have
turn
in
before
it
it
slight
this
became
difference
convince everyone
will
rule
was the progenitor
the
Karkhanas.
in
all
to
them
in
and
Book
Persian
twelve
I,
and
There
mahals,
both
extraction.
Shivaji's time they continued
close of the
the
been,
seen
terms are of
organised
to
case
practice.
were eighteen of
these
their
Karkhanas
Let us
as
in
through several hands
passed
officers
legally valid.
The
Taliqahs.
in
Peshwa
probability,
period.
of
First
down
They had
most of them copied
Muslim originals. Mr. Beveridge tells me

that all of them had Persian synonyms. Firuz
Shah
Tughalak had thirty-six Karkhanas or
from
Blochnmnn, Altt-l-AkWi, Vol
/,
66o ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE MARATHAS
of
The
establishments.
royal
Sabhasad),
the
Harem
Sabhasad), the
stones
for precious
treasury
Sabhasad),
(jawahir khana,
(Khajina
treasury
mint
the
(Tanksal,
(Daruni, Sabhasad), the
Farash Khanah, the Abdar Khanah, the Imperial

kitchen
(Mudbak
khana, Sabhasad), the Arsenal,
the elephant stables (pilkhana), the horse stables,

the camel
stables,
are
mentioned
ing
different
gaukhana
the
in
the
cowsheds,
or
departments.
mentioned and the mention
Mir
form-
as
Ain-i-Akbari
Shikar*
is
hunting leopards
of
and falcons under the same Ain leaves but little

doubt that here we find the origin of Shivaji's
Sabhasad, unlike Abul Fail, gives
no detailed account of these departments. But
Shikarkhana.
so
as
far
necessary
Shikarkhana
the
concerned
is
the
informations can be fortunately culled
from a much
later
work, the Icshwas' Bakhar.
Madhava Rao,
Mynahs and talking
In the Shikarkhana of the second
were seven or eight talking

green
There
parrots.
(the pyramid-crested
cormorants,
were
wood
several
tigers
of
and
rabbits.
keepers were appointed
This bakhar also
animals.
were
leopards
used
hunting
An
leopards,
adequate
to
look
tells
for hunting.
Ain i-AkWri, V*L
one
peacocks,
of
hundred or two hundred deer,
ducks,
several
lark),
pairs
Chandols,
several
after these
us
that
these
Although
Bloch in an
Pehw*ftcfef Bakhar, wl. Sune, pp. 111-112
l, p.
number
tt)
this
THE KAKKHANAS
menagerie
small
grand
the
to
hunting
consisting
of
yet there
little
is
fact
animals
of
Akbar
and
birds,
doubt that the Pcshwa's Shikarimitation
Mughal
the
poor comparison
department
hundreds of
khana was an
Emperor.
In
but
offers
66
of that
of the
Mughal
influence had so strongly
pervaded the different strata of the Hindu society

that it could be perceived in their dress, in their
manners and even
Thus a
discerning
even
the
in
observer
darbar
coronation
P.tdshahi
nised
Hindu
describing
the
of
Sarkar remarks,
seat
were a
emblems
from
two sides
the
stood two large

on
teeth,
insignia
of
the
from
fish
on a
of justice).
the
Mughal
with
tiger skin
was not
this
were hung
the
hand
right
heads of gold with very big
among
very
All
horses'
costly
lance-head
these
had
been
At
the
palace
court.
bunches
tails
of
(the
the Turks) and a pair
were placed on either hand pitchers
covered
Hindu
the throne, various
On
several
left
royalty
of gold scales
enblem
of
lance-heads.
gilded
But
royal
of
and government
of royalty
While
the
of
Mughal luxury
'
the
Jadunath
Prof.
combination
grotesque
below and velvet on the top!
On
Shivaji,
it
and the recog-
The coverings
asceticism and modern
all.
of
notice
revivalists.
coronation
Shivajis
festivities.
might
founder of the Hindu

leader
and
in their religion
leaves,
full
of
(the
copied
gate
water
and also two
THE MARATHAS
young elephants and two beautiful horses, with

gold bridles and rich trappings. These latter were
*
auspicious tokens according to Hindu ideas."
Maratha
This was typical of the whole
was a happy combi-
It
Hindu and Muhammadan institutions.

The Muslim conquerors came to India with
readymade principles of government and finance
nation
but
of
new home with

and ideas, much older
they were confronted
another set
and
in
To
their
ideas
of principles
sense more systematic than their own.

credit
that
they
did
prevailed
not
their
in
kingdom nor did they

their own principles
When
in their
reject
newly
set
themselves
at
the
these
old
conquered
to
enforce
point of the sword.
two civilisations meet under
such circum-
The
stances they naturally interact on each other.
was that while the Muhammadans borrowed

their
Hindu
something
from
subjects,
the
result
Hindus in their turn got much in return from

Muslim
rulers.
Hindu influence was
their
Muhammadan Government and

many Muhammadan sects and subsects in India
evident
in
the
And Muslim
influence
3ark*r. Shisaji, Eirtt ad.,
p.
was equally evident
the
in
277
Th a TI*nrido pri tiers of Dolkt had imbibed daring than loog

many of tti tujienti lions beliefi of tba original Hlttdn
ojeurn in
*
inhabitant! of the country

characteristic of that
Their belief
but Sir
Thomas
in
astrology von probably
Roe, the English ambassador
at tbe Court cf the Emperor Jahangir, bpoake of one supsrstltioui rite
THE KARKHANAS
Hindu
literature of the time, in
Marathas
process
had
founded
their
literature,
thar
In that
"
nr*t
on
mighty
TTcultb to the king, a*
In- fora- bond
i:ai|ir,
hi*
|sr
whom
mot him, and shufHnd
nnothvr a dish of wliito
finger,
the
would have
a oil touched the
fi*h,
*tiilflo
und *n
a ceremony ueed pt'caagiiig good fortune."
might v imipo*' und
M niffy n Hah it
dilfiufr ?o
of
At the staire* fonfo,
one brought
hka starch. Into which bo

rubbed
clearly visible,
"Then the king duauendod
ont-cryed cannons
to bo neat,
in
their language, in their dress
in
arh nn acclamation
vritli
so
Write* Sir Thome* Hoe
Hinilti origin
ituixe*
this
current arming the native Hindu* and wua unrloubiedly of
still
And
centuries.
Muslim influence was
and customs
when
influence and interaction had
several
free play for
The
Nanak.
of
kingdom
their
mutual
of
Vaishnavism
the
Chaitanya and the Sikhism
of
663
n clib
fish
of white
ami a pot of
rtnfflo like *tnrch

1
11
it
t*
Dodki,' th itiuR of good
tli a l every ouhodoi

l!ndti like* to touch and look upon when he
win forth from Mb home for a r.ew jdarr, even to-day. The Hi la *d
Mufmmmnihin hid lived ride hy alda for to many centarie* thet they
ooien
11.
had naternlljr learnt to udnni*. and unconscious y imbibo each other'a

social endoru*. common hotwtf* und even *01x11*1111011# rite*,
and the
1
proem* mast hnr
heiniii
long before the conquest
and hit immediate uxccctaan
Muhammadan*
i*h
of India
among
practice
Toward* rhe
ctu*u of
of
India by
Tughlnk
tmd earned such a notoriety for
*heir co-rvliglonitt*
ooteidc
.heir
India
Dabar
period, the
hnnthnn-
that
Timur
regarded his invasion of India a* a imi Jehad; according to him rao*t

of tbc Indian M uhammadan* were do better than heathen*.
In tho
Ifa'/usaM. Timur* we read lhat the expedition wn* directed mainly
against
the
were neither
that
in thi*
man*
but
tion of
infidel*
Infidel*
country
had
tomo
nod polythniata of India."
The Muhammadan*
ume
autbiwitv inform* na
nor polytheists but the
"there worn thoen who culled themselves Mn*nl.

from tho Muhammadan fold From a dcacrip-
Mm; ed
heretic* left by
Tiro* 6 hah Tughlak
It appeal* that some

wrru influenced by the TWras while
otbam followed the Vodantic system of thought and yst other*
had
taken to idolatry. See ninduism and Muhammadan Haratkw,
Surandri.
of tho
Muhammadan
heretics
oath Sen, Calcutta Review, January 1924

and
in
their
combination
indigenous
government
of
and
two
Muhammadan.
the
superstructure
characteristics.
different
foreign,
and
we
The
had
old
THE MARATHAS
naturally
find
sets of principles,
and
basis
many
new,
was
Hindu
Hindu but
Muhammadan
GLOSSARY
a paper
Abhayapatra
Abhifeka
Apta
literally
tree,
promising security or impunity.
ceremonial ablution, coronation.
Bauhinia tomcntosa,
worship, see Valent ia, Vol.
Bigiyat
lor the origin of
apt*
II.
or bigtUground planted
with
fruit-tree or
vegetables.
a deed
Bhirgava Rim an incarnation of Vijuu who exterminated
BakhsIsnSmi
of gift.
the lighting race for no less than twenty-one times.
a market.
Bclbhanjliai a solemn oath on leaves
Biz&r
Bcl-tree
01
and
turmeric. On one occasion even such an oath was

dismissed as of little consequence by a Maratha Chiei
with the sarcastic remark that

a
Bera.
common
1
tree
a class
M was
but the leaf of
and bhanijhir he ate every day.
of professional robbers,
otherwise called
Kimoll.
a feast given to the GosSvIs or the Bairigts.

