\

LECTURES
ON THE

ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA

|f)e

armic^acl

^ecfitres,

1918

LECTURES
ON THE

ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA

ON THE PERIOD FROM

650

TO

325 B.C.

Delivered in February, 1918

BY

D. R.

BHANDARKAR,

M.A., F.A.S.B.,

CARUICHAEL PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE

CALCUTTA UNITERSITY

PUBLISHED BY THE

UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
1919

HKINTED BY ATULCHANDRA BHATTACHARYYA

\T

TUi CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PkESB, SKNATK

H0U81":,

CALCUTTA

ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE SARASVATI

To
SIR

ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE, SARASVATI,

Sastra-Vachaspati,

Sambuddhagama-Chakravarti

who, by his

lofty

ideals,

far-reaching foresight, and unfailing vigilance,

has elevated the Calcutta University to the rank

of a teaching

and research University,

the only one of

and who, by

his

liberality

its

kind

in

India,

unstinted and discriminate

and encouragement,

has led votaries of learning to look upon him

as the

VIKRAMADITYA

of the present age,

These Lectures
are dedicated by the Author
in

token of profound admiration and reverence.

PREFACE
book

This

contains

the

lectures

which

delivered as Carmichael Professor of the Calcutta

University in February, 1918. When I came

here to hold the chair, I was told that I was to

embodying some research

lectures, I thought, were to con-

deliver four lectures

work.

If

my

tain nothing but

new

they could

original work,

be delivered only to a few advanced students of

the Ancient Indian History and would hardly
be understood by the people in general. If, on
the other hand, they were to be such as would
be intelligible to the latter, there was the danger

being more popular than scholarly in

Was it possible, I asked myself, to
character.
of

their

realise

both the ends,

the

i.e.

to

satisfy both the

and the people ? After

about
the
matter, I came to the conthinking
clusion that both the objects could be fulfilled
classes,

if

on

scholars

I selected a period
it.

and delivered

my

lectures

Perhaps the most neglected period was

the one which

immediately preceded the rise

of the Mauryan power, although it was in some
This period
respects the most important one.

was accordingly chosen and the lectures deliHow far I have succeeded in interesting
the specialists and the laymen in the subjectvered.

matter of these lectures

determine.

leave

it

to

them

to

Vlll

The most important event

have selected,

viz

the

of

period I
from 050 to 325 B.C., is the

completion of the Aryan colonisation of Southern

This has. therefore, become the theme
India.
of

my

with

first

the

In ray second.

lecture
political

feature

characteristic

evolution

of

the

of

history

which

of

have dealt
period,

the

the gradual
before
Shortly
is

Imperialism.

Buddha, the Arvanised India had been divided

into sixteen tiny States, mostly kingships, which
were developed
Monarchies when Buddha was living,

by the process of
four

into

centralisation

and these Monarchies,

culminated into

again,

Imperialism about a century after his demise.

My Third and Fourth Lecture^ pertain to the
Administrative History,

subject which has not

yet attracted as much attention of the scholars

as it deserves though the materials even now at

our

command

are

Third Lecture
of

is

which deals

Polity to which

for the

enough

purpose.
divided into two parts, the
with

we

Ledge of this subject.

indebted for our know-

This.

am

of an esoteric than of an exoteric

afraid,

aims

at

Betting

ceptions of

to

the

1-

Monarchy, and

will,

Therein

to Bel forth the evidence which,

show

more

The second part (p. 11 and IV.)

forth some of the Hindu con-

with some interest.

tially

is

character, and

may. therefore, prove somewhat abstruse

general reader.

first

Literature on Hindu

the

are

The

hope, be

read

have attempted
if

it

is

impar-

and dispassionately considered, seems to

that
there was a time in the Ancient

IX

Monarchy was not

History of India when
absolute and uncontrolled. We have been so

much accustomed

to read

and hear of Monarchy

in India as being always and invariably unfetterecl and despotic that the above conclusion is

apt to appear incredible to many as it no doubt

was to me for a Ions; time. In the Fourth

show that
form
of
not
the
was
political
only
Monarchy
and
the
India
known
to
governments
government
of a more or less popular character such as
oligarchy, aristocracy and democracy were also
Lecture

endeavoured

have

flourishing side

bv

side with

have also endeavoured

it.

to

In this lecture

a glimpse into
the rules and regulations of debate which characterised the popular assemblies of Ancient India

to give

and have pointed out that they bear a remarkably

close correspondence to those followed by the

modern civilised age.

The Bengalis are a loving and lovable people,
and many are the lecturers and teachers of the
Calcutta University from whom I have received
willing help and suggestions of various kinds.
It is impossible to mention the names of them
But I must
all here in this short preface.
mention the name of Mr. Narayan Chandra
e/

Banerji, M.A.. for the invaluable assistance he

rendered me in connection with my Lectures on

the Administrative History before he formally

became Lecturer of the University. The pre-

work of my
paration of the Index is solely the
who also
pupil Mr. N. G. Majumdar, B.A.,
helped

me

in revising the proofs.

It

scarcely

is

necessary for

me

to

add that

the subject of the Ancient Indian History and

Culture is a progressive one, and with every
additional study and find of new materials some
the

of

previously drawn are likely

And. as a matter of fact, as this

conclusions

to he modified.

book

is

reaching

aware that

one or

on

its

completion,

now hold somewhat

two matters dealt

myself

am

different views

with

in

these

though no effort has been

spared to ensure accuracy and fullness, I do
not expect this book to be by any means
Lectures.

Similarly,

from

defects.

Unt

confine

their

attention

free

request my readers
not to play the role of a cattlelouse described
in the well-known Sanskrit verse,* but rather
to

there be

if

in

to the

good points
these Lectures, and

any,
thus help to carry forward the torch of research
work to illumine the dark periods of Ancient

only,

Indian History.

An
affairs

outsider like myself

the

of

Calcutta

has

only

to see the

University and be con-

vinced that the progress of the Ancient History

of India or of Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit studies

and encouragement
it
is to this
and
person,
person,
In
therefore, that this book has been dedicated.
i>.

due solely

to the solicitude

one single

of

the dedicatory

which,

may

pages
add,

will be

round his portrait,

was inserted much again si

his wishes.
I).
"

The verso says tliu

will

cattle* louse, though

hare her blood, Dot her milk.
;i

it

in

1!.

J*.

perched

on

ABBREVIATIONS
Ahg. N.
ASI. AR.

..

Anguttara-Nikaya.
Archaeological Survey of India,

Annual Report.
ASIR.j)

ASR.

Archaeological Survey of India,

..

ASS.

..

By Cunningham.
Reports.
Anandasrama Sanskrit Series,
Poona.

ASSI

..

BG.

..

Bombay

Bib. Ind.

..

Bibliotheca Indica.

BSPS.

..

Bombav

Archaeological Survey
thern India.

Sou-

of

Gazetteer.

Sanskrit and Prakrit

Series.

BSS.

CCIM.

..

Bombav

Sanskrit Series.

Catalogue of Coins in the Indian

Museum,

Calcutta.

By

V. A. Smith.

OIL

...

EC.

...

Corpus Inscriptionuni
carum.
Epigraphia Carnatica.

Indi-

By

L.

Rice.

EHI.

...

Earlv Historv of India.

Edition.

By

Third

V. A. Smith.

EL

...

GOS.

...

Epigraphia Indica.
Gaekwad's Oriental Series.

HASL.

...

History

of

Literature.

IA.

...

Ancient

By

P.

Indian Antiquary.

Max

Sanskrit

Muller.

Xll

Jdt.

Jatakas.

JBBRAS.

Journal of the

JBORS.

Journal of the Bihar and Orissa

JRAS.

Research Society.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic

of the

Bombay Branch

Roval Asiatic Society.

and

Society of Great Britain

Ireland.

Maj. N.

Majjhima-Nikaya.

PR.WO.

Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey,

Western

Circle.

PTS.

Pali

Sam.

SBB.
SBE.
).)

Saihy utta Nikaya.

Sacred Books of the Buddhists.

Sacred Books of the East.

Tri vand rum Sanskrit Series.

TSS.
V<

Text Society.

Vienna Oriental Journal.

\T.

Vinaya Pitaka.

ZDMG.

Zeitschrift der

Deuschen

Mor

srelandischen Gesellschaft.
All references to the

Mahabharata are from

Pratapchandra Ray's edition.

Lecture I.
Aryan Colonisation
of Southern India and

Ceylon.

propose to open my first series of lectures

as Carmichael Professor with the history of the
I

pre-Maurya period, i.e. of the period extending

from about 650 to 325 B.C. It is true that we
do not know
this

much about

the political history of

but political history cannot be the

period,

whole history

of

any country.

Again,

it

is

the

administrative, social, religious and ethnological

history which is of much greater importance

and far transcends

human

interest

construction

of

political history in

and

edification.

this

history

point

And

have selected we have sufficient

for the

the period
materials.

for

of

we

We

have works of the Sutra period relating both to

Law and Grammar. We have thus the
Dharma-sastras

of

Apastamba and
of

Panini

aphorisms

so

and
or

Gautama,
Baudhayana,
forth, and the AshtadJujayl

Katyayana's supplementary
on it. Further, it was

vaitikas

prior to the rise of the Mauryas that Buddha

And there is a general
lived and preached.
consensus of opinion among scholars that all

the

earlier

works

were put together

are

confining

of

the Buddhist Pali

in

the

ourselves.

canon

period

to

which we

Let

us,

therefore,

LECTURE

I.

how

materials and try to see

utilise these

was socially, religiously

from 650 to 325 B.C.

and even

The principal characteristic

India and Ceylon

l>v

politically

of this period

colonisation

the completion of the

India

the Aryans

and

the subject of to-day's lecture.

of note that the southern half

It

is

Southern

of

this
is

forms

worthy
was

of India

Dakshinapatha, which means 'lloacl to

Already inaVedic hymn, although
the South'.
called

it is

meet with an expresmeaning 'with southward

one of the

sion
foot',

latest, Ave

dakskina pada,
and used with reference to a

expelled to the

man who

is

cannot of coarse

This

south.

denote the Dakshinapatha or Southern India

as we understand it, hut rather the country
lying hevond the world then

Aryan-.
ever,

crossed the

from

the

come down

or

the south of

half

of

e.g. t a

India.

prince

In the

named

Berars

immediately

to

The same
range.
the
to
VisVamitra
represents
sage

61

17-18

western
this

Brahmana

Vii.

time seem to have

firs!

Vaidarbha,
designated
'prince of
This shows that the Aryans had
below the Vindhyas and settled in

Vidarbha\

north

Brahmana'
is

Vidarbha

inhabited

Vindhya range which separates the

Aitareya

Bhlma

by the
Brahmana period, how-

in the

they for the

that

south

was

It

B.

also in

mountain

34

,,

9.

2>">

ARYAN COLONISATION.

have adopted Sunahsepa as his son and named

him Devarata, much to the annoyance of fifty
of his sons,
their

who

father

to

consequence were cursed by

"live on the borders" of the

in

The
province then occupied by the Aryans.
descendants of these sons of Visvamitra's, the
Brahmana further tells us, formed the greater
bulk of the Dasyus and were variously known
as And bras, Pundras,
Sabaras, Pulindas and

Of these the Andhras, Pulindas and

Sabaras at any rate are known from the
Mahabharata, Ramavana and Puranas to have
been tribes of Southern India and though the
Mutibas.

exact provinces inhabited by them in the time

of the Aitareva Brahmana cannot be definitely
settled, it

cannot for a

moment

be doubted

that

they lived to the south of the Vindhyas and

that the Aryans had already come in contact
with these non-Aryan peoples.

Let us
the

now

what we learn from Panini,

the most renowned School of

see

founder of

Grammar and who

his sutras or

lived

grammatical

an extensive knowledge

phy
and
be

of

India.

Most

about

In

aphorisms he shows

of the
of

600 B.C.

the

ancient

geogra-

countries, places
of course, to

mentioned by him are.

found in the Punjab and
rivers

Belonging

Kachchha
Kosala

to

Afghanistan.
India farther south he mentions

(IV.2.133),

(IV.1.171)

and

Avanti
Kalhiga

(IV.1.176),
(IV.I.170).

LECTURE

4t

But he makes no mention

of

any province

to the

Narmada except that of Asmaka

One of the oldest works of Pali

south of the
(IV.1.173).

Buddhist

I.

literature, the Sutta-nipata?

Brahman guru

called Bavarin as

speaks of a
having left the

Kosala country and settled near a village on the

Godhavarl in the Assaka (Asmaka) territory in

The story
the Dakkinapatha (Dakshinapatha).
tells us that Bavarin sent his sixteen pupils to p;iy
their

Buddha and confer with him. The

to

homage

proceeded northwards is
also described.
First, they went to Patitthana
3
of the Mujaka countiy, then to Mahissati, to
4
UjjenI, Gonaddha, Vedisa and Yanasahvaya; to

by which

route

they

97i. -7.

v.-.

In

the

reading Aldka

the

of

text
is

the correct

be

Mulaka,

Alaka.

Mulaka
it

ci,

on

nun

n.

the

the 8utta-nip5ta

in

V.

by

Fausboll,

the

and the variant Mulaka

of

inscription

y has been associated

been done

l.a-

scorns

edited

1011),

reading.

oave

Naeik

celebrated

&

There can, however, be no doubt that Mujaka

We know of no conntry of tho name
Thns in the
other hand, is well-known.

noticed in the foot-notes.

must

(Vs.977

adopted

[bid, 7s. 1011-3.

8utta-nipata

have been

Vasishthiputra Pujumavi, the

with Asaka (Asmaka),
exactly as
VI
El
Tl
00 an try
80).
1

mentioned as

Maulika

by

heon

called

Varahamihira

in his

IV. 8
*

Godavarl

that

Considering

BuUa-nipata, Gonaddha can very

Qonarda, the place from which

bailed.

Bir

Bamkrishna

to Pataliputra (IA,
Sutta-nifiata

Blvarin'i

pupils

country.

Tli<-

India

II

says,

in

the

taken to stand for Gonadda-

Patafijali,

author of the Mahabhaahya,

Bhandarkar has shown on

).

for

This

ie

Baketa,

place of

on the

exactly

in

the authority of
road from Gonarda

accordance with what

aooording to the

waa on the way from

native

Qodhavari

be

SAketawas situated

the Mahi

tfca

has
well

Patafijali

Gonaddha
waa,

to

route taken by
the Mniradha.

therefore,

somewhere between Ujjain and Besnagar near

Bhi]

in

Centra]

ARYAN COLONISATION.
Kosambi, Saketa and Savatthi
to
Kosala country)
Setavya,
to

Kapilavatthu

Vesall

Pava,

the

(capital of

and Kusinara
Magadha), and

(capital

of

Pasanaka Chetiya
The description of
very important in more than one
finally

to

where Buddha then was.

this

route

In

ways.
that

is

the

Bavarin's

south of

first

place,

Patitthana,

he

much

was

settlement
i.e.

will

it

Paithan. in

to

seen
the

Nizam's

Patitthana was the principal

Mujaka province, to the south of

territory, hecause

town of the
which was the Asmaka country where Bavarin
then was. Secondlv, it is worthy of note that
Bavarin's disciples went to North India straight
the

through

Vindhyas.

This

disproves
hold that

the

some scholars who

the
Aryans were afraid of crossing the Vindhyas and
went southwards to the Dekkan by an easterly
After leaving
detour round the mountain range.
Patitthana or Paithan we find the party reaching
MahissatI, i.e. Mahislimati, which has been cor-

theory of

Mandhata on the Narmada

rectly identified with

on the borders of the Indore State. 2

Evidently,
Bavarin's pupils must have passed to Mahislimati,
side of the Vindhyas throusrh
i.e. to the other
the Vidarbha country.

Let us now turn

Grammar
1

See
2

e.g.

to

Panini and the

that he founded.

Early History

JRAS., 1910, 445-6.

of the

We

School of

have seen that

Delkan (Second Edition),

p. 9.

LECTURE

Asmaka

I.

the only countrv in the Dekkan. which

is

he mentions. The case, however, is different with

Katyayana who wrote aphorisms called vartikas

and supplement Panini and who has

to explain

been assigned
B.C.

Now,

middle of

to the

to a

the 4th

centurv

Panini 's sutra janapada

:

sabdat

1c8hatriyad=an (IV. 1. 108), Kalyayana adds

a mrtika, Pandor=dyan, from which we ob-

form Pandya.
If this vartika had
\xc
should
have
had the form not
been
not
made,
Pandya but Panda va. As^ain. we have a sutra
of Panini, Kambojal=luk (IV. j. 175), which
lays down that the word Kamboja denotes not
1

the

tain

only the Kamboja country or the Kamboja tribe

But then there
but also the Kamboja king.
are other words which are exactly like

tioned.

Katyayana

Ka m hojo d

b Ji yo

therefore, compelled to

is,

above sTdra with

the

supplement

= I?tg-r acha ua m

This means thai like

ip

am

in

ool yel
of

vartika

Bn

8)

:ul<'|>i

Mahabhashya,
Series,

inclines

ultimately
conclusion,

i"

in his Indika

hia

in

aa

edited

one

the

cause aa

in

the Ifaurya power

South

in

History

hia

tndin

in

of

this

in

an referred
Book
wer<

the

of

tho

no

whether

this

Patafijali.

Sir

Dekkan
of

text

Even

view.

new,
Pandj

finally

whereat the

latter

tli"

the words Choda,

each not only the

supplement

BLielhorn

by

the

to

Ch odddya rtaa m

determine

Early

former view,

and by Aioka

and settlement

or

the

be

t<>

to

position

Kfftyayana

Ramkrishna Bhandarkar

the vartika,

Kamboja

Kadeia and Kerala denote

1

Kamboja

respect but which Panini has not men-

this

in

Bombay
if

way

tin's

proves

my main

by afegaathenea

immigration to
complete long before the rise of
Ediots,,

their

7.

Sanskrit

last

Titiatea

to i">th

(p.

Patafijali's

ARYAN COLONISATION.

country and the tribe but also the king. It will

thus be seen that Choda and Kerala, which are
obviously countries situated in Southern India,

were known to Katyayana, but not to Panini. Of

course, no sane scholar who has studied the
Ashtadhijayl will be so bold as to assert that
Panini was a careless or ignorant grammarian.
But we have not one word, but at least three

Pandya, Choda and Kerala, the formation of whose forms has not been explained by

words,

viz.

Panini, which any accurate and thorough-going

grammarian would have done if they had been

known to him. The only legitimate conclusion
that can, therefore, be drawn is that the names
of these southern countries were not known to
Panini, or in other words, were not known to the
Aryans in the seventh century B. C, but were

known

them shortly before the middle of the

fourth century B. C. when Katyayana lived.
As regards Ceylon or Tamraparni as it was called
to

in ancient days,

was certainly known

it

to the

Aryans long before the rise of the Maurya power.

It has been mentioned not only by As'oka as

Tambapani

in his

Hock Edict XIII but

also

as

Taprobane by Megasthenes, who, as most of

you are aware, w as the ambassador sent by
Seleukos Nicator of Syria to the court of Chandra1

gupta,

founder

of

the

grandfather of Asoka.

