Introduction

The pace of Indian politics, with its wide arena, has always been changing, with several
competitors pitting their wits against each other and unforeseen players reaching the
victory pedestal. Though the dynastic rule of the Nehru family plays a vital role in the
determination of winners, in the ultimate analysis, one may be led to believe that
charisma is one of the pre-eminent factors to determine the emergence of a political
leader in the country. This is even so with the Nehruvian power phenomenon. Unlike
such countries as Thailand, where the dynastic rule through monarchy is considered
supreme and unquestionable, in India, the acquirement of power through family dynasty
under no circumstances makes the leader unchallenged. Where Jawaharlal Nehru and
Indira Gandhi had their own charismatic appeal, which allowed them to attain and retain
political power, it is of interest to note that their dynastic successor, Rajiv Gandhi was
unable to achieve similar success. Therefore, it has become a certain unwritten norm that
the political success in a country like India is more likely achieved through charisma.
The definitions of charisma contain many layers of meanings. Charisma, in general, can
be defined as an attribute of astonishing power and capacity ascribed to the person and
personality of extraordinarily magnetic leaders.1 The astonishing power that charisma
holds, the magnetic aura that it creates in its holder, is what prompts Max Weber to
consider charisma as one of the prominent modes to mediate authority and power. In his
book, Economy and Society -- An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, Weber makes a clear
distinction between charisma and the legal and traditional legitimacies, and observes that
charisma stands apart from others by its unique way of gaining allegiance: Charisma is a

negating, emotionally intense, undercutting force, which is opposed to all institutional

routines, those of tradition and those subject to rational judgment.2 Webers observation
is an insight into how the charismatic authority, which stems from a psychological
behavior and functions on a free-will basis contradicts the very nature of the other two
systems of power that gets shaped by sanctified traditional norms, law, hierarchy and
rationality. A person possessing charisma, therefore, is likely to be placed above everyday
routine. Such a person functions primarily on the personal trust that his followers have in
him, constantly nurtured by the charismatic persons revelation or heroism or any other
qualities that fall within the purview of the followers belief in his charisma.
Benjamin Zablocki, a contemporary sociologist, gives further impetus to this vein of
thought. He argues that a person possessing charisma needs to mediate authority based on
the shared belief that he is the representation of the collective self of the group.3 Thus, one
may observe that the charismatic aura that a person enjoys, and which is applied to gain
authority, stems from the kind of belief that the leader arouses on the part of the ruled.
Charisma binds a person to his followers in an emotional, more personal kind of
relationship, rather than allowing him to function within a patterned systematic power
structure that is governed by rationality. This often irrational, emotive feeling that
charisma holds could vary from leader to leader, since charisma does not contain a fixed
composition. Even in India, charisma as a power concept, has taken many interesting
forms. The best example could be the emergence of politicians in the northern and the
southern parts of India utilizing star charisma.

Although cinema, in general, assumes a very influential role in the Indian psyche,
irrespective of the north -- south divide,4 one may note that the charisma attained through
films that is powerfully transferred to politics is a common facet of the south rather than
the north. The best examples could be the undisputed reign of the charismatic actorturned-politicians, N. T. Rama Rao5 (NTR) and M. G. Ramachandran6 (MGR), who
governed the states of Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu respectively. The considerable
influence of these film actors in their respective political fields reveals the fact that the
charisma gained through cinema has a deeper meaning in the southern politics than in
the north, where the influence of actors like Amitabh Bachchan and Shatrugan Sinha7 in
the political space is marginal.
The politics of Tamilnadu, a state with a population of 62,110,839 (Population of India,
2001), in particular, has a long association with films. In the first instance, one needs to
note that almost all the Chief Ministers who ruled the state from the late 1960s have
emerged from the film industry.8 Secondly, even before the implementation of the States
Reorganization policy of 1956, which distinctly marked the Tamilnadus boundaries
along with others, films were powerfully deployed as tools to modulate peoples political
thinking. The most obvious example is the propagation of popular Tamil nationalistic
sentiments in films made by the leaders of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam9 [Dravidian
Progressive Party (DMK)]. The third major factor is the narrowing down of the Tamil
peoples psyche between a film heros behavior and gestures, and the kind of subjects that
revolve around him in both cinema and politics. MGR was one successful hero of Tamil
cinema whose film and political modulation had been unanimously built and placed as a
significant criterion to attain power. However, the phenomenal rise of an actress,

Jayalalitha Jayaram, popularly addressed as Jayalalitha, as the Chief Minister of

Tamilnadu contrasts her predecessors modulation of film and politics.
Principally, it has to be kept in mind that Jayalalitha was not a charismatic film
personality before she attained political power. Even the manner in which she gained
political power belies the fact that she lacked the charisma that her predecessors had in
Tamilnadu politics. Notwithstanding the fact that her film profession was short-lived,
roughly about eight years, Jayalalithas career as an actress primarily revolved around her
image as MGRs paramour. Since MGR was a popular hero of his times and it was
Jayalalitha who co-starred with him in many of his films,10 Jayalalitha nursed the
popularity of being called MGRs popular heroine and his paramour. In fact, even her
entry into the political forum and her subsequent gaining of political power in the year
1991 reveals the fact that the person behind Jayalalithas initial success was MGR and not
her own charismatic appeal. Nevertheless, Jayalalitha emerges as a phenomenon in
Tamilnadu politics. This study is an attempt to evaluate and understand the construction
of Jayalalitha as a phenomenon.
Before one traces of how Jayalalitha could be called a phenomenon, it is necessary to
unlock the dynamics of the term phenomenon to understand why it is important in the
construction of Jayalalitha as a political figure. In general, the term phenomenon
denotes the object of the senses rather than the intellect, the meaning drawn from its
original usage in Greek, phainesthai11 (meaning to seem or to appear). However, the
importance attached to the use of the term differs in recent times. Even the usage of the
term phenomenon in the traditional philosophical parlance as any object, fact, or

occurrence perceived or observed,12 might not produce the kind of impact that goes with
todays application. Since phenomenon has undergone too many changes in the
philosophical and sociological discourses, it is worthy to note that the term
phenomenon itself produces an effect of crucial importance in modern parlance. For
example, in current usage, though the word phenomenal may describe "an extraordinary
or remarkable person, in a more definite sense, it is applied to define an "outstanding,
remarkable,

exceptional,

extraordinary,

unusual,

freakish,

rare,

uncommon,

unprecedented, unparalleled, unreliable, marvelous, astounding, stunning;13 something of

a prodigy.14 Thus, a leader who possesses the above-said qualities becomes naturally a
phenomenon. Jayalalitha, by negotiating platforms seldom mediated by any other
politician in Tamilnadu, by her outstanding, unprecedented, unparalleled political
behavior is a phenomenon, which the following discussions attempt to unravel.
In fact, Jayalalithas mediation of political power is a contrast to the mediation of power
by any other women leaders of Asia. If one traces the histories of Asia, it could be
observed that very few women leaders have emerged as political heads, the most
prominent of them being Indira Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto, the former Prime Ministers
of India and Pakistan respectively. Both of them are widely accepted as charismatic
women leaders. Jayalalitha, in her popularity as a successful woman leader in a maledominated society, in gaining an image that superseded her partys collective image and
in emerging as a leader who had political exposure even before she became the head of a
state, shares a common quality with these two powerful women. However, one could not
deny the fact that she differs from them in the manner in which she mediated the political
structure. Hailing from political families, for both Ms. Gandhi and Ms. Bhutto entering

the political arena was somewhat a predetermined affair. A prominent political thinker,
Genovese, argues that political inheritance is a primary general attribute utilized by
women leaders to acquire power (Women as National Leaders, 1993). In the context of
Asian political platforms, in particular, Genoveses observations seems very true as the
acquirement of political leadership becomes a preconceived process for the women of
Asia, who often inherit power from a political father or a husband. For instance, such
leaders as Khaleda Zia of Bangladesh and Sirimao Bandaranaike of Sri Lanka inherited
political power as their husbands successors and Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia
inherited power as her fathers successor. Similarly, both Ms. Gandhi and Ms. Bhutto
belong to a politically affluent stratum in their society. Both of them come from old
wealth or the traditional elite, which Robert Dahl terms as a patrician (Who Governs,
1961) form of leadership acquirement. This category of patricians suggests not only a
wealthy socio-economic background but also a family-based political empire. For both
Ms. Gandhi and Ms. Bhutto, the influence of their political fathers15 helped, to a larger
extent, in the success of their retaining power. However, for such an actress as
Jayalalitha, who also happens to be the daughter of an ill-reputed regional actress,
Sandhya,16 accessing political leadership is a far-fetched process in a parochial,
patriarchal Tamil society. In addition, since the Tamil psyche rejects an actress as one
who is willing to sell her body, it is notable that only through her ambitious,
determined actions was Jayalalitha able to achieve a significant place in the political
realm.
But what makes Jayalalitha a phenomenon is her powerful modulation of her star value
in marking a separate chapter in the politics of Tamilnadu in a very short time. In her rule,

