Cranks, Trolls, and Useful Idiots

Cranks, Trolls, and Useful Idiots | Foreign Policy
http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/03/12/cranks-trolls-and-useful-idio...
Cranks, Trolls, and Useful Idiots

Russia's information warriors set their sights on Central Europe.
BY DALIBOR ROHAC
MARCH 12, 2015 - 4:52 PM
Following the Feb. 27 murder of liberal Russian opposition politician Boris Nemtsov, a number of Central
European websites were quick to provide an explanation. Whoever gains control of the Russian opposition
will be on the receiving end of all the finances and subsidies given to the Russian opposition by the
West, wrote an anonymous author on the Czech site Aeronet. Several other sites published translations of a
text blaming the murder on a Western conspiracy aiming to discredit Vladimir Putin. The article was written
by the Russian commentator and politician Nikolai Starikov, a vocal Putin supporter.
Most of the websites that published Starikovs writings in Czech and Slovak have existed for less than a
year. Throughout the conflict in eastern Ukraine, these sites have systematically regurgitated Russian
propaganda, spreading lies, half-truths, and conspiracy theories, often directly translated from Russian
sources. In an eort to understand who runs these sites and why and potentially to uncover financial
connections to the Russian government several Central European journalists and civil society activists
recently decided to investigate them in greater detail.
The Czech weekly Respekt published a feature article about the mysterious news site Aeronet (also known as
AENews). Started in 2001 by aviation fans, the domain has changed ownership several times. Since the
summer of 2014 it has regularly published articles accusing the new Ukrainian government of fascism
and claiming that American and British mercenaries were fighting in eastern Ukraine. It
also accused unspecified proponents of a conspiratorial New World Order of exploiting the spread to Ebola to
their own nefarious ends.
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The company that owns Aeronets domain is incorporated in the Netherlands. According to Ondrej Kundra,
author of the Respekt investigation, nobody from the company was at its address when he visited, nor did
anyone in the building know anything about it. The same situation is repeated in Bratislava, where the
websites IP address was registered, he wrote. Nobody is here; there is no oce nor employees. Neither is it
possible to reach anyone on either of the two phone numbers one U.K.- and one U.S.-based that are listed
on the website.
The editor of Aeronet signs his articles Chief of the Carousel or simply VK (an abbreviation of the Czech
version of his pseudonym). A handful of contributors to the site do write under their real names, such as a
certain Petr Cvalin, a member of the Czech Communist Party who was attracted to the website because of its
alternative views. There is no direct evidence linking the Aeronet site to Russia, and its anonymous editor
calls the site a start-up project funded by its own contributors, readers, and sympathizers. He does say that
he sometimes travels to Moscow for business, adding that he has friends in Russia. This is unsurprising
the politics of the sites content, the secrecy surrounding it, and its relatively professional appearance suggest
that it is run by an individual or organization whose motives are closely aligned with those of the Kremlin.
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In Slovakia, activist Juraj Smatana keeps an updated list of Czech and Slovak websites that churn out Russian
propaganda. Like Aeronet, these sites are typically anonymous and dicult to connect to real individuals or
organizations. Many of them, such as Hlavne Spravy (Headline News) and Svobodne Noviny (The Free
Newspaper), have the appearance of ordinary news sites, mixing real stories with fabrications and wild
conspiracy theories. Several of them reported, for instance, that the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) discovered bodies with missing internal organs in eastern Ukrainian mass
graves. The stories claimed that this had been confirmed by OSCE observers, and that evidence suggested that
Ukrainian security forces were running illegal organ transplant centers in the region. The story turned out to
be an outright lie: Neither the OSCE nor its observers have ever made any such announcements.
These sites dont always peddle views that are clearly pro-Russian. Sometimes, as Smatana noted in a recent
interview, their goal is simply to muddy the waters, to confuse, to ensure that people dont trust anyone. In
Central European countries, this flurry of misinformation has profoundly aected the dynamic of public
debates and placed Russias critics on the defensive, forcing them to waste time debunking baseless claims.
In November of last year, for example, Aeronet published a fabricated story claiming that a public protest
against Czech President Milos Zeman had been organized by the U.S. Embassy in Prague, as part of an eort to
instigate a Ukraine-like Maidan revolution. This story was quickly reposted by other, more reputable
websites, prompting a number of foreign ministries to ask the Czech government whether it was true. The
same sites also disseminated an alleged plan by the Russian central bank to back the ruble with gold in order
to displace the U.S. dollar as the worlds dominant reserve currency. Despite its outlandish nature, the story
went viral even prompting a reporter from Czech public radio to treat it as a credible account.