Maurya dynasty and

Contemporaneously with

IA. VI. 129.

LECTURE

I.

Megasthenes lived Kautilva, who in his Arthamstra

speaks of pearls being found among
'

other places in the Tamrapani river, in Pandyakavataka, and near the Mahendra mountain

the extremity of the Southern

on

situated

all

Peninsula.

Now, the name of one of these southern kingdoms was Choda. which was called Chora in
Tamil and Chola in Telugu. The people also
were called by the same name. I cannot resist
the

temptation

saying that it
that the Sanskrit
of

from

is

this

word chora
people
meaning a thief has been derived. An exactly

Cho

analogous instance we have in the word Dasvuor

Dasa, which originally denoted the Dahae people of
'

2
but which even in the
Caspian Steppes
Vedic period acquired a derogatory sense and
soon after signified "a robber"
If Dasvu thus

the

was the name of a non- Aryan tribe

orisnnallv

and used

in the sense of a robber,

name

intelligible that the

viz.

people,

of another

the Choras, was

And

perfectly

non-Aryan

employed
seems

this

meaning.
have been the case, because the Vedic terms

to

].

kn\

is

similarly

to express a similar

It

it

7:..

also

is

For

referred

the
to

river

to be the

iit:il,

Tftmrapai-ni,

we

Atoka's Rook Edicl

in

same

farther
II.

in

the

seqae}.

Eanbilya's Paodya-

as

Pandya-va$aka or Pandya-rfftabhava
tfahendra here seems to be the
most loatherl] spur of the Travancore Hills (JBA8., 1894,
882).

of the

Hillebrandt,
11.

Brihat-

Vedit

and

6).

Vylholc

I.

96j

B.

Eahn's

Zeittchrift,

ARYAN COLONISATION.

for a thief are taskara, tayu, stena

and paripcm-

but never chora, this word being for the

first time found in the Taittirlya
Aranyaka
which is a late work. This conclusion is strengththin,

ened by the fact that in Latin and Greek also,

there is no word, signifying " a thief," which
correspends to chora in sound.

The

case,

name

the

however, was different in regard to

of

the

other

Katyayana, we have

people,
derives
seen,

viz.
it

Pandya.
from Pandu.

This shows that the Pandyas were an Arvan tribe,

and not an alien tribe like the Cholas or Choras.

Now, a Greek writer

called

Plinv

tells

us a

tradition about these

Pandyas, on the authority

that
Megasthenes,
they were descended from
Pandoea, the only daughter of the Indian Herof

cules,

i.e.,

She went away from the

the Saurasenas, whose principal

of Krishna.

country of
towns were Methora or Mathura and Cleisobora
or
Krish nap nra, and was assigned by her
father just

southward

"that portion of India which lies

and extends to the sea." 2 It is thus

clear that the

Pandyas were connected with the

The account

north and were an Aryan race.

given by Megasthenes, however, like many traditions of this nature, is to be regarded as a

combination of both truth and fiction. In the
place no authority from any epic or Purana
forthcoming to show that Krishna had a

first
is

X.

65.

IA.

VI 249-50 and

344.

LECTURE

10

I.

daughter and of the name of Pandya. Secondly,

though Mathura is connected with the infancy
Krishna, he lived as a ruler, not at Mathura
hut at Dvaraka from where alone he could send

of

his

daughter.

ments

of

These

are,

that

fiction

therefore,

the

ele-

got mixed up with the

What

immigration of the Pandyas.

appears to be

was a tribe called Pandu

round about Mathura, and that when a section
of them went southwards and were settled there,
the truth

is

that there

they were called Pandyas.

This

is

clear, I think,

from Katyayana's uartika. Pcmtfor-dyaiij which

means that the suffix ya was to be attached not
to

Pandu the name

but

of the father of the

Pandu, which was the name

to

of

Panda vas
a Ksha-

well as of a country.

Evidently

Pandya denotes the descendants of

Pandu
when they

triva

tribe

as

the

and must have been so called

migrated southwards and established themselves
there.
Nay, we have got evidence to show

tribe,

'

that there was a tribe called

who wrote geography

Pandu.

of India

Ptolemy,
about A.D. 150,

speaks not only of the kingdom of Pandion or

Pandva but also of the countrv of the Pandoouoi
the

in

other
1

These Pandoouoi can be no

Punjab.
than the people Pandu.
Again, Varaha-

\\V also

meet with similar taddhita

Tims wo have

Kadamba and

instances

of

so forth, whoso

Chalukyu, Kidamba and so on.

1A..

XIII. 331 and

3-19.

early

form*

descendants

in

later

history.

being called Chalukva.

Inter on came to be called

tribes

ARYAN COLONISATION.

11

astronomer, who flourished about the middle of the 6th century A.D.,
makes mention of a tribe called Pandus and
mihira, the celebrated

places

them

in Madhyades'a. 1

There can, there-

fore, be no doubt about the existence of a people

called Pandus.
And as according to Varahami-

hira they were

is

somewhere

in the Madhyades'a,

it

quite possible that in the time of Megasthenes

they were settled round about Mathura? Megasthenes'

statement that the Pandyas of the
south

were

connected

Mathura seems
Greek

to be

with

the

founded on

Jumna and

fact,

because

Pliny and Ptolemy, tell us

that the capital of the Pandyas in the south was
2
i.e., Madura, the
Modoura,
principal town of
the

writers,

same name

the district of the

the Madras

in

The fact that the Pandyas of the

Presidency.
south called their capital Madhura clearly shows
that they came from the north from some
country whose capital was Mathura and thus
gives remarkable confirmation to what Megasthenes has told us.

with the practice

of

This

quite in accordance
the colonists naming the
is

younger towns or provinces after the

We thus see that an Aryan

Paudu

went

southwards,

and

older.

tribe called

occupied the

southernmost part of the peninsula, where they

were known asPandyaand their capital Madhura
1

Brihat-samhita, XIV.
I A.,

XIII. 368.

3.

LECTURE

12
or

Math ura.

of this

have

and

in Ceylon,

conclusion

also

is

a third

a fourth

Madura

The

natural

Archipelago.

Pandyas did not

the

that

is

migrations
not end

does

that there

'

Eastern

the

note

to

the

of

tribe

Aryan

enterprising

Matura
in

But the story

We

here.

I.

rest

with occupying the extremest southern

part of the peninsula, but went farther southsatisfied

ward and

the

stated,

just

as
also.
For,
Ceylon
doubt
no
Pandyas
appear to

colonised

have come from Mathura, the capital of the

&aurasena country as told by Megasthenes,
because this aloue can explain why they gave

name Mathura

the

kingdom

And

the capital of their new

south end of India.

to

at

situated

the

we have another Mathura

the fact that

in

Ceylon shows that the Pandyas alone could go

there and have a third capital of this name.
Besides, as the

Pandyas occupied the southern

it was they who could natu-

of India,

extremity
rally be expected to go and settle themselves in

But they seem

Ceylon.
not from the Madura but
District.

have

told

have gone there,

from the Tinnevelly
to

that

you

the

ancient

Ceylon was Tamraparni, but we have

remember thai Tamraparni was the name of

name
to

of

a river also.
1

This doubtless
\mmar

Oald'

of the

Mahabhrirata III. 88
District

is

quiti

16.

lian

Thai
lose

it

the

is

the present river

Languages, Intro.,

Pandyas

was the

held

territory

p. 16.

the

Madura

immediately

round aboul Madhara, their capital, Thai they held also the Tinnevelly

ARYAN COLONISATION.

13

Tamraparni in the Tirmevelly District. Scholars

have no doubt tacitly admitted that there was a

somehow

connection
Ceylon, but

this

only

intelligible

between

river

this

can be

connection

and

rendered

on the supposition that the

Tinnevelly District was called Tamraparni after

the river, just as Sindhu or Sind was after the
river

Sindhu

or Indus.

In that case

it is intelli

when the Pandyas went to Ceylon,

they named it Tamraparni after the country
they left. Again, coming as they did from the
gible that

Tinnevelly District they would naturally land

in the north-western part of the Island.
And
quite in keeping with this supposition that
find the ancient civilised and populous dis-

is

it

we

Ceylon, the so-called Kalah located, not

in the south, east or north-east, but north-west
of

trict

part of the Island.

Let us now see

how

the

Aryan

colonisation

Southern India must have been accomplished.

of

We know

that

when

the

Aryans migrated in
ancient times from Afghanistan and Punjab to
the different parts of Northern India, they did

District is clear

from what Ptolemy and the author o.f the Periplus tell
Northwards their rule
(IA., XIII. 331).

us about the Pandya kingdom

seems
of

to

have extended as far as the highlands in the neighbourhood

Its western boundary was formed by the

the Coimbatore gap.

That the Aryans had occupied the

the Ghats.
Tinnevelly District at this time is evident from the fact that we have
here not only tllfe sacred river Tamraparni but also the sacred place
southern range of

Agastya-tlrtha both mentioned in the Mahabharata.

1

Jour.

Ceylon Br. B.A. Soc, VII. 57

ff.

14

LECTURE

I.

under the leadership of the Kshatriya tribes,

and hence their new settlements were called
so

after

the

names

of

those

legend in this connection

tribes.

curious

worth quoting from

the Satapatha-Brahmana, from which it would
appear that when the Aryans pushed forward
to

the

of

east

the

is

Sarasvati, they were led

by

Mathava the Yidegha, and his priest.

They
went at first as far east as the Sadanira which
1

formed

Kosala
boundary between
Videha and which therefore corresponds
Little

the

Gandak

of the

time they did

not

and
to the

For some
present day.
venture to cross this river.

They did however cross it, and, at the time when

the Satapatha-Brahmana was composed, were
east of it in a province called
no
doubt
after the name of the tribe to
Yideha
settled to the

which the king Mathava belonged.

Nay, we

have got Pacini's authority to that effect thus,

according to him, Panchalcmam niraso janapadah Vanchalah, i.e. the word JPanclialah
denotes the country or kingdom which the
;

What hapKshatriya tribe Panchala occupied.

pened in North India must have happened in
South India also. I have already referred to
the

tribe

Pandu

southernmosl

was

called

pari

who
of

wore

This

Pandya.

BBE .Ml. mi...

JEAB L907,
f.

was

xli B
eq.

i>.

settled

India and after

1.

I'M

in

certainly
s.-q.

the

whom

it

ARYAN COLONISATION.
Kshatriya

tribe.

Kautilya's
JBhojah

we have

Again,

viz.

amanas = aa-bandhu-rash(ro

known

vinanasa

Dandakya or king of
lascivous attempt on a
as

ing

a passage in

Dandakyo noma
Brafymana-kanyam = abliimany-

Arthasastra,

kamat

15

(a Bhoja
Dandaka, mak-

Brahman

girl,
1

perished along with his relations and kingdom.)

Bhoja was, of course, the name of a Kshatriya

we know from the Mahabharata and

2
And a prince of this tribe is here
Harivarhs'a.
tribe, as

said

to

another

have been a ruler

name

for

of

Dandaka, which

Maharashtra.

As

all

is

the

which Kautilya mentions along with

that of Dandakya Bhoja took place long before
his time and as he himself was, we know, the
incidents

prime-minister of Chandragupta, founder of the

dynasty, and consequently lived at
the close of the fourth century B.C., it appears that the Bhojas must have taken posses-

Maurya

Maharashtra, at least in the fifth

century B.C., if not earlier. I have already
told you that the Buddhist work Suttanipata
sion

of

speaks of Patitthana or Paithan in Nizam's

But
was
an
Dominions.
there
older
Patitthana or Pratishthana on the
of the

confluence

Ganges and the Jumna, which was the

Kautiltyam Arthasastram (Bibliotheca Sanskrits

Mahabharata,

I.

85.34-,

II.

14.

6,

&

VI.

No- 37),

9.

40;

1895, 8816, 12838.

3

R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p.

4.

p. 11.

Hariua?hsa,

16

LECTURE

The practice

Pumravas.

Aila

capital

of

naming

the younger town

universal, and

is

I.

the

after

one

older

well-known even

is

of

the

in

European nations. I have already

quoted you an instance from India, viz. of
Mathura. And Pratishthana is but another incolonies of

seems that on the bank of the

It thus

stance.

Godavarl we had a colonv from the country of

of which the older Pratishthana was the capital,

and

it

of the Aila tribe.

century

we had here a colony

probable that

is

Even

'-'

we

A.D.,

as

late

as

the

third

North Indian Aryan

find

going southwards and settling

themselves somewhere in Southern India. A
tribes or families

Buddhist stupa has been discovered at JagayyaWe have

peta in the Kistna District, Madias.
got here

at

three

least

inscriptions

of

this

period which refer themselves to the reign of

the king Madharlputra
SrI-Vlrapurushadatta
of the Ikshvaku family.
This indicates that
m
:l

Kistna and adjoining Districts were held

century A.D. by the Ikshvakus.*

the

in the third

Wilson.

Ed.), p. 41
;

In

Viehnu-Puraqa,

III.

I'M";

Vtkramorvailyam (BSPS.

believed to be present Jhusi opposite Allahabad

Kiababharata

the

nnd

C>'>)

Aila-van'isyas

are

(II. 14.

fort.

mentioned both Ailavamsa

4).

Ailas are

(I.

mentioned also

in

M,
the

Parana*.
s
*

was

Lflders, List of Brahrni Inscriptions etc, N'os. 1202-4.

[t is

not at all unlikely that Madharipatra Drl-VTrapuraahadatta

Dakshina-Kosala which in the third century A.D. may

a prince of

have extended
with

its

far

the

capital of Biketa or

east coast.

We know

that Uttara-Kosala,

ayodhyS, was ruled over by tho Ikshvakus,

ARYAN COLONISATION.

who

certainly

We

know

17

must have come from the north.

that

hero

the

Rama,

of

the

Ikshvaku race. So
The
did Buddha, the founder of Buddhism.
Ikshvakus are also mentioned in the Puranas

Ramayana, belonged

dynasty ruling in North

The Ikshvakus of the Kistna District

a historical

as

India.

to the

royal

must, therefore, have come from the north.

It

is

the

that

true

Aryan

civilisation

was

thus to a certain extent spread over Southern

India through conquest. But this cannot be

Causes of a pacific and more

important nature must also have operated. We
are so much
accustomed to hear about the
the whole cause.

enterprising

and

prosylitising

spirit

of

the

Buddhist and Jaina monks that we are apt to

think that Brahmanism had never shown any
missionary zeal. Is this, however, a fact ? Did
not the Brahmans or at any rate any of the
families

hymn- composing

any mis-

put forth

sionary effort and help in the dissemination of

the Aryan culture ?
I cannot help thinking
that the ancient liishis were not mere passive
inert

thinkers,

but were

active

though not

aggressive propagators of their faith

and

it

their
to

it

Tradi-

seems that when the Ikshvakus spread themselves southwards,

new
to

province also was called Kosala, dakshina being also applied

distinguish

it

became Uttara-Kosala.

from their original territory which therefore

(Dakshina ) Kosala was certainly well-known

in the fourth century A. D.,

inscription of

as

it is

mentioned

Samudragupta and included

in the

Allahabad

in Dakahinapatha,

pillar

18

LECTURE
narrated

tion,

I.

the

in

says that

Mahabharata
and
was the Brahman sage

Ramayana,
Agastya who first crossed the Vindhya range
and led the way to the Aryan immigration.
it

When Rama

southward march and

was at Paiichavati, Agastya was already to the
south of the Vindhyas and was staying in a
hermitage about two yojanas from it. This is
not

We

all.

his

began

find

him evermore penetrating

the hitherto unknown

farther and farther into

south,

and

civilising the Dravidians.

Nay, this
admitted by the Tamil people themselves.
They make Agastya the founder of their lanis

guage and literature and

eminence the Tamirmuni
still

They

or

him by way
Tamilian

of

sa^e.

a mountain in the Tinnevelly

point to

which

District,

call

is

English Agastier,

commonly

by the
hill"
Agastya's
Agastya
have finally retired thither
called

i.e.

being supposed to
from the world after civilising the Dravidians."
I

am

not unaware
a

is.

that

these

man

is

It

whether Agastya

these legends

legends.

It

mistake to suppose that legends

however,
teach us nothing historical.

be doubted

are

is

certainly

may
as

very well

he figures in

But
personality.
the historical sense

historical

lacking

he cannot read in these legends the historical

if

truth that Rishis

Mahabhuratn,

Caldwell,

III.

Grammar

took

most prominent but

104 ; Bdmayana

III.

11.

85.

of the Dravidian Languages, Intro., 101, 110.

AJRYAN COLONISATION.

19

unobtrusive part in the Aryan colonisation and

the diffusion of Aryan culture.
The old Rishis
of India,

I think,

were as enthusiastic and en-

terprising in this respect

Buddhist and

as the

Jaina missionaries, and were often migrating

with their host of pupils to distant countries.
I

take

shall

onlv

one instance.

hope vou

remember the Brahman guru Bavarin, whom

I

mentioned a few minutes ago.

appears in the

He

Sutta-Nipata.
three

therein as perfect in the

disciples

sixteen
of

them again had

all

His story
described

is

He

Vedas.

Brahmans, and each one

his host of

They all
and are

pupils.

matted hair and sacred skins,

bore
styled

Rishis.

"With

has

these

of

pupils

and

his

their pupils' pupils Bavarin was settled on the

bank of the Godavarl in the Asmaka territory,

where he performed a sacrifice.

settled on the confines of the
as

it

was then known,

if

He

was

thus

Dakshinapatha,
not beyond. And yet

Ave are told that originally

he was

at Sravasti,

He and his
country.
pupils had thus traversed at least 600 miles before
they came and were settled on the Godavarl.
capital

of

the

Kos'ala

It will thus be seen that the Bishis

were in the

moving in large numbers and to long

distances, and making their settlements where
habit of

they performed
with
keeping

Ramayana.

sacrifices.

This

is

exactly

in

what we gather from the

To the south of the Vindhya, we

20

LECTURE

learn, there

were

I.

many Brahman

anchorites

who

lived in hermitages at different places and

performed their sacrifices before Rama penetrated

Dandakaranya and commenced his career of conThere was an aboriginal tribe called the
quest.

who

Rakshasas

the

disturbed

sacrifices

and

devoured the hermits and thus placed themselves

Brahmanical institu-

in hostile opposition to the

On

tions.

the other hand, under the designation

of Vanaras,

who

gines,

we have
allied

and embraced

got another

themselves to

their

form

of

class of

the

religious

abori-

Brahmans
worship.

Even among the Rakshasas we know we had an

Vibhishana, brother of Ravana,
said to be na tu Rakshasa-cheshtitah? not
in

exception

who

is

behaving himself like a Rakshasa. This was the

state of things in Southern India when Rama

came

This clearly shows that the Rishis

were always to the forefront in the work of
India and introducing
Southern
colonising
there.

Aryan

civilisation.

the only Rishi,

and

killed

Amongst them Agastya was

who fought with

them.