Bhusir a generic term
the cereals, the grasses and
Blurt
,'arii
for
the esculent culms.
CbimbhOr a shoe-maker
Din pat raa deed of gift.
Darakhdir
ally
a holder of a hereditary public office especi-
Oman, Mazumdir,
Chfynls, Jttmdir
or skin -dresser.
Faijnls,
Sabnls,
Karklulnnls,
and Potnls.
Compiled mainly from Moicnwortb'* Uaratbi-Baglisb Dictwcury.
84
THE MARATHAS
DasrI the
tenth of
lighter
the
of
half
Aftvin
for
description of the festivities celebrated on this day,

Vol.
see Valentia,
II,
Parasnls,
Poona
Bygone
in
Days and Gupte, Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials.

a festival
Dcwftji, more correctly Di\v|i or Dlp&vali
with nocturnal illuminations.
cussion of
Gupte. Hindu Holidays.
origin, see
its
For a scholarly dis-
they are shepherds and herdsmen and

wool.
ers
expedient
Dharna "The person who adopts
L) hangar
weav-
in
this
for the
purpose mentioned, proceeds to the door or house of

the person against
whom
it
is
directed,
or
most conveniently intercept him
may
sit* down
he
wherever
he there
dkerna with poison, or a poignard, or

some other instrument of suicide, in his hand and
in
threatening to use
to molest
it if hi*,
pass him, he thus completely arrests
or
In this situation the
him.
rigour of the
of
of
is
fasts
and by the
infringed,
his arrest ought also to
dherna obtains satisfaction.
the
rarely
and thus they both remain until
the
institutor
Lord Teign-
quoted by Forbt>, Oriental Memoirs, Vol.
mouth,
II.
Lord Teignmouth laboured under the idea
p. 391.
that only
Brahmans could
a mistake, even
in
brahmin
which
etiquette,
the unfortunate object

fast
adversary should attempt
dharQi
a
Gilichia
Fannin
at the
institute a dharnft.
Muhammadan
This
creditor could
is
sit
gate of his Brahman debtor.
royal mandate, commission, or patent.
small variegated carpet of wool upon a cotton
ground.
Ganei and Gaur GaneA is the elephant-headed son of

iva and Gauri. He is the god ol wisdom and remover
of
all
difficulties.
For
the
ceremonies connected
with Gaftes and Gauri, >ec Gupte, Hindu Holidays*.
GLOSSARY
Gardi
667
an infantry soldier trained
in
Kuropcan methods
of warfare.
an
Ghisdani a
Ghinfi
oil mill.
Maratha
Gondhli
contribution
like
the
Chauth levied
by
chiefs.
caste
an individual of
or
They
it.
are
musicians and singers and makers of Gondha).
Gunhegari
Gurav a
fine,
among
caste
They arc
Sudras.
the service of the temple and
in
employed
are worshippers
of Siva.
Hakkadir
Any one having a claim or a
Ilarij*garan
in
honour
kept
vigil
of
Harkl money
in
the lunar days
Hari or Vis
named
a tax or duty.
Horn offerings made
ekZJahi
u.
paid to the court, in token
by the successful
tion
right.
of
gratifica-
suitor or litigant
Hifill
libation
Hona
thrown into
Useful Tables, price

five
royal
royal person or
sonified
fajesty.
Inim
form of
in
called Pagoda.
See Prinscp,
three and
commonly between
Rupees.
Huxurthe
.1
particularly
fire.
aNo
gold coin,
gods
to
court or presence-chamber
tin*
also the
regal office and excellency as per-
or as viewed
concretely answering to His
The Government,
etc.
a grant in perpetuity.
Jibtft
regulation, law. statute, also a schedule
a des-
cribing statement.
a scout.
Jawir a plant and
a
Jiravat also
Jisud
its
Jiralt
grain. IIolcus
land
fit
for
sorghum
guished from bagSyat land.

Kanvidin giving away of a daughter.
agriculture as distin-
a
K&rkhfinia royal establishment as
Kfcrkun
MARATUAS
clerk, scribe.
slates
Prof.
it.
factory
his
in
Prof.
tran-
k.lrkhdnS as
translates
Sstrkar
Dowson
Mughal Administration,
but
the
Maiathas classed even the zenana as a kirk bans* (see
Karnchandra Pant Amatya's Rijnlti) and therefore

Doxvsons translation
Prof.
Kasb*
the chief town of a
Kajyir
quite appropriate.
a dagger.
Kaul
is
Pargani.
writing of assurance, agreement
rr
engagement
by Government, but in the Deccan this

word was sometimes used in a still wider sense, see
Ananda Ranga Pillais Diary*
as granted
Khlr
salt,
mineral or vegetable.
Kluklp the autumnal harvest.

Khelit a robe of honour.
Khijmatgir a servant.
Khot farmer of land revenue,
a
Bombay
Killed&r
Ko|l
officer in
either
charge
hillman
individual thereof
Kumbhfcr
Kunbl
I-ohir
particulars
for
of a fort.
of
that
who supply
tribe
or a
caste
or
water.
a potter.
a peasant.
a blacksmith.
Mahal-a
small
ment as
Maj&IasI
subdivision,
or a
Government depart-
the twelve Mahals
in
a royal court or an
assembly; also an assem-
bly in general of great, learned or
respectable per-
sons.
a
a gardener.
Mantra an incantation or
Mar lamia the sun god-
Mi]f
see
Gazetteer.
florist,
a mystical verse, a spell,
GLOSSARY
Miwall
an inhabitant
Mokisi
the holder
of
669
Mawal.
(rent-free land)
of a moldtei
farmer of the revenue of
it
or the
on the part of the person
holding or of the state.
Mukdam
Mukaddam,
properly
title
of
the
PiUl or
managing authority of a village.

MuhQrta the second marriage of a .SuJra widow.
the
a sweeper mosque.
encampment.
Mukkam A residence
Musihiri salary
a stipend.
an
offering
some eatable loan
Naivedya
Naia
A deep
Nafigar a plough.
Mujavar
of a
or
or
of
idol.
ditch.
(Nilfi)
a present to a superiorNhftvl a barber.

Odhfc a
PigrtyS a turban.
betel leave
Pinsupurl a term
Narar
pit.
for
dients composing the

Pftrasnls
roll,
and
all
the
ingre-
a small bribe.
a Persian Secretary.
a washerman.
Parwirl a village watchman, gate-keeper or porter.
sort of marriage among
a second and
Party
inferior
Pity
widows
Pat'tl
Pol5
of the
lower classes.
a tan or cess.
an
agricultural
exempted
from
festival,
labour,
bullocks arc on that day
variously
decorated and
paraded.
PriyaSchitta
penance.
the vernal crop.

Kajinamiagreement.
Rimosl see under
Rupees Chtndvad seems to be
RabT
Bera'.l.
Prinscp's
list;
its
weight
the Chandory
was
Rupee
172 grains and
of
its
670 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THF. MARAT HAS

intrinsic value
Rao
Malhar
from
grains but
95*939-
Ilolkar
intrinsic
its
Malhariai
derived
weight also was 172
its
The
value was 93*646.

144*50 grains and
Rupee weighed
See Prlnseps Useful Tables.
99*367.
Surat
#as
a commission
Sanad
Sang!
name
Its
its
old
purity
or a warrant.
a
Sangam the confluence
Saranjam villages
granted
cloth.
of rivers.
an
maintaining
for
army.
Sarklrkun
a minister.
an awning, canopy.
(Ser) a Bombay seer =11
Sftyvftn
Seer
make
Shanti
maund,
(t'intl)
Poona seers
lb.
15 oz. 8? dr.
an appeasing ceremony.
same
as HarkI
Shcrni (Sernl)
Shell (Sell)
a sort of scarf.
Shiralshct (Sirlldet)
a corndealer who became king
about an hour, an earthen image
him
of
is
and then thrown into a well or tank.

Shir pa v (Sirpiv)
a turban bestowed by a Raja
as a
Shradh
mark
for
worshipped
or
grandee
of favour.
(Sriddha)
offerings of water
Sinhastha
40 seers
3} dr.
01.
the
ceremony consisting
funeral
and food
to the
position of the
of
manes.
planet
Jupiter
the
in
sign of Leo.
a goldsmith.
Sutir a carpenter.
Sonlr
Swimi
Master
equivalent to
your
Majesty
or
your
Highness.
Tabruk
shrine
presents from
a balance or pair
a
Plr's
by
blessing.
Tagri
Tlk
(Tttgijl)
of scales.
a weight equal to about a gram.
way
of
GLOSSARY
Tinrfel
boatswain.
Tape a
That?*
671
small subdivision or district.
the head station
of a tftlukft: also a post,
station
or lodge under the civil authority.