Besides the news websites, there are a handful of anonymous or semi-anonymous think tanks and
foundations (such as the Institute for Slavic Strategic Studies) and a number of public figures who run their
own sites spreading Russian propaganda. Perhaps the most prominent is former Slovak Prime Minister Jan
Carnogursky, a former Catholic dissident and current member of the Valdai Club, a group that is periodically
invited to meet with Putin and other senior Russian ocials. Carnogurskys Slovak-Russian
Society recently published a list of the worst Russophobes in Slovakia.
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Another is Sergei Chelemendik, a Slovak publisher of Russian descent and a former member of parliament for
(somewhat ironically) the xenophobic Slovak National Party, whose own website has been long churning out
Russian propaganda. Petr Hajek, longtime political advisor to former Czech President Vaclav Klaus, is the
editor of Protiproud (Countercurrent), and also enjoys a public following. Unlike the pro-Kremlin news
sites, Protiproud, a self-styled counterrevolutionary magazine that recently launched its Russian edition,
does not hide the names of its contributors. Its content, including the flamboyant graphics and over-the-top
headlines, appears even more fantastic than the seemingly serious content published by the fake news sites.
It is replete with conspiracy theories about Bilderberg and the New World Order, stories claiming that
the Ebola virus is a product of the global pharmaceutical industry, and Hajeks own diatribes against gays,
alongside a steady stream of Russian propaganda. Asked by a journalist about Russian connections, Hajek
decried the witch hunt against him and denied receiving a penny from Russia.
Opposition to same-sex marriage and other culturally conservative views commonly feature on most of these
sites, which depict Russia as a bulwark against Western decadence. To be sure, the combination of
pro-Russian views and social conservatism does not work everywhere. In Poland, which is much bigger [than
Slovakia or the Czech Republic], there is only a handful of such websites, said Smatana. And those that do
promote an anti-gay agenda tend to do so from a traditional or Catholic perspective. They definitely dont
combine it with pro-Russian propaganda.
Given Polands historic experience, such brazen pro-Kremlin sloganeering is unlikely to get much traction
there. Instead, Putins regime seems to be using subtler means, such as supporting the countrys
environmental movement, which has succeeded in bringing a temporary halt to plans for exploiting the
countrys large reserves of unconventional gas. The reason: If Poland developed its own energy resources, it
would be less dependent on imports from Russia.
The speed with which Russian propaganda is taking root in Slovakia and the Czech Republic shows that civil
society in the small countries of Central Europe faces a formidable enemy. Recently Slovaks were jolted
by reports that several of their compatriots have turned up fighting with the separatist Donetsk Peoples
Republic in eastern Ukraine a story that, until recently, would have been unimaginable in a nation that
sees itself as rather detached from the drama of world events. What precisely motivated the Slovak fighters to
leave for Ukraine and whether Russian propaganda in Slovakia may have played a role remains unclear.
But their example may herald bigger trouble to come.
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Photo credit: ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP/Getty Images
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Ukraines Rotten Front

Forget Russia -- if the new government wants to save the country, it needs to drum
corruption out of its ranks.
BY COLIN CLEARY
MARCH 12, 2015
Ukrainian leaders, it has been said, never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. Though its still unclear
whether the new government can break this pattern, the opportunity before it now is nothing less than to
undo the system of institutionalized corruption that has held Ukraine down since independence, and made it
vulnerable to aggression and dismemberment. Despite the enormous strains imposed by the conflict in the
east, there is reason to hope that this year Ukraine can begin the shift from failing state to one where the rule
of law prevails. If it can change the corruption equation, Ukraine may be able at long last to have a
political system that mirrors its European neighbors.
There is popular support to run corruption out of the government. Revulsion at the corruption and impunity
of Viktor Yanukovychs regime, even more than pro-EU sentiment, became the rallying cry of Maidan
protesters as the movement expanded in late 2013. Indeed, the Maidan only became a mass movement after
police beat the few hundred original, mostly student, protesters who had gathered to oppose Yanukovychs
abrupt decision not to sign the EU Association Agreement. One year after Yanukovychs departure, the
demand for institutional change remains, to a large degree, unrealized. Nothing would help cement national
unity or spur resilience against the aggression in Donbass more than success in the fight against
institutionalized corruption.
