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The Depiction of Self and Other in Colonial Peru Author(s): Rolena Adorno Source: Art Journal,

The Depiction of Self and Other in Colonial Peru Author(s): Rolena Adorno

Source: Art Journal, Vol. 49, No. 2, Depictions of the Dispossessed (Summer, 1990), pp. 110-


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Depiction of







By RolenaAdorno

During the European colonizationof the New World, the depiction of self and Other (European and Amerin- dian, or Amerindian and European) implied complex processes of observa- tion, mediation, and projection. Often the image created and communicated by the observer had little or nothing to do with what had been seen. To consider

the depiction, therefore, is to reflect on the observing subject. Whether the observing subject was the colonizer or the colonized, the relationship between them suggests that the best way to study either is to take into account both simultaneously. A case in point involves the earliest European images of the Incas of Andean South America, and, in turn, Andean images of indigenous culture and the foreign, Spanish invader. For the purpose of this discussion, I shall take as exemplary of the stated principles two textual cases: one, the 1553 publication of the Parte primera

de la chronica del Peru (First part of the

chronicle of Peru) by Pedro de Cieza de

Leon, represents one of the earliest

series of European images of Andean South Americans disseminated after the invasion of Peru by Francisco Pizarro and his company; the other, the 1615

Nueva corbnica y buen gobierno (New

chronicle and good government) of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, is an Andean response to eighty or ninety years of Europeanwriting on the Andes.' The mediations that come into play

require more ample

explanation than

can be provided here. Thus, although I

direct my attention to


two concrete

the discussion as a


synthesizes several arguments I have


Art Journal

made about the conceptualization of self and Other across cultural boundariesin the early Spanish colonial period. Cieza's work is appropriate for this excursion because, along with the Suma y narracion de los Incas of Juan de Betanzos (1551), it presents the earliest Europeaninterpretations of the Andean world and its past.2 The first edition of Cieza's Chrbnica del Peru is richly illustrated, and, at least some of the woodcuts were executed according to the author'sown directions.3Two subse- quent editions, appearing in Antwerp in 1554, copy these illustrationsand repeat their exact location throughout.4

Fig. I Pedro de Cieza de Le6n, Pagan Amerindianpriests speak with the devil, woodcut, from Parte primera de la chronica del Peru (Seville: M. de Montesdoca, 1553). Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University.

Apart from the depictions of build- ings and building construction,repeated some twenty-five times throughout Cie- za's work to highlight the recurring theme of Native American and colonial Spanish foundations, there is another image of interest to us here: a woodcut of a groupof Indiansconversingwith the devil, repeated a total of eight times (fig. 1). On this illustration'sfirstappearance (chap. 15), the accompanyingprose text tells of current practices of divination and sorcery that "the devil commands those who are in communication with him to undertake."5 Another image, appearing but once, depicts a scene of human sacrifice (chap. 19); here Cieza made a correction, in his fe de erratas, indicating that the Indian should be

portrayed naked instead of


Again we see the devil in attendance;the

themes of affiliation with the devil and human sacrifice are combined in the pictorial text as they are in the prose

text.7 As

Cieza described the devouring

of the sacrificial victims, cannibalism

was added to his picture of the Amerin- dian natives.







conversationwith the devil are related to

two others that complete the series:

natives worshiping an emerald globe at


and the heavenly

punishment of ancient giants engaged in

sodomy (chap. 52). Thus, apart from


38 and 92), every

princely Inca (chaps.

other pictorial

identifiedas Andeans as communicating directly with Satan, engaging in acts of human sacrifice, sodomy, or pagan worship.

image shows individuals



elegant representations of the

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argument here




depictions of sensational and sensation- alizing topics were designed to produce certaineffects of interest and fascination on the part of their readers. I support this contention by examining a related textual feature: the tabla alphabetica, or alphabetical table of contents, found in the 1554 Antwerp edition of Cieza by Bellero.8These schemata of the contents of early modern imprints tell us what topics publishers and printers consid- ered useful in piquing potential reader interest. Under "C," for example, we find, "Marriage [casamiento] of Indian slaves so that they have children which their lords will eat." Dozens of similar

examples could be cited to suggest how accessory textual elements were created and manipulated to attract readers and simultaneously create and confirm their expectations. In the case of the Chrbnicadel Peru,

the author was intent on presenting a balanced, possibly sympathetic, view of Amerindian societies.9 The tone of Cie- za's workis set by his admirationfor the Incas and his confidence about bringing all Indians into the Christian fold,


He cautioned that the accounts of sodomy and cannibalism he presented

regarding some groups-obviously con- sideredthe most grave among all Amer-

indian shortcomings-were

generalized to all.

sion that certain aspects of his work were likely to be sensationalized and

generalized was well taken. He under- stood that despite his attempt to present

a balanced picture of native Andean

culture, he could not control its recep- tion by readers.Through his warning, he

acknowledged having created an ac- count that, in spite of his own intentions, could be used by anti-indigenist polemi- cists in debates on the rights of conquest.