Til
Setamvm
uritntale, the plant
been nicely shown
and the seed pot have
a plate in Forbes, Oriental
in
Memoirs.
Ti|ak
a mark made with
coloured
or
unguent*
Hindus.
Ocymum
earth
upon the forehead.
Toran a
Tujasl
lintel.
shrub venerated by the
Sanctum.
UpAdhye A priest.
Vartt An assignment
or order
upon the revenues or a
treasury.
Varshisan
An
annual allowanre or
stipend granted to
Brahmans.
a paper
Vavri (vivdf)
Wafa(VftphA)
kite or ornamental paper work.

pit
which
boiled juice of the sugarcane,
hence
literally
the
receives
an
the
indefinite
measure.
an
Wakl!
Watan
an
envoy or deputy.
hereditary estate, oflice,
hereditary right whether
Watandir one who has

Yidl
a memorandum,
in
land or
a watan.
list. roll.
right,
due
in office.
any
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Marathi
Original Sou rets
Apte
[tilin'.
Manjari.
Chandrae hur Duftar.

Varshik
Sanshodhak Mandal
Sammelan Vritta, Ahaval (13 vols in all).
12 vols.
Khare Aitihasik Lekha Sangraha
Bharat
Itihas
Itivritta,
History of Irhalkaranji
SangTaha,
Rajwade Marathyanchya Itihasanchi Sldhanen, 22

Itihas
Parasnis
Sane
7 vols.
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Patre Yadi Bagaire.
Vad, Rao Bahadur Ganesh Chimiuji
Selections
from
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Parasnis, Sane. Marat he and Josht.
Selections from the Government Records in the
Satara
Rajas
Alienation Office, Poona.
Mawjcc and Parasnis

Sanads and Letters, ed. Mawjcc and Parasnis
(7)
(m) Watan Patras Nivad Patras, ed. Mawjcc and
(x)
Kailiyats Yadis, ed.
Parasnis.
(if)
Taha va Kararmadar
ed.
Mawjcc and
Parasnis.
Secondary Sources
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Amatya, Ramchandra. Pandit Marathshahitil
Malhar Kao Holkar.

Atrc Ganv Gada.
Bapal Baji Rao
Atrc
I.
Rajniti.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
073
Bhanu, Nana Ani Mahadaji.

Bhate, Sajjangad
wa Swami Samartha.
Bhave, Maharashtra SaraswaL

Marathi Daftar (Rumals 1 and n>
Dandekar and Nandurbarkar, ed. Shivadigvijaya
Shri Shivaji Pralap.
of the
Iniquities
Inam Commission.
Kayastha Prabliunche Bakliar.

Kelkar, N.C. Maratha Ani lngraj.
Adhikar Yoga
Harivanshachi Bakhar.
Nana Fadnavis.
Khare
Kirtane, ed. Chitnis Bakhar.
Lokahitvadi Aitihasik Gnshti.

Natu Mahadaji Sindhia.
Parasnis Brahmendra Swami.
Maratha Armar.
Maratha Ani Ingraj.
Potdar, D. V..
RajadhyakshaJiwa Dada Bakshi
Raj wade Tanjavar yethil Shilalekha.

Sankirna Lckha Sangraha.
Sane, K. N. Sabhasad Bakhar.
ChitragupU Bakhar.
Shrimant Sambhaji Maharaj vra Rajaram Maharaj
Yanchin Charitrcn.
'Hiorle Shahu Maharaj Yanrhen Charitra.
Peshavyanchi Bakhar
Bhau Sahebanchi Bakhar.
Panipatchi Bakhar.
Chitnis Bakhar.
Sardesai Marathi Riyasat, 4 vols

Shahanav Kalmi Bakhar.
Thakre Kodandacha Tanatkar.
Perioditals
Ani Aitihasik
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal quarterly.
Itihas
85
674
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Bharatvarsha.
Prabhat.
Ramdas Ramdasi.
Sarasuati Mandir
Vividha Dnan Vislax.
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Original Sources
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Hiker,
J.
F.
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J. B. Amanrio
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Gracias,
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J.
A. Ismael
Uma
vols.
historia
eco-
Dona Porlugue/a no
rorle
de Grio Mogor.
CatalogO do* Livros do Asscnta mento da Gcntc de
guerra.
Guarda Vida e Ac^ftes do famoso e

Lopes Mendes A India Portugueza.
Moni/ Historia dc Dam&o.
Saldana Historia dc Goa
felicfcsimo Scvagy.
Rivara(J.
das
II.
da Cun ha) Brados a favor das CoiTimunidades
A Ideas do Estado
L*
India.
Xavier (F. N.) Bosqucjo Historiro das Communidades.

!nstruc$ao do Ex* - Vicc-rci Marquez dc Alorna
ao
seu successor
o Ex* # Vice-rei
Marque/
de Tavora.
Defcnsa dos dircitos doa Gao-canas. G&o-tarcs, e dos
scus privitegios.
Pbsurlencar Xivaji Maharaj tom Sangue Portugues
BIBLIOGRAPHY
675
Persian.
Original
Mirat-i-Ahmedi.
English translation of Persian works

Abul FazlAin-i-Akbari,
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Borhmann and J arret t,
Ain-i-Akbari,
Bayley, Sir E. C.
tr.
History
3 vols.
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N. Memories of Babar. 3 vols. (this

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Humayan Nama of Galbadan Begum.
Beveridge, A.
Bird
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Statistical History of Gujrat.
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from the original Persian
translated
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\ vols.
Ferishta,
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Briggs,
Sir
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Sachau
Scott
Ali
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History
J.
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Alberunls India.
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2 vols.
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Hindi.
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Lalkavi Chhatra Prakash.
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Sanskrit.
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Kautilya Arthashastra.
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Das
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Sarat
Purushottam Pandit Shivakavya.
Raghunath Pandit Raja Vyavahara Kosha.
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Divckar, S. M., ed.
(still
ti.
tr.
Shukra
Niti Sara.
THE MARATHAS
Sacred
Books of the East. (English translation of

Sanskrit works by various scholars, volumes indicated
in the text.)
The Mahabharata.
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Sam hit a.
English.
Original Sources
Records
Unpublished
in
the
Forrest, G. W. Selections
from
Records
Imperial
at
Calcutta.
Elphinstone, M.
A Report on the Territories conquered
from the Paishwa.
Maratha Scries.
Official Writings
of
Wellesleys Despatches.
which
Colebrooke, Sir
i vds.
H.
the
Rajah
vols.
original
Life of
Life
Munro.
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Kaye Life of Malcolm.
of
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Report
of Nagpore.
Jenkins
Bombay
Reports,
etc.,
art
Mountstuart Elphinstone.
of Clive. 2 vols.
Forrest
2 vols.
of
Malcolm Life
3 vols.
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Aghnides Mohammedan Theories of
Ackworth
Baden Powell
Finance.
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A
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study of Dakhan Villages.
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India.
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Land Tenures
ir
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Banerjea,
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677
Administration
Ancient
in
India.
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Hui
War
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Ben twitch
Bhandarkar, Sir R. G. Early History of Dekkan.
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J.
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Campbell Bombay Presidency Gazetteer.
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Carey Good Old Days

Chatterton. Eyre
Compton
Story
Particular
Adventures
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Dacaunha The
Company. 2
of John
of
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Account of European Military
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to
Contributions
Study
the
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Portuguese Numismatics.
Danvers
A Report
on the Portuguese Records relating

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India
Dirom A Campaign
Dcllon
Indies.
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in
1792
Downing. C. A Compendious History of the Indian
Wars with an Account of the Rise, Progress,
Strength and Forces of Angria the Pyrate.
Drewitt
Drury
Bombay in the Days of George IV.
Life and Sports South

C. Grant A History
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in
of
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the Mahrattas, 3 vols.
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M. Edwardes
MARATHAS
Economic History of
Dutt, R. C.
Elphinstone
India.
History of India.
Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Erskine A
under
History of India
the
first
two
sovereigns of the House of Taimur 2 vols.
A Journey through
Fitzdarence
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Oriental Memoirs. 4
Francklin Shah Allum.
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Grant ,J. An Historical and Political View of the Deccan

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Grlbble A History of the Deccan.

the East
Grose A Voyage
Holidays
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and Ceremonials.
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Narrative
of
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the
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House
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the Indian Moghuls,

Army
The
Survey
the Konkun.
Irvine
2 vols.
I-ater
of
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Statistical
of
Karkaria Pratapgad.
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Kincaid Saints of Panaharpur.
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vols.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
679
Kincaid and Parasnis History of the Maratha People.