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Systemic corruption in Ukraine predated the Yanukovych kleptocracy, and has lived on after its demise.
Ukraine ranked 142nd out of 175 countries in Transparency Internationals Corruption Perceptions Index in
2014 six places below Russia and the worst in Europe. Yanukovych and his cohort shamelessly plundered
the state budget, stealing billions perhaps tens of billions in a few short years. Insider deals on state
procurement contracts were a favored method. But the habit of using public oce for private gain is nothing
new, and extends far into the civil service. In a 2011 Transparency International survey, Ukrainians identified
the judiciary as their most corrupt institution, followed closely by the police and parliament. The combination
of labyrinthine regulations and low pay for the civil service and law enforcement perpetuates widespread
bribery.
If it is true that a fish rots from the head, then the only way to successfully combat corruption is to secure a
firm commitment from the top leadership. Without such buy-in, anti-corruption eorts amount to little more
than a kabuki dance. Yanukovych, after all, formally headed Ukrainian government anti-corruption eorts
during his rule. This time, the buy-in from the leadership appears to be for real. Both President Petro
Poroshenko and Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk have repeatedly pledged their commitment to
anti-corruption eorts, and stated that the push would come following the election of a reformist parliament.
That parliament is now in place. They have also stressed that the conflict in Donbass is no excuse for
postponing reform.
One sign that Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk might be the real deal is their selection of non-Ukrainian experts to
serve in key ministries. American Natalie Jaresko is minister of finance; the minister of the economy is a
Lithuanian and the minister of health is Georgian. This unprecedented step sent the signal that these
portfolios were reserved for independent technocrats untainted by the entrenched patronage networks.
While the Orange Revolution failed in governance, it did succeed in removing constraints on civic activism
and press freedom. Yanukovychs attempts to reverse these gains faltered. As a result, Ukraine today has a
wealth of civic organizations, human rights groups, independent journalists, and other activists. Many of
these individuals played important roles in the Maidan movement and can be counted on to hold the
governments feet to the fire on anti-corruption eorts.
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Last spring, civil society organizations helped frame the reform agenda through a Reanimation Package of
Reforms, which involved hundreds of independent experts who developed a comprehensive platform and
lobbied the parliament (Rada) for the passage of reform bills. Some of the leaders of that eort are now
themselves in the Rada. They are among a cadre of about 30 young Maidan activists elected in October from
various parties who have united around a reformist, pro-EU agenda. The presence of such activists in the Rada
represents a major change for that body. Civil society, previously at odds with the governing class, is now
embedded in it.
In short, a window for reform is open this year. Failure to seize this opportunity could have dire consequences
for Ukrainian statehood.
Still, old habits will be hard to break. Oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, appointed governor of Dnipropetrovsk, earned
praise for his decisive actions to prevent pro-Russian agitators from gaining ground in his oblast and is on the
rise. But he is widely suspected of using strong-arm tactics in his business practices over many years no
ones idea of a reformer. Similarly, many of those who have gotten rich in the civil service and judiciary by
trading on their positions remain in place.
Weeding out corruption means overhauling institutions both large and small. Perhaps no institution is more
in need of reform than Naftogaz, the state gas monopoly, for decades a wellspring of corruption.
The budgetary subsidies for energy much of them for Naftogaz amounted to a stunning 7 to 9 percent of
GDP in 2014, several times Ukraines defense budget. Economist Anders Aslund has observed that
rent-seeking in the Ukrainian gas sector has been the main source of enrichment of oligarchs over the past two
decades. With state prices fixed at $30 per thousand cubic meters of gas, connected individuals could buy at
that rate and then sell to the market at over 10 times the price.
While presiding over huge losses, the former heads of Naftogaz nonetheless conspicuously enriched
themselves under Yanukovych, as widely circulated images of their opulent riverfront palaces reminiscent of
Yanukovychs infamous Mezhyhirya residence testified.
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If the goal of Ukrainian energy policy was to keep Ukraine hooked on expensive Russian gas, discourage
domestic production, enrich oligarchs, and encourage wasteful consumption, then it succeeded spectacularly.
The cure for such distortions has long been known: Remove massive subsidies for gas consumers and end
price controls on domestically produced gas.