In additionto the explicit features of his

depictions of Andeans, other seemingly unrelated factors came into play in the creation of the first figuration of the AmerindianOther.

the devil's dominion over them.

not to


Cieza's apprehen-


most famous and controversial

context for the discussion of the Amerindian in the sixteenth century-

according to the scholarship of the past

forty years-is


of natural slavery."1 This scholarship has argued that the theory of natural

slavery, appropriated from Aristotle, was a concept subsequently translated into a descriptionof New Worldinhabit- ants. Apart from the very troublesome problem of ascertaining precisely what


meant by the term "natural slavery,"12

the debate on the rights

conquest and the Aristotelian theory



t h e o r y sixteenth-century theoreticians F i g . 2 A l o

Fig. 2 Alonso de Ovalle, Virgin and Child with Araucanian

from Histbrica relacion del reyno de Chile

y de las missiones (Rome: Francesco Cavalli, 1646), 393. Courtesy

Supplicants, engraving,

of the John Carter BrownLibrary, BrownUniversity.

the doctrine seems inadequate to ac- count for all the ways we see Amerindi- ans discussed in the early writings of the colonial period. In my opinion, the Indian as adult-child was given more credence in the discoursesof colonialism that was any otherview. This theoretical position was developed in the 1530s at the University of Salamanca by Fran- cisco de Vitoria, who abandoned one avenue of Aristotelian-faculty psychol- ogy for anotherand identifiedAmerindi- ans not as "nature's slaves" but as "nature'schildren."13That is, the Amer- indian was considered to be physically an adult but psychologically a child; with all rational faculties complete but

not fully developed, the


needed instruction and

education in

order to realize both psychological and mental potential. Vitoria's hypothesis was not novel;"because it was grounded in a theory about the way in which all men come to understand the law of nature, [it] provided a reasonedexplana-











The notion that the Indian was to be considered like a child was common in missionary writings15 and was reflected in accompanying visual images of the Amerindians. The engravings from an

account published in 1646 by the Jesuit Alonso de Ovalle, for example, attach an immature psychological quality to the Chilean natives by the representation of childlike and adolescent physical at- tributes.Here the newly convertedArau-

a miraculous image of

canians worship the Virgin Mary

in Araucania


produced in the writings on Amerindian culture must be considered in the light of the assumptions, associations, and analogies about other subordinated groups. The typology of relations devel- oped in discourse by the European to

deal with the non-European had more to



that appeared in a cave

(fig. 2).16

and other such


Summer 1990


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Fig. 3 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Self-Portrait,

pen-and-inkdrawing, from Nueva

gobierno (1615; Madrid:Historia-16, 1987), 368.

coronica y buen

Fig. 4 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Adam and Eve,


gobierno (1615;

from Nueva corbnicay buen

Madrid:Historia-16, 1987), 22.

do, I would argue, with stances previ- ously taken regarding other subordi- nated or subjugated groups than with factors pertaining to the conquest and colonial experience. What is involved here is not the direct and immediate observationof reality but ratherobserva- tions and judgments that originate in, and are mediated by, experience with other discourses. I am thinking espe- cially of those whose referents would be

contemplated as a version of alterity, as outsiders removed from an individual's



cultural difference, or social class.

personal experience by


theory of


descent of


Amerindian peoples from one of the ten lost tribes of Israel, for example, illus- trates the point. Such notions came not from armchair speculators but from missionaries such as the Franciscan friar Toribio de Benavente Motolinia and the Dominican friar Diego Duran, who spent their lives among the new brethren.17Consciously or unconsciously, the chroniclers, missionary writers, and

theological-juridical experts put forth



comparative models and frames of refer- ence by which they attempted to recog- nize, comprehend, and then classify the newfoundhumanity.