The other

missionaries, never resorted

to

the

Rakshasas

Rishis, like true

the

practice

of

though they believed rightly or

wrongly that they had the power of ridding them-

retaliation,

selves of

says to

their

Rama

One of them distinctly

Kamarh tapah-prabhavena tokta

enemy.

hantum nUacharan chirarjitam na ch-echchhama**

1

Ramayana,

III.

17.

22.

ARYAN COLONISATION.
tap ah khamlayitum
of

power

vayam "It is true that by the

our austerities we could at will slay

these goblins

but

we

are

Rama,
waged war with the Hakshasas.
of

it

was

missionary

Eishis refused to practice retaliation

like a true Kshatriya, intervened and

the

that

spirit

nullify

And

of) our austerities."

because through genuine

simply
spirit

to

unwilling

merit

(the

2l

the ancient

This high noble

manifested in

Rishis,

mixing with the aborigines and civilising

them, is not seen from the Ramayana only. It
may also be seen from the story of the fifty of
their

mentioned

Visvamitra's sons,

Brahmana and
this lecture.

the Aitareya

in

referred to at the

beginning

of

They strongly disapproved of his

Sunahsepa, and were for that reason

adoption of
cursed by Vis'vamitra to live on the

And

borders

of

progeny, we
are told, are the Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras and
so forth.
If we read the legend aright, it clearly
the

Aryan settlements.

their

indicates that even the scions of such

trious

hymn-composing

family

an

as

illus-

that

Vis'vamitra migrated southward boldly, and

is

more,

married

and

aborigines, with the

mixed

object

freely

of

of

what

with the

diffusing

Aryan

culture amongst them.

But by what routes did the Aryans penetrate
South India ? This question we have now to consider.

The main
1

route, I think,
Ibid., III.

10.

13-14.

is

the

reverse

22

LECTtTEE

I.

one by which Bavarin's pupils went to

Magadha from Asmaka. This was described a
of the

short time ago.

have

The Aryan

thus

route

seems

through the Avanti country, the

southernmost town of which was MahissatI or
Mandhata on the Narmada, from where the
to

lain

Aryans crossed the Vindhyas and penetrated

Southern India. They
began by colonising
Vidarbha from which they proceeded southwards
first

to the

Mulaka

territory with

its

principal

town Patitthana or Paithan and from there to the

Asmaka country. By what route farther southward

they

not

is

immigrated

find- spots of As'oka's inscriptions

One copy

a clue.

of his

been found at Maski

the Raichur District,
three

but the

clear,

perhaps afford

Minor Bock Edicts has

in the

Lingsugur Taluq of
Nizam's Dominions, and
l

more

farther southward, in the Chitaldrug

District of the Mysore State. 2
few Jaina

cave inscriptions have come to light also

Madura

in the

"

and appear to belong to the

second century B.C. and possibly earlier. As
As'oka's edicts and these cave inscriptions are in
Pali,

by

through
1

were the districts colonised

The Aryans thus seem to

these certainly

the

have

to

District

Aryans.
crone south

from the Asmaka

modern Raichur and Chitaldrug

the

Hyderabad Archaeological

EC,

Vol. XI.

Series,

No.

1.

p. 1.

(Intro.), p. 2
t

1012, p. 61

territory

on Epigraphy for the venr ending Hist

March

ARYAN COLONISATION.

23

from where they must have gone to

the Madura District which was originally in
This seems to agree with
the Pandya kingdom.

Districts,

of their immigration
preserved
B
These
Brahmans
Tamil
rah
mans.
anions the
have a section called Brihachcharana which
means the Great Immigration, and must refer

the

to

tradition

large

southward movement

subdivided into

Mazhnadu

They are
Molagu. The
.

Mazhnadu and

sub-section

is

further

divided

into

Kandra-manikkam, Mangudi and Sathia-mangalam etc., all villages along the Western Ghats

they clung
skirts

the

in

that

showing
of

to the

the

their

southward movement

highlands and peopled the

present

province

of

Mysore and

Coimbatore and Madura Districts

a con-

clusion which agrees with that just drawn from

the find-spots of the As'oka and Cave Inscriptions
in Southern India.

Another route by Avhich the Aryans seem to

have gone to South India was by the sea. They
appear to have sailed from the Indus to

Kachchha, and from there by sea-coast to Surashtra or Kathiawar, from Kathiawar to Bharukachchha or modern Broach, and from Bharukachchha to Supparaka or Sopara in the Thana District
of

the

Bombay

author of
the

Bhallavin

Presidency.

Baudhayana,

the

Dharmasastra quotes a verse from

School of Law, which tells us
1

IA., 1912,231-2.

LECTURE

24
the

that

mixed

inhabitants

of

Sindhn,

those

of

the

like

Surashtra

I.

Dekkan were

shows

This

origin.

Sauvlra and

the

that

of

Aryans
Towards

had begun colonising

parts.
the end of the period we have selected they
seem to have advanced as far south as Sopara.
those

But

they must have gone by

already stated
sea-route, because
as

the

mention

it

quite clear that no

inland countries or

is

traceable of any

is

towns between the sea-coast and the Dekkan.

Now, wherever
Aryans
their

and

i.e.

their religion, culture

on

the

me

necessary for
for

Hindu

civilisation

India

or

is

is

Ceylon
know about it as
This point,

expatiate

is

scarcely

on the former

an indisputable fact that the

that we see everywhere in

point,

it

It

aborigines.
to

and

but also imposed their

social organisation,

language

the

they introduced not only

penetrated,

civilisation,

India and Cevlon

in

essentially

much and

therefore,

calls for

as

Aryan.

You

well as I do.

no remarks.

In

regard to the Aryan language, however, I cannot

do better than quote the following opinion of
Sir

(loor^e

the

present

It will

Bnddhisl

day.

be stated

stSjxu

an eminent linguist of
"When an Aryan tongue,"

Grierson,

hare

farther on in

found

been

lie

text that

in the

no

less

than three

Kistnu District with quite a

comber of I'ali inscriptions showing that the Aryans had coloniaod that
The question arises from where did the Aryans go there; They
part.
must

h:r

the latter.

either from

See note on

p.

Kalinga ) AJmaka,
U\

below*

most probably from

ARYAN COLONISATION.

25

"comes into contact with an uncivilized

says he,

aboriginal one, it
goes to the wall.
to speak

it,

invariably the latter which

The Aryan does not attempt

is

and the necessities

of

intercourse

compelled the aborigine to use a broken 'pigeon'

form

As

of the

language of a

generations

pass

this

and more approximates

of

process

to

superior civilisation.

mixed jargon more

in
its model, and

time the

old aboriginal language is

a natural death." 1
I com-

forgotten and dies

pletely endorse this view of Sir George Grierson

except in one respect. This exception, you

will at once see, is the Dravidian languages

which are at present spoken in Southern India.

indeed, strange how the Aryan, failed to
supplant the Dravidian, speech in this part of
It

is,

though it most successfully did in Northern India, where I have no doubt the DravidiIndia,

an tongue prevailed before the advent of the

Aryans. This will be seen from the fact that
"Brahul, the language of the mountaineers in
the Khanship of Kelat in Beluchistan, contains
not only some Dravidian words, but a considerable infusion of distinctively Dravidian forms

and idioms"
element

in a

The discovery

of this Dravidian

language spoken beyond the Indus

show that the Dra vidians, like the

Aryans, the Scythians, and so forth, must have

tends

to

Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I. pp. 351-2.

Grammar of the Dravidian Language*, Intro, pp. 43-4-

Caldwell,

LECTURE

26

is

the

India by

entered

I.

north-western route.

It

a well-known fact, accepted by all schothat there are many Sanskrit words, which

also

lars,

Dravidian, and Kittel, in his Kannaa long list of

gives
da-English Dictionary,
them. But in compiling this list he seems to
are

really

have drawn exclusively upon classical Sanskrit,

which was never a bliasha or spoken language.
one Dravidian word, howerer, is known
from the Vedic literature, which is admitted to

At

least

he composed in the language actually spoken

by the people. The word I mean is matachi

which

occurs

the Chhaudogya-Upanishad

in

(1.10.1) in the passage Matachl-hateshu

atikya

salta

Ushastir lio

jay ay a

Kurushu

Chakrayana

ibhya-grame pradratiaka uvasa. Here evidently

the devastation of the crops in the Kuru country

by matachi is spoken of. All the commentators

except one have wrongly taken matachi to mean
'hailstones', but one commentator who is an
rightly gives rahta-rnninli fohudra*
l
patohi-viieshah as an alternative equivalent .

exception

This shows
creatures"

"red- coloured

these

that

can he no

other

than

winged
and

locusts,

Kuru

they which laid waste the fields of the

country as they do to the present day in

every

part

that

that
ia

it is

this

of

India.

explanation

confirmed

by

the

is

It

interesting to note

the

of
fact

JRAS., 1911,

p.

510.

commentator

that

matachlia

AEYAN COLONISATION.

27

a Sanskritised form of the well-known Canarese

word

which

mkliche
as

Dictionary

and which
the Dharwar

is

is

explained by Kittel's

"a

a
locust"
grasshopper,
used in this sense to this dav in

District of the

Bombay Presidency

unanimous on the point that the

Chhandogya-Upanishad is one of the earliest

Scholars

of

the

are

Nobody doubts

Upanishads.

Upanishad was put together

India,

Sanskrit

in

language

which

it

represents the current speech of

yet we find in it a term which

Dravidian word.

such

will

literature if

of

is

the
is

composed

And

day.

genuinely

have no doubt that more

forthcoming from the Vedic

scholars of the Dravidian languages
be

undertake this task.

conclusion

that this

North

the

Punjab, and that the

the

in

especially

in

that

And

this will confirm

Dravidian

the

tongue

the

was

North India before the Aryans

came and occupied it. The same conclusion is

prevalent in

forced upon us by an
examination of the
of
North India. Take Bengali, for
vernaculars

words Khoka and Khul'i which

mean 'boy' and 'girl' in Bengali are nothing
but the Oraon Koka and Kold. The Bengali
instance

telo,

the

'head',

Ta-lai.

plural

'many'.

is

Nola,
suffix

Gull

the

Telugu

gal

and gula are used

1

and

Tamil

Tami] nalu. The

used in Tamil to denote

'tongue'
is

ta-la

is

IA., 1913, p. 235.

for the

same

2^

LECTURE

I.

purpose in Bengali. Instances can be multil

but those given are enough, to show
plied
that even the vernacular Bengali, which bristles
,

Sanskrit and derivative words,

with
to

Dravidian languages

of

its

What

vocabulary
is

strange

is

is

indebted

for a pretty large portion

and structural
that

even

in

peculiarities.

Hindi speech

words have been traced. Even the

commonest Hindi words j hag yd, ata and so forth
Dravidian

have been traced

to

Dravidian vocables

reasonable doubt can therefore

to the

as

be

2
.

No.

entertained

Dravidian speech once being spoken in

North India.

We

tongue was

thus see that the Dravidian

once spoken in North India but was superseded

and
by the Aryan, when the Aryans penetrated
therefore,
It,
established themselves there.
in
Southern
how
curious
becomes extremely
India the Aryan speech was not able to supplant
But here a question arises
the Dravidian.
:

Is

it

a fact that even

in that part of

the country

no Aryan tongue was ever known or spoken by

the aborigine, after the Aryans came and were
take

my

stand on epigraphic

they alone

can

afford

settled

here

records

as

evidence on the subject.

>

y, ir

XX.

I't.

A. 1016, p. 16.

I.

irrefragible

first

detailed consideration of this subject,

by Mr. B.C. Maaamdar printed

patrika, Vol.

Let us

take the

Bee Bangalabhathav
in

Bahiiya^ariOua.

ARYAN COLONISATION.

29

province whose vernacular at present is Telugu.

The earliest inscriptions found here are those of

mean

Evidently I

As'oka.

the

version

of

his

Fourteen Rock Edicts engraved at Jaugada in

the Gran jam District, the extreme north-east

But I am
part of the Madras Presidency.
afraid I cannot lay much stress upon it, because
though Telugu
Uriya

district,

no doubt

is

is

not

unknown

in the northern portion of

known

fact

that in

it.

in

spoken
here, at

And

province

this

any rate

it is

where

well-

the

ranges of any two

languages or dialects meet,

the boundary which divides one from the other
never permanently fixed, but is always
is
changing. I shall not, therefore, refer here to
the Fourteen Rock Edicts discovered in the

Ganjam

District,

but

southwards and select

come down a little

that district where none

shall

but a Dravidian language is spoken I mean

Here no less than three
the Kistna District.

Buddhist

stupas

have

been discovered, along

with a number of inscriptions. The earliest of

these is that at Bhattiprolu, the next is the celebrated one at AmravatI, and the third is that at
Jagayyapeta. The inscriptions connected with
these

monuments

are

short

donative

records,

specifying each the name and social status of

An
the donor along with the nature of his gift.

examination of these records shows that people

of various

classes

and statuses participated

in

30

LECTURE

this series

of

I.

We

benefactions.

religious

will

here leave aside the big folk, such as those who

belonged to the warrior or merchant class, and
who, it might be contended, were the

Aryan

AVe will also leave aside the monks

and nuns, because their original social status is
never mentioned in Buddhist
conquerors.

We

records.

inscriptional

have thus

left for

our considera-

people who are called heramka or

goldsmiths, and, above all, the chammakaras or
tion

the

These at any rate cannot be

reasonably supposed to form part of the Aryan
people who were settled in the Kistna District,
and yet we find that their names are
leather-workers.

clearly

Aryan, shoAving that they imbibed the Aryan

civilisation even to the extent of
adopting their
Thus, we have a goldsmith of the name
of Sidhatha or Siddhartha, two leather-workers

names.

and son) of the name of Yidhika or

Vriddhika and Naga. All these unmistakably
are Aryan names, but this string of names
(father

We

not stop here.

have yet
mention of another individual who
does

Kanha

or Krishna.

but the
himself

This too

individual,

Damila,

it

which

the

earliest

word

Providian race.
1

Assi.,

i.

so

We
in a

far

make
named

an Aryan name,

worthy of note,

is

is

Tami] or Sanskrit Dravida.

is

to
is

calls

exactly the same as

And,
found

in

fact, this is

signifying

the

thus see that as the result

i.il'.:!,

ibid,, 104,

ARYAN COLONISATION.
of the

Aryan settlement

in the

31

Kistna District,

the local people were so steeped in Aryan civilisation that thev went even to the lensjth of

taking Aryan proper names to themselves. But

could they understand or speak the Aryan
Do the inscriptions found in the
tongue ?

throw any light on

Kistna District
Yes,

they do,

this point ?

because the language

1

and Pali we know

of these

an Aryan
This clearly proves that an Aryan
speech.
was
tongue
spoken in the Kistna District from
at least 150 B.C. to 200 A.D. the period to

records

is

Pali,

which the inscriptions belong.

is

am

aware

it

argue that this Aryan language

was spoken only by the Aryans who were settled
there, and not necessarily by the people in

is

to

possible

general, and, above

argument

all,

the lower classes.

not convincing, because

is

it is

This
incon-

ceivable that earlier Buddhism, whose one aim

was to be in direct touch with the masses, and
which must have obtained almost all its converts
of this district from all sorts and conditions of the

indigenous people including the lowest classes,

could adopt an Aryan tongue unless it was at

known

least as well

the

in

people
This inference
1

use

this

term

to

and actually spoken by

general as
is

in

styled

monumental

Pali to

home

tongue.
confirmed by the fact that

it has been taken by

Perhaps this should have been
distinguish it from literary Pali, i.e. the Pali

the sense in which

Mr. Francke in his Pali and Sanskrit.

of the Buddhist scriptures.

their

LECTUllE

32

i.

three copies of what are called As'oka's Minor

Hock Edicts have been found in the Chitaldrug
District of the

Mysore

of

what

is

province.

One

of

heart

State,

now

the

the

in

i.e.

very

Canarese-speaking
enumerates the

these edicts

virtues that constitute what Asoka

meant bv dhamma, and the other exhorts all

different

people especially those of low position to put

forth strenuous endeavour after the highest life.
All the

of

inscriptions

As'oka, especially

these

had a very practical object in view. They

were intended to be understood and pondered
over by people of all classes, and as the language
Edicts,

of these cpi<2:raphic records

is

Pali, the conclusion

that though perhaps it was not the

tongue, it could be spoken, at least well

is irresistible

home

classes.

by all people including the lower

But this is not all. AVe have get incon-

testable

evidence

understood,

was

that

up

to

the 1th

century

language of the
kings even in those provinces where Dravidian
languages are now suprem e. At least one stone
A.D., Pali

inscription

and

found

been

the

also

copper-plate charters have

these provinces, ranging from

live

in

the

the second to

fourth or fifth century A.D.

The stone

inscription

Shimoga

District.

Borne

<..

grant
XI.

Lfidera,

was found

Mvsore

at

State.

MalavajH in

It

the god Majapaji by

to

hum.
/->'-'

official

IT.

of Brahm'% Inscriptions, Nos. 1195-6.

registers

Vinhukada

ARYAN COLONISATION.
Chutukalanaihda

who

dynasty

'

Satakarni

calls

33

Kadamba

of the

himself king of

VaijayantI,

and records the renewal of the same grant by his

son.
VaijayantI, we know, is Banavasi in the
North Kanara District, Bombay Presidency.
At Banavasi, too, we have found an inscription
of the

queen of

Both Banavasi and

this king.

Malavalli are situated in the Canarese-speaking

country, and yet we find that the official language

here

The same conclusion

is Pali.

is

proved with

reference to the Tami]-speaking country by the

Of
five copper-plate grants referred to above.

belong to the Pallava dynasty

one to a king called
s
Jayavarman, and one to Vijayadevavarman.
these

five three

reigning at Kanchipura,

had occasion to examine coins of two princes of this dynasty

Their names on them
District, Bombay.

found in the North Canara

are clearly

Chutukalanarnda and Mulanamda (PR. WC, 1911-2, p. 5,

Rapson is inclined to take Chutu and Mnda (Munrla) as

para 18,) Prof.

dynastic names (Catalogue of the coins of the Andhra Dynasty

lxxxiv-lxxxvi).

In

my

Mulanamda are proper names

inconceivable

how

the}

or

etc., Intro,

whole Chutuka(ku)lanamda and

opinion, the

individual epithets,

me

for to

it

is

could mention their dynastic names only on

the coins and not individual names or epithets at

all.

Prof. Rapson has conclusively shown that Vinhukada Chutukalanamda and Sivaskandavarman of the Malavalli inscriptions were

related to each other as father and son

worthy of note that the

in

one of these records.

It

belonged to the Kadamba dynasty

agrees with
sagotta

the

fact

(ibid, liv-lv).

that their

it

is

conclusion which thoroughly

title Vaijayayifi-pura-raja,

Manavyaand Harifiputta are exactly those of the Kadambas known to

us from their copper-plate charters

(Bombay

Gazetteer, Vol.

p. 287).
3

But then

been called king of the Kadambas

thus appears that both father and son

latter has

Liiders' List, Nos. 1200, 1205, 1327, 1328

and 1194.