3 vols.
Low History of the Indian Navy. 2 vols.
Macdonald
Nana
Farnawees.
Macdonnel and Keith

Mackintosh, A.
Vedic Index.
An Account of the Origin and Present

condition of the Tribe of Ramoossies.
Corporate Life
Central India 2
Majumdar
Malcolm
in
Political History of India
Pinal
Maileson
French
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From Akbar to Aurangzeb.
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Marathi- English Dictionary.
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68 o ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE
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Some Maratha Institutions
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INDEX
Abul Pwl
n the duties of a revenue collector, 595-596 ;

on the system of special rates for some special
crops, fill ; on the assessment of chachar land,
613 ; on the assessment of banjar land, 613 ;
on the duties of the Patattari of a village,
615 ; on Akbars method of enlistment of
eddiers in his army, 635 ; on the system of
payment in the Mughal army, 636 ; on the
Mughal system of branding horses, 612 j on
the duties of the Kolwnf, 6*7-fi!8 ; on the
Kotwals responsibility for stolen property,
650; on the Mughal' system of signing and
inspecting state documents, 657*6611
on the
Mughal Knrkhsnas or royal establishments,
660.
Adultery punishment in Maharashtra under the Peshwas,
337-388 ; and 660-561 ; the sanction of the
old Hindu lawgivers like Kautitym Manu and
Apostamba for the*e punishments, 581-564.;
Albcrunt gives an interesting account of the manners and
customs of the Hindus and mentions trial
by ordeal, 674.
Angria their naval power, 160-lfil
destruction of their
fleet by the Peshwa and the English, 162-163;
205-206 ; Marat ha naval power at its zenith
under the Angria*, 434.
Annaji DattoSachiv ; entrusted with the work of surveyhis
ing the Kookan, 80-81 ;
principle of
assessment, 89.
Apastamba on the duties of village officers, 509 ; on
punishment for adultery, 563; on trial by
ordeal, 572.
Armyorganisation of the Maratha army under Shivaji,
127-157 ; forts and strongholds,
127-142 ;
cavalry and infantry', 142-149 ; spy system,
145 ; arms and equipments, 145-146 ; the
feudal forces
of the Maratha
watandar#,
r.
INDEX
148-147
Shivaji's
147-118
683
Bystem of payment to his
military
his
regulations
of t ha
;
Pt-shwa, 439-469 ; its feudal character, 439440 ; foreigners in the Peshwa army 440451 ; Darakhdars and the nature of their check
on the Saranjamis (feudal sardars), 45 7 ;
soldiers,
and
their effects,
149-157
the
army
cavalry and infantry under the Pethwaa, 450-
455; advent of mercenary soldiers and want of

449-451 ; the Pendharis, 457 ; their
profusion of plunder and depredation 457-458;
injuries and harm caused to the people by the
Murat ha army, 458 ; system of pay and pension to the army under the Peshwa*, 459 ;
fort*, 459-461 ; the artillery, 461-464, change
in the character of the M&rutha armydefects
of the system under the Pcshwas, 464-469 ;
discipline,
system of military intelligence, 469-470

the
nature and
extent of the survival of the
conventional practices and principles of the
old Hindu tacticians
and tbrorUts in the
;
military organisation of the Marat has

Bargir
and Shiledar: svftem of pension to minor
children and widows
the Pcndharis and
chortas,
545-553 ; Muhammadan influence
on the military organisation Matisab and
Saranjum, method of enlistment
system of
payment: Malakhgiri
reward for military
:
pension : branding of horses

Shiledar* mh] Pendliaris, 63 2-6 16.
services
Asbta Pradban
the
Council its
history,
constitution, and
ILtnadee comparison of the
Ashta Pradban council with the Viceroy's
Executive Council examined, 46-49 ; duties
of the
Pradhans, 49-56
addition of the
Pratinidhi to the council, 56; Pradhans had
under them the Karkhanas and
Mahals,
69-61 ; Pradhans attested by a staff of eight
clerks,
62 ; weakness of the system ; it
required a strong and good ruler, 62-64 its
indebtedness in the matter of its rcorganisa.
functions, 39-46
tion
to
thinkers,
works of old Hindu political

488-492 ; it is not a mere imitation
the
MARATHAS
Shukras institution, 491-492 ; Muhaminfluence ou Shivajis organisation of

the A*lita Pradhan council, 656-657.
(principle of)
Muhammadan influence on the
of
madan
AMMuneot
of assessment, HH-614.
the Pmliwag position superior to ihat
Marallia principle
Baji
Kao
makes
of other councillors, 197-198.
Baji
IUo
11187,189
the miserable condition of the

;
imperial Daftar under bim, 27 1 ; upsets the
benevolent revenue system of tlir Peshwas
its
results,
ibid ; his regulations
506;
about marriage in the Brahman community

401-405 strietlv forbids exaction of marriage
dowry, 415; liis cotiflideration for prisoners
health, 120-421 ; his measures for the improvement of tbo Maratha police, 450;
remarks of Blacker, Prinsep and Tone on the
;
mercenaries 111 the Maratha army

419-451 ; spends about four
lakhs of rupee* in Dak.shana grant*, 47
;
efficiency of the city police at Poona under
him, 523.
foreign
during
his ivigu,
Hakhars their
Balaji
Arji
utility,
duties
Balaji Baji
t->
Chit it is or
Secroiary 56-57; the

enumerated by Mathar
Ram Rto Chitnis, 37-58; a memorandum
enumerating the writing duties of the Chitnis,
65-71; 493.
Ran
198; bis partiality towards Brahmans
289-290 ; a chart of the rates of mohatarfa
during his administration, 322-323
his
circular letter on Zakat, #24-525
encouragement to new traders, 333 cases of false
Complaints iu his Diaries, SS2-383 ; bis naval
policy,
434-435; old manuscript* for his
Shivajis
of
his
office
library, 472.
Balaji
Viahwanath
Batatas
197
makes the
tary in his family, ibid.
;
Pesbwaship heredi-
their perquisites and their antiquity, 531.

531.
Baudhayan
author
Bhutdian
Bigamy and
of Shiva Raj Bhushau, 8-9,
forcible
and
their
marriage instances
punishment, 391-393.
of
the
abuve
INDEX
685
Blacker (Lt.-Colonal )--00 the total revenue of the Mara the

Empire, 343; uu foreign mercenaries in the
Maratha army, 449-450.
Bnbatpati on the procedure in civil suite, 567-568 on
the laws of evidence, 569-570 ; on
rial by
ordeal, 573.
Broughton
on
Sindbias camp,
Maratha
154; on
150
on Maratha army,
officers
love
of
bribe*,
on 44 Dhurita/ 37 I ; on the Maratha

judicial system, 375; on the condition of
slaves in Sindbia's territory, 389-390 ; on
the postal system and the system of military
intelligence of the Peshwas, 470.
('esses
a list of, 83-88 ; and their antiquity, 532-539 ;
Muhammadan influence on the imposition of
ce*se* and dues in Maharashtra, 621-430.
The Chaugula his duties, 22 8,
Chauth (and Sardes mukhi) origin and history of, 1 11-118;
their divisions and sub-divisions, 276-277.
Cbitragupta bis Utkhar an elaboration of Sabbasad's
work, 3, 58.
Dadaji Konddev -9; his indebtedness to Malik Ambar,
257-258
79.
the duties of their

Dr. Del Jon a French physician*
Desbnmkh and Deshpando history
Darakhdars
office,
259.
10; an account of
his
travels, tiid.
of their office, 2(3;

as friends of the Rayats, 144 ; tlieir
duties, 245-247 ; their rights and perquisites,
their
work
247-261
Dirom
(Major)on
artillery,
Elliot (and
Elpkinstone
the
inefficiency
of
the
Maratha
463-464.
on
Dowson)
M.)
their history of India, 10.
Maratha
campe,
149;
on
Maratha village communities, 212 ; on Deshmukhs, 243 ; on their rights and perquisites,
247-248; on Mamlatdar'e sources of profit,
264; on Maratha land revenue system, 305
on Pancbayetn, 350 ; on the Maratha judicial
system and its defects, 369 ; his strictures
on the judicial system of tbe Marathas
examined, 373-375 and 378; on the compara1
tive
absence
of
crimes
in
Maharashtra,

378
on
the
of
prisons,
4-18
Maratha
remarks
police
on the efficiency
system, 426; his
Maratha police, 430

and honest? of the metropolitan police at
Poona, 431;
maintains
a path'bala at Poona for imparting Sanskrit
learning oot of the Dakshana grant, 471. His
estimate of the total revenue of the Marat ha
Empire, 3 2-843;
Evidence rules about it in Maharashtra and their antiquity, 358-363; and 568-570.
Perish (a hie account of a trial by ordeal, 654-655.
FitzcUrcnce
A Journey through India, 181 ; on the
condition of the Prshwa's territory, 273 | on
the use of stone as a weapon of defence,
478 ; liiii comparison of the Raja of Satara
with the M rots ftineanU " of Prance aud
the Pesliwas with Mayors of Paiace, 478-479.
Forbes
On the pomp and luxury of the Maratha army,
465-408 on Uhasiiain'e case, 429-430
his
44
Oriental Memoir* 181, 477 on the system
trial
of
by ordeal
under Muhammadan
Governments, 653-654.
Forrest (Sir G.)* Ste<* Paper* 1 82. the 44 Life of Lori
Cltve 478.
Fryer an English physician anl traveller; his account
of Shivaji's dominion*. 2(1, 90; his charge
against Shivaji's revenue officers, 100-104 his
view criticised, 104-106; on Shivajis army
140, I&5-156; on Shivaji's fleet, 159; on the
Marat ba officers inordinate love of presents,
257-258.
Gaga Bhatta author of Siiea Raj Praekaeti, 7.
Gautama on t lie kings dutv of protecting the castes and
on
the
on
the
efficiency
orders, 55H,
Gordon (Captain, William)
on
the Peehwa, 273.