In explaining the foregoing European visions of otherness, we need to abstract the composite profile of the observing subject who looked at certain social


similar to each other.'8 This subject is male and Christian, and his values are those of masculine, chivalric, Christian culture; his category of alterity would include moriscos, Jews, Indians, peas- ants, and women. From the perspective of such an individual, discourses on otherness would be those that deal with

infidelity (the writings on Muslims,


Christianity imperfectly


writings of Christian moral instruction

for women). Comparable elements are found in the depictions of Amerindians,

and our approach to them will parallel the most common pattern followed by the above-mentioned observer: the dis- course of chivalry.

as different from himself but




achieved (the

Chivalric discourse, in its secular and religious manifestations, was pervasive in the sixteenth century in

Europe. In literature, it had two princi-


heroic conquest and the novels of chiv- alry. The first implies the relationship of the Amerindian to other discourses on infidelity; the second, the relationship to discourseon women and the requisites of moral instructionfor weaker beings.19 The epic celebrated the triumph of

manifestations: the epic poems of

Christian militancy, and its source was

the medieval conception of an aggres- sion that opposed the enemies of Christi-


Turks. From about 1555 on, epic poetry

no longer celebrated only ancient deeds

but contemporary ones, too. The mili-

tary feats of Charles V and his captains,

those of the Spanish conquests in the

Indies, and the victory over Islam in the Mediterranean and in southern Spain

now became the topics of heroic poetry. How did this type of discourse portray the Amerindian? Its major themes were the conquest of the infidelbarbarian,the

particularly the



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triumph of the faith, and the religious conversion of the indigenous American warrior.The Amerindian lord ended up either dead on the battlefield or con- vertedto Christianitybeforehis execution. What did the novel of chivalry have to do with women and Indians? As a genre that specialized in chivalric feats by

noble knights in shining armor who defeated dragons, armies, and enchant- ers by day and made love to courtly ladies by night, the novel of chivalry was the object of scathing criticism by moralists. Their invective was expressed in two ways and both had to do with the supposed effects on readers. One was that the representation of magic and superstitious practices could lead the reader to heresy and disbelief in Christianity.20 The other was that the representation of sexual liberality and


rupt a vulnerable, gullible, and specifi- cally female readership.21 The Amerin-


dian was projected to be a reader of

same type. Royal edicts of 1531 and 1543 de- clared that "lying histories" should be prohibited from export to the Indies because from them the Indian "and other inhabitants of the afore-men- tioned Indies" would learn new vices and evil ways.22 The stated argument for prohibiting all but works of religious instruction was that the Indians, not yet well grounded in the faith, would give as much credence and authority to these profane works as they would to worksof religious doctrine. This leads me to

suggest that expectations set up for the female gender by learned male Euro- pean society served as one of the filters through which the Amerindian was imagined.

is useful to return to the

theorizing done by Francisco de Vitoria


Amerindian was considered psychologi- cally a child and, like that other defec-

tive creature, woman, morally weak. In both instances, the woman and the Amerindianwere grantedrational capac- ities that were complete and intact but not yet fully developed.23 Indians in America, like women and children in Europe, were considered to rely more on emotion than on reason, and they were considered naturally to be given over more to sensuality than to the sublime; as a result, they neededconstant supervi- sion and serious tutelage. The concepts of the natural inferiority of women and children to men, and of Amerindians to Europeans, bring together the domestic and imperial discoursesof dominationof the period.24 Among these many overlapping dis- courses another crucial term of conjunc-



relationships outside wedlock could

Here it




tion and comparison for what we might call Indianist discourse is found in the writings on morisco culture. The com- parison is appropriate because official policy toward both groups followed a similar path until the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the moriscos were expelled from Spain.25 There were systematic attempts at conversionof the moriscos, and the elaboration of policy with respect to one group often took as its model a discipline that was applied to the other. The discourses through which these policies were elaborated were remarkablyalike, and so were the native morisco andAmerindian protestsagainst them.26 Like the Jews, moriscos and Amerindians were accused of secret dogmatizing in their own traditions after undergoing public conversion to Christianity. Works in Arabic and in Amerindian languages, as in Hebrew- as well as works in Castilian describing Jewish, Muslim, or Amerindian cus- toms-were prohibited or suppressed. In some respects, the Jews, the moriscos, and the Amerindians, as discursive entities, belonged to the same "fixed semantics."27Let us now examine the terms by which one native Andean writerreorderedthosesemanticelements.

Guaman Poma de Ayala was

an Andean descended from the Yarovilca dynasty that predated the Inca empire in the Andes; he claimed maternal descent from the Incas.28Born

shortly after the Spanish conquest of Peru, he was raised in contact with

European colonial society and employed

by the

interpreter.29 His commandof the Span- ish language was in part self-taught, but he mastered it well enough to pen a twelve-hundred-page chronicle (includ- ing 400 line drawings) to King Philip III of Spain. For Guaman Poma, writing was the only avenue of social participa- tion left when all other traditional means had been closed. He took up the pen to defend himself and his people, to engage in the struggle for the survivalof Andean cultures, and, more immedi-



colonial establishment as

ately, to protect and recover the privi- leges and prerogatives traditionally in- herited by the native elite. In Guaman Poma's Nueva coronica y buen gobierno, we have a worldof visual images offering Amerindian glimpses of

Andeans as self, European as Other.