I.,

pt. II

LECTURE

34

I.

The very fact that every one of these is a titledeed and has been drawn up in Pali shows
that this Aryan language must have been known
to officials of even the lowest rank and also to
One of
literate and even semi-literate people.
the three Pallava charters,

e.g.,

issues instruc-

the maintenance of the grant therein

registered, not only to rajakumara or royal
princes, senapati or generals, and so forth, but
for

tions,

free-holders

to the

also

guards

(.gamdgama-bhojaka),

and

cowherds

even

various

of

villages

{arakhadh ikata)

(go-vallava)

who

were

employed in the king's service. The princes

and generals may perhaps be presumed to be
of the Aryan stock and consequently
speak'

ing an Aryan tongue, but the free-holders of the

various villages, guards and cowherds, at any

must be supposed

rate,

And when

to

be of non-Aryan race.

instructions are issued to

them by

charter couched in Pali, the conclusion

table that this

Aryan tongue,

at least

is

up

inevito

the

fourth century A.J)., was spoken and understood

by all classes of people in a country of which

was Kanchlpura or Conjeveram and

was and is now a centre of the Tamil

the capital

which

Language and literature

.lust now I have many a time remarked that
Pali
1

might not have been the homo tongue of the

Personal];

think moai

<>f

the princes

in

Bonthern

Imlin

wore

evidenced bj their name* such a*

PuJiimRTi. Vijirnrakiua. Kajaloyn. Chnlukala ami *o forth.
f

OraTidinn

blood,

as

is

clearly

ARYAN COLONISATION.

35

people but was well understood by them.

haps some of you

exactly

bv

mean bv

ffiving

would
I

this.

We

an instance.

know what

like to

shall

explain

know

PerI

mvself

that there are

which were
Canarese-speaking
and
held
the
Some of
Marathas.
conquered
by
districts

many

them

belong to the Maratha Chiefs. If you

go to any one of these districts, you will find
still

that although the indigenous people speak

Canarese at home and among themselves, Marathi

understood by many of them and even by some

of the lower classes.
This is the result of the
is

Maratha domination extending over onlv two

centuries, and has happened notwithstanding the
fact that the Canarese people

and

have their own

art

As the

Pali inscriptions referred

to above show, the Aryans had established themliterature.

selves in Southern India for at least seven

turies.

It

is,

therefore,

cen-

no wonder that the

Aryan tongue could be spoken, at any rate well

understood, by the original Dravidians even to
the lowest classes, as
at least

is

clearly evidenced, I think,

by the inscriptions of As'oka and those

connected with Buddhist stupas.

We

must

not,

however, lose sight of the fact that the Aryan

lansuas-e for some reason or another had not

become the home tongue

of these Dravidians.

Evidence in support of this conclusion, curiously

enough, is forthcoming from an extraneous and
unforeseen quarter.

papyrus of the second

36

LECTURE

I.

was discovered

century A.D.

1903 at Oxyrhynchus in Egypt, containing a Greek farce by

an unknown author.
The farce is concerned
with a Greek lady named Charition, who lias
in

'

been stranded on the coast of a country bordering

Indian

the

The

Ocean.

of

kino:

this

"

Chiefs of the
country addresses his retinue as
Indians." In some places the same king and his

countrymen use

their

own language

especially

when Charition has wine served to them to

make them drunk. Many stray words have been
only two sentences have
been read, and these leave no doubt whatever

but

traced,

as

their

to

One

language having been Canarese.

sentences

having poured

madhuvam

Katti

haki,

wine

little

his

to

is

here

means

which

the

into

The other sentence

separately."
etti

referred

madhu patrakke

Koncha
"

the

of

far

so

panam

her ettuvenu, which

cup
her

means

"having taken up the cup separately and having

covered (it), I shall take wine separately."

From

the

ployed

in

that the Indian

fact

the

papyrus

is

Canarese,

that the scene of Charition's

of the

numerous small

coast of India

between

and that Canarese

understood
farce was

in

that

it

adventures

on the

ports

follows
is

one

western

Karwar and Mangalore

was

at

part

of

least

imperfectly
Egypt where the

composed and acted,

1

language cm-

JUAS., 1904,

p.

399

for

ff.

if

the

Greek

ARYAN COLONISATION.
audience in
bit of

37

Egypt did not understand even a

Canarese, the scene of

would be denuded

the

drinking bout

humour and would

of all its

be entirely out of place. There were commercial

relations of an intimate nature between
Egypt

and the

west

centuries

of

coast

the

in

the

early

era, and it is not

some people of Egypt understood
To come to our point, the papyrus

if

strange
Canarese.

clearly shows that,

Canarese

India

of

Christian

the second century A.D.,

was spoken in Southern India even
in

by princes, who most probably were Dravidian

by extraction. The Canarese, however, which
they spoke, was not pure Canarese, but was
with Aryan words. I have
two
Canarese sentences from the Greek
quoted
and
farce,
you will have seen that they contain

strongly tinctured

the words patra

madhu

panam

(cup),

which

(wine),

(drink)

aad

are

genuine Aryan
they are to be found in the Vedas.
The very fact that even in respect of ordinary

vocables as

affairs relating to

drinking we find them using,

not words of their

home language

naturally expect

them

Aryan vocabulary,

indicates

ipeecli

to

do,

as

we would

but words from

what hold the Aryan

had on their tongue.

Nevertheless

it

must be confessed that even

seven centuries of Aryan domination in South

India was not enough for the eradication of the

Dravidian languages.

It

would be exceedingly

38

LECTURE

I.

to
circumstances
investigate the
which precluded the Aryan tongue here from
supplanting the aboriginal one. Such an inquiry,

interesting

am

afraid,

leave

I,

Dravidian scholars

the

to

it

And

irrelevant here.

is

therefore,

tackle

to

most interesting but also most bewildering

this

problem.

Though
tion

and survival

are not

known

that led to the preservathe

Dravidian languages

causes

the

of

much

present, this

at

is

certain,

shown above, that up till 400 A.D.

any rate, an Aryan tongue was spoken and

as I have
at

known

people in general just in those

adiere the Dravidian languages are

to the

provinces
now the only
case,

we can

easily

the

to

vernaculars.

If

understand

present day
For we
vernacular.

was the

such

why

we have an

in

Ceylon

Indo- Aryan

have seen that the

Aryan colonisation did not stop till

not
therefore,
Ceylon.
Naturally,

tin;

it

tide of

reached

only the

Aryan civilisation but also the Aryan speech

was implanted from South India into this
country, where,
it
succeeded in

however, as

North India,

in

superseding the
tongue originally spoken (here. This satisfactorianswers, I think, the question about the
ly

completely

origin of Pali in which the

Lei mi-

the

su_\

Dravidian,

here that the exact

was

supplanted
South India,

bjr

Buddhist

question t"
the

be

Aryan,

scriptures

answered
language

is

in

although Aryan civilisation

much an North lurliu.
India
as
South
apparently permeated
India,

hut

nut

in

Wie-

North
bad

ARYAN COLONISATION.

30

Ceylon bave been written. The Island was

converted to Buddhism about the middle of the

of

third century B. C. by the preaching of Mahinda,

a son of the great Buddhist Emperor Asoka.

Naturally,

the

therefore,

which

scriptures

Mahinda brought with him from bis father's

capital must have been in Magadhi, the dialect
of the
Magadha country. As a matter of
however, the language of these scriptures,
is anything but
Magadhi,

fact,

we have them now,

as

of

though,

course, a

and there traceable.

few Magadhisms are here

This discrepancy has been

artificial

scholar

boldly

language altogether

and was an
a view which no

Prof.
endorses at present.
Oldenberg
that
the
Sinhalese
tradition
rejects

Mahinda brought the sacred

He

Kern

Prof.

variously explained by scholars.

holds that Pali was never spoken

compares

the

texts

:o

to

Pali

Ceylon.
hat of the

language
Maharashtra and

cave inscriptions in

the

of

epigraph of king Kharavela in Hathigumpha in

Orissa,
tially

i.e.

old Kalhiga, says that they are essen-

the same dialect and comes to the conclu-

was brought to the Island

from the peninsula of South India, either from
Maharashtra or Kaliiiga, with the natural spread
sion that the Ti-pitaka

Buddhism

of

southwards

cannot asrree with Prof.

conclusion.
1

On

Vinaya-Pitakam, Vol.

]
.

am

Oldenberg

the contrary,
I,

Intro, pp. Hr-lr.

in

afraid,

his

agree

first

with

LECTURE

40

I.

Rhys Davids that the Sinhalese tradition

Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon by
Mahinda is well-founded and must be accepted
Prof.
that

as

On

true.

the other hand, Pr

has, I think, correctly pointed out

Buddhist

scriptures

Magadhi but

is

the

of

dialect

is

Pali

of

divergent from
the same as the

widely

essentially
old

Oldenberg
thai

inscriptions found

in

Maha-

The truth of the matter is

rashtra or Kaliriga.
that the Aryans, who colonised Maharashtra and
spoke practically the same dialect, as
is
evidenced by inscriptions, and that when they
went still farther southwards and occupied

Kalinga

',

Ceylon,

they

naturally

there, as

dialect

is

introduced

also evidenced

tions discovered in the Island.

own

their

by the incriphave told vou

that

the Aryan colonisation of Ceylon

before
was complete long prior to the advent of the
Mauryas, and we must, therefore, suppose that

was already being spoken

Mahinda came and introduced Buddhism.
dialed

this

when
Now,
"

we

have'

passage

Personally

think,

the

in

the

Aryans wenl

<

lmU<t\:agga
to

Kalinga

not

by

of

the

worthy of note that while

the Pali
Anga and Ifagadha and A^nka
(Afimaka) and Kalinga,i< does not know Vanga, Pundra and Suhma
stly the countries intervening between Anga and
Kalinga, through
eastern,

by the southern route.

Buddhist canon knows

l>ut

It

is

which thej would certain!] have passed and where th<

inly
have been settled if they had iron.- to Kalinga by the eastern
route.
There is, therefore, nothing strange in the dialect of Kalinga
being the name as thrtt <.f Maharashtra or the Pali.

33.

1.

Aryan

colonisation.

41

the Vinaya-pitaka, in which Buddha distinctly

ordains that his word was to he conveyed by
different

Bhikshus

in

their

different

dialects.

The Magadhl of the sacred texts brought by

Mahinda must thus have been replaced by Pali,
the dialect of Ceylon, and we can perfectly
understand

how

gradual replacement a
few Ma^adhisms of the original may here and

there have

in

this

escaped this weeding-out, especially

Magadhl and Pali were not two divergent
lansrua^es but onlv two dialects of one and the

as

same language.

Lecture

II.

Political History.
In this lecture

intend treating of the Politi-

we have

cal history of the period

approximately from 050

idea of this

history
consider the question
territorial divisions

is
:

viz,

selected,

325 B.C.

to

No

good

possible unless we first

What were the biggest

known

time

at this

The most

is. as
you are aware. the
Middle Country. Accordenotes the land between the

central of these divisions

or

Madhya-desa
ding to

Manu

Himalaya

1
,

it

the

in the north, the

Vindhya

in the south,

Prayaga or Allahabad in the east, and Vinasana

or the place where the Sarasvati disappears, in
the west.

It

is

laws

the

true that

of

Manu

were put into their present form after 200 B.C.,

but I have no doubt that by far the greater
portion of

it

belongs to

Mann's description
to be

elder

much

than

period.

Middle Country

the

of

earlier

that

appears
Buddhist

Pali

canon, because

of

the

Madhyadesa

>'.//.

we

find

the

easternmost

in

the

was

Prayaga in
time, whereas that mentioned in the
It will
Buddhist works is far to the east of it.

point

M Mini's

thus be seen that the Middle

Country has not

been described by Manu only but also in Buddhist
1

II.

21.

POLITICAL HISTORY.
This

scriptures.

Vinava-Pitaka

Dakshinapatha

occurs

description

in

connection with

where

country

monk Maha-Kachchayana was

in

the

the

Avanti-

the

Buddhist

carrying

on his

work.

Avanti-Dakshinapatha was,
outside the Middle Country, and it

missionary

we

4*3

are told,

appears that Buddhism had not made much progress there when Maha-Kachchayana began his
work. When a new member was received, into
the Buddhist order, the necessary initiation cere-

mony had

to be

at least ten

performed before a chapter of

monks. This was the rule ordained

was well-nigh impossible in

the Avanti-Dakshinapatha country as there were

by Buddha, but

this

very few Bhikshus there.

Maha-Kachchayana,

therefore, sent a pupil of his to Buddha to get the

rule relaxed.
Buddha, of course, relaxed the

and laid down that in all provinces outside

the Middle Country a chapter of four Bhikshus

rule

was quite

sufficient.

It was,

however, necessary
Middle Country,

to specify the boundaries of the

and

this

was done by Buddha with

To the

tic precision.

east,

we

his characteris-

are told,

was the

town called Kajaiigala, beyond that is Mahasala.

To the south-east is the river Salalavati, to the
south is the town Setakannika, to the west is
the Brahman village called Thuna, and to the
north

is

the

mountain

called

Usiraddhaja.
Unfortunately none of these boundary places here
1

Text.

1.

107

;'.

ans,

SBE.

II. 3S.

LECTURE

4A

II.

This

have been identified except one.

specified

the easterly point, viz.

Kajangala,
must
to
Prof.
Davids,
Rhys
according
is

exception

which,
have been situated nearly 70 miles east of modern
Bhagalpur. In the time of Buddha, therefore, the
1

eastern limit of the Middle Country had extended

nearly

eastward

miles

100

most

was

its

Xow

there cannot be any

des'a

We

eastern

read
or

two

Orisa

Countrv.

Thus

Jatakas.

of

to

merchants
the

in

it

the

one place we
going from 1'tkala

Middle

Desa or

shows that Orisa

Middle

the

in

to

in

Majjhima

This clearlv

not included

territorial division.

as

Prayaga which
MaDu's time.

doubt that Madhya-

references

constant

Buddhist

in

point

was looked upon

find

of

Count

rv.

was

But

Yideha being situated in it. 8 Again,

we hear of hermits fearing to descend from the

we read

of

Himalayas

to

go into .Majjhima

Desa.

because

the people there are loo learned.

It will thus
be quite clear that Majjhima Desa or Madhya
Desa was a name not created by literary authors,

but was

in

actually

vogue

among

the

people

and denoted some particular territorial division.

It
was with reference to this Middle Country
that the terms Dakshinapatha and Uttarapatha
JRAS
Jot.

1904, 87-8.

mi

H.i<l.

III.

364

hid.

III.

US

'

'
I

i.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

seem

to

have come into

use.

4.5

Dakshinapatha,

meant the country to the south

not of the Yindhya so much as of the Madhyades'a.
This is clear from the fact that we find
mention made
of Avanti-Dakshinapatha.
I
have iust told vou that it Avas in this countrv

I think, originally

that the Buddhist missionary

Maha-Kachchavana

It is worthy of note that Avanti was

preached.
a very extensive country and that in Buddhist
works Ave sometimes hear of Ujjenl and some1

MahissatI 2 as being its capital. Ujjenl

the
well-known Ujjain, and
course,

times of
is,

of

MahissatI

is

the same as

the

Sanskrit

matl and has been correctly

Mandhata3 on the Narmada

Mahish-

identified
in

the

with

Central

seems that Ujjain

It,
therefore,
was the capital of the northern division of Avanti,
Provinces.

which

Avas

known simply

and MahissatI
Avas,

of

the

southern

called

therefore,

as the Avanti country

division,

which

Avanti-Dakshinapatha.

Now, Mandhata, with which MahissatI has been

identified,

is

not to the

south of the

Yindhvas,

and as

it was the
must necessarily
have included a portion of Central India immediately to the north of this mountain range, its

but rather

in the

range

itself,

capital of a country, this country

southern portion having coincided with Vidarbha.

1

Ibid. IV. 3P0.

SHB.
3

III. 270.

JRAS., 1910, 445-6.

LECTURE

4:6

II.

was
This country of
Avanti-Dakshinapatha
the
thus not exactly to the south of
Vindhya as
upper half was to the north of this range.
And
And yet it has heen called Dakdiinapatha.

its

seems

it

because

have been called

to

was

it

Yindhva

as

Dakshinapatha,

much

to the south not so

of the

of the

The same

Middle Country.

appears to be the case with the term Uttarapatha.

One Jataka speaks of certain horse-dealers as

having come from

Benares.

to

Uttarapatha
cannot
Uttarapatha

here

Northern India, because Benares

Northern India.

Evidently

outside and

at least

kingdom whose

horses of the dealers

itself

in

is

denotes a country
north of the Kas'i

was

capital

signify

it

the

to

Baranasi or

As the

Benares.

referred to are called

just

they came
from the banks of the Sindhu or the Indus. We
it

sindhava,

indicates

clearly

that

have seen that according to Manu the SarasvatI

formed the western boundary of the Madhyades'a.

And

the Indus

is

as

much

north as to the

to the

and therefore of MadhyaIt was thus with reference to the Middle

des'a.
Country that the name Uttarapatha also was
devised.
dp to the tenth century A. I)., we find
west of

the Sarasvati

the term Uttarapatha used in this

1

in.

See
\at
ll.

In

alio

the

name

sense.

Arantl-dakkhinapatha occurring

Thus
in

Jot.

16

287.

the

Divyavadana (Cowell
Put it
placed in the CttarSpatha
ezolnded liadhyadefia.

and
is

not

Neil,

clear

p.

407>

that

TakshafiU

this

is

Uttarapatha

POLITICAL HISTORY.

when Prabhakaravardhana, king

sent

Huna
625

son

his

of Sthanvis'vara.

the

invade the

to

Rajyavardhana

territory in

17

Himalayas,

A.D.) author of

the

Bana

(cir.

re-

llarshacharlta,

him to have gone to the UttaraAs the Huna territory has

thus

presents
l

patha.

been placed in the Uttarapatha, it is clear that

Prabhakaravardhana's kingdom was excluded

from

And

it.

as

Sthanvlsvara,

Prabhakaravardhana,
side of

stood

be

to

reference

seems

is

the SarasvatI,

to

Thanesar

his

included in the

which alone

capital

and

is

Uttarapatha.

on this

kingdom was underMadhyades'a, with

the Huna territory

have been described as being

to

of

Similarly, the

in the

poet Rajasekhara

A.D.), in his

Kavya-mlmfuhsa ? places
on
the
side of Prithudaka,
other
Uttarapatha
which, we know, is Pehoa in the Karnal District,
Panjab, i.e. on the western border of the Middle
(880-920

It is,
the
clear that
therefore,
Country.
terms Dakshinapatha and Uttarapatha came into

vogue only in regard to the Madhyades'a. It

must, however, be borne in mind that although
Uttarapatha in Northern India denoted the
countrv north of the Madhvades'a, in Southern
India even in Bana's time the term denoted

Northern India.
patron,

has
1

Thus Harshavardhana, Bana's

been described

Harshacharitn (BSPS. LXVI),

(GOS.I),

p. 94.

1.

8.

in

p.

South
210.