one could note that politics is often converted to a cinematic stage where she enacts roles
that can at best be classified as fictional. The ostentatious performance of her adopted
sons wedding ceremony, the manner in which she conducts the weddings for the poor,
the pompous organization of party functions, her elaborate visits to the temples and
religious events, the manner in which her governments populist political policies are
announced17 -- all provide the impression that, for Jayalalitha, politics is a forum where
histrionic roles can be deployed as tools to acquire and retain political power. One may, in
particular, observe how Jayalalitha, in her later-day politics, has effectively deployed her
dramatic skills to niche a space unattained even by MGR. With the rise of the Jayalalitha
phenomenon, it is crucial to note that the legendary star-turned-politician, MGR, the most
important mass-puller of the 1950s and after, with a fame stretching beyond his physical
death, was subsumed in Tamil politics. One can take the aspect of darsana (literally
meaning seeing) to grasp how Jayalalithas politics has surpassed the politics of MGR.
In general, the kind of look that is embodied in Tamil cinema is largely drawn from the
institutionalized structure of spectation that the religious discourses contain, as Eck
suggests: Darshan [darsana] is not simply a passive act of seeing; it encompasses an
interaction, a relationship, a profound engagement with the sacred. It entails both seeing
and being held by the deity (Darsan, 1985). In MGR, the star, darsana emanated similar
feelings. The model of cinema-as-myth that worked as an enchanting network between
MGR and his spectators, who mostly belong to the class of proletarians, involved a
darsanic gaze. MGR, the proletarian hero in films was transformed into a god-figure
whose very look from the screen makes his admirers have a darsanic gaze. Similarly, in

the political platform occupied by MGR that abounds with his film images, the darsana
continues.
In the figure of Jayalalitha, the star, however, there is a marked lack of the darsana that
MGR films created for MGR. Or rather, the darsanic gaze of the spectator (with
particular emphasis on the male spectator) was tuned more towards Jayalalitha, the
glamorous actress. Even after her entry into politics, the look that was administered
towards Jayalalitha had been one that corresponded to the look that was directed
towards her predominantly sexy image in cinema and, as noted earlier, in the image as
MGRs paramour. But, significantly, Jayalalitha was able to discard the prejudice of her
glamorous image and construct a specific darsanic pattern (the one that particularly
emphasizes a master-serf relationship between her and the people, a complex,
unparalleled status achieved by Jayalalitha) around her. To clarify this better, it is
necessary to understand how she forged a relationship with the electorate after she faced
defeat in the 1996 Assembly elections on the grounds of corruptive governance. Though
the debacles in elections have been a common feature in Tamilnadu politics, it is crucial
to note that the leaders campaigning for themselves and their political parties have never
attempted to confront the people directly, even after their parties were routed in the polls.
However, Jayalalitha could be mentioned as the only political leader who refused to
provide darsana to her voters on the charges that they had voted her out of power in the
earlier 1996 Assembly elections.18 An unknown happening in Tamilnadu politics, or even
in Indian politics, this behavior of Jayalalitha gives one the impression that the darsana
acquired by her is far different from the ones that are acquired by her predecessors and
counterparts in politics.

The understanding of Jayalalitha as a phenomenon is based on various reasons. On almost

all fronts, whether political, social, economical or cultural, Jayalalithas rule has brought
in situations that have never arisen before. For instance, her very first rule between 1991
and 1996 had been popularly termed as one of the most corrupt political rules in the
history of India. For the first time, a bare minimum of five years of political rule in the
state (a single term) brought into question the credibility of parliamentary democracy in
the country. In addition, for the first time in Indian history, a Chief Minister of a state was
implicated for nearly fifty charges of corruption19 and announced as a political criminal by
the Courts.20 Her rule also produced non-accountability on the part of the electoral
process and allowed rampant misuse of state machinery and properties more than ever
before. Her rule was also charged of eloquently patronizing the politicians and the
bureaucrats mediation of illegal power-holdings in the state. On the social front, caste
consolidations were more pronounced during her term in office than in any other rule in
Tamilnadu. There were evident growing disparities between the dominating upper castes
and the other suppressed communities on one hand, and increasing instances of disparities
between the backward and the most secluded lower castes on the other. At the cultural
level, the Dravidian nationalism and the Tamil nationalism, which had claimed
sovereignty for the Tamil people during the twentieth century was brought to a standstill
in her political reign. Despite the fact that both these nationalisms were already on the
verge of extinction by the previous governments handling of political power, it could be
said that Jayalalithas government had contributed a lot in making the movement take an
irrevocable path. As a result, the religious revivalism that had taken an upward turn in this
political phase led to shallow standards of moral values in the political forum. On the

economic front, there was a large-scale destabilization of the workforce in the urban areas
and the desertion of the farmers and the laborers privileges and rights in the rural areas,
leading to an economic stagnation in the state. Almost all sections of people, fishermen,
farmers, laborers, students and government employees were taken to task in her
governance. As a result of the imbalance created in both the rural and urban population,
there had been increasing rates of suicides and poverty deaths, a condition that had no
precedent in Tamilnadus history.21 Finally, by enforcing all these disparities and
desertion of values, her government had profited the rich and forced the poor to become
even poorer. In spite of these difficulties that emerged prominently during her first rule,
the Jayalalitha phenomenon fails to be swept away in Tamilnadu politics. So, what is this
Jayalalitha phenomenon to the people of Tamilnadu and what prompts the existence
and the continuation of this cycle of politics in the state? These are the questions that have
prompted this study.
The study is divided into five chapters. The first chapter will discuss in detail the
historical background of the Tamilnadu political system and Jayalalithas placement
within it. The second chapter will discuss in detail the evolution of cinema in Tamilnadu
and its role in the modulation of common sense. This chapter will also focus on the
placement of Jayalalitha in cinema. In chapter three, the role played by Jayalalitha in
assimilating various forms of gender archetypes found embedded in the Tamil collective
psyche will be discussed. It will be also seen of how those assimilations of gender
components have given certain notoriety to Jayalalithas establishment of power politics.
The sympathy factor that played a very crucial role in her politics, since it was made to
sound as though Jayalalitha was disqualified on the grounds of her gender,22 will form the

10

crux of the discussions in this chapter. The fourth and the fifth chapters will examine how
Jayalalitha powerfully mediates race and caste, the twin aspects of Indian society, on her
path towards achieving power. To understand how race and caste are conceived for this
study, it is necessary here to briefly trace its genesis. Historically, it is claimed that the
Aryans began migrating towards India roughly around 1500 -- 100 BC. Though the
migration had taken place in different phases, the influence of the Aryans way of life,
through religion (Hinduism), caste and language (Sanskrit), over the ethnic Dravidians
society slowly led to the monopolization of the Aryans over the Dravidians. The social
system of caste, established through Hindu religion and disseminated through Sanskrit,
ingrained a hierarchical system in which the Brahmins (considered as the Aryan invaders)
held the highest position and the non-Brahmins (Dravidians) occupied a low status in the
Indian society. The caste system was devised on the status acquired by the individuals
through their birth. Though there were also segregations among the non-Brahmins, with
some occupying a privileged birth status and the rest occupying a nearly negligent status,
it is generally assumed that the non-Brahmins are inferior to the Brahmins. Since both
race and caste continue to play a role in the shaping of the contemporary Indian societies,
in which Jayalalitha occupies a dominant position, the influence of these two power
structures will be elaborately traced in the fourth and the fifth chapters. In particular, the
caste and the racial perceptions on womanhood will be highlighted to understand how
Jayalalitha has situated herself within it to emerge as a remarkable political
phenomenon. On the basis of these five chapters, in the Conclusion, an attempt will be
made to assess the success and the limitations of the Jayalalitha phenomenon in the
politics of Tamilnadu.

11

Finally, a brief note on the kind of materials used for this study. In addition to the
academic book sources that are utilized, sources such as newspapers and journals in both
English and Tamil, websites, government census reports and inexpensive biographic
booklets are also extensively used in this study. The necessity to cite the non-academic
sources emerges from the point that the study is of a most recent nature and the use of
academic sources alone could lead to inadequacy in the treatment of the subject. Though
non-academic materials such as newspapers, journals and biographic booklets could not
be treated as authentic sources, still their usefulness in drawing attention to the
contemporary discussions, which this study is mostly involved with, has allowed the wide
use of such sources.

Notes
1

The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Micropaedia,Vol. III, Ed. XV, 1994.

Max Weber, Economy and Society -- An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, Ed. Johannes Winckelmann

(New York: Bedminster Press, 1968).

3

Benjamin Zablocki, Alienation and Charisma: A Study of Contemporary American Communes (New

York: The Free Press, 1980).