Market pricing should be phased in, with social payments for the neediest consumers as compensation. With
the right price signals, Ukraine, currently the most inecient energy user in Europe, could cut energy
consumption per unit of GDP by half, as Poland did. This, along with increased domestic production, could
end the need for any gas imports from Russia.
Implementing these reforms requires more than buy-in from the Ukrainian leadership it needs to be
spurred by rigorous conditionality from the donor community. The Feb. 12 announcement by the IMF of an
agreement on a $17.5 billion Extended Fund Facility stressed the importance of Ukraines commitment to
reach market levels in gas pricing by April 2017. On March 2, the Rada approved raising home heating and
cooking gas prices by about three times, eective April 1 a dramatic jump.
The IMF also underlined the importance of maintaining a safety net of targeted payments to the poorest
consumers to compensate. The minister of the economy, Lithuanian-born Aivaras Abromavicius, has pledged
to oset the rise in home gas prices with direct assistance to low-income consumers amounting to 2 percent of
GDP.
With many Ukrainians suering from the consequences of economic contraction, a vigorous public
information campaign to explain the reforms to the public must be a priority to avert a backlash. In the past,
Ukrainian leaders have agreed to initial IMF demands for price increases, only to back o on subsequent
increases out of fear of the public reaction. While moving toward market pricing, Ukraine must also lower the
high tax rates faced by independent operators in domestic energy production if it wants an increase in
domestic supply.
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The failing state Yanukovych left behind has necessitated the launching of a wide range of additional
anti-corruption eorts, many of them involving fundamental change. In December, Yatsenyuk announced
plans to reduce the number of regulatory agencies from 56 to 28, to be followed by additional reductions. The
goal, he stated, is to abolish the Soviet-time state standards that burden businesses with an onerous system
of permits and inspections and open up massive opportunities for bribery. Economy Minister Abromavicius
defined the objective as maximally deregulat[ing] all processes in the economy to enable business to
breathe.
Another reform is the pending establishment of an Anti-Corruption Bureau with investigatory powers and a
mandate to keep an eye on senior public ocials. Such ocials are now required to make full declarations of
income, with the bureau on the lookout for lifestyles at variance with declared earnings.
Civil service reform will be a longer-term eort. In December, Yatsenyuk declared that the number of state
ocials would be cut by 10 percent in 2015, and committed the government to reducing the quantity [of the
civil service] and increasing eciency and wages. In addition, a lustration law came into force in October to
vet public servants for past corruption and illegal acts. The law responds to societal outrage over widespread
corruption in the judiciary, prosecutor generals oce, and other agencies, during and before the Yanukovych
period. However, the Venice Commission has criticized the law for being too broad, and only minimal
implementation has taken place to date.
Over the longer term, the harmonization of Ukrainian governmental systems to EU norms and structures via
the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement will be transformative
for Ukraine. The Association Agreement is, in essence, a detailed blueprint for reform and transparency across
all sectors and institutions. Large-scale EU mentoring and technical support will be crucial to helping the
Ukrainian government accomplish this historic task.
It is said that nothing focuses the mind like the prospect of ones hanging. Only by getting its act together on
governance can Ukraine hope to gain the strength it needs to overcome the challenge Russia is posing to its
statehood. Viktor Yushchenko frittered away his opportunity to reform the crony capitalist system he
inherited after the Orange Revolution. His failure paved the way for Yanukovych to install a system of
unbridled kleptocracy. Ukraine may not be able to survive another governance failure.
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The conflict in the east diverts attention from reform. But the sacrifice of so many thousands of lives also
makes it imperative for the leadership to make good on the anti-corruption demands voiced at the Maidan.
Major Western financial and technical assistance and monitoring is needed to support the reform eort.
With its back against the wall, Ukraine nonetheless has the chance this year to demonstrate that it can move
decisively to replace kleptocracy with rule of law. Success in this historic eort would not only shore up the
imperiled Ukrainian state, but also reverberate throughout the post-Soviet realm.
Correction, March 12, 2015: Transparency Internationals 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index analyzed 175
countries, not 172 countries, as an earlier version of this article mistakenly said.
Suhaimi Abdullah / Stringer
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Cranks, Trolls, and Useful Idiots | Foreign Policy

MARCH 12, 2015 - 4:52 PM

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