India

48

LECTURE

II.

i.e.
inscriptions as Srlmad-Uttarapath-adhipati,
of
must here
sovereign
Uttarapatha, which

signify

We

North

India."

thus see that the

A\hole

of

the region

occupied by the Aryans was at this early period

divided
into three
parts, viz.

Madhyadesa,
and
Let us hoav
Uttarapatha
Dakshinapatha.
see what the political divisions were
In no
less than four places
the
Ahguttara-Nikaya
mentions what appears

to be a
stereotyped list
Solasa Maha-janapada, i e. the Sixteen
Great Countries.
This list is certainly familiar

of

the

to those of

Buddhist
1.

you who

Iit<li<t.

It is

have read
as follows

Rhys

Davids'

POLITICAL HISTORY.

two of

Secondly,

49

names

these

are

not of

the
peoples but of tribes, viz.
Vajjl and
the Malla.
Thirdly, we seem to have here a
specification, by pairs, of the conterminous
countries.

Magadha thus are one

Kosala another, Kuru and

and

KasI

pair,

and

Ariga

Parichala a third, and so on, and there can be no

that the countries of each pair are
contiguous with each other. Other points too are

doubt

worth noting about

this

list,

when we come

understood

but they can be best

to

know

the more or

less correct

Let

geographical position of the countries.

us take the first pair, viz. Ariga and

That

Magadha.
clear

from

e.g.

they were conterminous is

one Jataka story,
which tells
1

us that the citizens of Ariga and Magadha were

travelling from one land to another and staying

house on the marches of

in a

kingdoms.

i.e.

the two ratthas,

shows that thev were not

This

only contiguous but separate kingdoms in the

7th centurv B.C., the social life of which
the Jatakas are
believed
period
In the time of Buddha,
Ariga

came

independent,

but

annexed

Magadha.

to

was

river

was

the

called

afterwards

The

capital

Champa

of

by Cunningham with Bhagalpur.

II.

211.

ff.

river

Ariga

and has

Jat.

IV. 454. 11.

depict.

was

from Magadha.

Ariga

separated

to

first

be

to

Champa
On this

which

also

been identified

One Jataka

'

ASR.XV.

31.

LECTURE

50

II.

Kalachampa, and places it 60

yojanas from Mithila. The capital of Magadha was Rajagriha, modern Rajgir.
Strictly
calls

story

it

the
speaking, there were two capitals here one,
more ancient, called Girivraja because it was a
'

veritable

hills'

of

cow-pen

enclosed

being

by

the five hills of Rajgir, and the other, Rajagriha

of the
proper, the later town built at the foot
'

death

the

Shortly after

hills.

of

Buddha

the

Magadha was transferred from RajaPataliputra, modern Patna.

of

capital

griha to

We

up the next

shall take

pair, viz.

Kasi and

Kosala,
Kilsi-rat.tha was an independent kingdom before the rise of Buddhism. In the time

Buddha, however, it formed part of Kosala.

The capital of Kasi-rattha was BaranasI, i.e.

of

Benares, so called perhaps after the great river

2
Baranasi.
Kasi, it is worthy of note, was the
Kasipura,
country and not of a town.
of course, denoted Benares, but in the sense of
the capital (pura) of the Kasi country. BaranasI

name

of a

had

other

names

Surundhana

:!

'

Iniem

Jul.

IV. 101.

to

the Jatal

[bid

IV. 119.

Ibid.

IV.

[bid.

IV. [19. 29

'

119

L's

Birth,

PupphavatX

II.

'.'_'>

under Baranasi-mah&nadi.

V. 177. 12, etc.

V.

in

1-8.
\

:!'.:

called

Brahmavaddhana

18.

15,

was

Mahabharata, Sabha 21.

it

I'daya Birth, Sudassana

the Chullasutasoma Birth,

the Sonanandana

Thus

also.

in the

::12.

VI. 181,

1!.

II. etc.

'

in
in

the

POLITICAL HISTORY.

Khandahala Birth and

Birth.

Yuvanjaya
Kosala

51

Ramma

'

City

name was

Its sixth

called anantara-samanta to,

is

ately bordering

on, Kasi in

Kosala

capital of

is

the

in

Molini.

i.e.

immedi-

The

one Jataka.

Savatthi or Sravasti, which,

we now know beyond

all

doubt,

Maheth

is

of the

group Saheth-Maheth on the borders of

the Gonda and Bahraich Districts of the United
village

Another important town of this

was
Saketa, which was certainly the
country
Provinces.

capital of Kosala in the period immediately preceding Buddha, as is clear from the Jatakas.

Cunningham has shown

that this Saketa can be

no other than Avodhva, modern Oudh.

The third pair we have to consider
:>

is

Vajjl

you that

they

are the names, not of peoples, but of tribes.

The

and Malla.

I have already told

Vajjl were

known

also as Lichchhavis.

Yideha

and some parts of Kosala appear to have been

held by them.
Their capital was Vesali or Vais'all which has been identified with Basarh of the
6
Muzaffarpur District of Bihar.
Then comes the pair Chetl

In

the

or

Chetarattba
place

mention

Jatakas

we

are

Chetiya-rattha,
told
that
its

Ibid. IV. 119. 26, etc.

Ibid. IV.

has

p.

106G

&

ff.

and

of

at

one

capital

was

See eg. Jat.

'

ASR. 1.320.

Variisa.

made

been

15. 20, etc.

JRAS., 1909,

and

ASL, AR..

III. 270. 15.

1903-4, 82-3.

52

LECTTRE

II.

Sotthivati-nagara. I have no doubt that Cheta or

Chetiya is the same as the Sanskrit Chaidya or
1

Chedi, which occurs even

the

in

and

P.igveda

corresponds roughly to the modern Bundelkhand.

The Varhsa are identical with the Vatsas, whose

was Kaus'ambl. This last has been identified bv Sir Alexander Cunningham with Kosam
on the Jumna, about thirty miles south of west
capital

"

from Allahabad.

Kuru and Panchala have been known

to be

contiguous countries since the Vedic period.

The

capital

of

the

Kuru country was Indapatta

or

Indraprastha near Delhi, and that of Panchala

Kampilya which has been identified with Kampil

on the old Ganges between Budaon and FarrukhaBoth these must be Dakshinabad in U. P.
l

Kuru and Dakshina -Panchala.

The

capital

of

Uttara-Paiichala was Ahichchhatra or Ahikshetra

according

the

to

Uttara-Kuru we meet with

both

Brahmanical and Buddhist

capital

is

Mention

Mahabharata.

in

literature,

of

the early

but

its

not yet known.

As regards

Machchha

former doubtless

and

corresponds

the

Surasena.
the

to

Sanskrit

Matsya. The Matsya people and country have

been known to us from early times, being mentioned as early as the $atapatha
and Goputha"
r'

Bmhmanas and
1

jnt. III. 454. 1G-L0.

VIII.
5

5.

Kaushltaki
*

ASR. XI.
XIII.

37-9.

ASR. [.304-6

the

12

Upanishad.
:

.IRAS. 1*99.311*.

5. 4.9.

.'.Nn.lRAS.. 1S9R. 503.

"

'

I.

2.

!.

IV.

1.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

Matsya

originally

included

53

parts

of

Alwar,

Jaipur and Bharatpur, and was the kingdom

of the king Virata of
the Mahabharata, in
whose court the five Pandava brothers resided
incognito during the last
x

ment.

His capital

Bairat

in

the

year of their banishhas been identified with

Jaipur

The Surasenas

State.

occupied the country whose capital was Madhura

i.e. Mathura, on the Jumna.
In Buddha's time
the king of Madhura was styled Avanti-putta,
showing that on his mother's side he was con-

nected with the royal family of Ujjain. It is

worthy of note that according to Manu, the

Kurukshetra, the Matsyas, the Panchalas and

the &urasenakas comprised Brahrnarslii-desa or
the land of the

Brahman

Bishis.

The Assakas and the Avantis have been

ciated

The

in

together

first

the

obviously are

Brihat-saiiihita.

asso-

Sona-Nanda-Jataka.
the

In early Pali

:{

Asmakas

of

literature,

Assaka

the

capital Potana or Potali has, on the one

hand, been distinguished from Mulaka with its
5
and, on the other,
capital Patitthana (Paithan),

with

2
3

its

PR., WO.. 1909-10. 44.

II.

19.

Jat.,

V. 317. 24.

1A..

XXII. 174.

5
In the Sutta-Xipata (V. 977) the As?aka (Asmaka) country lias
been associated with Mulakn with its capital Patitthfina and men-

tioned as situated immediately to the

the river Godavarl (Vs.

977 &

1010-1).

south of the latter but alon<r

See also

p.

4 and

n. 3 supra.

54

LECTURE

II.

from Kaling.i with its capital Dantapura.

But
as Assaka is here contrasted with Avanti, it
1

have included Mujaka and also perhaps

Avanti also here includes the two
Kalinga.
well-known divisions referred to above the
seems

to

northern division called

simply Avanti country

with its capital Ujjain and the southern Avail tiDakshinapatha with its capital Mahissati.

The last pair is Gandhara and Kamboja.

The former included West Panjab and East
Its

Afghanistan.
Takshasila,

Takkasila

or

whose ruins are spread near Sarai-

the

Xilla in

was

capital

Rawalpindi

District.

It

Panjah.

very difficult to locate Kamboja.

According
to one view thev were a Northern Himalayan

is

and according

people,

to

another the Tibetans.

our period they were probably settled

to the north-west of the Indus and are the same

Put

in

Jut.

III. 3.

\-isaka
In

the

is

Dlgha-NikSya,

guished (SB8.
./,,/..

capitals

3-4.

of

III.

Kalinga,

Avanti

in

Jal.

V. ,"U7. 24.

Assaka, and Avanti are contradistin-

270) where Assaka must have comprised

11.

191. [I;

I.

with

similarly contrasted

17.

In

11, etc., etc.

Gandhara are mentioned,

viz.

the

Mulaka.

tfahffbhffrata

two

Takshasila and PnBhkaravati,

the former Bitnated to the easi and the latter to

In Afioka's time Taknhafiila does not appear

to

Indus.

west of the

have been

the

ca|iital

Gandhara, for from his Rock Edict XIII we see that GandhSra
>n
the
not in his dominions proper but was fendatory to him.
we learn that Takshafiill
other hand", from Separate Orisna Edict
of

<

was under him as one of

was not

Takshasila'

Ins

sons

capital

<>r

was stationed
Gandhara

agrees with the statement of Ptolemy that

country

was

to

the

west

of

the

(PuahkarBvati) (IA. XIII. 848-49).

fndns

tli>'

with

there.

in Afioka's

Gandarai
its

city

Evidently
time.

Tin's

(GandhSra)
Proklaia

i.e.

POLITICAL HISTORY.
as

Kambujija

of the

old

55

Persian inscriptions.

Their capital is not known.

It will be seen that the

different

political

divisions,

mentioned

existence

shortly before the time of Buddha.

that during his lifetime Anga ceased

We

know

the above

in

list,

were

in

be an independent kingdom, and was annexed

to Magadha, and that the territory of Kasi was

to

If we,
incorporated into the Kosala dominions.
however, turn to the Jatakas, we find that both

Anga and Kasi were independent

The
(j.
Champeyya-Jataka
Anga and
Magadha as two distinct kingdoms, whose rulers
were constantly at war with each other. Kasi
l

countries.

speaks of

and Kosala are similarly represented in

Mahasllava- Jataka and Asatariipa-Jataka

the
2

as

being two independent countries and their kings

The political divisions
fighting with each other.

enumerated

the

in

Aiiguttara-Nikaya

therefore, existing prior, but only

the

time

when Buddha

have the mention

list.

It

is

worthy

were,

just prior, to

flourished, because

of the Vajji

and Malla in

of note that they are

we
this

mentioned

but only in the introductions

to them and never in the stories themselves.
in

the Jatakas

Evidently, therefore, these tribes came to be

known after the period represented by the Jatakas

but before that of the origin of Buddhism. It will

1

Jaf. IV.

lol

Ibid.,

262

I.

,V

A-

ff.

IY

and 409 A

IT.

LECTURE

56

II.

thus be observed that early

B.C., India,

colonised

up

century

that portion of India which was

the Aryans at that time, was split

i.e.

by

number

into a

in the sixth

of tiny States, living

and

indepenone

sometimes fighting with

another. There was no supreme ruler to
dently

they

owed

same

tale.

The

Puranas

distinctly

state

fealty.

Thev

with the rulers of

such

dynasties,

Macradha

the

tell

that

along

nourished

other

Aikshvakavas

as

whom

or

kings of

Kosala, Panchalas, Kaseyas,

Asmakas, Kurus,
shows that
This clearly
Maithilas and so forth.
m
'

about 600 B.C., India occupied by the Aryans

Was divided into several small kingdoms and that

was no imperial dynasty to which the

The most important
others were subordinate.
of these tiny dynasties is that of Brahmadatta
there

reigning

and

Baranasi

at

rattha.

The family

called

Brahmadatta

ruling

seems

also
after

this

to

over Kasi-

have been

king.

Thus

in

the Jatakas every prince who was heir-apparent

to the throne of Baranasi has been styled Brah8
In the Matsya-PurSna
madatta-kumara.
also,

a dynasty

consisting

dattas has been referred

less

one hundred Brahma-

of

than six kings of Baranasi have

tioned besides Brahmadatta.

Mr.

They

been

no

men-

are Uggasena,

Pargiter, 23-4.
Ed.),

to

In the Jatakas

to.

Miiiit

p.

Kiihliiin

656,

Dob.

V. 7-

.-

ktn

indebted for tbii

referenoe

POLITICAL HISTORY.

57

Dhanahjaya, Mahasllava, Samyama, Yissasena

In the Puranas Brahmaand Udavabhadda.
datta is represented to have been followed in
x

succession by Yogasena, Vishvaksena,

Udaksena

There can be no doubt that

and Bhallata.
Vishvaksena and Udaksena of the Puranas are
the

same

the

Jatakas.

is

Vissasena and

as

Bhallata

of

of

the Puranas,

most probably Bhallatiya

Jataka.

Udavabhadda

of

again,
the Bhallatiya-

When Buddha

lived and preached, there

four
were
kingdoms, viz. Magadha, Kosala,
The most prominent of
Yatsa and Avanti.
these was Magadha, whose rulers, as we shall

subsequently, rose to the position of para-

see

mount

Prom

sovereigns.

which pertains

to

Pali Buddhist canon

period only slightly later

Buddha and which consequtrustworthy, we learn that Chanda-Prad-

than the demise of

ently

is

Avanti, Udayana of Yatsa territory,

his son Yidudabha of Kosala, and
and
Pasenadi
Bimbisara and his son Ajatasatru of Magadha
were contemporaries of Buddha. The kings were
of

yota

This point
is worth grasping as this synchronism is the only
sheet-anchor in the troubled sea of chronology

thus contemporaries of one another.

19

Jat.

IV

IV. 104. 22

Vayu-P.

458.

&

(ASS.

cap. 19.
8

13;

III.

97.

23 ;

I.

262. 8

V. 354. 9

11.345.

25.

Jat. IV. 437. 16.

Ed.),

p.

376,

VS. 180-2 j

FwJinu-P.,

pt.

IV.

LECTURE

58

II.

the period we have selected.

The
chronicle that is relied on for this period

in

only
is the

Puranas, hut it is a hopeless task to reduce the

chaos of the Puranic accounts to any order.

no douht have recently been

Some attempts
made to deduce a consistent political history
'

from these materials, hut without any success

so far as I can see.
have just informed you that in the time of
Buddha there were four important kingdoms,
I

nourishing side by side. They were also connected

by matrimonial alliances as might naturally be
expected. For our description we shall first take

Udavana

Kausambi, and Pradvota, ruler

of

of

Ujjain.
long account of Udavana is contained in the Kathftsarit-sagara, but the greater
of

portion

to

his

'

father's

is

afraid,

the Puranas

According
Paurava dynasty.
that

am

it,

untrustworthy.
pertained to the

he

The same authority

name was Satanlka.

the earliest Sanskrit dramatist

that

tells

us

Bhasa,

we know

at

composed two dramas describing

from Udayana's life. viz. Svapnaincidents
V&aavadatta and
Pralijha- Yaugandharayana,

present, has

From

these

Satan ka
f

Mr.
adha

If

naka
'

MA.,
<m.f

Pargiter,

it

V.

grandson

Venkateswara
B-18

t\v.

Maurya
pp. 7

Ch

86.

of

Vie

Mr.
etc

and

Sahasrauika

Aj-yar'a

28-31
i

he was the son of

that

appears

and

P.

ienl

//.-

ry

Jayaswal'a

JBORS., 1915, 67 &

tf.)

<>f

POLITICAL HISTORY.
belonged to the Bharata family.

'

59

As he is

called

Vaidehiputra, his mother appears to have been

daughter of the king of Videha. Udavana's first

Queen was Vasavadatta, daughter

of the

king of

Ujjain, who is called Pradyota Mahasena by

Bhasa but Chanda Pradyota in Buddhist works.
According to the Buddhist tradition, Udayana

had two more queens, viz. SamavatI and MaganThe latter was his crowned queen and
diya.

was daughter of a Brahman. According to the

Brahmanic accounts he had two queens only,
His second
viz. Vasavadatta and Padmavatl.
queen, Padmavatl, was sister to Dars'aka, king
Scholars of the saner
of Rajagriha, Magadha.

type have assigned

Bhasa

the third century

A.D., and Bhasa apparently followed the tradition which was current in his time.
He does
to

seem to be correct in accepting

the tradition which makes Padmavatl, sister to
Darsaka, as Avill be shown shortly when we come
to treat of the Magadha dynasties. Udayana had
a lute called Ghoshavatl, 2 whose sound captivated
the elephants and by means of which he captured
them. He had a she-elephant named Bhaddavatika, to which he owed his life, queen and
not, however,

kingdom.
1

Bhasa

speaks

of

this

family

as prakasa'-rajarshi.namadheyo

and Ved-ukshara-fidmavaya-pravishto (Pratijiia-Y., p. 34).

2
This seems to have been an heir-loom of the Bharata family
to which Udayana belonged and which was noted for proficiency in
music

(Pratijria-Y., pp. 34-5).

Jot. III. 384.

LECTURE

60

The two dramas

of

II.

Bhasa referred

to

above

supply us with many interesting: items of

information which, when they are brought to
a focus, throw a flood of light upon the political

The king, that seems

have been dreaded most when Buddha lived,

condition
to

was not

of

the

period.

Pradyota who
"possessed of
that

Nikaya

Ajatas'atru

but

Mahasena

or

and Chanda

or

as

army*"
know from

large

We

"terrible."

known both

is

U dayan a,

Pasenadi or

Ajatas'atru,

such

even

was thrown on

engaged on fortifying
when Pradvota invaded

the Majjhimaa powerful king as

his defensive
his

capital

his

and was

Rajagriha
instead

territory,

Before,
meeting him openly in battle.
attacked
he
he
however,
thought of
Magadha,

of

subjugating the neighbouring province of Yatsa.