4

Though India is a conglomerate of twenty nine states, with states falling on the central, southern and

northern parts of the country, it is widely believed that there is a clear distinction, culturally, socially and
politically between the states that fall within the south -- Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala -and the rest of India. In this study, the south-north divide will be placed as one important criterion to assess
the Tamil psyche, and the role it played in the creation of the Jayalalitha phenomenon.
5

N. T. Ramarao was one of the leading actors of Telegu cinema whose successful political career as the

Chief Minister of the state was strongly associated with the roles that he performed in films. For instance,

12

his popular image as Lord Krishna was effectively employed by him to wrench power from the national
political party, the Indian National Congress (INC) in Andhra Pradesh. It is noticeable that Andhra Pradesh
is the only southern state, other than Tamilnadu, to have a regional party (NTRs Telegu Desam Party) hold
a dominant position in state politics.
6

MGR had occupied the post of Chief Minister consecutively for a period of eleven years (1977 -- 1980;

1980 -- 1984; 1985 -- 1987). Only his death in the year 1987 brought to an end the era of MGR rule in
Tamilnadu, a landmark in the states history. Even Karunanidhi, his political opponent and a veteran in
Tamil politics, who had held power before MGR, was able to complete a full term of five years (1996 -2001) only after MGR died.
7

Such actors as Amitabh Bachchan and Shatrugan Sinha, who dominated the screen by their captivating

film roles, were not successful in their political careers. Even though both were involved with their
respective political parties, the INC and the Bharatiya Janata Party (popularly addressed as BJP), to woe
voters, and consequently held parliamentary posts, it is noticeable that they failed to transfer their film
aura to politics as the southern actors had done.
8

Where C. N. Annadurai who ruled between 1967 and 1969 and M. Karunanidhi who was the Chief

Minister of Tamilnadu between 1969 and 1971; 1971 and 1976; 1989 and 1991; 1996 and 2001 are wellknown script writers and directors of Tamil cinema, M. G. Ramachandran and his wife, Janaki
Ramachandran (Chief Minister for only thirty three days) were popular actors of their times. Jayalalitha
Jayaram (1991 -- 96; 2001 -- ;), the most recent Chief Minister of Tamilnadu, also hails from the film
industry. Interestingly, in Annadurais ten-member cabinet, nine ministers were from the film industry.
9

The regional political party, the DMK, founded by C. N. Annadurai and subsequently after his death in

the year 1967, spearhead by M. Karunanidhi, remains a dominant force in propagating Tamil patriotic
sentiments. In fact, it achieved power capitalizing on the factor of regaining Tamil sovereignty and dignity
for the Tamil people from what it called the influence of not only the north but also the other southern
states. Its capture of power is seen as an important transformation in the political space of Tamilnadu.
10

Jayalalitha was the only heroine of MGR to have co-starred with him in maximum number of films

(twenty eight Tamil films). It is notable that even MGRs most popular co-star, Saroja Devi, whose film
career spanned for more than two successful decades, had acted with him in only twenty six films.

13

11

The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Micropaedia, Vol. IX, Ed. XV, 1994.

12

Ibid.

13

Lawrence Urdang, The Oxford Thesaurus, Ed. II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997).

14

Webster Third New International Dictionary, Vol. II (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc, 1986).

15

Indira Gandhi's father, Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of the post-colonial Independent

India and Benazir Bhutto's father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was one of the popular Prime Ministers of Pakistan.
The daughters shared many of the political experiences with their fathers even before they acquired
leadership.
16

Jayalalitha's mother Sandhya, an actress by profession, had a great influence in shaping Jayalalitha's

career as a film artiste. From a humble family background, Sandhya (whose sister Vidyavathi also
happened to be an actress) entered into the film industry in her late thirties and starred with most of the
popular actors of her times.
17

After Jayalalitha took over power for the first time in the year 1991, the nuptial ceremony of her adopted

son, Sudhakaran, brought into limelight the extravagant accumulation of wealth and the misuse of
government machinery for personal reasons. It was roughly estimated that fifty nine million and five
hundred thousand Indian rupees were spent for the wedding. Unlike her predecessors and counterparts,
whose governments are known to perform marriages for the poor in low-key, Jayalalithas participation in
such weddings is generally marked with spectacular displays of wealth and publicity. See 1053
Jodigalakku Inru Thirumanam [Marriage Today for 1053 Couples], Dinamani, 18 June 2003.
18

During the 1997 Parliamentary election campaigns, Jayalalitha refused to see the people (provide

darsana) belonging to the Bargur constituency on the grounds that they voted against her during the earlier
Assembly elections of 1996.
19

Between 1991 and 1996, Jayalalitha was accused of amassing wealth to the tune of Indian rupees sixty

six million despite claiming to have drawn a salary of only one Indian rupee per month. It is estimated that
the gold jewelry amounting to Indian rupees of nine million and one hundred thousand, diamond jewelry to
an estimate of Indian rupees of twenty four million and three hundred thousand were seized from her Poes
Garden bungalow in the states capital, Chennai, after her government fell from power in the year 1996.
20

For instance, see Jaya held guilty, party goons go berserk, The Indian Express, 3 Feb 2000

14

21

In the rural areas, the farmers, the weavers and the fishermen were the most affected during her rule that

began in the year 2001 since the already existing benefits given to these sections of people by the previous
governments, were suddenly terminated. For instance, free power supplies that provided sustenance to
many small and marginal farmers were withdrawn creating problems in the cultivation procedures.
Similarly, the benefits that were provided earlier to the weavers and the fishermen were scrapped during
her rule. Such curtailment of benefits led to an increase in suicides among the weavers, the farmers and the
fishermen in the state. The urban sector was also affected during Jayalalithas rule. For example, in the year
2003, one hundred and seventy five thousand Tamilnadu government employees were dismissed en masse
from service on the grounds that they had participated in the strike organized to protest against the
curtailment of benefits provided to them by the earlier governments. At another instance, when the medical
college students along with the government doctors protested against Jayalalithas order to privatize
medical colleges, which the students argued would degenerate their profession (the strike resulted in a
temporary stand-off in the health service), no steps on the part of the government were taken to deal with
the issue amicably. All these, among others, led to a severe economic setback for the state during her rule.
22

Jayalalitha was prevented from filing nominations in four of the Assembly seats on the ground that

corruption charges against her are still pending in the Courts. However, Jayalalitha counter-charged that her
political opponent, Karunanidhi, purposefully maligned her credibility to prevent her from contesting in the
elections as he saw her leadership a threat. The incident created public sympathy towards Jayalalitha
because it was seen as an act of intentional victimization of a woman. See N. Ram, Politics after
Disqualification, Frontline, Vol. 18, Issue 10, 12 -- 25 May 2001; S. Vijay Kumar, Injustice done to me,
says Jayalalitha, The Hindu, 27 Apr 2001.

15

Historical Background Of Tamilnadu Politics And Jayalalithas

Placement In The Political Space
Political History of Tamilnadu
From the very beginning of the 1920s, the idea of being a Dravidian played a
significant role in the political phase of Tamilnadu. Historically, since Dravidian had
stood for an ethnically conscious group of people, whose culture, social values, language
and customs gave an unique identity to their being, its emergence in the 1920s as an
effective political tool, employed to re-establish the sovereignty of the Dravidian people,
marks a crucial phase in Tamilnadu politics. A number of reasons can be cited to explain
the emergence of Dravidian as an important principle. First, it was highly felt that the
Dravidian people have lost their fundamental rights to live with dignity in their own land
as a result of the Brahmins monopolization over the social, cultural, economic and
political milieus. In particular, it was reflected that, with the advent of Brahmins in
occupations that were closely connected with the colonial administration of the British,1
the Dravidian people had lost their chances of gaining administrative positions.
Education, which had been long denied to the Dravidians after the Brahmins
monopolized it, can also be seen as a principle driving force for the re-establishment of
the concept of Dravidian consciousness in the political space of Tamilnadu.2 As a
revolt against such Brahmin hegemony, two nationalisms unique to Tamil society
emerged in this political phase, the Dravidian and the Tamil nationalism. Even though
both these movements pursued related goals, they varied slightly in their
pronouncements. For instance, the Dravidian nationalism stood for regaining sovereignty
of the people belonging to the Dravidian south, who had, it was believed, lost their

16

glorious past due to the imposition of Brahmin power. The Tamil nationalism, on the
other hand, stood for regaining the pride and dignity of the Tamil people in particular, to
preserve their language (Tamil), to conserve their heterogeneous culture and the social
structure that lacks the hierarchical differentiation marked by birth status. Thus, the
nationalist movement, the Dravidian, which evolved in the beginning, and the Tamil
nationalism that emerged at a later phase with more or less similar political traits, worked
to construct and uphold the right to self-determination of the Dravidians, and
subsequently, that of the Tamilians. In order to grasp the crucial phase that these
nationalisms underwent in becoming a symbolic platform for re-building an ethnic
conscious society, it is necessary to trace the genesis of these movements. Despite their
slightly varying political identities, one needs to understand that it is very difficult to
separate the evolution of both the movements.
Broadly speaking, in its nascent form, the Dravidian nationalism, the forerunner of the
Tamil nationalism can be traced to the formation of the South Indian Liberal
Federation, commonly called as Needhi Katchi [Justice Party], in the year 1916. The
Needhi Katchi (NK), which ruled the Madras Presidency between 1920 and 1936, was
identified as the forerunner of all the political parties that worked to de-stabilize the
Brahminical supremacy in the socio-political spaces, and in creating a political
atmosphere that allows the non-Brahmins to equally participate in spheres dominated by
the Brahmins, until then. It is also of importance to note that this political phase, when
the NK played a dominant role in steering the non-Brahmin revolt, was the phase when
the concept of regaining Dravidian consciousness took a definite shape in the modern
political parlance.