Like many other colonial Amerindian testimonies of Mesoamerica and Peru, he incorporated the European into his world by interpreting the Spanish con- quest as the fulfillment of traditional Inca prophecy and the will of God.30 Guaman Poma's representation of the European is conditioned by his aware-

ness of European notions of the Amerin- dian. For this reason, we begin with his Andean self-representations, which are already a response to a polemic, in order to better appreciatethe polemical nature of his representationof the foreigners. GuamanPoma's self-portraits summa- rize his visual argumentby communicat- ing Andean values through European symbols. His European-style heraldry materializes the totemic names falcon (guaman) and lion (poma), his Euro- pean hat always covers an Andean haircut, and his European courtier's costume includes a traditional Andean tunic (uncu) wornover billowed Spanish knee breeches (valones) and under a

3). Even when dressed

Spanish cape (fig.

in Andean costume, he carries a Roman Catholic rosaryto convey the message of Christian civility.31 In each of the five

self-portraits he presents,32 the figure of the Christian Andean lord corroborates the verbal message of the author's professed acculturated status. The term used by the Spanish to refer to such natives who were acquainted with Euro- pean culture was indio ladino. Guaman Poma's self-portraits convey the mes- sage of his ladinidad. Let us now turn to








he Cieza de Leon woodcuts reveal

that idolatry (that is, living literally


conversation with




sexual deviation or excess were depic-

tions commonly used to portrayAndean society. The literature of religious and moral instruction specifically dedicated to the evangelization of the native populations in their own languages was full of accusations against the Andeans of sexual depravity, dishonesty, thiev- ery, drunkenness, and idolatry. In re- sponse, Guaman Poma presented cer- tain characterizations of Andean humanity and denied others. In the first place, he affirmedthat the Indians were descended directly from Adam and Eve. His portrayal of the biblical pair as

Andean farmers (fig. 4)33

nied by a prose text explaining that the first Indians followed the customs, in

dress and occupation, of Adam and Eve.34Here the artist appropriatedthe figures of Christian art for his own tradition, and in so doing he removed them from the sphere of the European.

In this drawing, Adam and Eve are more

visibly the progenitors of the Andean race than of the European. Guaman Poma explained further that the Indiansare not Jews, referring to the theory of Amerindian origins as one of the ten lost tribes of Israel. Nor are they Muslims or Turks. (Thus he denied Amerindian descent from any non-

is accompa-

Summer 1990113

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Christian peoples.)35 The Andeans are not savages, but highly civilized.36This

point is made by his visual representa- tions of four epochs of the Andean world that preceded the age of the Incas. The first generation wore the leafy "suit of Adam" and cultivated the land; the second constructed houses of stone and adored the "true god"; the third devel- oped weaving and other mechanical arts; the fourth extended its dominion and territory and engaged in war against its enemies.37 Guaman Poma further negated the European idea of Amerin- dian savagery for the Andeans by using it to identify only the Anti, the hunters andgatherersof the tropical rainforest.38 This primitive state is conveyed by the iconographicsign of nakedness,whereas, in contrast, the ancient Andeans, like

Guaman Poma's Adam and Eve

are fully and elaborately clothed. Nakedness is a powerful sign associ- ated with Andean "barbarity"from the

(fig. 4),

first Europeanrepresentations. The fron- tispiece used in two texts of 1534 depicts the Andean retinue of the Inca Ata-

hualpa as nearly naked warriors

This depiction ignored the literary con-



describes the costumes and headgear worn by the royal entourage, with one noting that under their livery these four hundred warriors carried secret





both cases

weapons.39Indifferentto such guidance, the artist created the scene by reaf- firming the European stereotype of the half-nakedand barefootbarbarian.Gua- man Poma reversed the formula and made nakednessa non-Andean trait. There are two kinds of Andean nakedness in the Nueva corbnica;one is naturalistic;the other, symbolic. Naked- ness is stylized in the pictures of symbolic meaning such as the creation of Adam and Eve, in which the figuresof both male and female are pictured without genitalia.40 The presence of

i c t u r e d without genitalia.40 The presence of F i g .

Fig. 5 Franciscode Xerez,

conquistadores,woodcut, from

(Seville: BartolomePerez, 1534), frontispiece. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown

Library, Brown University.