But he was afraid of the undaunted bravery of

Udayana and the

minister

political sagacity of his

fondness

He knew

of

An

of

therefore,

the inordinate

capturing wild
captivating sounds of his

Udayana

elephants with the

vhut.

He,

Yaugandharayana.
to a ruse.

resorted

prime-

for

elephant was

artificial

up in the
where
the

set

Narmada just
jungles of the
boundaries of the Avanti and Yatsa kingdoms
1

Vaaaradattfi berseH Bays thai her father v\a< called Ifahasenn on

.nut

i.l'

hi-

aa Hi

In

tin'

lrir'j>-

army

Svajma-

1'.,

(tasya bala-parimuna-nirvrittat'n
20.

namadheyafa

).

Bame drama Udayana speaks

raja-vaihiyanam* udai/'nsta-maya-prabhu^

of Pradyota as

(p. <i7).

prithivyaiii

01

POLITICAL HISTORY.
met,

and

concealed a

the

the body of

in

number

a victim to

elephant

of select warriors.

were

Udayana

a heroic fight

this trap,

put up
was
taken prisoner and
but
himself,
carried away to Ujjain, where however, he was

fell

to

free

accorded

When Yaugandharayana
had

fallen

hastened

Buddhist

monk

a neighbouring
He turned a
to his release.

along with another minister and

He

stole into Ujjain.

latter

found that the release of

become a complicated

Udayana had
the

learnt that his master

hands of

into the

king, he

by Mahasena.

treatment

chivalrous

fallen

having

in

affair

love

by

with

Mahasena's
He,
Vasavadatta,
daughter.
however, devised a way out of this difficulty.

One

of

his

men

was made

Mahaut

of

and on an appointed day the two

lovers managed
to
elope, leaving Yauganand
his
lighting band to cover their
dharayana
At first, Mahasena was furious, but he
flight.
Vasavadatta,

soon relented, and in the absence of the lovers

themselves the proper marriage ceremonies were

performed over their portraits.

Kautilva in his Arthasastra

'

savs that

when

it is impossible to ward off danger from all sides,

a kin: should run away, leaving all that belongs

to

him

certain

for,

as

Udayana.

if

was
TVe

he

lives, his

the

case

know
1

p.

358.

return to

with

from

power is
Suyatra and

the

Svapna-

LECTURE

62

Udayana had

that

Vasavadatta

II.

to flee

from

his

kingdom to a frontier village called Lavanaka.

The enemy, who overran his territory, was

who appears to have been ruling to the

Aruni,
north of the Ganges.
Might he be a king of
'

Kosala

At

any

The

enemy.

was not

regarded to be

alliance

with

be Udayana's
thought
by

serious

that the help

Magadha
to

and marriage

House of Magadha
But this was possible

the Royal

was so attached

expected,

naturally

Udavana agreed

sister of the

to

sufficient,

considered indispensable.
if

was

disaster

Yaugandharayana to be so
of Pradyota, which was

onlv

Batriavali clearly

king of Kosala

represents

the

rate,

to

king.

marry Padmavati,
Udayana, however,

Vasavadatta

that he

could

he idea of having another wife so

not brook
Vasavadatta must.
she was alive.
Ion"- as
therefore, disappear for a time, thought the
Prime-minister,
her to be

marry
out

dead

so that

and

previously

could

When

Padmavati.

a-hunting,

Udayana could

the

place
after

planned,

therefore

once the

was

set

believe

agree to

king was
on tire, as

A'fisavadatta.

and

Everybody
Yaugandharayana quietly left it.
latter two had been consigned
thai
the
thought
to the

flames.

knew about
With

grief,

On

his

return

when the king

the disaster, he was overwhelmed

from

which, however,
pp.60-]

in

course of

POLITICAL HISTORY.

he

time

was

There

recovered.

6
thus

no

bringing about the contemplated

marriage alliance, and Udavana was married to

difficulty

in

Soon after

Padmavatl.
he

left

marriage and before

his

minister

Rajagriha, his

with

Rumanvat had

the

apparently
help sent
by
Mahasena driven away Aruni from the Vatsa

already

kingdom and to the north of the Ganges, where

it seems he was joined by Udayana along with
the

of

forces

the

Magadha

king,

with the

And we may
killing Aruni.
assume that he soon succeeded in accomplishexpress object of

ing his object.

the

to

According

Udavana had

Buddhist

Pali

canon,

named Bodhi, who most

son

probably is identical with Yahlnara of the

Puranas. Bodhi is represented as ruling over the

Bhagga country
J

Yuvaraja.
for

at

Sumsumaragiri, apparently as

He got a vaddhtiki or carpenter to build

him a palace which he

fearing that the

his eyes

may

artisan

palace

for

plucked

out.

excellent

called

Kokanada, but

build

similar

another prince, Bodhi had

There is a suttanta in the

3fajjhima-XiIi!/a which is devoted to him and

is called Bodhi-iaja-kumara-sutta.
Beyond this

we
1

know nothing
There can be no doubt

as the latter acknowledges

9

Jut. III. 157.

For

376.

reliable

the anecdote

it

that

this dynasty.

Mahasena sent succour

(Svupn-i

about

about

to

Udayana

V., p. 68).

Udayana and

Pindola, see

Jut

IX.

64

LECTURE

Such

also

the

case

II.

with

the

dynasty that
ruled over the Avanti country with its capital
at Djjain.
I have just mentioned that a king
is

was Pradyota, who was a contemporary of Buddha. The Furanas make him the
founder of the dynasty. In Bhasa's dramas he
of

this family

From his queen

frequently called Mahasena.
he
had
a
daughter Vasavadatta
AngaravatI
is

We

espoused by Udayana, as mentioned above.

do not know much about his conquests, and

we know about him in this respect

ment of the Majjhima-Nikaya that

is

all

the state-

'

king of

was

Magadha,

Ajatas'atru,
his

fortifying

capital

Rajagriha because he was afraid of an invasion

by Pradyota. Bhasa speaks of

his two sons, viz. Gopala and Palaka.
Gopala,
it is said, was of the
same age as Udavana.
of his territory

says that after the death of

Pradyota, Gopala abdicated the throne of Ujjain
in favour of his younger brother Palaka.
This
'"

Kathasarit-sagara

not improbable,
omission of his

and

also

name

in

M ricJiclihakatika

further

is

accounts

tells

us

that

hiding for a long time

What appears
herdsmen.
in

that
1

:i

Pradyota

was

to

succeeded

be

the

not

The

Palaka

of Gopala, who
in
a settlement

was ousted by Aryaka, son

the

for

the Puranas.

was

truth

of
is

by Gopaia

III. 7.

Pratijiui'T., 35.
III. 62-3.
I

am

indebted

ns<. Ed.) pp. 189 J 3oe

to

Mr. H. K. Deb for this reference.

65

POLITICAL HISTORY.

but by bis younger brother Palaka, and that

Gopala's son Aryaka, not liking- the idea of beingdeprived of the throne, conspired against his
uncle, and succeeded in usurping the throne.

Gopala, which
is not strange as he resigned the throne in favour
of his brother, and mention those of Palaka and
The Puranas omit

name

the

of

Aryaka. The latter is mentioned as Ajaka,

which I have no doubt stands for Ajjaka i.e.
Aryaka. They, however, place one Yisakhayupa
l

between Palaka and Aryaka which is a mistake.

Visakhayupa, if there was a prince of such a
name in this dynasty, must have come after

We

Aryaka.

on

pass

The only princes

dynasty.

known

now

to

from

us

Pasenadi and his

of this royal family

works

Buddhist

the

Vidudabha.

son

Kosala

the

to

are

suspect

Ikshvaku family
they belonged
described by the Puranas, which, in the enumeration of its members, mention one Prasenajit
to

that

which, I think,

Kshudraka

is

name

the Sanskrit

mentioned

is

Prasenajit's son,

another

the

of

and

it

is

form

as

of Pasenadi.

name

the

possible that

tins

of

was
-

Vidudabha.

Majjhima-Nikaya
calls Pasenadi King of Ivasi-Kosala, and from
we learn
the preamble of Bhadda-sala Jataka,
that the territory held by the Sakyas was also
:i

This identification

(JBOKS.. 1915,
II.
8

107).

111.

J at., IV. Ill

II

was

first

proposed

by

.Mr.

K.

I'.

Jayaswal

LECTURE

66
subordinate

to

Pasenadi liad an anudya

him.

called Siri-Yaddha

II.

and

favourite

elephant

named Eka-pundarlka.
One of his queens was
Mallika, who was originally daughter of the
'

chief of garland- makers in

when Pasenadi married

was married when he was at

onlv sixteen
she

Ajatasatru, she seems to

his practically old

Mallika

theless

age

She was

Sravastl \

and

her.

as

war with

have been married at

Never-

Pasenadi.

by

predeceased

him.

Pasenadi

had a daughter called Vajira or Vajirl. She

was married to Ajatasatru, as 1 shall tell you
later on.
With a pious desire to become a
kinsman of Buddha, Pasenadi sent envoys to
the Sakyas with a request to give

him

Sakya
The Sakyas, through their
pride of birth, were unwilling to give him any
girl of pure blood, and sent one Vasabha-Khattiya, born to a Sakya named Mahanaman from
a slave woman.
She was married to kin Pasenadi and raised to the rank of the Chief
girl

in

Queen.

marriage.

succeeded

She gave birth to Vidudabha, who

him.
When Vidudabha became a

grown-up boy, he went

the Sakya country

to

against the wishes of his mother, where he was

There the
subjected to a series of indignities.
real

origin

mother became known.

of his
1

Maj.X.. n.
JHt., III.
.!:/.-.v.

H2

405.

in

57.

The

POLITICAL HISTORY.

news reached the

ears of

fi7

Pasenadi,

who was

enraged
akyas and degraded both
Yasabha-Khattiya and Vidudabha, but reinstated
them upon the intercession of Buddha.
As
soon as Vidudabha came to the throne, he
with

the

marched

to the Sakya territory, massacred the

and
thus wreaked his vengeance for
Sakyas,
which he was burning ever since he came to

know about

the fraud practised by them.

It is
thrice Buddha dissuaded Vidudabha

that

said

from carrying out

Sakyas, but it is

carnage of the

how far this

From Buddhist works we gather a

true.

is

this wholesale

to say

difficult

great deal about the fights between the rulers

of Rosala and Magadha, but about these we
shall

come

AVe

to

know

now come

shortly.

describe

to

dynasty or

the

rather the dynasties that ruled over Masjadha.

The

first

of

these

is

the family to

which be-

at

longed Bimbisara and his son Ajatasatru, who,

you will remember, were contemporaries of

Buddha.

The

followed

in sfivins;

the Puranas.

which

mean

is

which

authority

is

the Sinhalese chronicle

am

afraid,

is

any

the

rate, is

neglected. I

Mahavamsa.
is

concerned, though

The

anything but

satisfactory, so far as the order of

at

is

another authority,

more reliable, but which

I

crenerallv

an account of this family

But there

Puranic account,

is

succession,

I quite believe

scraps of information they supply in regard

LECTURE
some

to

II.

was the founder of

Sis'unfura

was

Bimbisara

fourth

its

the

to

According

princes.

this

Puranas

dynasty and

And

they
Pradvota dynasty consisted
of five kings and that they were supplanted by
Bimbisara is thus ten generations
Sisunaga.

also

us that the

tell

removed from
of

each

of

poraries
of

Buddha.

to

individual

the

Pradyota, whereas, as a matter

know that both were contem-

we

fact,

in

to

the

ten consecutive

anyhow an

unstable

same cannot be

of

the individual

i.e.

reigns,
is

quite

Indian

to

at least

:(>

preposterous
This
!

History.

attempt on the part of the

a desperate
to

very

as

What is
vary
considerably.
that they assign a period of 363

is

and utterly unknown

Puranas

the

period

years to each reign which

indicates

contemporaries
the tradition

not

is

Puranas,

to

which

reigns

being

though

names

different

also strange

other,

Again,

said in regard

years

prince.

the

gaps in the chronology

inference which entirely agrees with

till

up

their attempt at reduplicating

names and

assign-

them
consecutive kings, such ;h Kshemadharman and Cshemavit, Xandivardhana. and
to

ing

and

Mahanandin,

worthy of note
het

name

omitted
1

iu bis

from

the

"
-.111111

>

fourth.

Further,

it

is

Mahavamsa mentions
kine Munda, which is entirely

thai

of the

translation of

so

''

the

Purana
m-

list.

The existence

have been already urged by W. Geiger

PT8 Ed.), Intro. xliv A IT.

POLITICAL HISTORY.
of this king

now

is

09

attested

sufficiently

by the

Aiiguttara-Nihaya and the Asokavaddna.

the Maliavamsa

makes Udayabhadda

surely

is

between.

Udavabhadra

of

as

the

That

Ajatasatru's

we have no such evidence

but

of Darsaka.

that

but

highly questionable, because the Dlgha-

Nikaya speaks
son,

in

Udayi)

(or

the immediate successor of Ajatasatru,

Puranas place one Darsaka

Xext,

am

Darsaka

aware,

it

in respect

be

may

argued,

has, as a matter of fact, been

men-

tioned by Bhasa in the Svapna-Vdsavadatta, as

a king of Magadha whose sister PadmavatI was

married to Udayana of Kausambl, and that it

is
possible that he was another son of Ajatasatru

and might have been

brother

his

successor,

the throne after him.

the

hitter's

immediate

Udayabhadra coming to
But this argument does

not appear to be sound to me, because how old,

I ask,
could Udayana be when he married

PadmavatI

To make the case favourable

we

to

suppose that he was

wedded to her in the very first vear of Dars'aka's

the

other side,

will

accession to the throne.

preached not
son Bodhi.

We know

that

Buddha

Udayana but also to his

To make the ease more favourable,
only

to

we shall suppose that Bodhi was then only sixteen years old, and that Bodhi was born when
U da van a also was sixteen. Udayana thus must
have been at

Buddha

least

preached

thirty-two years old,

to

Bodhi.

We

will

when
also

lectukb

70

rr.

concede that Buddha died the same year that he

And we know

delivered the sermon to Bodhi.

Buddha

that

died

the eighth regnal rear of

in

Ajatasatru and that the latter reigned twentyfour years after Buddha's death.
We thus see
that LFdayana was at least thirty two
years jold
when Buddha died and therefore fiftv-six years

when Ajatasatru ceased

old

was thus married

the

in

proper a^e

and

heroine,
it?

for the poet

the

it

the

to

describe

to

must be some mistake some-

third century A.

Puranas,
1

admit

liar

matter

if

however,

that

we have
like

to

is

ii

the hero represented

drama

the

time

note

quite possible to argue thai

the

was of a

thai

first

Svapna-Vasavidatta

Secondly, what

IfudrS-RSkshasa.

it

does not

On the other hand,

his decline of age.

is in

the love-sickness of the newly

in

that

marriage with Padmavati

Ddayana'a

and

P>\

I).

the corruption of their texts.

through

political character,

is

Is

love

was current

the

cribed

make

i.e

Bhasa evidently followed the tradition

in his time, i.e. most
probably

where.

in

to

proper

there

Verily

that

tical

is it

year.

Darsaka's reign.

hero

the

for

Udayana

his iiftv-seventh

in

year of

first

to reign.

is

not a

poli-

cannot understand

wedded couple which

drama and which such

is certainly d
dramatist of bine delicate Bentimenl

Bhfiaa would certainly have

suppressed if he had thought that
On p. 35 Udayana speaks
[Tdayana was on the other side "i fifty
of himself as being pierced by the Bixth arrow of the i'<<<<] of love.
On
p. 4!<

by

hi-*

queen

ViilHsliaka

refers

to

the Madan-agni-daha of

second marriage and intensified

In Act. V

we

arc told that

is

being arranged

to the love-sickness oi the lovers

bo
for.

first

!aM up witha h.alache,

remove which her meeting

Padmavati

of course, caused through Ion

with Cdayana

Udayann can

by the bereavement of his

is

am ->'

that

all

these referei

Bhasa would have Btndioasly avoided

according to him they had been an

ill-ai

onple.

if

POLITICAL HISTORY.

71

must have become full of contradictions and

discrepancies, and must have been more than
once tampered
intelligent

with

make

to

thorn

an

yield

For these reasons I cannot

story.

help thinking that it is not safe to rely upon

the account furnished by the Puranas for this
early period so far at any rate as the order
of succession and the duration of individual

reigns
in the

seems

The

are concerned.

Mahavamsa about
to

me more

the

reliable.

tradition preserved

Magadha
At any

dvnasties

no

rate,

have yet been detected

chronicle, which wonder-

inaccuracies or blunders
in the account of this

agrees with the scraps of information

which the Puranas furnish for some princes.

fully

have already told you that the two rulers

Magadha who were contemporaries of Buddha
I

of

were

Bimbisara and his son

name

of the family to

is

not definitely

Naga.
is

The

called

The

which Bimbisara belonged

known, but it seems that it was

prince of Bimbisara's dynasty

Naga-Dasaka by the Mahavamsa. The
last

second component of
doubtless

Ajatas'atru.

the
to

corresponds
And the name

name,
the

viz,

Dars'aka

Dasaka,
of

the

Xaga has been prefixed

Dasaka to distinguish him from his successor
who belonged to a somewhat different family
and who has therefore been called Susu-Naga,
Puranas.
to

and thus Bimbisara,

or Little Naga.

Dars'aka,

belonged to the

Great Naga dvnastv.

We

do

LECTURE

1'2

II.

know whether anv kings of his dynasty

preceded Bimbisara. They have certainly not
not

been mentioned bv the Mahavamsa, but there

was no need for this chronicle to mention them.
its sole

events of

the

describe

to

object being

and not
period beginning- with Buddha
anterior to him.
The Puranas no doubt re-

the

have ruled before

present at least four kings to

Bimbisara, but their authority

as I

have

bility

is

just stated,

because

dynasty,

Canon been

this

founder of his

the

has

Bimbisara

in

Seniya, which

called

period,

The proba-

disputable.

that Bimbisara was

is

for

is

the Pali

same

the

We know that Pushpamitra,

thing as Senapati.
founder of the Sunga dynasty, was designated
and

Senapati,

Puranas

we

have

the

tiiat

Pushpamitra
commander-in-chief of the

authority

of the

was

actually

the

last

of

the

king
he supplanted.
It is not
at all impossible that Bimbisara was the general
of the Bower that ruled over Magadha before

Maury a family

him and

that

that

if lie

did

not

actually

destroy

he at any rate declared his independence

carved
out a
kingdom for himself.
question here arises
sway over Magadha

who

of

passage

documents

in

one

speaks

'

purarii,

capital

The

be

exercising
Bimbisara ?

the

oldot

Buddhist

Vesali

as

to

prior

of
of

could

it.

and

the

Sutta-Niyata,

Magadham
Magadha country.

p, 186,

38.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

73

was thus the capital of the Magadha

kingdom, it is quite possible that it was at
If Vesali

the

expense

of

the

Vajjls
secured territory for himself.