17

A strong foundation to a Dravidian conscious era, however, was laid only after E. V.
Ramasamy (EVR), fondly called Periyar [Elderly Man], founded the Self-Respect
movement (SRM) in the year 1925. Despite the fact that EVR began his political career
as a member of the Indian Congress (IC),3 his Self-Respect Movement, with its radical
and militant non-Brahminical ideas provided a strong impetus in shaping the Dravidian
movement. The SRM opposed the faith in religion, the practice of caste and the worship
of god in total. The party claimed that the abolishment of all these facets that constituted
a Brahminical society would effectively help in regaining the Dravidian self-respect that
was lost during the earlier decades. Therefore, along with countering Brahminism
(Aryanism), the party was also determined to uphold the Dravidians right to selfdetermination. The SRM also strongly voiced its displeasure in the manner in which such
political parties as the NK attempted to uproot the Brahminical hegemony. It began
instilling ideas that, to a larger extent, questioned the basis on which the NK constructed
ideas on non-Brahminism. It is significant to note that the NK was known to have
harnessed a certain opinion on how the power-transference from the Brahmin to the nonBrahmin, or the process of vying with Brahmin power had to be approached. For
instance, the partys ideals were channeled towards the empowerment of the upper caste
non-Brahmins (inferior to the Brahmins but superior among the non-Brahmins in the
caste hierarchy), instead of embracing the whole non-Brahmin community, which, in
general, provided an impression that the NKs interests lay in the sustenance of power to
a few non-Brahmin castes. This increasing inclusion of upper caste non-Brahmins into
the partys fold and the general exclusion of members belonging to the inferior castes
also strengthened the opinion that though the NK was against the Brahmins claim of

18

superiority, it wished to retain and follow the caste system that the Brahmins had devised.
EVR and his SRM rebelled against this ambiguous attitude of the NK in its caste policies.
In 1944, when EVR took over the leadership of the NK, he renamed the party as the
Dravida Kazhagam [Dravidian Party], popularly addressed as the DK, which he claimed
would work towards empowering all the Dravidians who are marginalized under the
guise of the Hindu social order.
EVR, it must be pointed out here, was the first prominent leader of south India, who saw
the Brahmins and the other socially affluent castes domination as equally harmful, and
concentrated more on the uplifting of the socially backward and suppressed castes. He
even voiced his protests against India gaining independence from the British in 1947 as
he felt that the caste elites are more harmful than the colonial elites. He further argued
that the caste system should be completely abolished before India gets freedom from its
colonial rulers.4 Thus, the DK, under the leadership of EVR, attempted, not only to
secure political justice but also to achieve major structural changes in the south Indian
society. In the year 1949, on charges that EVR boycotted elections (he considered
contesting in the electoral process an anathema until social reconstruction was achieved)
and was critical on Indias Independence, the members of the DK, spearheaded by
Annadurai, resigned from the party and floated their own political organ, the DMK.
However, in spite of the role played by the DMK in shaping the cultural identity of the
Tamilians, which will be discussed further, it wouldnt be an exaggeration to state that a
major contribution in whipping up Tamil consciousness goes to EVR and his political
organ, the DK.

19

The DMK, under the leadership of Annadurai and subsequently, after his death in the
year 1969, under Karunanidhi, began to usher in an era of Tamil nationalism. The Tamil
nationalism, in the hands of the DMK, underwent interesting dimensions. For instance,
language became a major issue in propelling Tamil unity in Tamilnadu after the DMK
began to actively participate in politics. The DMK focused on the preservation of Tamil
language against what it called the influence of other languages, and claimed that the
dignity and the sovereignty of the Tamil people could be achieved only when their
language get the due recognition. The argument gained more credence when the political
party, IC, at the center, brought in a resolution to make Hindi (a language that has many
borrowings from Sanskrit), an official language of India.5 Other than the language
question, the DMK also took up issues that centered on establishing the Tamilians as a
superior race. It attempted to regenerate ideas that surround the cultural uniqueness of the
Tamil society by constantly recalling the glory of the Tamil past.6
In spite of both the DK and the DMK claiming to possess more or less an identical
ideology, one may note sharp differences in the shaping of the DMK, especially when it
captured power. The DMK slowly deserted its earlier call for a separate Dravida Naadu
and opted to contend with the demand for state autonomy. It also began to modify its
earlier militant anti-Brahministic views as well as its radical atheistic ideologies that it
had inherited from the DK. In spite of these dilutions, because of its political success in
instilling the Dravidian-Tamilian consciousness among the Tamil race, the DMK era is
popularly seen as an era of Tamil renaissance.

20

In the year 1972, MGR, a popular film star and a member of the DMK, claimed the
prevalence of widespread corruption in the party and established his own political organ,
Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (ADMK), later on renamed as All India Anna
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).7 Though the watered-down version of the
DMKs ideology was initially accepted as the party's manifesto, the AIADMK, in phases,
started evolving as a party having its own political vision. For instance, to combat the
vigorous propagation of the DMKs Tamil nationalistic sentiments, which, as discussed
earlier, gave a unique lift to Tamilianness (that MGR could negotiate only through his
constructed film images, since he was a non-Tamilian by birth8), the AIADMK began to
move towards the older notion of Dravidian nationalism, of course in a diluted form.
Besides, the party ignored the DMK's demand for state autonomy and voiced its
preference for stronger center-state ties. However, the party repeatedly stressed the need
for provision of more powers to the states, especially for Tamilnadu, an aspect that often
influenced the center, may be, due to the immense popularity that MGR enjoyed among
the masses.

MGRs death in the year 1987 and the subsequent takeover of the party reins by
Jayalalitha marked a new phase, not only within the AIADMK, but also in the partys
stand in regard to the center-state relations. It is worthwhile, here, to note the endeavor of
Jayalalitha in the year 1998 in pressurizing the then ruling BJP at the center to heed her
request to dismiss the then ruling party, the DMK, in Tamilnadu. When her attempts
failed to influence the BJPs decision with which the AIADMK had political alliance,
Jayalalitha withdrew her agreed support to the Central government. Unable to prove its

21

majority in the Parliament, the BJP government, that sustained power through the support
given by regional political parties like the AIADMK, fell from power. Considered
unprecedented in the states political history, Jayalalithas attempt to influence the central
leadership (despite constant squabbles between the central and the state governments,
neither the popular political party, the DMK, nor the popular charismatic leader, MGR,
challenged the central authority to the extent that she did) utilizing state autonomy, was
seen as an important event in her evolution as the state head. The following discussions
will be an attempt to understand how Jayalalitha was able to carve a unique place in
Tamilnadus political history setting precedents on her way to acquire political power.
Placement of Jayalalitha in Politics
Jayalalitha's entry into politics began in the year 1982 when she was inducted as a
member of the AlADMK under the leadership of MGR. Her very rise from an ordinary
member of the party to that of a Propaganda Secretary (PR) of the AIADMK in the year
1983, and in the following year, as the Member of Parliament (MP) in the Rajya Sabha,
signifies important dimensions in her political career. Though it could be stated that her
closer association with MGR in films and personal life helped her acquire these two key
posts,9 one may be led to believe that Jayalalithas success in retaining both the positions
signifies a vital behavior, obvious not only in the manner in which she consolidated
power in the 1990s, but also on other critical situations. Her utility of her position as the
PR of the party to construct a familiarity among MGRs masses that she effectively
applied while facing a party crisis and on the eve of elections can be seen as instances
that marks her unique political behavior.