for
the revenue policy of

the Peebwas Factories
On
manufacturing cannons and cannon
balls,
462.
Grant {Mr. J.) his estimate of the total revenue of the

Maratha Empire, 342.
Grunt I>uff Political Agent at Satara ; hia llrilory of the
Maratkd*, 24, 182.
INDEX
Heber (Reginald)on
Hope
(Dr.)
Imperial
687
tb character of
Maratha peasants,
481 hi* Xarrativ* of a Journey 481.

on the simplicity of the old Maratha judicial
system, 378-879.
Secretariat
organisation
it*
and
sub-depart-
ments, 267-271.
Irvine (William)
The Army of
Ur Indian Moghuls, 477

on the Mughal practice of rewarding soldiers
for military services, 639-840; on the constitution of the Mughal army, 043; on the
constitution of the Maratha army, 644 on
;
the Ridari* in the
Mughal
their family hitsory, 30-33.
forces, 64c.
Jagdales
Shingh 183.
Jamenis the duties of hi* office, 260-261.
Jed he Yanche Shnkavali 0.
Jedbee (of Rohidkhore) their history anil
Jai
their
family
quarrels, 33-34.
Jenkins
on the condition of slave*

Report on the
No ypore 181
at Nagpur,
390;
his
Rajah of
on the political independence
of the Bhoneln rulers of Nagpur, 479-480 on
Territories
of
the
Jervis
hi*
the character of Maratha peasant*, 481.

Geographical and Statistical memoir of the
K eniun, 1 1 ; its value, 21-22; on ShivHjis
land survey, 90-98.
System
(see under Shiviji and under the Peshwa)

antiquity: its basis on the old Hindu
institutions, 554-579.
Katnnvisdsr and Mamlatdar the history of their office,
262 ; their pay , 253-56 ; their itities, 257-258
the system of beheda and *asad
a cheek no
the Kamavisdar and Mamlatdar, 263-205 ; the
system of their transfer from one district to
another, 265-206 ; their office a link between
the local authorities and the central Govern-
Judicial
its
ment, 200
MarnMdar*
Karkhans*
instructions to
at
278-280.
(and Mahal*)
Kamavisdara and
the time of their appointment,
their
organisation
494-495;
their antiquity 496-497 ; probable Muhammadan influence on their organisation, 659-
060; a 4eription of the Sbikarkhana of
Kaul*
the Second
THE MARATHAS
Midhiv Rao, 640-861.
the indebtedness of the Marathas to the Mag bale

for this excellent practice of granting Kanls
Kautika
to frightened peasant* 620-621.
on
the
official
council of ministers 488-489 ; on the

duties of a Lekhaka, 493 ; on the duties
of superintendents
department*,
of different
496-497 on the construction of a capital

town, 500 ; on the duties and responsibilities
of the village headman, 510 ; ou the duties of
the
examiner of coins, 513-51 1
on the
kings taxes from villages, 516-517
on the
duties of the Nagaraka (the bead of the
city police) 523-524; on the duties of the
Oopa (village accountant), 526-527
on
road cess, 584; on military c*e*, 534-535;
on oil ce6s, etc., 535 ; on octroi duties, 589
on the encouragement of agriculture 543; on
the improvement of irrigation facilities and
the reclamation of waste lands, 541; on the
duties of the superintendent of commerce,
546-547 on the appointment of many officers
with each military unit, 549 on the system of
granting pension, to minor children and
widows of fallen soldier*, 550; recommends
the use of brave thieves and wild tribes in
on the system of punishing the
war, 551
offenders relatives, 558
on punishments for
adultery, 561-562; on the rights of slaves,
565 ; on the rules about evidence, 568-569
Kayastha Prabhunche Hakhar 5.
Kennedy (Pringle) his History of the Great MogkuU,
;
25, 76-77.
Khafi
Khan
Khandn
10; on the taxe* xml

Aurangzib, 626.
Ballal
cesses prohibited
by
4.
25.
Kincaid-his History of the 3itra//m
Kotwal the antiquity of his office and duties, 522-523
efficiency of the city police at Poona under
the regime of llaji Ran IT, 523 testimony of
Tone, Hid; the origin of his office G47
an enumeration of his duties, 647-649.
next to Patil in rank, 225 his right* and perKulkarni
INHRX
226-228; the derivation of the term,
quisities,
506-507
Lnksbman Bhikaji
the
the duties of his
Mamlatdarof
instructions laid
6U2-603
689
office.
Wan
down
b07, 513.
and Dmdori, 602;

for his guidance,
their resemblance with the
Mughal
system, 603-604*.
Land Revenue and
their antiquity and their bans

cease*
on the old Hindu system in Maharashtra, 525547 ; the nature and extent of Muhammadan
influence on, 593-631.
Macleod (Mr. J.) On the Peahwa's daftar, 267, *271.
Madhav Kao I 188; bis special treatment of Brahmanp,
2S9-290 ; liia remission of rent to cultivators,
296 ; grants compensation to villagers. 299
relieves Maratba peasants of forced labour,
305 ; his circular letter on coins, 321 ; excommunicatee people for not observing mourning
for a death, 403; hi* naval policy, 435 ; tries
to put a check to the indiscriminate distnbua monthly
tinn of Dakslmna, 471; makes
grant for making copies of old book*, 472 ;
abolishes forced labour, 532.
Madhav Kao II 189-1'JU; hi attitude towards the Raja
of Saiara, 193*194; his suicide, 196; his
improvement of agriculture, 279 ; attempts
for the reclamation ot waste lauds, 29*2-293;
grants compensation to villagers, 2 W9 ; orders
the repairing of roads, 331 ; his order io stop
the manufacture of liquor, 389 ; instances of
superstitious beliefs during his administration,
402 ; the Prabhus ordered to desist from
pronouncing Yalta mantras 403; consideration
for prisoners health, 420*421; his naval policy,
436; a list of convict* condemned to lose
a destheir hands and feet under him, 55t*
660-661.
Shikarkhana,
cription of liia
Mabadaji Sindhia 1S5, 195; hr procure* for Madhav Rao
Mahar
his
II the title of vakil-i-mutluq, 196.

duties, 229, etymology of the term, 229-230
and perquisite*, 230-31.

Majumdar aud Diftardsr the duties of their
his rights
163 .
Malcolm-his u Ctnlral India}' 181.
87
office,
261-
MARATHAS

Mnlhar Bam Kao Chitnis
hi* hakliar
his
Rajniti,
il/itt;
57-58
enumeration
on the ollieial duties of Lekhaka, 491.
Malik Avnhar hi* revenue system, 77-78.
Mann ou the council of minister*, 489; on the construcon the perquisite*
tion <1 a capital town, 49B
of lords of village, 51(1, 530; on the system
of forced labour, 531; on the method of
on
punishment by mutilation, 557-558
on the
punishment for adultery, 563-564
on trial by ordeal,
rules about evidence, 569
57 2.
of tbo duties of chitnis,
hip
Manneoi
the Mughal system

Kaulsto frightened peasants, 620621 ; on the shameless conduct of tax contractors, 62S on the practice of takiug surety
from soldier* of all rank, 635-630 ; on the
system of payment in the Mughal army, 637
on the Mughal practice of branding hor*i*e,
642 on the Bedcria (Bidari) of the Mughal
forces, 615 ; on tbc duties of tbo Kotwal 618Bill ; on the system of state compensation for
the los From robbery during the reign of
Shah Jahan, 650; on the Kotwal's responsibility for stolen property within the bounds of
his jurisdiction, mi
on the resnonsibilities of
the FdUtHan 650 ; on capital punishment
on the
during the Mughal days, 651 ;
his Storia
Do Mogor, 20 on
;
of granting
Mughal
practice of
of criminals,
mutilation
652.
Mcwji (P.V.)
hi
Sonata and LeUertf
u Skiroji*i
Stcarojya 26.
Mirosdar
Moor
their tenure of village lands,
(Lt.
237-238-
Edward) A Atfnnhw
of the operation* of
the
Detachment, 18 on
efficiency of the metropolitan police at Poona,
431
ou European uilieer* employed in
the Peehwa's aimy, 443-444 ; on womenfolk
and dancing girls in the Maratha army,
Ca plain
Little's
466.
Muhammad
11 as
him
Dcwan
an imperial
;
him, 597-COO.
of Gujrat, 6(10
far man addressed to
INDEX
Mulukhgiri
the etymological
and the Marathi
Marathi
Mu rabid
Khan
Quli
rulers,
Muhammadan
637-038.
the benevolent administration of the

Jagirdars, 27S-i74.
hie classification of lands and his
fill; appointment of
headmen, 815.
a punishment under the Peshwaa its severity
compared with that of the criminal laws of
becomes common under
England, 394-808
Xana Fadnavie, 556 ; a list of convicts condemned to lose their hands and feet under
Madbav Rao II, 556 ; the antiquity of the
punishment, 556-558 Muhammadan practice
method
Mutilation
meaning of the term, 637
income with the
a source of
Munro (General on
6yi
new
of assessment,
village
of mutilation of criminals, 651-653.