Bimbisara

that

According to the
Puranas Magadha was origioally held by the
Barhadratha family. Then, it seems, occurred
the inroads of the

In

the early

who

Vajjls,

Magadha.

Buddha, Bimbisara thus

of

years

held

have seized Magadha after expelling

appears
the Vajjls beyond the Ganges and to have estabto

lished himself at Rajagriha,

the

kingdom.

achieved by him.
also

and incorporated

it

old

capital

of

Auga who

In

into his dominions.

we have mention

'

the Majjhima-Nikaya

king of

the

was not the only conquest

Bimbisara conquered Aiiga

This

of

gave a daily pension of 500

The name of this

kjlrshapanas to a Brahman.
king has not been specified, but there can be
little

doubt that

Bimbisara

is

prince from whom

It was doubtless
Ariga.

was

wrested

this

these conquests that gave Bimbisara sovereign2

the overseers of
ty over 80,000 townships,

which,

it

appears, he was in the habit of

calling

an assembly for personally discussing

.matters and receiving his instructions.
to

state

The Mahavagga 3 says that Bimbisara had

500 wives. Of these one was, we know, a
Vaidehi princess. According to an early Jaina
'

II. 163.
s

VIII.

1.

15.

Mahavagga,

r. 1. 1

&

ff.

LECTURE

74s

authority

was

she

II.

Chellana,

of

daughter
!

It is
Chetaka, a Lichchavi, Chief of Vaisali.
quite possible that this matrimonial alliance was

concluded after the war

a result of the peace

between Bimbisara and the Lichchhavis.

His

queen was KosaladevI, daughter of

Mahakosala, who was father of Fasenadi. Tiie
father, when he married his daughter to the
another

gave a village of the Kasi

country, yielding a revenue of a hundred thousand, as her nahana-chunna-mula, i.e. bath and
Bimbisara,

king

From his Vaidehi queen

perfume money.
3
He
Bimbisara had a son called Ajatasatru.
had
not

named Abhaya, but we do

also another son,

know who

the latter's mother was.

Abhaya was once going

to

attend

"When

upon

his

king Bimbisara, he saw an infant

*
He took up the
exposed on a dust-heap.
infant, nourished him, and named him Jivaka
Komarabhachcha. Jivaka went to Takshasila,
father,

and learnt the science of medicine. He returned

to Rajagriha and showed his expert knowledge
by speedily curing king Bimbisara of fistula.
Bimbisara was so pleased that he appointed
Jivaka
1

as

SBR. XXII

physician
Intro,

Jut. II. 403. 15.

Ibid. III. 121-2

8am-N.

I.

mistake,

the

make KosaladevI

to be Ajatasfitru's mother,

81 sprnk of him as bluioinryyn to

because

in

Mahuvagga,

the

viii,

1,

household

royal

xiii.

Fiiscnndi.

Chullavagga Ajatasatru

Vedehipultn.
*

to

& S

is

But

tin's

and
is

invariably called

POLITICAL HISTORY.

and

the

to

fraternity of the Bhikshus headed

Buddha.

by
more

75

Bimbisara

had

at

least

two

One of them was Sllavat born at

The other was Vimala-KondaMa
Rajagriha.
from Queen Ambapall.
As Vimala bears the
clan-name
of
Brahman
Kondanna (=Kaundiit
that
his
mother
was a Brahman
nya),
appears
woman. The princes, Abhaya, Sllavat and
sons.

became Buddhist monks, probably

through fear of Ajatasatru after he became
When by murdering his father, as we
kingr.
Vimala,

all

Ajatasatru seized the throne he

must have attempted to assassinate his brothers

shall

just

see,

also,

who

therefore

creet to

We

must have thought it disembrace Buddhism and become monks.

have got evidence at

least

in the case of

whom

according to the Tliera-therl-gatha

Ajatasatru was anxious to put to death.
of
I have just referred to the murder

Sllavat

Bimbisara by his son Ajatasatru.

The

story

is

this.

cousin

Devadatta,
Being instigated
by
but enemy to Buddha, Ajatasatru con-

ceived

the

just

design of killing his father and

With that object in
the kingdom.

obtaining
view he once entered

the

private

chamber

of

the kino; at an unusual hour Avith a dasher in his

hand.
officers

He

however, seized upon by the

in attendance and taken before the king.
was,

Theva-gathU (trans.), 2G9.

Ibid., 65.

76

On

LEC1TRE

that

learning

IT.

wanted

son

his

to

kill

him

wanted the kingdom, Bimbisara at

once handed over the reins of government to
him.
But the prince was not satisfied with
this, and in order to make his position quite
he

because

secure,
to kill

he

he at the advice of Devadatta managed

his father bv starvation.
While once

was

listening

he was
there

is

sin

his

no sound

him

before

reason

Buddha

of

with remorse

striken

suddenly

confessed

sermon

to

to

Although

the

distrust

of this parricide, the explanation

and
story

which Buddhist

texts give of his name, viz. Ajatasatru, scarcely

deserves any credence.
It is said
that even

when he was
a longing

in his

mother's

his

father's

for

gratified only

right knee of

womb, he conceived
blood,

which

was

by the mother drinking it from the

Bimbisara, and that because he

had thus been

enemy (satru), while

he was named Ajatasatru.

his father's

yet unborn (ajata),

This is nothing but a pun.

:;

have told you that when king Mahakosala,

his daughter to
father of Pasenadi, married
Bimbisara, he granted a ELasi village as dowry.
I

When

Ajatasatru

Ivosaladevl died

of

put

Bimbisara

grief.

to

death,

sometime

For

after

to
continued
queen's death, Ajatasatru
enjoy the n venues of this village, but Pasenadi
this

Chvllavagga,

vii.

:S.

5.

Jat, v. 261-2, Uigha-N,

Jat. III. 121-2,

B6

SBB.,

II

94

POLITICAL HISTORY.

77

no parricide should have a village

his by right of inheritance and so
confiscated it.
There was thus war betwixt
Pasenadi.
The former was
Ajatas'atru and
fierce and strong, and the latter old and feeble.
So Pasenadi was beaten again and again. Now,
resolved

that

which was

tal

when he had returned

time

at the

SravastI

after

his

suffering

to

his capi-

last

reverse,

Buddha was staying close by with his fraternity

of bkikshus.
Amongst those there were many
who formerly were officers of the king. Two of
these at dawn one
day were discussing the
nature of the war, and one of them emphatiPasenadi but gave Ajatas'atru battle bv arranging his army in the sakatavyuha array, he could have him like a fish in

cally

declared that

lobster pot.

to

The

overhear

if

king's couriers,

the

conversation,

who happened
informed

him.

Pasenadi seized the hint, and immediately set out

He took Ajatas'atru prisoner
with a great host.

and bound him in chains.

released him, gave

After a few days he

him his daughter, Princess

Vajira, in marriage,

and dismissed her with that

Kasi village for her bath-money, which was for

long the bone of contention between the two
roval families.
Ajatas'atru
vis of Yesali.
his

'

was

at

war

also with the Lichchha-

have already told you that

mother was a Vaidehi Princess. This means
1

Jat. II.

237 & 403-4

IV. 343

Sam -if.

83-5.

78

LECTURE

II.

she

that

belonged to the
Ajatas'atru was thus at war

on his mother's
the

He

side.

Lichchhavi
with

seems

his relations

have pursued
father.
We have
to

policy inaugurated by his

it was at
the expense of

seen that

Magadha

And now

kingdom.

Ajatasatru conceived
the

the

Lich-

Bimbisara made himself master of

chhavis that
the

clan.

the design of destroying

the LichchhavLs.
It ap-

of

independence

son

his

pears that at this time the Ganges separated

the Magadha from the Videha kingdom, and
that

which

Pataligrama,

afterwards

rose

to

importance and became celebrated as

Pataliputra, was then on the frontier of the
great

Magadha

At any

territory.

this

rate,

is

the

impression produced on our mind on reading

the Mahaparinibbcina~8utta, which is concerned
]

with
Sutta

the

decease

of

gives

us

also

was

Pataligrama

on

The

Buddha.

same

the

that
impression
road
from Vesali

the

It was,
therefore, absolutely
llajagriha.
And when,
necessary to fortifv Pataligrama.
to

shortly

before

his

death,

Sunldha

Pataligrama,
Ministers of

and

Buddha
Vassakara,

visited

Chief

busy building a
fortress there to repel the Vajjls, i.e. Lichchhavis.
The Jaina Nirayavalisutra informs us that
Ajatasatru

Magadha,

fixed

were?

quarrel

Lichchhavi Chief of Vesali,

I.

26

his

Mahavagga,

on

Chetaka,

grandfather and

vi. 28.

&

ff.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

went forth

attack him.

79

Nine confederate
Lichchhavi and nine confederate Malta kings
came to his assistance but it was of no avail,
and the Vajjls or Lichchhavis were ere long
to

subjected to the sway of Ajatasatru along with

the Mallas.

was

Ajatasatru

Udayabhadra who

is

succeeded

by his son
no doubt the same as the

of the Puranas.

Udayin
Nikaya,as we have

According

to the

Dlgha-

seen, Ajatasatru looked upon

him as his favourite son, but it was this favourite

son

who

father,

for the sake of

the

as

kingdom murdered

his

The
Mahavamsa
tells
us.
made Kusumapura on the
2

Puianas say that he

bank

southern

the

o/

Ganges

but another

name

his

capital.

for Pataliputra,

Kusumapura

is

and there

nothing strange in Udavabhadra's

is

his capital from Rajagriha to PataliThe

putra.
Magadha kingdom was very much
extended during the reign of Ajatasatru. The
dominions of the Lichchhavis and Mallas and
some parts of even Kosala were annexed to it.
Such an extensive kingdom required a central
capital, and this idea Avas well fulfilled by

removing

Pataliputra, which,

though

in the first

instance

subdue

the

Lichchhavis, admirably served the purpose

of a

it

'was

fortified

to

repel

and

central seat of government.

1

SBE.

IV.

Fnrgiter, 22

xxii. Intro, xiv.

1.

&

69.

80

LECTURE

II.

tJdayabhadra reigned for sixteen years. He

was succeeded by Anuruddha, and the latter bv

M inula.
has

so

Xo

been

far

but

literature,

of

period

them.

assigned to

eight years lias been

reference to Anuruddha

traceable
the

Buddhist

the

in

'

Anguttara-Nikaya

does

make mention

of Munda, king of
Pataliputra.
His queen, Bhadra-devl died, and the king was
simply overwhelmed with grief. His Treasurer

Priyaka became intensely anxious on his account,

and arranged for an interview between the king

and Narada, a Buddhist monk, who had

time come to Pataliputra in the course
religious

made

Narada's

tour.

a deep impression on

of his

discourse

religious

Munda and

at that

gave him

strength of mind to overcome his grief.

Munda was succeeded by Naga-Dasaka.
I

told

of

you

this

Dars'aka
prefixed

short

while

that

ago

Djlsaka

composite name corresponded to the

of
the
Puranas, and Naga was
to his name to show that he pertained

The tradition
Naga dynasty.
mentioned bv Bhasa that Padmavati married

to the principal

to

(Tdayana

was

sister

his

be probable, and
the reasons I have set
to

says

that

from

Aiatasatru

we had kings who were

people,

who

you
forth.

does

not

appear*

have already seen

The

down

parricides,

Mahavamsa
to

Darsaka

and that the

were, therefore, disgusted with

III.

57 A

ff

this

POLITICAL HISTORY.
aided one

dynasty,

81

Susu-Naga, who

amcitya or minister apparently of

oust him and secure the throne.
as I

Dars'aka,

name.

and as sometimes a king

family

name

be

Naga

proper
family,

by

his

alone without specification

of

his

is

family

name

Susu-Nasra.

or &is'u-Naga of the Puranas, has been

to denote the usurper of

Anyhow

to

designated

individual name, the

this

an

Susu-Nasra.

have

said, does not seem to

It denotes a branch of the

was

Darsaka's

usurper was not an

employed

sovereignty.
a

outsider, but

Naga dynasty though of a branch

The Puranas inform us that Susu-Nas:a
annihilated the renown of the Pradyota dynasty,
placed his son in Varanasl or Benares, and made
prince of the

line.

Girivraja (Rajglr) his capital.

evidently tell us that Susu-Naga

The Puranas

made himself

master not only of Magadha but also of Avanti

and Kas'i-Kosala. This seems to be correct, and

we may add

he probably annexed
"We
the Vatsa kingdom also to his empire.
know that Pradyota, Pasenadi (Prasenajit),
to this

BimbiSflra

and

their

that

Udayana were contemporaries,

families, curiously enough, became
and

extinct four generations after them,

The latter
the rise of Susu-Naga.
practically

whole of

i.

a ruler of the

e.

about

was thus
Northern

India except the Panjab. Being thus a powerful

monarch and practically of the same family as
1

Pargiter, 21

&

68.

LECTURE

82

II.

he was, in later times when the

Puranas were recast, placed at the head of the
Bimbisara,

family,

him.

and

the kings styled Sisunagas after

Sis'unaga reigned for eighteen years and
all

was succeeded by his son Asoka. To distinguish

him from Asoka, the Maurya Emperor, he was
designated Kalasoka, the epithet kola indicating
his black completion.
This also explains why

he was called Kakavarna in the Puranas.

Burmese

tradition informs

us,

As a

he removed his
x

from Rajagriha to Pataliputra.

This is
2
exactly in keeping with the Mahavamsa, which
capital

represents Kalasoka to be established in Pushpa-

pura,

i.e.

The only event which,

Pataliputra.

we know,

took place in the reign of Kalasoka

was the holding of the second Buddhist Council.

It

was held

in Vesali

under

this

king in the

2 B. C. and led to the separation of the

year 3S3
Mahasamghikas from the Theravfula

Kalasoka

reigned for twenty-eight years only. After him

his ten sons conjointly ruled over the Magadha
empire.

Their

names

Korandavarna,

are: (1)

Bhadrasena,

Mangura, (i) Sarvafijaha,

(5) Jfilika, (G) Ubhaka, (7) Sanjaya, (S) Koravya, (9) Nandivardhana and (10) Pancliamaka.
(2)

(3)

Nandivardhana

of

5BB. XI.

IV. 82.

this

is

most

probably

Entro. xvi.

Mahavafiiaa (trans. Geiger), Intro.,

*

MahibodhivaAua,

98.

lix.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

Nandivardhana
brothers

of the Puranic

held joint sway

83

list.

over

the

These ten

Magadha

dominions for about twenty-two years and were

Nine memsupplanted by the Nanda dynasty.
bers of this dynasty are said in the

Mahavamsa

have reigned in succession and for a period

of twenty two years. They were most probably
one father and eight sons as mentioned in the
to

Puranas.

They were

duka, (3) Pandugati,

Ugrasena, (2) PanBhutapala, (5) Bashtra-

(1)

(J<)

pala, (6) Govishanaka,

Kaivarta and (9) Dhana.

the

list, it

(7)
4

Dasasiddhaka,

(8)

As Ugrasena heads

seems that he was the father and the

remaining princes his sons. The chief of the

Nandas, according to all the Puranas, is Mahapadma. The commentary on the Bhagavata-

Purana says that he was

so called

because he was

the lord of soldiers or wealth

numbering

or

amounting to 100,000 millions. Probably the

correct meaning would be that he was master of
as big an army as could be arrayed in a padma5
This agrees with
vyuha or in a lotus fashion.
the fact that in Buddhist works he has been

Ugrasena,

styled

i.e.

of

possessed

a terrific

army.
V.

[.).

^Pargiter, 22.
In this respect the Puranas agree among themselves. They,
their rule, some saying
however, differ in regard to the sequence of
3

that they
*
8

all

reigned conjointly, and some, in succession.

Mahabodhivariisa, 98.
IA.,

XLIV,

49-50.

LECTURE

8i

was

II.

The Puranas say that Ugrasena-Mahapadma

so powerful that he uprooted all the Kshabrought the whole earth
one roval umbrella, and made himself

triyas like Paras'urama,

under

Let us pause here for a

moment and see what this means. I have told

eka-rat, sole monarch.

you that shortly before Buddha lived, that part

of India which was Arvanised was divided into
sixteen different states, of which, excepting two,
But the process of
all were petty kingships.

had begun, and we find that these

tiny kingships had already developed into four
monarchies in the time of Buddha. Gradually

centralisation

these monarchies themselves were beinsj dissolved

and coalesced into one, but thev did not culminate

full-fledged imperialism until a

have
century after the demise of Buddha.
seen above how the Magadha Empire grainto

We

extended and swallowed not only the

Kasi-Kosala country of the Ikshvakus, but also
the Avanti territory of the Pradyotas and the
dually

Kausambi kingdom of the Vatsas. And when

Ugrasena-Mahapadma lias been expressly represented by the Puranas to have exterminated the
Kshatriyas and brought the earth under his sole

sway, it means, I think, that he made himself

master of about that whole portion of India

which was familiar

to the

Aryans, i.e. of almost

the sixteen countries into which India was
divided in Buddha's time and which I have
all

POLITICAL HISTORY.

85

already enumerated about the beginning of this

In other words, Ugrasena-Mahapadma
lecture.
Avas a

Chakravartin or universal monarch.

idea of

Chakravartin

is

The

very ancient in India.

The Aitareya-Brahmana, e.g. makes mention of

some kings, who, after their anointing, conquered
the whole earth and performed a horse-sacrifice.
What we have in this connection to bear in
mind is that by earth is meant not the whole
'

'

earth as

it is

known

to us at the present

rather the earth as

at the time

when

it

the

was known

to the

Chakravartin

is

day but

Aryans
said

to

have lived and conquered.

Mahapadma was
one Chakravartin and
was the
thus but
Chakravartin of the period we have selected.
Kautilya in his Arthasastra speaks of the
1

Chakravartin as

the

if

was not a novel

us that his domain

latter

ruler at all in his day and tells

coincided with the greater portion of

the space

between the Himalayas and the ocean and with

an area of a thousand yojanas. This no doubt
answers

the

to

extent

of

the

Mauryan

from the language of Kautilya

the Chakravartin was not an unfamiliar figure
in his time, it appears that there was at least
empire, and

as

one Chakravartin before

the

Mauryas came

to

power, and there is, therefore, nothing strange in

our taking Mahapadma to be a Chakravartin on

p. 338.

86

LECTURE

II.

It is time therethe authority of the Puranas.

fore to give up the view that the Indians for the

time gained their idea of Chakravartin from

Alexander's invasion.

first

LECTURE

III.

Administrative History.
Literature on

(a)

In

Hindu

Polity.

and the next lecture I propose

this

deal with

the

administrative

to

history of the
of two kinds

This history may be

(1) history of the literature bearing upon the

period.

and

government and (2) history

setting forth the actual practices and systems
of administration prevalent in the period.
The
science

art

of

latter is not possible

without the former.

to

know

It

is,

before-

therefore, absolutely necessary

hand what sort of literature was extant in our

period relating to political science, or Arthasastra

as

it

was

called.