22

Jayalalithas political career took a definite shape in the year 1986 when, with her
instigation, a parallel outfit called the Jayalalitha Peravai [Conference] was formed.10
Though her action resulted in MGRs provocation leading to the deprivation of her PR
post, this particular behavior of Jayalalitha in creating a dominant space for herself,
happened to be a trendsetter in the AIADMK politics, for it is notable that her role in
forming a Peravai in her name was the only occasion when a leader stole the limelight
while MGR was alive. On another occasion, in the year 1987, utilizing her position as an
MP (that allowed her to establish a healthy rapport with the Central government at that
time), when she persuaded the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi and the then Governor
of Tamilnadu, S. L. Khurana to oust the then Chief Minister, MGR and to appoint her as
the deputy Chief Minister of the state,11 it again set a precedent in the AIADMK. Besides,
when thirty three Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) owing allegiance to
Jayalalitha approached Rajiv Gandhi and asked him to prevail upon MGR to stall his
attempt to expel Jayalalitha from the party, 12 it created a unique situation in the partys
history, for not many times has MGR been known to yield to pressures emanating within
and outside his party. However, if one sees these incidents as a prelude to her later-day
political maneuver of ousting the BJP at the Center, which had been briefly noted earlier,
it becomes obvious that she had unhesitatingly challenged the leadership, even during the
rudimentary stages of her political career. Therefore, perceiving her pressure tactics in
politics from the year 1984 until 1987, one can note that the years in MGR's ministry and
her political gains against MGR had helped Jayalalitha lay a strong foundation for not
only her dramatic seizure of power within the AIADMK but also in the 1991 and 2001
Assembly polls.

23

The 1989 Assembly election, though lost by the AIADMK, was a turning point in
Jayalalithas political career. It is notable that after the death of MGR, the AIADMK
functioned as split factions, one headed by Janaki, wife of MGR, and the other by
Jayalalitha. In spite of the stiff resistance by Janaki who aspired for the party leadership
and even contested in the 1989 elections (the Jayalalitha-led AIADMK won twenty nine
out of two hundred and three contested seats, whereas, the Janaki-led AIADMK was able
to secure only one out of one hundred and seventy seven contested seats),13 Jayalalitha
was able to make a profound impact on a segment of the AIADMK members. It may be
said that it was the impact of consolidating the support of members of the AIADMK in an
independent manner, unlike Janaki, whose support stemmed from MGRs bereaved
wife status, that ultimately helped Jayalalitha being chosen as the leader of the unified
AIADMK, after the elections. Even her failure in this election, one may recognize, stems
from certain complex situations. For instance, as a split faction, Jayalalithas party, like
Janakis, was not able to secure the consolidated votes of MGRs party, especially the
sympathy votes in the aftermath of MGRs death. Another reason was the Election
Commissions rejection of allotment of the Two leaves symbol14 of MGRs party to
either of the AIADMK factions. Since the psyche of the AIADMK's electorate always
associates MGR and his party with the Two Leaves, the change of the party symbol in
this 1989 election placed MGRs masses in a difficult position to vote. Though these
reasons could be attributed for the failure of both the Jayalalithas and Janakis factions in
this election, the manner in which Jayalalitha consolidated her position among the
AIADMK electorate after the polls showed that Jayalalithas power display was more farreaching than Janakis.

24

Between the year 1989 and the year 1991, many changes took place within the party
circles, which culminated in the rise of the AIADMK as a powerful political party,
similar to the one headed by MGR. On the one hand, both factions merged and the party
was strengthened under the leadership of Jayalalitha. On the other hand, in the year 1991,
the party forged an electoral alliance with a major political party, the Indian National
Congress, addressed as the INC (in the year 1971, the IC split and the party led by Indira
Gandhi was recognized as the INC) led by Rajiv Gandhi and contested in both the 1991
Assembly and Parliamentary elections. The 1991 elections was again a turning point in
Jayalalithas political career since her faction, by securing one hundred and sixty four out
of one hundred and sixty seven assembly seats (vote share of 44.39%),15 won the
elections with a thumping majority and Jayalalitha became the Chief minister of
Tamilnadu. In addition to the slandered image of the then ruling DMK, sympathy votes
gained by the INC in the aftermath of their leaders death and the successful merging of
the AIADMKs factions contributing to the success of the AIADMK, one major factor
seemed to have emerged during this election -- Jayalalithas evolvement as a political
leader signaling the success of her political party.

Jayalalitha continued to prevail as the Chief minister of Tamilnadu for a full five-year
term between 1991 and 1996. Her party claimed an identical political ideology and
professed to pursue the policies of MGR's AIADMK, including moderate Dravidian
nationalism. However, as discussed earlier, contrary to MGRs policy, and subsequent to
Jayalalitha's claim for stronger center-state ties,16 state autonomy in fragments began to
emerge as the key factor, among others, during her rule.

25

Amid widespread allegations of corruption and mismanagement of the states resources,

Jayalalitha and her party failed to return to power during the 1996 Assembly elections.
The most damaging aspect for the AIADMK in this election was that it came under the
limelight as the only political party that faced a landslide defeat in Tamilnadu, securing
only four out of a hundred and sixty three Assembly seats with a vote share of a meager
21.48%.17 A major setback for Jayalalitha during this election was that she happened to
be one among those candidates who lost their electoral deposits (a candidate is supposed
to secure a minimum number of votes to his/her advantage in order to secure a deposit in
a constituency), an aspect unknown in the histories of other such popular leaders as MGR
and Karunanidhi. However, the success of the AIADMK and its new political ally, the
BJP in the 1997 Parliamentary elections created an impression that Jayalalitha was again
coming to the forefront of Tamilnadu politics. Here, it is of interest to note that the
Tamilnadus elections had already shown that, in a predetermined manner of voting, the
electorate had always opted for the party that was not in power (the only exception being
MGRs government, which was elected in three subsequent elections). Though this could
be mentioned as a factor that contributed to Jayalalithas success in securing a
considerable number of votes to her advantage, one other aspect emerged predominantly
in this 1997 election -- that the staunch supporters of the AIADMK were not convinced
enough to vote against her. This could be one of the major reasons why the DMK was not
able to secure an astounding victory in the 2001 Assembly elections as it had secured in
the 1996 elections, utilizing the alleged corruption of Jayalalithas party as an electoral
plank.

26

The best illustration to denote the success of the Jayalalitha phenomenon at different
phases of history was the re-emergence of Jayalalitha as an undisputed political leader in
the elections of 2001. The AIADMK, with the support of its allies, by winning one
hundred and ninety six out of two hundred and thirty four Assembly seats (regaining
most of the constituencies that were lost by the party during the 1996 Assembly
elections) became one of the political parties that could re-establish itself as an
indomitable force in Tamilnadu politics. As seen earlier, though corruption of her earlier
governance shadowed her political capacity to rule and there were such other reasons as
her partys alliance with the prominent political parties which could make an electoral
impact on their own,19 the success of Jayalalithas political party in winning considerable
votes to its advantage in the 2001 Assembly elections marked a new phase in
Tamilnadus political history. Crucially, the AIADMK, other than winning the
constituencies that were lost in the 1996 elections, also won those that had traditionally
been the DMKs successful poll platforms in this election.20 Moreover, it is significant
that the AIADMK won on the electoral platform with political parties that claim a secular
front,21 in spite of it having a reputation of allying for the first time in the states history
with a fundamental Hindu political party, the BJP, in the 1997 Parliamentary elections.
Hence, from all these trends, one can see that, to a larger extent, constructed myths,
especially those achieved through films, play a definite role in deciding the leaders of
Tamilnadu. To assess how the film medium attributed to the success of leaders in Tamil
politics, it becomes necessary at this stage to trace out the history of the film industry,
and thereby, perceive the evolution of political personalities from films. The following

27

chapter will analyze the importance of the Tamil film industry in the shaping of political
platforms in Tamilnadu and the image acquired by Jayalalitha as a popular film actress.

Notes
1

The Brahmins, though reluctant to leave their traditional profession of priesthood, which always kept

them in a superior position, even higher than the kings in the caste hierarchy, began to occupy the
administrative jobs when the British colonized India. In this way, despite losing their sanctified power
status acknowledged by the Hindu scriptures, the Brahmins were able to be in closer contact with the
British rulers, which helped them to influence the political and social policies of the country.
2

The Census report of 1911 proves that, during the British rule, more than 35.5 per cent of students were

Brahmins (who only comprised 3.0 per cent of the total Madras population). Similarly, in the year 1921,
when the percentage of Brahmins was only 3.5 per cent, the literates among them were 39.5 per cent. Again
in the year 1931, even when the total percentage of Brahmins was only 2.0, the number of Brahmin
graduates, were 31.0 per cent. See, Census of India, Vol. XII, Part II, Madras, 1911; Census of India, Vol.
XIII, Part II, Madras, 1921; Census of India, Vol. XIV, Part II, Madras, 1931.
3

EVR, in his initial political career as a Congressman, between the year 1920 and 1927, viewed the

policies of the party, such as the policy of Non-cooperation with the British rulers, the practice of Khadhi
as a revolt against foreign goods, the questioning of the practice of Untouchability among fellow human
beings etc, as vital steps that could inculcate social equality in India. However, disturbed by the lack of
commitment among the Congress leaders towards the partys proclaimed ideals, especially with regard to
Untouchability, which, he was dismayed to note was practiced even among the Congress members, he left
the party and began to vehemently criticize the Congress policies through the weekly magazine that he
owned, Kudi Arasu.
4