Nana Fadnavis 185-180, 195.
Karada on the system of village police, 511 ; on the
procedure in civil suits, 567 ; on the rules
evidence. 569 ; on trial by ordeal, 673 j

on fire ordeal, 576-577.
Shivaji'a organisation of, 168-163 and 433-431 ;
Maratha naval |owet at its zenith under
of
Navy
Angrias, 434
Penhwae, 434-
naval policy of
naval officers, 436-489.

; salary of
Shivajis
(Robert) bis Fragment*, 20-21 ; on
436
Ormo
fleet
159
his
description
of
Angria's
fleet,
160-161.
Owen (Sydney) hii

Panchayet
India on the Jive of the
Brilitk
btonqueat 25.
the
in
its function, 350-351 ; iU services
constitution
of
administration of justice, 855 ;
and
the
nature
Panchayet,
356-357
the
;
extent of its authority, 357-358 ; the nature
a Panchayet, 358-363 ;
Panchayet in
363-368
criminal cases, 379-380 the probable antiPanchayet,
village
quity of the Maratha
evidence
of
trial
by
before
ordeal,
566-567.
Parasnis
Patil
Sanadi and Letter*"

Maratha Ptopte, 25.
(D.B.) hie
of
his
the
duties and functions, 213-216
character
of office,
216;
7;
the
his
Meterj
hereditary
rights
and
MARATHAS

|*rqinriiie*
222-224
224-225
the
216-222
distinction
Lis social
responsibilities of bis office,

the
the derivation of the term, 606 ;
;
antiquity of his official duties, 508-513 ;
;
the perquisites of the Patti's office and their

antiquity, 514-581.
compenPaymalli Compensation
Maratba custom
of
sating aggrieved peasant* and villager* for
Pesbwa'* forces when
loss canted by the
encamped near a village by treading on the
crop* in the neighbouring fields, 605 . 606 ; the
influence of
Mughal example on
this
system
of the Peril was, 656-858.
Penance
the
Chhatrapatis and
the
Peshwas
as
the
ecclesiastical head* of the State prescribe
some
convicted offenders, 559 ; the

for
antiquity of this system, 559-560.
accompanied Pihws army on every expedian instance of their sacrilegious
tion, 457
penance
Pendharis
depredation, 457 ; they had to jwv a duty

of 25 p e. of their entire booty for the license
granted to them, 551 ; their long lineage and
depredathe basis of their plunder and
the recommendations of Kautilya,
Sbukracharya and Brihufpati, 551-553 ; their
tion* on
prototype in the Ridari of the Mughal forces,

644-646.
Peshwa his status and function, 196-I9H; rises to the real
headship of the Maratba empire, 202 ; hr
regulates social and religious affairF, 202 - 21H
consequence of the rise of the Peril war, JU4
Sardare towards the
t.he attitude of the old
Peshwa, 205-806 ; the nature of his control
;
thu nature
over the feudal barons, 206-208
of hi* despotism, 209-2! 1 ; the nature of his
control over villuge communities. 242 ; revc.
nue policy, 272 and the following ; sources of
;
income, 274;
improvement
of
Peshwas
agriculture, 279-282; *v*tem of land imputetion, 281-262 ; classification and assessment of
lands,
282-288
permitted, 288
mans, 289-290
;
;
;
payment
cash usually
in
treatment of Brahencouragement of cocoanut
special
INDEX
^93
^nd other plantations, id 1-292 reclamation

remission of rent in
of waste lands, 292-295
Oise of famiuc and other calamities, 295-288 ;
policy of taxation, 298-298 ; irrigation proutility
jects, 299-801 ; tagai loans and thcii
301-806 ; BaUi system, 306-307; other
sources of the Peshwas revenue
census,
forest*, mints, customs
duties, Mohatarfa,
Zakat, market-towns, monopoly, shipbuilding,
estimate of total reveexcise, etc., 308-346
nue of the Ptthwiw, 342-343; facilities for
the means of communication under
the
Peshwas, 331 ; administration of justice
under them, 347-398 ; ibo leshwa* as the
ecreleriasticiil heads of the state, 397 ; their
;
regulation of the social affairs of the country,
?98-H7
their spirit of toleration, 400-401;

their superstitious belief*, 401-
instance* of
eadmission of viola tod women

to
108-409; cases of informal marriage sanctioned, 410-41 1 ; re-admission of renegades into their original caste, 412-414;
402
their caste,
exaction of dowry prohibited, 414-416; instance of forcible marriage nullified, 416 ;

management of prisons under the Pteliwas,
417-424 ; leave for religious duties, 418-419 ;
consideration for the prisoner's health 419-
treatment of political prisoner*, 421-424;

the Marat ha prison, 424 ; police
system, 424 - 432 ; the navy, 433-439; the
army, 439-469; education policy 470-471 ;
library, 472 ; encouragement of the study of
medicine, 472 ; concluding remarks on the
administrative system of the Peshwaa, 472476; sources of income land revenue and
cesses, 528*546; their basis on the old Hindu
system, i&id; encouragement and improvement of agriculture under the Posh was 2 their
basis on the old Hindu system 541-546; the
economic policy of the Peshwas a relic of
the past, 546-547
the nature and extent of
state interference in the trade of the country,
ibid; military organisation and the survival
421
defect of

of tbe
THE M ARATHAS
and principles
and theorists,
548*553
system of state interference in the manufacturing industries of the country. 630-631;
Mughal inHaonct' on the military organisation
of
tbo
conventional practices
Hindu
old
tracticians
Police
of the Petdiwa, 633-646.

police and the district police, 424;
subjugation of criminal
tribe*, 425-427
the Kctwal aud bis duties, 427-429 ; Elphin-
the
village
stone on the eiliciency of the Maratha polios

system. 426 the abuses of KotwaF* authority,
428-129; Gha*i rams case, 429-130 Elphiutoncfl remarks on the Maratha
police, 480;
the metropolitan police of Poona: its tficienoy and honesty, 431-482 ; testimony of
William Henry Tone, Ijt. Edward Moor, and
El phi n* tone on the well regulated metro[K>litan police at Poona, 431-482 ; the Kotwal
a police Magistrate n\ the bead of the city
;
Police,
522
the antiquity of his office and of

;
522-524 ; the organisation of the
government based on the old Hindu
his duties,
city
system, tbid\ efficiency of tho rity
Poona under
madan
PoUlar
Rao
Buji
influence on the
police
at
528; MuhamMaratha police, 617II,
650.
duties
his
and
281-233; the origin

the antiquity of his official
perquisites,
of his office and

duties, 518-514.
Pratap Sinha
Raja of Satara, 318 hi* Yadi, ib'd.
Prisons (in Maharashtra) management of prison* under
the Pesbwas, 417-421; leave for religious
;
418-419; consideration
for
the
1
prisoner * health, 419-421 ; treatment of political
prisoners, 421-424;
defect* of tho
Maratha prison, 424.
duties,
Rajaram 197.
Raja of Satara
Raj wade-
hi*
status and dignity,
miserable condition, 18S-194.
importance nf
hi*
cation of a Bakhar, 5
186-1 87
research,
;
his
his
2; his publiexamination* of the
Portuguese biography of Sbivaji, 14.
INDEX
695
Ram Shastri Nyayadhiah, 370;
Ranade
hi*
iiprighfnet*
in the
administration of justice, ibid.

bis
ami
researches
to the cause of
service*
liis
" Currencies
2 -24;
M
under Marathft Rule, 26, his
anil Minti*
9
comparisun of Shivaji # A>hta Pradhan counMaratha
his
History,
9
with the Viceroy * Executive Council, 43-48,
the Chauth
7 f, 102 ; his comparison of
with the subsidiary alliance of
svr *teiii
Wellesley, 113-llG; nn the official rank of
the Fceliwa, 107 ; on ShafaitV adminiatrative
capacity, 200-201 ; on the Ptaabwa'c partiality
toward* the Brahman#, 200; on the ay atom
of revenue management under the
305 ; Maratlia Currency, 317-819.
an ini ferial farman addressed to him, C01.
cil
?whw,
Rasilrda*
Kuwlinsou (II. G.} hi* 8bi**H lb* J taratka, 24.

Remission of Rent
Marathi syatem of remission of rent in times
of famine and of grantin'? rent-free land tx>
deserving physician*,
6UM20-
Revenue lyitcnv (#re under Shivaji and under the

Peehwa*) Manitlm Revenue system a iclic
of the pa>t ; it* basis on the recommendation#
of the old Hindu law-îver#. 528-547 ; the
nature and extent of Muhammadan influence
on Maratiu& revenue principle*, 593-631.
Smbhasad
(Kriabnuji
Atlanta) his life of Shivaji, 3;
his
description
of
coins,
the
anti-feudal measures,
88-39 hi# account of Shivaji 9*

107-108; on Shivaji # fleet, 159; on
of Shivaji,
of Shivaji * capital town,

|! k 9 ; on 8hivajis land revenue system,
528 ;
9
on Shivaji * appointment of three officer* of
e<|ua]
rank over each
fort, 549-550; on
9
Shivaji * method of enlistment of soldier*
the construction
AM;
on
Shivaji * practice of rewarding his

soldiers for military services 038-039
on
9
Shivaji * practice of branding Lorses, 641;
64*:.
S bam bhaji become* Mughal mansabdar, 183.