Atahuallpa Inca and his army meet the Spanish

del Peru

Verdaderarelacion de la




icons representing the Christian god

confirms the abstract nature of


portrayal. In contrast, the naturalistic

depictions of nakedness include explicit illustrations of the genitalia and are found where exploitation and physical abuse of the Indians by the colonizers are documented (fig. 6).41 Although the unclothed Indian figure might suggest the natural condition of the "noble savage" to the modernviewer, that idea is irrelevant in view of the physical vulnerability denoted in Guaman Po- ma's drawings. Furthermore,it is incon-


development of Andean civil culture as shown in his representations of ancient generations of pre-Incaic civilization. No doubt in reaction to the European stereotype of the autochthonousAmeri-

can as naked barbarian,Guaman Poma constituted the sign of nakedness as an anomaly to the scheme of the develop- ment of Andean civilization. In the iconographic narrative of the ancient past, only a couple being executed for adultery is shown unclothed.42Thus, in

the context of the foreign invasion of

Guaman Poma's time, being stripped

baresignifies an equally deviant phenom- enon: the intrusion of the outsider into Andean culture space and the subse- quent destruction of Andean cultural

and social norms. When Andeans ap-

pear naked in Guaman Poma's draw-

ings, they convey not barbaric savagery but rather victimization at the hands of

the European invaders. This display

occasionally includes the twist that the

Andean female has become the lascivi-

ous accomplice to her own exploitation.43 By responding to common European


drawings confirm for us what those commonplaces were. His visual testi- mony allows us to glimpse the distorted visions produced by the mediation of various cultural filters. Understanding the straitened conditions of emergence of the first European views of Amerin- dian humanity, we turn more discern-

ingly to this Andean's creation of the European as Other.

T he dilemma for Guaman Poma was







alterity, Guaman Poma's

how to condemn the invaderswith- out offending their king, Philip III, to whom he was writing for help. The petitioner's strategies are subtle and numerous,but in the present case I shall mention only two. First is the use of symbolic values of space, given that Andean cosmology and geographyorga- nize space according to values of


in the composition of his own pictorial narrative by placing only Andeans in the positions of priority and privilege, reserv-

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Fig. 6 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Executioner, priest, punishes the naked Indian without considering whether he is a lord or commoner, pen-and-inkdrawing, from Nueva coronica y buen gobierno (1615; Madrid:

Historia-16, 1987), 596.

ing for Europeans the lesser hierarchical and negatively valued sections of the pictorial field.This secret spatial symbol- ism, invisible and undecipherable to the European reader, nevertheless provided the means by which the Andean artist could order and interpret his pictorial universe in consonance with indigenous


The second use of pictorial space concerns Guaman Poma's articulation of his model of culture. Here we invoke the theory that cultural modeling is conceived spatially; the category "culture" is represented by whatever is enclosed within a certain spatial do- main, and "nonculture" is all that is located outside it.46Guaman Poma's is a many-leveled discourse in which he identified the Spanish king with himself on a high moral plane; both are removed from, and superior to, the corruption of the colonialists and their indigenous and mestizo collaborators. As Other, the European is associated exclusively with social disorder and chaos. The epithet

that Guaman Poma

colonial situation is the European liter-




ary motif of the "world-upside-down" (mundo-al-reves), and it refers to the domination of colonial society by the common-born and greedy invaders who have replaced the native Andean elite.47 Guaman Poma adopted in his writing the values that European Christian culture represented.The degree to which he did so is evident in his portrayal of Andean society as currently Christian and part of the biblical spiritual tradi- tion in ancient times.48 Therefore, the way he identified the Europeans as Other was to separate them from the

religious beliefs professed by their soci- ety and culture. The European, Guaman Poma made clear, is an outsider to the Andes and alien to his own values.


is an unlawful interloper in the Andes, Guaman Poma followed the argumenta- tion of Las Casas, based on Scholastic concepts of natural law and the natural right of a people to sovereignty over its own territories.49To make the second point about the abandonment of their own values, he depicted the colonists, verbally and in pictures, in actions that

To make the point that the

contradict those professed Christian ideals. Because the representation of this theme is self-evident in his drawings and verbal diatribes, I would like to outline one of the more subtle strategies of representation contained in the icono- graphic codes of the pictorial text.50

r he pictorial backgrounds Guaman Poma created appear to collapse the anecdotal data of diverse cultural

phenomena into a single, uninterrupted continuum. In general, the indoor set-

ting is the same for such


subjects as the author's family home in Cuzco, the papal palace in Rome, the palatial quarters of the Incas' queen- consorts, and the administrative head- quarters of the colonial province. Simi- larly, the outdoor landscapes, from the depiction of Adam and Abraham through that of the ancient Incas and

the contemporarycolonial Andeans, are regularly composed of mountain peaks whose natural connotation is the An-

dean sierra. The temporal and spatial suggestion of this pictorial strategy is, on the surface, to unify the entire spread of human experience from its mythical beginnings to daily life in the Peruvian viceroyalty. Nevertheless, the opposi- tions between indoor and outdoor set- tings constitute evaluative statements


culture to the Andes.