EVR strongly felt that the caste system that had designated positions to the Hindu practitioners on the

basis of their birth status, which deeply harms the social fabric of the Indian society, will soon re-emerge as
a dominant ideology when the British leaves India. Though he had voiced his protests against the British

28

rule and its repressive policies, he believed that, to a larger extent, colonial rule had weakened the caste
rulers and their oppressive sway over the lower caste men.
5

The Central governments compulsory imposition of Hindi from 26 January 1965 onwards as the official

language of India triggered protests all over Tamilnadu, predominantly organized by the political party, the
DMK. Steered by the DKs ideological influence, the DMK had all along agitated Hindi imposition.
Annadurais speech at a public meeting in April 1963 at Chennai Marina to oppose the imposition of Hindi
on Tamilians is seen as a landmark speech, which gave a unique lift to the DMKs mass campaigns on the
language issue. See, Manohara Shanmugam, Dalitsan, Vol. 2, Issue 1, Feb 2000.
6

The DMK, as a political organ, functioned in two important ways to instill ethnic consciousness among

the Tamilians. On one hand, it brought in political policies that recognized the importance of preserving
Tamil peoples cultural ideas and values. On the other hand, the party concentrated on building symbolic
structures to inculcate pride among Tamilians. For example, the party built the famous Kannagi (a woman
character from the epic, Silapathigaram, believed to be an ideal woman of Tamil culture) statue during the
World Tamil Conference of 1968 in the heart of the city Madras (renamed as Chennai during the DMKs
rule), and the controversial building of Thiruvalluvar (famous for his work, Thirukural, a compilation of
Tamil didactic verses) statue in the Kanyakumari district of Tamilnadu. Significantly, when the AIADMK
government removed the Kannagi statue from its originally installed site in the year 2001, the DMK
organized mass protests. See V. Jayanths A cast in the mould of controversy, The Hindu, 22 Dec 2001.
7

MGR renamed his party as All India Anna Dravida Munntera Kazhagam during the imposition of

Emergency by the Central government led by Indira Gandhi. In order to give the impression that his party
was different from the DMK, which vehemently attacked the centrist policies of the Emergency regime,
resulting in mass arrests of the DMK leaders and party cadres, MGR included All India to his party
name, thus, de-coloring the regional tag that ADMK, which emerged from the DMK, possessed earlier.
8

Though MGRs regional affiliation is a controversial issue, continuing even after his death (the

AIADMK insists that MGR belongs to one of the sects within the Kounder caste and was therefore, a
Tamilian by birth, see ---, Kongu Vellala Kounder MGR, Dinamani 4 Aug 2003), it is a popular opinion
that MGR was a Malayali, hailing from Kerala, whose family had migrated to Kandy, Sri Lanka before his
birth.

29

It is claimed that MGRs party loyalists prevented Jayalalitha, whom they felt, utilized her intimate

relationship with MGR to enter politics, from becoming a member of MGRs ADMK, when the party was
floated. However, when she revived her relationship with MGR and became a member of the ADMK and
soon after as the PR, it was seen by Jayalalitha's opponents within the party as a ploy by their leader to
make her powerful among the party cadres. It is notable that, before her, MGR functioned as the only
successful party propagandist. It is also a popular opinion that MGR created the post of PR to allow the
entry of Jayalalitha into the ADMK power structure.
10

The founding of the Jayalalitha Peravai was seen as an attempt by Jayalalitha to consolidate her position

within the party and to gauge the support given to her among MGRs fans. It is interesting to note that the
popularity enjoyed by MGR through MGR Peravai during Karunanidhi's government inflamed the crisis
within the DMK and resulted in MGR relinquishing his post.
11

K. P. Sunil, Did Jayalalitha act against MGR? The Illustrated Weekly of India, 11 -- 17 May 1991.

12

See Ajith Pillai & A. S. Paneerselvan, The life and times of Jayalalitha Outlook, 4 May 1998.

13

D. K. Ozas Report on the Ninth General Elections to Tamilnadu (Chennai: Public (Elections)

Department, 1989).
14

Like MGRs name, the AIADMKs Two leaves symbol also evoked powerful sentiments among

MGRs fans. It needs to be pointed out that even when MGR was unable to speak coherently, due to ill
health, between 1986 and 1987, his showing the Two leaves symbol by hand made his fans reel in
ecstasy.
15

See M. S. Ranas India Votes: Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha Elections 1998 (Delhi: B. R. Pub. Corp.,

1998).
16

See V. Jayanth, We are for strong center-state ties -- Jayalalitha, The Hindu, 7 July 1992.

17

See M. S. Rana, India Votes: Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha Elections, 1998.

18

BJP, a party well known in the northern parts of India, gained popularity in Tamilnadu only after it had a

seat-sharing formula with the AIADMK in the Parliamentary elections of 1998. Even after the AIADMK
parted ways with the BJP, it is important to note that another regional party, the DMK continued to play a
definite role in the sustenance of the BJPs image build-up within the state.

30

19

The AIADMK had political alliance with other regional political parties like Pattali Makkal Katchi

[Party for Working People], popularly called as PMK, a party that is known to serve the interests of a
particular caste, Vanniyas, and enjoys popularity in regions where this community is in majority. The
AIADMK also had alliance with another notable political party, the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) that
had its own powerful support base in Tamilnadu.
20

The DMKs alliance with the BJP, a party that fanatically champions the Hindu cause, has been named as

one major reason for the setback of the DMK in winning the minority (religious) constituencies in this
election, which culminated in the AIADMK remarkably succeeding for the first time in winning these
generally elusive vote banks. The DMK also lost their regular vote banks in the capital city, Chennai, in
this election to the AIADMK, whose performance even during the popular reign of MGR in Chennai was
very low.
21

The AIADMK had political alliance with such secular political parties as the Communist Party of India

and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in this 2001 election, which, in earlier days, had constantly
criticized the AIADMKs political rule (MGRs rule and Jayalalithas 1991 -- 1996). It is notable that the
AIADMK that allied with the BJP earlier could gain a secular image in this election and was able to win
heading a secular front.

31

Historical Background Of Tamil Cinema And Jayalalithas

Placement In Films
Film History of Tamilnadu
Before one understands the constitution of Tamil cinema, which is the most important
popular entertainment medium among the Tamilians, it is necessary to unlock the
dynamics on which cinema, and Tamil cinema in particular, has evolved as an art form.
Though it is generally accepted that cinema is a modern tool that occupies a considerable
portion of entertainment genres, it is worth noting that its genesis has much to do with the
folklore and the drama,1 the two successfully popular art forms before cinema. Often, it is
claimed that the consistent success of art forms in India is due to the uniqueness that is
attached with its evolution. For instance, the Hindu puranas [tales] claim that the Hindu
gods led by Indira approached lord Brahma, the creator and begged him to produce
something which all may enjoy, a fifth Veda. Brahma took from the Rig Veda, the
elements of recitation; from the Sama Veda, music; from the Yajur Veda, representations
and mime; from the Atharva Veda sentiments and created the fifth Veda, the Natya Veda2
[Knowledge of Dance]. Sage Bharata who had mastered all these emotions, then
compiled the natya sastra which reflects the physical, the theoretical and the conceptual
ideas of the traditional Indian drama. Viswakarma, the architect, built a playhouse; god
Siva contributed the tandava dance expressing violent emotion; goddess Parvati, the
lasya, expressing love and romance. God Vishnu invented the dramatic styles -- the
verbose, the grand, the energetic and the graceful.3

32

At another platform, Tamil literatures claim the unique importance of Dravidians in

making the art forms popular in the Tamil country. Authentic sources have been quoted
to indicate the Dravidians familiarity with the various entertainment forms in Tamil
land, significantly in the Sangam age4 itself. Other than the argument that almost all the
popular arts, iyal [prose], isai [musical poetry] and natakam [drama] were recognized
during this period, it was also claimed that the natakam of this period succeeded in
incorporating and blending iyal and isai in its presentations.5 The post-Sangam period
that produced such outstanding Tamil nataka kapiyangal [dramatic literatures] as
Silapathikaram and Manimegalai, was known as the first stage of the development of
natakam, an art form that, to some extent, survived with the more technologically
advanced entertainment genre of the twentieth century, cinema.
It is worthwhile here to note that in spite of being popular among the Tamil masses, the
Tamil genres, including the Tamil drama, began to decline between the sixth and the
eighth centuries, due to the patronization of languages, the Telugu, the Sanskrit, the Pali
and the Prakrit by the rulers of those times6. Of course, the renaissance of Tamil drama
that began with the turn of the nineteenth century and the dawn of the twentieth century
with the Dravidian leaders showing keen interest in this art form, brought a new impetus
not only to the drama genre but also to its most popular offshoot, cinema. During this
phase, it can be asserted that the south Indian drama emerged as the forerunner of Tamil
film medium, similar to the Parsi theatre that turned out to be a curtain raiser to the Hindi
film medium.
The impression of the drama on the masses was so powerful that cinema, during its
evolution, possessed themes that were successful as stage plays. The most popular and