Sane (Kao Bahadur)his * Patrt Yath Bagair*"
Sanlesai
hi#
Maratii
its
value, 7.
7.
MARATHAS
r
26;
Hi* 1 ima* $
14
Stndie*
his translation of two frman9 in hie
** 597.
in MnfUt ludi
Scott-Waring 5 ; bii Hii'orjr of ti* Maratka*, 24, 76,
128, 140; on the transfer of political power
from the Satara Raja to the Ffabwa, 198;
on Shivajt'g organisation of the navy, 433434; and Shivaji's artillery, 140; on Pttliwi
Madhav Kao*# Dakehana pystem, 471.
Shahanavkalmt : bakhar, 4.
Shahu 161; he'accepbs a Mughal mansab from Farrukhaiyar,
81-185; accepts Peshva Bi*ji Kao's policy
of expansion towards tin? north, 198; hie
arrangeadministrative
genius, 200; his
ment for succession, 201-201; hie measure*
as the ecclesiastical bead of the state, 398.
Shiva Bharat a Tamil chronicle, 9.
Shivadifwitaj/a a bakhar, 3
administrative system
it* antiquity and
Shivaji
hie
character, 20-27; a builder of foils, 28;
his greatness as a military leader, 1 hid; his
difficulties iu reorganising civil administration
conquest of
34 ; his aims and ideals, 35-36
Mawal and a portion of Bijapur territory,
S6 ; hia anti-feudal policy, 37-39. Ashta
Sarkar (Jadunath) his
Siivaji
<twt
Pradhan Council ; its history, constitution

hia
indebtedness
39-46
and function*,
revenue
system,
77 ;
Ambart
to Malik
revenue
his
survey settlement, 80; his
their officers, 93-98 ; his
divisions, W3-U6
107-111; his military
monetary system,
organisation, 127-157; his indebtedness to
of Bijapur, 130; his spy
the regulations
;
regulations
system,
145 ; his military
149-167 his organisation of the navy, 158163
and 183-434; his judicial system,
164-166; his educational policy, 166-107
his achievement, 167*170; his political ideal,
183 ; hia policy of the conservation and
;
of
Hindu institutions. 488; hi#
organisation of Karkhanas and Mahals, 494495; hia capital, 498; his encouragement of
of
lira
enlistment
agriculture, oil-542 ;
revival
INDEX
697
from hip enemy** army, 632 ; grants

no jagir for military service, 634; Muham-
deserters
his army administration

the nature and extent of his indebtedness to the Muhammadans for his
method of enlistment of soldiers, 634-636
titles for military service, 640.
written by Purushottam Kavi, 7.
SAiva Kavya
SAri SAipaji Pralap* taskbar, 4
SAiva Raj Bhutan written by Shivajis Coart poet Bhasan,
madan
practices in
643-634
SAtva Raj PraaAatU

Shukranitl
[89.
Gaga
written by
Bhatta,
7.
on Shivaji s re-organisation oE
bis Aihtt Pradhan Council, 488; its recommendation on the Council of Ministers, 489
on the construction of au ideal metropolis,
499.301 ; on assessment of land revenue, 527 ;
531 ; on the system of forced labour, 538;
on road-ceKS (Vartani), 534; 541; on the
encouragement of agriculture, 543; on two
kinds of army, 549 ; on licensed thieves, 66155 i; on punishment by mutilation, 554;
on procedure in civil suite, 577 on the laws
on the legality and the
of evidence, 570
antiquity of trial by ordeal, 573.
Sindhia (Daulat Kao)joins the Mubaram procession, 401.
Slaveryconditions of slaves in the Maratba empire, 388390 testimony of Broughton and Jenkins,
389-390; the rights of slaves and the law of
manumission, 564-565 ; the recommendation
it* influtneo
of (!hanakya, 565.
Hindu lawState interference the influence of early
givers on the nature and extent of state
interference in the economic policy of the
Muhammadan influence
Peshwas, 546-547
on state interference in the manufacturing
industries of the country under the Peshwms,
630-631.
Their importance, 19.
Surat Factory Records
198.
Tarabai
Telang ( Justice ) 44)6.
their resemblance
Tipu Saltan bis revenue regulations
with tboee of the Peehwas, 486.
;
88

Tone
W. H.) 148
MARATHAS
on the Marat ha constiand honesty

of the metropolitan police, 481-432; on the
Peshwa army, 142; on the Rajput and
Colonel
tution,
208
195
on tho
Puma adventurer*
efficiency
in
the
Penhwa infantry,
depredation* of the Marat ha

; on the
army, 468; on SindhiV* fire-locks, 462; on
the city police under Haji Rao II, 523.
450-51
Trial by ordeal
various forme of, 368*888 ; it* popularity

Southern India tinder the Maratha rule,
571; its antiquity, 571-579 Muhammadan
rulere help its survival in the Deccan, 655 ;
James Forbes on trial by ordeal, 658-654.
in
Valentia
Lord ) hi* estimate of the total revenue of the

Pesbwas, 342
his reception
by Peshwa 's
;
servants, 480.
Vashishthaon punishment
for adultery, 564.
Vijayanagar (Hindu Kingdom of
its service to the pre)

servation of Hindu institutions, 486 ; marriage tax or Lag na patti abolished in the 16th
century, 538; the existence of Jan gam pat ti
under the Vijayanagar rule, 53S-5S9 ; comes
to an end in 1566, 589.
Village communities
their antiquity in Maharashtra, 87 ;
their autonomy and republican institutions,
212; duties and functions of the village
Panch, 212-213 ; their industrial organisation,

233-237 ; village land tenure Miraedars and
Upris 237-240 village police system, 239240 their financial arrangement, 240-242
their antiquity, 503-505.
Vishnuon the function of the village headman, 509 on
the king's Uses from village*, 517 ; 528 on
tho system of forced labour, 682-533
535
on
judicial
system, 555 ; recommends
punishment by mutilation, 568 ; on trial by
ordeal, 572.
Wellington (Duke of)on Maratha cultivation, 805
;
on the excellent condition of
roads
in
Maharashtra, 331 ; on the temperance measure*
of the Peshwas, 472-473 ; on the corrupt practices of English officers, 473
of
; on the denire
INDEX
the Southern Marat ha
699
chiefs
to
subsidise
British force, 475.

re-marriage
a common practice among the NonWidow
Brahmans, 406-407.
Witchcraft measure* for its suppression and punishment
under tho Peahwat, 3S8-S88
You an Chwangon land revenue in Maharashtra, 529 ; on
forced labour, 533 ; gives* a detailed account
of different forms of ordeal, 573-574.
Zakat its original meaning, 028 ; the object of the imposition of this tax under the Muhammadans,
becomes a source of income with the
r bid
;
Maratha rulers, 029-630.
TIMES OF INDIA ON DR. SENS
WORKS
With one statement made by Lord Me*ton

would be
impossible to quarrel.
He referred to the new school of
it.
Indian
investigator*,
exploring the
field
44
vcr&ed
modern
iu
honesty
with
he regards as one of the best fruit* of the
movement.
With
historians
Surendranath Sen.
who have done
of thooe
claim
to have
of himaelf and
in
and
like
D.
new
K.
Nationalist,
BhamUrkar,
to mention only a few

admirable work India may
well
|>ast
the Pioneer of Friday,
ftatAblished
her
criticism
and sincerity/ 1 which
school
history
May
of
worthy
research
Timex of India quoted