importation of

The indoor setting becomes the stan-


framework to repre-

sent the scenes of non-Andean, Western social order,while Andean civilization is consistently placed in the outdoor set- ting. In the original five ages of the worldthat Guaman Poma presented,the spaces of Adam (identified as rural, moral, and good) and King David (urban and ordered but also corrupt) articulate a mutual exclusivity of the two models: the space of moral, ethical action is signified by the out-of-doors; the space of social, corrupt dealings is indoors.51In Guaman Poma's model of Andean culture space, the domains of moralvirtue and society are one, as both are depicted consistently against an outdoor setting. The problem of the erection of the palace of King David on the soil tilled by Adam-that is, the replacement of one model of Western culture by another- is that it is inadequate to express the exact nature and significance of the event that Guaman Poma portrayed, not surprisingly, as the seminal occurrence in the history of Western civilization:

the birth of Jesus Christ and the advent of Christianity. He solved the dilemma iconographically by placing the birth of Christ spatially at the juncture of the natural and socialized worlds, at the


Summer 1990115

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Fig. 7 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, The birth of

Jesus Christ, pen-and-inkdrawing,

y buen gobierno (1615; Madrid:Historia-16, 1987), 30.

from Nueva corbnica


8 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Administrator of

five Indians, pen-and-inkdrawing, from Nueva cor6nica

y buen gobierno (1615; Madrid:Historia-16, 1987), 769.

seam that connects the spaces of natural virtue and innocence and the structured

social order (fig. 7).52

The curious feature of the setting is the tiled floor(representing indoorspace) on which the Holy Family is located.

Although there are surely European

artistic precedents for this depiction, Guaman Poma's use of it is meaningful

in the context of an iconographicsystem

that assigns distinct values to the con- trast between indoor and outdoor set- tings. In relation to his drawings of the

ages of Adam and David, the integration of outdoor and quasi-indoor pictorial space here suggests that the theology and ideology of Christian salvation is to become the mediator between European (depicted as indoors) and Andean (out- doors) spheres. This notion is borne out in another significant and curiousdrawing in which

a colonial Andean functionary is posed

in an indoor/outdoor setting and holds a Christianrosary as well as the character-

istic Andean coca pouch

figure is placed indoors insofar as the

(fig. 8).53 The

background is the characteristic interior wall and window of the European

6). At the same

mandoncillo stands

before an Inca stone house as seen from the outside.54Like its prototype in the nativity scene, this depiction is an instance of the mediation of the two cultural spheres through the agency of Christianity: the Andean figure holds a rosary as his key to negotiating across the boundary that separates Andean and European cultures. Articulated by the background set- tings that identify the European almost

exclusively with the indoors, we see two



culture. First, it is the site of the creation

of a hierarchical colonial administra-

tion, civil and ecclesiastic; and, second, it is the locus of moral depravity and the

criminal exploitation


European orb is so limited that it

requires the imposition

of a linguis-

tic marker-the word "obedience," for

example-to indicate the exem-

culture space (see time, the Andean


elaborated about


of the Andean virtue in the




plarycomportment of a Christianfriar.55 At the same time, the mountainous landscape that formed part of the Golden Age of the ancient Andeans becomes the universal emblem of An- dean experience,rightthrough the depic- tions of colonial times. Overall, Guaman Poma's iconographic text conveys a message about the integration of social organization, moral conduct, and reli- gious piety in Andean experience, in contrast to the absence of such integra- tion in the European culture space.

ow we come to the use Guaman

Poma made of the Christianicono- graphic code. The introduction of reli-

gious symbolism raises questions about

the relationship

and European

interpreted as being separate

tinct. Symbolic icons like the devil and

signs insofar icons in the


of the models of Andean culture, which I have

and dis-

the dove are metalinguistic

as they stand alongside

naturalistic register of representation and effectively comment upon them. The icon of the dove representing the