33

successful plots of drama that were used in the stage plays were the depiction of scenes
and episodes from the Hindu mythologies, the Ramayanam7 and the Mahabharatham.8
Successful historical dramas were also converted into cinematic plots in order to evince
deep interests among the audience, Manohara (1954), being one such kind. It can even be
argued that the south Indian films are, to some extent, still under the influence of the
stage. Even as late as the 1940s, when cinema began to be utilized as a powerful
mediation tool to acquire political power, the transference of successful dramas to the
celluloid screen created a revolution in the film industry as nothing else. It is worth to
note that Annadurais social theme-based film Or Iravu [One Night], released in the year
1951, that claimed a reputation for Annadurai as Thennatin Bernard Shaw [Bernard Shaw
of the South], was a popular drama that achieved immaculate success even on the big
screen.
The Tamil cinema, in general, is oriented to accommodate the existing characteristics of
such popular genres as folklore and drama (that had been discussed earlier) as well as to
adopt itself to the social and political changes of the contemporary eras when the need
arises. True to the words of film theorist, Bryan Turner, Tamil films have been the best
wagons in the colonial and the post-independence era to reveal Tamilnadus cultural
contours at all changing times:
Film is a social practice for its makers and audience; in its narrative
meanings we can locate evidence of the ways in which our culture makes
sense of itself (Movies and Mass Culture, 1996).
If one observes the Tamil films in the backdrop of the prevalent, dominant cultural and
social structures, one may easily foresee a defined yet peculiar trait it possesses the

34

projection of its unique culture. For instance, the very first Tamil film, Kalidas9 (1931)
encompasses themes that gave credence to one of Tamilnadu's characteristic cultural
bindings, religion, previously addressed in written historical records, folklore and
Sanskrit theatres. Another appealing film, Amaradeepam (1956) was uniquely set with
championing folk tradition.

The Tamil films also possess adaptive characteristics. The film, Chandralekha (1948)
was a marker among films made during this phase of the Tamil film history since, in an
exemplary fashion, the films involve the musical and dancing traits of various cultures,
the carnatic, the hindustani, the folklore, the bharatanatyam, the operetta and the waltz,
thus, setting a trend for the Tamil films adaptive behavior. In order to serve the cultural
changes, thereby, making the medium more utility-oriented, the Tamil films also pitched
on the battle to defend social issues. Dharmapathini (1929), the first social film that
illustrates the ills of liquor consumption and Anadhai Penn (1931) which demonstrates
the servility of women in the traditional Tamil society as a social evil, are films of such
kind. Especially, in the films that belonged to the 1950s and the 1960s like Parasakthi
(1952), one may deduce the pullulation of social themes that were relevant in those times.
These films also marked a new era in Tamilnadu politics. As already noted in the
Introduction, the films made during this phase of film history helped the emergence of
charismatic political personalities who effectively utilized film medium as a massmobilizing tool and a platform to instill social consciousness. One may even say that the
reason behind the success of cinema becoming popular among all the cultural media in

35

the dissemination of social themes among the common masses are the period films made
during this phase of film history.
Tamil cinema's evolution can be envisaged and understood in various forms depending
on the period in which the films were produced. The first stage of its evolution was
between 1931 and 1935. This phase could be annulated for it provided an insight into the
growth of the Tamil film industry. Remarkably, the films were increasingly produced
during this period (in the year 1935 alone, the number of films produced were thirty
four10), the content of which were, predominantly, mythological. The major reason for
the presence of myth in these films could be taken as a display of the resentment of the
film pioneers against the colonial powers, who had a powerful control over the
production and the distribution rights of the film industry. Since a separate identity was
needed to delineate the universal film content in Tamil films and to counter the
colonizers domination of cinema, the film producers began to effectively utilize the
Hindu mythological content to subvert the influence of the west. Chidanand Das Gupta, a
contemporary film critic, highlights the powerful patriotic sentiments that marked the
films of those times:
Cinema was close to the aspirations of a nation struggling against foreign
rule and trying, in the process, to redefine itself on its own terms rather
than those imposed by the colonizer upon the colonized (The Painted
Face, 1991).
In contrast to this trend, the late 1930s and the early 1940s saw most of the films harping
on contemporary themes. Since the social and the political platforms were dominated by
powerful egalitarian sentiments, films too began to harp on similar themes. The films

36

lampooned caste prejudices and desired reforms in the socially stratified society. The
film, Pathi Bakthi [Devotion to husband] is one such kind. Further impetus to the film
industry was gained by the patriotic fervors of the film producers, who were actively
involved in the political struggle for Indias Independence. The revival of the Tamil
language became a popular theme for the films made during the 1950s and the 1960s.
The films, with their powerful script and language, propagated social themes by
questioning the accepted beliefs, the customs and the orthodox traditions prevalent in the
Tamil society. Interestingly, the films made during this phase also developed an elite
following, the educated non-Brahmin elites as its audience that gave a new respectability
to the Tamil cinema industry, in spite of concentrating on subjects dealing with the
common poor. However, after the 1980s, there was a major transformation in the making
of Tamil films, for most of the films produced during this phase focused on portraying
the real in the narrative. Veedu (1988) that highlighted middle class problems and
Karuthamma (1994) that deplored the practice of female infanticides could be mentioned
as films made with such content. Tamil cinema also began to show an interest in such
issues as caste and religion, sometimes championing and sometimes reflecting the
increasing instances of caste and communal conflicts of this era. Thevar Magan (1992)
and Bombay (1995) are films of such kind. However, because of the increasing
influences of visual and sound displays, it could be said that lesser priority was given to
the content of the films produced during and after this phase.
In spite of the variations that the film medium displays in Tamilnadu, it is interesting to
note that, at every phase of its evolution, the film medium produced film personalities
who had a certain stronghold over the political platform. Though few were marginal

37

performers in politics as Sivaji Ganesan and Rajinikanth, it could be said that it was
MGR and Jayalalitha who perfectly utilized their film associations in politics. For
instance, Sivaji Ganesan, a counterpart of MGR in films, known for his versatile acting
talents was quipped as the only actor of his times. Even though the audience at that
time was divided between Sivaji and MGR, it is interesting to note that it was Sivaji who
stole the limelight for his immaculate performance in almost all the roles that were
provided to him. Beginning with his first film, Parasakthi, to his later popular films like
Mudhal Mariyathai (1985) and Thevar Magan, Sivaji was known to have excelled in his
performances. However, despite his star image that made him a legend, Sivaji failed to
emulate the success that MGR, his counterpart, achieved in politics. The most significant
difference that could be harnessed between Sivaji and MGR was that the former lacked
the political charisma that the latter possessed. MGRs cultivated film image that mostly
harped on an identity with the poor, as noted earlier, provided a cult-like image to
MGR in the region of politics. In the instance of Sivaji, his roles in films that provided
him different images, disallowed him to become a part of the cult identities harnessed
by MGR. Moreover, MGR enjoyed a film and political platform already seasoned by the
DMK stalwarts, whereas for Sivaji (though initially beginning his career as a DMK hero,
the best illustration being Parasakthi), whose political tenure was in most part identified
with a comparatively less popular political party within Tamilnadu, the INC, that often
criticized the influence of film personalities in politics, success in the political space
wasnt as penetrable.
In the instance of Rajinikanth, the modern-day celluloid star of Tamil films, despite
enjoying a planned screen image more or less similar to that of MGR, fails to

38

demonstrate a consistent political image of his own, even more so when he fails to
identify with a particular political party in Tamilnadu. However, Rajinikanths
counterpart in politics, Jayalalitha, is more successful in harnessing a political image for
herself, by keeping alive her film associations and her image as MGRs popular heroine.
Therefore, it becomes a must at this juncture to trace the films made during the period
when Jayalalitha was popular as MGRs heroine, since her film images continue to
dominate the politics of Tamilnadu.
Placement of Jayalalitha in Films
It would not be unfair to define films as the founding stone for Jayalalitha, the actressturned-politician. Jayalalitha's phenomenal popularity in her political career stems from,
among other things, her status as a popular actress. Since popular cultural media like films
have been co-opted by politicians even during its primitive stage, one can easily grasp the
impact that films make on politics and the emergence of a pattern where film stars gain
political power in Tamilnadu. Likewise, Jayalalitha's phenomenal victory in politics is
also mainly due to her intimate links with cinema. Remarkably, it was not only her closer
association with cinema that allowed her to taste power but also, as discussed earlier, her
attempt to convert politics into a celluloid stage which enhanced her uniqueness in Tamil
politics. Even though Tamilnadu has always been a major player in sensational politics,
the popular view is that nowhere in the states political platforms has Jayalalithas
dramatic display ever been outwitted. To cite as an example, it is best to recollect the
events that followed the ceremonial burial of MGR, which was not only attended by
hundreds of thousands of his fans but also watched by millions of viewers on the national
television. The melodramatic scene when Jayalalitha leapt into the van carrying the coffin