,
0. 1921 mofnssil edition.
OPINIONS
I have now had the
Prof. A- Beriedale Keith :
opportunity of reading your treatise on the Administrative
It. contains a very large amount
System of the Marathas
of interrating information, carefully put together, and
rendered illuminating by comparison with the description
institutions derived from the Dharmafaatra
undoubtedly abed* much light on the course
of administration prior to the advent of I'ritish supremacy,
and the impartiality and good sense of such personal
judgments as you express deserves recognition.
of early
Hindu
It
literature.
44 ('
Ania(iqur)
mt
Prof. Julea Bloch (in Journal
un nuvrage solide et important, <jui fait huuneur ft I'anteur
9
ct
ft
IVcole
ft
laquelle
il
* rattacbe. r
Keith Jopp. u I think

the student of Maiatna history.
C H
it
prove useful to
will
r<
have
I
Justice C. A. Kincaid
6pont several delightful hours reading your most valuable
work 'Administrative System of the Marat has/ It is
full of erudition and should long remain Lbe classic text
on the subject.
I do not fancy any one
el*e would have
the industry as well as the learning, to write another such
book.
I congratulate
you warmly on your great achievement.
The Hon*ble
Edwardea
Much
(in
The
ImUa* Antiquary, January,
Marat ha history has

been conducted of late years by Indian scholar*, who have
thrown a flood of light upon the circumstance* aud
character of the administration founded by Shivaji and
subsequently usurped by the Pcsbwa*.
In this respect
the work of men like the late Professor 11. (t. Li mays
And Messrs. Raiwade, Sardcsai, Parasnis and others has
been invaluable.
Dr.
Surendranath 8eu bus already
established his authority in the same field by hi* excellent
1924*).
translation of
which
is
original rnoarch in
the
bakhar of
Ktstnaji
Anant -Sabbaâd,
unquestionably the most credible and
truerwortby
OPINIONS
ii
of the various old chronicles of Rhivaji's life and reign,

lie has now placed students of Maratha affairs under a
adminisfurther obligation by this* careful exposition of the
trative's vstem in vogue in the Deccan in the pre-British
period.
The
value of
his
latest
work seems
to us to
lie
in its
impartiality and in its careful avoidance of extreme diction

those already
in cases where the authors views differ from
He treats
writers.
expre*ed by both English and Indian
and does
impartiality,
equal
Grant-Duff' and Ranade with
he
not hesitate to point out their errors of deduction :
institutions,
^hivaji'n
features,
of
good
appreciates folly the
but is equally explicit as to their short-comings and ho
devotes a distinct section of his work to explaining by
of
Carefully chosen quotations and examples that much
:
Shivajis administrative
oF
hi*
unquestionably
machinery was not. a new product

had it*
resourceful mind, but
roots deep down in ancient. Hiudu lore.

As to the actual facts disclosed in Dr. Sen's work,
that
their number is so many and they are so interesting
compass
the
brief
in
with
them
it is hard I v possible to deal
of a review.
Sen
In eonclnsion, let it suffice to remark that Dr.
for
student'*
reference
of
work
admirable
an
has produced
and
or the history of the Deccan in the seventeenth
"
eighteenth centuries
student* of
G. S. Sardeaai. ( Fimdka Dnaa Tatar) : All
Sen.
works
Dr.
of
Maratha History must read the
Rao Bahadur Kashinath Narayan Sane-
hasten
and
to congratulate you on your having so systematically
available
information
the
all
together
brought
so lucidly
on the subject of the administration of the country under
the Maratha Rulers."
"The
Sir Vcmey Lovett (* the Miotic Review).
book contains much interesting information."
A. Leslie Moore ( Bnllctin of lie Sciool of Oriental

Stwiin, London Iuditationa). This book is the result
of a wide and carefnl study
of original documents, chiefly
Maratha and English, and only needs a more comprehensive glossary.
The Times
1923.
**
As
Literary
Supplement .Thundug 10, Mug,
in the ease of the
Great Napoleon, Shivaji the
o pi Kiowa
in
Conqueror has a 1 way a been more attractive to historian*

than Shivaji the Administrator, and less than justice has
Dr. Snrendranath
been done to his constructive ability.
Sen has written a scholarly analysis of the Maratha
administration under Shivaji and the Peshwa*. and in
spite of a natural bio* in favour of his own country-men
he can claim to have proved that the Maratha Ooverninont
will at least boar favourable comparison with and was in
soma respect* superior to, those of contemporary Europe."
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, October,

1924 u Dr. Surendranath Sen has given n* a most careful
and comprehetmve work and has shown that the work begun
o well by Kanade is being continued in competent hands.
The fact that the Maratha kingdom lasted for a century
and a half should be sufficient to di*|>el the idea that the
Maratha* wen- mere bands of marauders. It come* a* a
surprise, however, to sec what a wealth of material there
is for the study of their constitutional and administrative
history.
The author investigate* the origin and development of their institution*, analysing the influence of
traditional Hindu systems of polity and of those of their
Muslim neighbours. The book is a most valuable addition
to the publications of C alcutta University.
toti August , 1923. We can hardly

find adequate words in which to express our approval of
this work and our admiration of the writers industry. * *
Times of India
Here
we must
immense
leave
Dr.
Sens
fascinating
book.
throws a curious light on the

difficulties which to-day confront an Indian writer. Dr,
Sen is a Bengali. In order to obtain a hearing he ha* to
write in English.
But he who write* on Maratha history
must be conversant both with Marathi and Persian. Dr.
Sen promptly learnt three two difficult languages. His
work is thus a monument to hi* wonderful linguistic gifts
as wall as to hi* tireless unceasing industry.
Besides
its
value,
it
Pioneer. Sunday, the 2nd September\ 1923. 19 The mo6t

noticeable characteristic of this book is a pleasing sobriety
have *een much of history written
of judgment.
We
rather from the standpoint
of present politics than of past

happenings, and we heartily
welcome the thoroughly
impartial standpoint which Dr. Sen assumes.
We" are
OPINIONS
IT
disposed ro congratulate him the more warmly, in that the

Marathi* period of Indian history
offers ari
almost
1
temptation to
the
patriotic
scholar
irresistible
to
discover what ib not to bo found, and to interpret, hard
realities in the light of glowing aspirations.
The author
has confined himself to two principal tasks :be desires,
1
tbo first place, to defend Maratha rule from some

in
of the aspersion* ignorantly cast upon it ; and he trace*
the connection between the salient features of Maratha
institutions and the traditional characteristics of
the
Hindu polity. We may *ay at once that he has

discharged both these tasks with harning, moderation,
#
*
and a rare s-nse of historical perspective.
We congratulate Pr. Sen upon an excellent and most
typical
scholarly piece of work/
Way, SU
Dis/**, 1923.
playing an impartial spirit, the author has embodied the
results of his five yearn* toil into a very readable volume
which is well up to the traditions of modern historians."
The Englishman.
Bombay Chronicle
work
i*
bound
well as sociology,
even
well
Sunday, 10th Jun *, 1923
The
to be interesting to student*
though
*
social study.
it
of history us
is neither
purely a history nor
* On tho whole the book is
worth study from whatever standpoint one approaches
it."
Rangoon
Mail. Friday, 8tk Frkruary, 1924. In

Nath
Surendra
Sen, M.A., Ph.D., Lecturer in Maratu
Dr.
History and Marathi Literature and author of Administrative system of the Marhatta* (from original sources),
we have one more evidence of the genuine spirit of historical
*
*
research that abounds in the Bengal of to-day.
The Volume is a thoroughly enjoyable one and has
the supreme merit of avoiding extra-learned spurious
We welcome the author because be is an
technicality.
honest student of Indian history : we welcome him
hocause he has the ar* of simple narration
him becaus he has really studied his source
we welcome
a critical
and we welcome him because men
some justilike him of nnassaming patriotic impulse are
fication, however slight, of the foreign-ridden University
Pr. Sen is one
Education now in vogue in this country.
of that honest group of ramest students and researchers
whom Sir Aautosh Mookerjee has brought together under
and comparative
spirit
in
OPIVIOV4
htndicips in the Pont-Uraduate Department ol the

tnivemty of Calcutta and the more young men of Or.
SenV type take up tin* burden of Indian historical research
tfreat
ut of non-Indian hands, 'hi* bettor for the name of Indian

culture*
Dr. Sen** Iwk ought to forge one more link
between the great Bengali and Marathi communities in
India.
N The road
Vividhm Dnan Vistar, Ju** 9 1923.
Kan ado has been rendered
indicated by the late Ju*tfoe
mure wide and
Im
thorny
l>v
Professor Sen.

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Administrative System of The Marathas

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BY

SUREN D.R AN ATH

SEN, M.A., Pm.D.,

UTGRATURIi, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY

RAMA VARNA RECEAliri

TRICHUR, COCHIN STATE.

ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF THE

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

Sabhasad bakhar with

Ramsay Muir Your work bears

and both you and the

admirable beginning thus

of an essential service to historial scholarship.

H. Beveridge. Mr. Sen fas done good service by

had myself thought of translating

very glad you have saved

with the original and

compared the translation

glad to say that

elegant and yet quite simple.

the work of translation has been well done.

seem scholarly and

SEN, M.A., Pm.D.,

MAKATHA HISTORY AND MARATHI

AT THl CALC on A OWITOWITT fllHi, BlNATI FOCfl, CALCUTTA.

Reg. So. 148B.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

Shivaji, born in 1627, captured

Before his death he

Sultanates of Bijapur and Golkonda, then tottering to their

and the Chaghatai, miscalled

Mughal Empire, then

at the zenith of its

under Aurangzib Alamgir.

The son and successor

was captured and decapitated and

founder's death, the infant

faced with a serious

very existence of the kingdom was

Marathas undeterred by the

power, wealth and prestige of the empire engaged

and death struggle which ended in their

opened a new era

water of the Indus and

Maratha empire was apparently

chequered existence of t70 years.

believed that this vast empire

eminent linglish writer has described the Maratha

robbers, plunderers and scoundrels.'

century and half

and plunder alone, unless

Duff does not answer this question.

himself to this task and his brilliant chapters

on the administrative institutions of Maharashtra

comprehensive work on the administrative

patriotic devotion of Sane,

mass of original documents, that it is a veritable

labour amply rewarded.

and interesting illustration of interHindu and Muslim principles on each

the present British Indian administra-

causes of the disruption and down-

administrative system of the

mere robbers and