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Holy Spirit appears frequently in the depiction of Andeans, portraying them as devout Christians. This signification of Andean piety is predictable in the context of an arduous defense of the Andeans as Christians and as part of the author's effort to argue for their legal rights as members of a Christian state. Why, then, did he make Satan a member of the Andean pictorial cast of characters in settings of both ancient and moderntimes? For the depictions of ancient times, Guaman Poma's employment of the devil motif is the negative sign of an affirmativegesture;by placing the Chris- tian devil among the Inca's diviners, Guaman Poma reminded his readers that Christianity was contemporaneous with the ancient Andean world.56(Gua- man Poma had dated the birth of Jesus Christ as having taken place during the reign of the second Inca, Sinchi Roca.)57 The demon with the Andean thief in modern times is the exception that proves the rule that thievery is not a characteristically Andean crime.58 In the context of their employment in Andean depictions, the omission of such signs from drawings of the European colonialistsmeritscomment. Given Gua- man Poma's critique of Spanish behav- ior, the absence of the dove of the Holy Spirit from drawings featuring Europe-


1 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corbnica y buen gobierno (1615), ed. John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, Quechua translations by Jorge Urioste (Madrid: Histo-

ria-16, 1987). This edition is cited throughout; its pagination corrects Guaman Poma's origi- nal numbering.

2 FranklinPease G. Y., "Introducci6n,"in Pedro de Cieza de Le6n, Crbnica del Peru: Primera parte (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat6olica del Per6 y Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1984), xi.

3 Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria, "Los manu- scritos de Pedro Cieza de Le6n," Revista de Indias (Madrid), nos. 145-46 (1976), 188. 4 Pedro de Cieza de Le6n, Parte primera de la chrbnica del Peru (Seville: M. de Montesdoca, 1553); idem, Parte primera de la chrbnica del Peru (Antwerp:Juan Bellero, 1554); and idem,

nuevamente escrita

(Antwerp: Martin Nucio, 1554). The only

earlier Andean image in a European imprint was the frontispiece (a woodcut) to Crist6bal de Mena's account of the conquest of Peru, published anonymously in Seville in 1534; it


chrbnica del



Francisco de

brimiento del Peru, also published in Seville. See Crist6bal de Mena, La conquista del Periu,



during the









attitude, however, we might expect him to condemnthem pictoriallythroughthe use of a grotesque horned beast. It is possible that the artist refrained from such visual condemnation of the Span- iards in order not to offend his intended royal reader. Yet his strident, anti-

Spanish diatribes throughouteight hun- dred pages of prose would not have spared him the royal wrath. There is more subtlety in his strategy and it pertains to a fundamental descriptionof the two cultural entities. The importation of Christianreligious

ideology into the representation of An-


space require the full utilization of both its positive and negative symbols. At the same time, the absence of the signs of the devil and the dove from the Europe- ans' arena of action deprives that cul- ture space of the values that such icons impart. In effect, Guaman Poma's final step in arguing for the fusion of Chris- tian values and Andean culture is to pull away those very values from any identi- fication with the European.

To echo an analysis of Montaigne's "On Cannibals," in which "barbarism comes over here" (to the European side),59 we might say that Guaman Poma gave us "barbarism going over there," also to the European side. This










llamada la Nueva Castilla, in Rafil Porras Barrenechea, Las relaciones primitivas de la conquista del Peru (Lima: Universidad Nacio- nal Mayor de San Marcos, 1967), 45-66, 79-101; and Francisco de Xerez, Verdadera relacibn de la conquista del Periu,in Crbnicas

de la conquista del Periu,ed. Julio Le Riverend


de Espafia,

n.d.), 29-124.

City: Editorial Nueva

5 Pedro de Cieza de Leon, La crbnica del Pertu,

ed. Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois (Madrid:

Historia-16, 1984), 113.

6 Saenz de Santa Maria (cited in n. 3 above),


7 Cieza de Le6n (cited in n. 5 above), 124.

8 Cited in n. 4 above.

9 Politically, Cieza was indigenist in his outlook. He hoped to leave his papers to Fray Bartolom6

de Las Casas, the principalSpanish defenderof the Indians, and he shared Las Casas's convic- tions about the cruelty of the conquests and the dignity and worth of Amerindian peoples. One of the Andeanist scholars consulted both by him and by Las Casas was the great Quechua grammarian Domingo de Santo Tomas, who was also a Dominican friar and bishop of Charcas. See Pease in Cieza de Le6n (cited in n. 2 above), xiii, xix. 10 Cieza de Le6n (cited in n. 5 above), 389-90.