39

of MGR to lay claim to a wifely status and opt for self-immolation with her dead assumed
husband even while MGRs legal wife, Janaki, stood mourning nearby, had a powerful
impact on the mass psyche. This incident can be seen as one of many such instances that
revealed Jayalalithas effective mediation of theatrical attributes to achieve power.
In order to perceive how Jayalalitha was able to employ unique modes to acquire and
retain political power, it is necessary here to trace Jayalalithas short but eventful film
career. As a daughter of a former film actress, Sandhya, Jayalalitha entered the film
industry at the age of sixteen in the year 1964. In her autobiography, Manam Thirandhu
Sollugiren [Speaking From My Heart], Jayalalitha narrates her accidental entry into
films, which she mentions as a field that had never appealed to her during her
schooling.11 However, at the age of fifteen, she was cast in two English stage plays The
Whole Truth and Teahouse of the August Moon and an English film, Epistle (the
film was never released). Her major entry into the film industry began when she was
introduced as a heroine in the Kannada film, Chinnatha Kumbe [Golden doll], though her
first film in Tamil released earlier in the year 1964, Venniradai [Widow's robe], directed
by a popular film personality, Sridhar, has the credit of introducing Jayalalitha to the
regional film industry. Incidentally, the film, Venniradai helped the actress acquire a
New Face Award.
It was her second Tamil film, Aayirathil Oruvan [One Man in a Thousand], co-starring
with MGR that took her to immense fame. It is noticeable that Aayirathil Oruvan also set
the trend for the duo, Jayalalitha and MGR co-starring in most of the films. It may be said
that this film set the trend for Jayalalitha's image formation since her character portrayals

40

became clearly defined only after she performed in this film. Her roles mainly revolved
around urban, educated, upper class teenage girls who fall in love with the principled but
largely rural heroes, and ultimately prefer to relinquish their urbane comforts and opt for
the humble life the heroes live. As in her other films, in this film as well, her character
indicates her shame in belonging to a corrupt and immoral upper class pitted against the
heros unpretentious, yet upright working class background.
The phase between 1964 and 1970 decided Jayalalitha's important film career. During
this period, she also co-starred with other popular heroes of her times, including Sivaji
Ganesan, with whom she had starred in fifteen films. Aayirathil Oruvan (1965), in which
she acts as the desirable, yet docile teenage girl playing a vital role in the sustenance of
the heros ideological path; Kumari Penn (1966) where she plays the role of a sexy selfwilled woman defying domestication; Major Chandrakanth (1966), where she emerges
as a loving sister to a deeply passionate brother; Thaikku Thalaimagan (1966) where she
is a rich heiress, who loves a working class hero and ultimately marries him; Kandan
Karunai (1967), in which she appears as the goddess Valli, the desired consort of lord
Muruga; Pudhiya Bhoomi (1968), where she appears as an innocent rural woman, desired
and married by a urban doctor; Kanavan (1968), where she appears as a dominating hotheaded woman, defying marriage but ultimately brought within the domestic fold of
marriage by a prisoner on death row; Adimai Penn (1969), where she plays the role of a
slave woman rescuing a heir apparent who is held captive from childhood, and helps him
in the retrieval of his ancestral property; Nam Naadu (1969), where she, along with the
hero, enlightens the working class men, the class barriers that hinder their growth;
Maatukara Velan (1969), where she emerges as a rich, but docile teenage girl, marrying

41

an idealistic shepherd, can be treated as films that played a crucial role in Jayalalithas
film career. This, more or less, had set a trend by which one can understand her image
construction in films -- the star figure of Jayalalitha was built through a series of
contingent occurrences within a relatively short period of four to five years and the most
dominant image of her that emerged in these films was Jayalalitha as a glamour
woman. In the 1970s, however, when her films started to dwindle, her roles transformed
from glamour to that of the domesticated wife. For instance, in the film Suryagandhi
(1973), she discards her glamorous image and manages to portray a caring familyoriented woman, a familiar idealized image of women in the traditional Tamil society.
Nevertheless, in the year 1977, Jayalalitha unable to sustain her popularity as a heroine,
abandoned acting. But, after eight years of film seclusion, she re-emerged as a heroine in
a film, Nadhiyai Thedi Vantha Kadal (1980), the failure of which made her completely
quit films and opt for politics. Interestingly, out of one hundred and forty films in which
she starred (including eighty-seven Tamil films), a documentary film made in the year
1992, Neenga Nalla Irukkanum [You have to be Healthy] was a hallmark in her film
career since it was a film made after she acquired political power. In this film, she
appears as the Chief Minister advising her people on the ill effects of liquor
consumption.12
It is imperative to observe that with a very short film career and with not much popularity
that she enjoyed in her initial political career, the success of Jayalalitha to have become a
phenomenon is large. Though such attributes as her own individual determination and her
thorough understanding of the link that existed between cinema and politics, which
allowed her to enter into a male-dominated platform and govern the state of Tamilnadu

42

for a full successive period of five years, it has to be noted that the enlargement of
Jayalalitha from the status of being a regional actress and a politician to that of a
phenomenon stems from other crucial social components. The following chapter will
be based on the argument that, on her way to becoming a phenomenon, Jayalalitha
through various stages of her political career, consciously assimilated gender as a vital
component to acquire power. On the first instance, Jayalalitha was able to successfully
mediate between the two diametrically opposite gender positions, the glamour girl/
domesticated woman and the Mother / Goddess. On the second instance, Jayalalitha was
able to identify herself with a unique aspect of Tamil tradition, namely, allying herself
with the familial image of Amma [Mother] rather than a slightly alienated Annai [Mother]
image, an image popularized only in the literary tradition.

Notes
1

Before the evolution of films, both the Sanskrit and the folk theatres were popular cultural trendsetters in

Tamilnadu. Hence, the films, during its early stages, pulled in lots of traits inherent in these two genres to
mobilize and retain the same audience. For detailed discussion see Chidanand Das Guptas The Painted
Face: Studies in Indian Popular Cinema (New Delhi: ROLI Books, 1991).
2

See Sam Benegals A Panorama Theatre in India, Indian Council for Cultural Relations (New Delhi:

Popular Prakasan, 1969).

3

Ibid.

The term Sangam literally means, coming together. Legend states that there were three notable

Sangams that flourished in the Pandya kingdom (between 500 BC and 500 AD). For further information,
see R. C. Majumdhars Ancient India (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1982).
5

See K. S. Krishnamoorthys Tamil Nataka Varalaru [History of Tamil Drama], Madras: Muvendar

Achagam, 1979.

43

See K. K. Pillais Thamizhaga Varalarum Makkal Panpaadum [The Tamil History and the Peoples

Culture], Madras: Tamilnadu Textbook Society, 1981.

7

The Ramayanam is considered as an immortal epic in Hindu belief. Transcending modern-day

development, it is of dire importance to note that the myths and the ideas treated in this epic are, often, used
as vital symbolic platforms by such political parties as the BJP, even as late as the 1990s. When it was
telecast as a serial on the national-run television in the 1980s, it is estimated that a record-break of eighty
hundred million viewers watched the Ramayanam regularly. It is noticeable that the hero, Raman, though a
mortal in the textual epic, is treated and worshipped as a god by the followers of Hinduism. The figure of
Raman has become the most controversial name in the late twentieth and the twenty-first century Indian
politics as the BJP and its affiliated political parties began championing Raman as the absolute god of the
Hindus. It could be stated that after the Partition with Pakistan in the 1940s, only this phase in the nations
history has recorded the worst communal crisis.
8

The Mahabharatham, another Hindu epic that is often quoted in political platforms, revolves around the

power struggles between the rulers, the good and the bad. More intricately knit story than the Ramayanam,
the Mahabharatham highlights the winning of good Pandavas over the evil Kauravas. Though lacking the
success that the Ramayanam had created for itself as a televised serial, it is significant that this epic, by the
manner in which it was telecast on television and the manner in which it was utilized by such political
parties as the BJP, created a Hindu polarization among the Indians.
9

Kalidas was the first talkie made in India. This film Kalidas, along with other films of its type, were

notable celluloid versions of stage plays that had, on many instances, already proved popular among its
audience.
10

See Theodore S. Bhaskarans Tamil Cinemavin Mugangal [Faces of Tamil Cinema], Chennai: Kanmani

Veliyeedu, 1998.
11

In Manam Thirandhu Sollugiren, the first autobiographical serial written by her, Jayalalitha narrates her

accidental entry into films, the entry prompted by her familys economic problems. In this autobiography,
she also writes about her mothers coercive role in making her an actress. See Jayalalithas Manam
Thirandhu Sollugiren [Speaking From My Heart], Kumudham, 1978.
12

---, Jayalalitha face cine cameras again, The Hindu, 26 Aug 1992.

44