Andean view of the European as uncivil being and outsider is a subtle but calculated construction. In pictures and in prose, the Amerindian's view of the European as Other is one that places the latter outside everything the subject represents, even as this colonial subject has had to rely on the expressed values of the European in orderto do so. These examples make clear, I hope, the double and redoubling perspectives that go into the formation of images of the Other. Although incomplete as an account of the depiction process, the examples herein illuminate certain prin- ciples-namely, (1) the requirement of looking beyond (and behind) the obvi-


cultural portraits in order to grasp their

fuller resonances; and (2) the recogni- tion that imperfect superimpositions and partial renderings are characteristic of the complex, often contradictory pro- cesses of representation and self-repre- sentation undertaken by the colonial subject.





Rolena Adorno is professor of Romance languages and literatures at Princeton University and a 1989-90 GuggenheimFellow. She is currently working on the historiography of the conquest of Mexico.

11 See Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadel- phia: American Historical Association, 1949); and idem, Aristotle and the American Indians (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1971).

12 See Lino G6mez Canedo, "^Hombres o bes-


t6pico)," Estudios de Historia Novohispana 1

and Rolena Adorno, "La









discusi6n sobre la naturaleza del indio," Histo-

ria de la Literatura Latinoamericana, ed. Ana Pizarro (Paris: UNESCO and Association Internacionalede Litt6rature Compar6e, forth- coming).

13 See Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University, 1982), 42-44.

14 Ibid., 106.

15 Ibid., 106, 222.

16 Alonso de Ovalle, Histbrica relacibn del reino de Chile (Rome: Francesco Cavalli, 1646), 393; see also pp. 91, 93, 104.

17 Toribio de Benavente Motolinia, Historia de los Indios de la Nueva Espaha, ed. Claudio Esteva (Madrid: Historia-16, 1985); Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espaha y Islas de Tierra Firme, ed. Jos6 F. Ramirez (Mexico City: Editora Nacional,

Summer 1990


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Ibid.,107, 114,380.GuamanPoma,however,

18See RolenaAdorno,"El sujetocolonialy la construcci6nculturalde la alteridad,"Revista

did not findthis Christianinterpretationfully satisfactoryin explainingAndeanhistory.See

de Critica Literaria Latinoamericana, no. 28

FrankSalomon,"Chroniclesof theImpossible:







19On bothtopics,see RolenaAdorno,"Literary



Historians,"in FromOralto WrittenExpres-

Productionand Suppression:Reading and

sion: Native Andean Chronicles of the Early

WritingaboutAmerindiansin ColonialSpan- ishAmerica,"Dispositio9, nos.28-29 (1986):

ColonialPeriod,ed.RolenaAdorno(Syracuse, N.Y.: Foreignand ComparativeStudiesPro- gram,SyracuseUniversity,1982), 9-39; and

See Fray Luis de

20 Le6n, De los nombresde

RolenaAdorno,"TheRhetoricof Resistance:

Christo(1591), in Obrascompletascastella- nas de Fray Luis de Lebn,I, Bibliotecade

The'Talking'Bookof FelipeGuamanPoma," Historyof EuropeanIdeas 6, no. 4 (1985):

AutoresCristianos,vol. 3 (Madrid:Editorial






21 Ibid.,407. See alsoIdaRodriguezPrampolini,


Ibid.,1, 17,368,755, 1105.





Amadises de America: la hazaha de Indias como empresa caballeresca (Mexico City:



lectores en la Espaha del siglo XVI y XVII


GuamanPoma(citedinn. 1above),12.





22 Citedby RodriguezPrampolini(citedin n. 21





Ibid.,503, 529, 596, 599, 684, 885. One rare

23 Pagden(citedinn. 13above),104-5.

but revealingpicture (p. 507), titled The

24 See Juan Gines de Sepuflveda, Dembcrates

corregidor and the priest and the lieutenant

Segundo o de las justas causas de la guerra

make their rounds, looking at the women's

contralos indios,ed. andtrans.AngelLosada (Madrid:ConsejoSuperior de Investigaciones

shamefulparts,showsa nakedAndeanwoman strikinganerotic pose forhervisitors.



Nathan Wachtel,Sociedad e ideologia:en-

25On moriscohistory, see AntonioDominguez







Ortiz and BernardVincent,Historia de los

(Lima:Institutode EstudiosPeruanos,1973),

Moriscos: vida y

tragedia de una minoria





Fora full discussionof this topic,see Rolena

26 See RolenaAdorno,"LaCiudadletraday los discursoscoloniales,"Hispamerica, no. 48

Adorno,"IconandIdea:A SymbolicReading of Picturesin a PeruvianIndianChronicle,"


Indian Historian 12, no. 3 (1979): 27-50;

27 Angel Rama, La ciudad letrada (Hanover,


idem, "ParadigmsLost: A PeruvianIndian


SurveysSpanish Colonial Society," Studiesin

28 GuamanPoma(citedin n. 1 above),75, 99