South India has recently become a land of

Not many years ago the students

of ancient Indian poetics were taken by surprise
by the discovery of Bhamaha's work on Alamkara in Trivandrum. The dramas of Bhasa,
discoveries.

the celebrated dramatist

had for a

long

modern eyes

time

who preceded
remained

Kalidasa,

hidden from

they were discovered seven

years ago at the same place, vis. Trivandrum.
Such was the case with the Arthasastra of
Kautilya.
of politics

until

That a work dealing with the science

was composed by Kautilya had been

LECTURE

88

III.

by various more or less early Indian

writers who have not only referred to the author
But
but also given quotations from his work.
testified to

the work had been looked

upon

as entirely lost,

was a great though agreeable surprise to

every scholar and antiquarian when, in the
January number of the Indian Antiquary, 1905,
Mr. R. Shamasastry not only announced the
discovery of this work at Tan j ore but actually
published a translation of some of its chajiters.
and

it

was afterwards edited and

same scholar and is being more
and more eagerly and thoruughly studied, but it
will be still long before we are able to show

The

whole

book

translated by the

what

flood of light

it

throws not only on ancient

polity but also on economics, law, ethics and

so forth.

When

the Arthas'astra of Kautilya was first

published, it evoked a great deal of criticism

more

or less of

an adverse nature.

But now

a consensus of opinion among scholars

that on the ground of the archaic style and
there

is

the social and religious life depicted therein the

work has certainly to be assigned to the period
B.C. 321-296 as it claims to belong. Any student

who has even

that

it

bristles

cursorily

with quotations

of the Arthas'astra
It

therefore

known

read the book knows

who were

follows

that

to Kautilya, their

if

from the authors

prior to

Kautilya.
these authors were

works were certainly

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

known and
selected,

studied

the

in

as

89

we have

period

it

immediately precedes
founder of
the Maurya

especially

Chandragupta, the
dynasty, whose prime-minister

Kautilya

was.

very important to know who are

authors that have been referred to by

It is therefore

these

Kautilya. The list of those

able to frame is as follows
:

that I have been

Schools.
1.

Manavah,

2.

Barhaspatyah, pp.

pp.

6, 29,

63, 177, 192.

63, 177, 192,

29,

6,

373.
3.

Ausanasah, pp.

4.

Paras'arah, p. 63.

5.

Ambhlyah

The order
is

in

1
,

177, 192.

6, 29, 63,

p. 33.

which the schools are mentioned

not uniform.

Individual Authors.
6.

Bharadvaja, pp. 13,

27,

32,

253,

320,

325, 380.
7.

8.

Visalaksha, pp, 13, 27, 32, 320, 326, 380.

Parasara 2 pp. 13, 27, 32, 321, 326.
,

Ambhlyah

is

probably a mistake for Acharyah, as

Prof. Jacobi

thinks (Uberdie Echtheit des Kautil'iya in Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich

Preussischen Aliademie der Wissenschaften,
2

His

name has been

variously

Parasarah, Paraiarah and Paraiarah.

12

p. 837).

spelt

in

the

printed

edition

Of course, the plural form

is

LECTURE

90

III.

Pisuna 1 pp. 14, 28, 33, 251, 321, 327.

9.

pp. 14, 33, 321, 327.

10.

Kaunapadanta

11.

Vatavyadhi, pp. 14, 33, 261, 322, 328.

12.

Bahudantlputra

3
,

p. 14.

These authors (Nos. 6-12) are specified in the

above serial order.
These have been
but
mentioned
13. Katyayana,
p. 251.;

Of these
again Charayana
and Ghota(ka)-

once.
14.

Kaninka Bharadvaja

15.

Dlrgh a- Charayana

mukha

have

been mentioned

Ghotamukha

16.

by

5?

Vatsyayana

as authors of the

17. Kihjalka

different

>J

of

the

parts

Science

of Erotics.

18. Pis'unaputra

name has been mentioned along with

inadmissible, where this

those

Of the remaining two, Paraiarnh appears to me

to be the correct form, because it has been so mentioned in Edmandaka,
VIII. 39, where, again, the metrical exigencies require Pardsarah and

of individual authors.

not Parasarah.

Purdzarah stands

Uianah of KSmandaka does

Pisuna was another

to

name

in the

same

relation to Paraiarah as

Kavayah (VIII-22 & 27).

Nilrada and we know that he was

his

of

the author of a work on kingly duties from the passage Naradlyam =

iv

= avarnyamuna-rujadharmam

p. 91,

1.

because
2

it

According

name

for

work

is

in the
s

from the Kadambar'i (Bo. Sk. Series,

This passage cannot possible}- refer to the Narada-Snirtti,

does not deal with kingly duties.

13).

to

the

Bhishma, and

Trikavdaiesha,

it is

not at

all

Kaunapadanta

is

another

improbable that Kaunapadanta's

represented by the present Rajadharm-unususana of Bhishma

Sunti-Parian of the Mahabharata.

The correct form

been thown further on

of the
in

name must be Bahndantiputra

the text.

as has

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

91

Now the question arises have any of these

names been mentioned anywhere ? Those who
have read the Mahabharata need not be told
that some of these certainly occur in the SantiChapter 58 of this Parvan sets forth
than seven names of the authors of the

Parvan.

no

less

treatises

on kingly duties. They are (1) Brihaspati,

Mahendra, (5)PraBharadvaja and (7) Gauras'iras.

(2) Visalaksha, (3)

chetasa

Manu,

(6)

Kavya,

(4)

Except the last,^. Gauras'iras,

are identifiable

all

with the names specified by Kautilya. Brihaspati must be the founder of the Barhaspatya,

Kavya, the same as Sukra, of the Aus'anasa, and

Manu, of the Manava, School. In regard to
Manu it is to be noted that here he has been

which distinguishes him from

Svayambhuva Manu, the author of the Dharmas'astra, and from Vaivasvata Manu, the first king
called Prachetasa

of the

human

Bharadvaja of the &antiParvan must be the Bharadvaja mentioned in

species.

There thus remains one

Kautilya's Arthas'astra.

shall see shortly.

In regard to

Svayambhuva Manu, the author

sastra vide Adi-P., 73.9

vide anti-P.,

are

quoted.

dhurmas

Of

with

identical

first

Bahudantiputra
1

is

component of the name

to by Kautilya
as
referred

Bahudantin, the

we

He

Mahendra.

viz.

name,

of

57.42,

In

after

which two verses from

Yana-P., 35,

Manu who

21

XXV.

are

also,

can, therefore,

course, no scholar will

expressed in SBE.,

the

of

Dbarma-

Santi-P., 335.43. In respect of Prachetasa

be no

referred

1.

in

Manu,

Raju-dharmas
to

other than

now agree with Buhler

Intro, lxxvi, n.

his

the

Raja-

Prachetasa.

the view he has

LECTURE

92

III.

was indeed a wise move on the part of the

Calcutta University to have prescribed for M. A.
History, the chapters of the anti-Parvan, which
It

treat

of

Rajadharma,

and which,

the duties of the king,

i.e.

give us good glimpses into

the condition of the science of polity before the
in

fact,

We have

seen that Chapter 58

of this Parvan gives the names of .the authors of
Bajasastra which all except one agree with those

time of Kautilya.

by Kautilya. Let us now proceed a

next
step further and see what the immediately
mentioned

chapter teaches us. This chapter

of polity
genesis of the science

and how
or
first

not

it

underwent
of

Science

brought
only
viz.

of

we

by

the

objects

dha? ma

are

Brahma.

out

of

arose

it

Danclanlti

alterations.

Polity,

us

gives

how

told,

It

the

was

treated

worldly

of

religious
performance
and
of
wealth
attainment
kama,
duties, artha,
but
also
of
of
sensual
desires,
gratification

life,

moksha

or

final beatitude,

and consisted of one

hundred thousand chapters. As the period of

the human life was gradually decreasing, this

work was also undergoing abridgement.

The god &iva was the first to shorten it into
a treatise called Vaisalaksha after him and
The divine
consisting of ten thousand chapters.
Indra then abridged it into a work comprising
five thousand chapters and styled Bahudantaka
colossal

after him.

Brihaspati further reduced

it

to

9 3

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

work containing three thousand chapters and

Last came
designated Barhaspatya after him.
Kavi

who

ou TJsanas,

still

further

shortened

it

a treatise composed of a thousand chapters

Now the original work composed by
only.
into

Brahma
art ha

said

is

have

to

treated

of

dharma,

kama and moksha, and comprised one

thousand chapters. In Chapter 335

another tradition
of the Santi-Parvan we have

hundred

There its authorship

ascribed
to
has been
eight sages, who read it out
The god was exceedingly
to the god Narayana.
narrated about this work.

pleased

"Excellent
consisting

Guided by

what

with
is

and

heard,

said

ye have composed
hundred thousand verses

this treatise that

of
it

he

Svayambhuva Manu

will

himself

promulgate to the world its code of dharma,

and Usanas and Brihaspati compose their treait."
We are then told that
tises based upon
this

original

work

the

time of

king Uparicharu and

upon

of

the sages will last

up

to

disappear

his death.

Curiously enough, Vatsyayana,

author of the Kamasutra, mentions at the beginning of this work a third tradition which is a

combination

of

the

first

two.

Prajapati or

and recited
to them a work consisting of
one hundred
thousand chapters to enable them to attain
dharma, artha, and kama. That part which
related to dharma was separated by Manu, and

Brahma, says

he,

created

people

LECTUEE

94i

which related

those

separated

artha and kama were

Biihaspati and Nandin. respecthus see that according? to the

by

We

tively.

to

III.

mentioned both in Chapter 59 of the

Santi-Parvan and by Vatsyayana the original
knowledge about the work on dharma, artha
and kama emanated from Brahma. The first

tradition

of

abridgement
ascribed

Siva

to

Vais'alaksha.

from

Dandaniti,
after

The term

Vis'alaksha,

which

we have

whom

is

was named

it

Vaisalaksha
is

seen,

another

is

derived

name

for

The author Vis'alaksha mentioned by

Kautilva must therefore be taken to refer to
the god Siva himself
The second abridgement was brought out by Inclra, and, we are
Siva.

informed,
elephant,

many
1

It

was

Airavata,

(balm)
may

Bahudantaka.

called

tusks,

because he had

Indra's

four

i.e.

could be called Bahudanta

be asked whether

it

is

permissible to quote the views

and the name of a god exactly as would be done in the case of a

human being, and it may consequently be doubted whether Kautilya's
ViAalaksha is a divinity or a human being. It may, therefore, be
contended that up to Kautilya's time Visalaksha was a human author
but was afterwards looked upon as a god and mentioned as such in
the Santi-Parvan.
We know, however, that, as a matter of fact,

Kamandaka

cites the

doctrines and mentions

the

names

of

Puloma

and Indra, about whose divinity there can be no question, as if they

were human authors, as is clear from VIII. 21. Again, nobody can
doubt that the Santi-Parvan was existing in its present form about
300 A.D, when Kamandaka lived. To Kamandaka, therefore, Visaliave been a god, and yet he speaks of the latter as
Viialakahah prdbhcuhate (VIIL 28).
No reasonable doubt need there-

ISksha must

fore

be entertained as to

Kautilya's reference to Visalaksha being a

reference to the god of that name.

95

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

Bahudanta and because Indra possessed

Bahudanta or Bahudanta i.e. Airavata, he could
And it
be called Bahudanta or Bahudantin.
science
names
that
the
of
these
is from the first
Bilhuof polity composed by him was styled

or

The second name

dantaka.

can be recognised

Bahudantiputra mentioned
There can be no doubt that the

in

of the latter

Bahudanti

is

by

Kautilya.

first component
and not Bahudanti i.e.

the ending i is short and not long and that Bahu1

In regard to the
danti must here denote Indra
.

we have got an exactly

in
case
have seen
Pis'unaputra.
analogous
that Kautilya mentions not only Pis'una but

second component put ret,

We

also

Pis'unaputra.

The

word

in

putra

all

Thus in
probability signifies here 'a follower.'
the Mrichchhakatika those, who follow the
science of theft originated by the god Kartikeya,
2
are called Skandaputras by Sarvilaka
Bahu.

dantiputra
of

must

Bahudantin,

Arthas'astra

must

i.e.

laid

of

denote a follower

the

system

of

the

down by him.

Pis'unaputra
denote
a
of
follower
the system
similarly

Narada, who, we know, was an

of Pis'una or

therefore

This,

think,

is

clear

from the fact that

Kamandaka

speaks of Indra as one of the authors of the Arthasastra

(vide

preceding note).
2
Mrichchhakatika

also

the

(BSS), 141. The word putra was used to

denote also the follower of a religious system. Thus nigantha-putto
signified

a Jaina

(ilaj-X.

I.

227.

where Sachchaka

is

so called).

LECTURE

96
authority
to

on

Bana

by

abridgement
is

or

of his

work

rcija-dharma and

the
in

Kadambarl

his

attributed

is

to

1
.

is

referred

The

third

Brihaspati and

For

Barhaspatya.

designated

Kavya

III.

the

fourth,

Usanas was responsible. The name

is not
specified, but it must have

In Chapter 59 of the SantiParvan we have a specific mention not only of

four of the seven authors of Arthas'astra enubeen Ausanasa.

merated in Chapter 58 but

standing to their credit.

works

somewhat curious

Manu, Bharadvaja and Gaurasiras have here

that

been passed
nation

were
to

the

probable explathat these were sages and consequently

above
beings, whereas those noticed

demi-^ods and that the

the tradition narrated in Chapter 59

either

object

But

away.

is

human

is

It

also of the

is

of

ods

establish

or

the

sacred

character and the

extreme antiquity of the Arthaxastra by showing

how it was handed down from Brahma through
the various gods and at the same time more

and more abridged in this process of transmission.

Of course, Manu and his work must
have been well-known at this time, for in the

Drona-Parvan we find that one of his qualifications to become the generalissimo of the

Kaurava
ed

Dronacharya makes a point-

army

mention

of

his

See

proficiency

p. 90, n. 2.

in

Manavl

ADMINIS1RATIVE HISTORY.
1

Artlia-vidya

97

This clearly indicates that a work

on Arthasastra composed by Manu was wellknown, and was held in such high repute that
proficiency in it was
merit to a general.

be

considered to

About Bharadvaja

great
shall

say something further in the sequel, but no

reference to the work of Gauras'iras I have been
able to trace in the Mahabharata.

Now, here another question arises have we

got any evidence to show in what form the
:

works

of these ancient authors of the Arthas'astra

were composed
ing

fact

that

indeed a very interestSanti-Parvan is not content with

It

is

merely enumerating their names or specifying

their works but actually quotes verses from the
latter.

56-8 are very important in

have three verses cited not

Chapters

We

this respect.

Manu

from

but also from Us'anas (BharThese have all been

gava) and Brihaspati.
culled in the Appendix.
This gives rise to the

only

inference

that

metrical form.

was

late as

of the

And

at

in regard

any
to

rate

the

were

work

in

of

possible to say that

in existence and in metrical form even as

Us'anas
it

works

their

in

particular,

it

is

time of

Sankararya,

commentator

Kamandaklya

Nltisara, for

we know he

the

actually quotes one verse from it.

The conclusion that the works on Arthas'astra
prior to Kautilya

were
1

13

verse

XLV1, 95.
TSS. Ed. 112.

IA.,
2

in

is

forced

upon

LECTURE

98

III.

us by a study of the latter's work also.

however, this can be demonstrated, it

Before,
neces-

is

nature of the form of

sary to find out the exact
composition which his work represents. This
is

described at the end of his book in the verse

Drishtva vipratipattim bahudha sastreshu

bkashyakarana m

svayam = eva Vishnugupta8-==-chakara sTdram

cha bhashyam cha.
Translation.

"Having noticed discrepancy

between

the

commentators

in

on

many ways

the

Sastras,

Vishnugupta himself has made the Sutra and

the commentary."
Unfortunately, so far as I know, the meaning
of this verse has not been made clear by any
scholar

What

means

is

the verse,

however, evidently
that in Kautilva's time a Sutra was

interpreted differently by different commentators and that in order that this mishap may not
his
work he composed not only the
befall

Sutras but also the

his

meaning

of

his

commentary
Sutras.

setting

forth

Kautilva's

book,

therefore, consists not only of Sutra but also

1

Prof Jacobi explains

it

in a

different

manner

(loc.

cit

of

843

&

Although the verse in question distinctly says that Kautilya's

work is both a Sutra and a Bhashya, he seems to think it, apparently
on the authority of the same verse, that it is, not a Sutra, but rather
845).

a Bhashya

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
It

Bhashya.

99

a matter of regret, however, that

is

in the edition published of

the

his Arthasastra,

Sutra has not been separated from the Bhashya.

I will explain myself

more

Take

clearly.

e.g.

pp. 27-8 which deal with the subject of 3Iantradhikara.

Here as elsewhere the Sutra and the

Bhashya have been hopelessly intermixed so that

ordinary reader does not

the

what he reads

know

that part of

the Sutra and part the Bhashya.

I will extricate the Sutras of these pages to
is

show that whatever remains

Sutras here are as follows
(1)

is

the Bhashya.

The

Guhyam = eko ma/>itrayet = eti

Bharad-

vajah
(2)

mantra -siddhir = ast=lti.

N=aikasya

Visalaleshah

Etan=mantra-jnana')h
tra-rakshanam = iti Barasarah
(3)

(5)

N=eti Pisunah
N=eti KauHlyah

(6)

Mantribhis

(4)

n=aitan = man-

= tribhis = chaturbhir=va

saha mantrayeta

and so

on.

These are the Sutras, and whatever is published in the book along with each Sutra so as
to

form a paragraph

is

the

Bhashya.

There

is

work which requires

yet another element
I mean the verses which are
to be considered

as

Who

of this

given at the end of each chapter.

can be the author of these verses ? Were
rule

100

LECTURE

III.

composed by Kautilya himself ? Let us

answer this question. There can be no
doubt that some at least were composed by him.
all

they

try to

Certainly the first two of the verses occurring

on p. 17 of the published text must belong to
him. The first gives the opinion of the previous
Acharyas that the king shall employ his minisin offices corresponding to their ascertained

ters

The second

purity.

the

that

shall in

king
on himself or his queen.
etat

is

these

view of

cites the

no wise

Kautilya

test their

purity

The phrase here used

Kautilya-darsanam. This indicates that

two verses at anv rate come from

the

pen of

that

there

we
some

iVnd

can suppose

perhaps
also were composed by him.

others which

ever,

Kautilya.

were

possible

he was the author of

that

This

with in his work.

fact that on

the

concede

to

with

the

bhavatah.
that

is

It

and

the

all

how-

not

is

more

assert

verses

met

strongly negatived by
occur two stanzas 1

pp. '565-6

prefatory remark
ap=iha slokau
This is an unmistakable indication

these

verses

at

anv

rate

were

not

of

Kautilya, but were quoted by him from some

work.
Again, we have at least two instances of
verses

prefaced by

either of

which

The second

of

is

one or more words

insufficient

these

stanzas

Yaugandharaijcuia (TSS.Ed., G2), and the

lamhxta (BBS. Ed.

I. ii.

272).

by

itself

occurs also in
first in

the

in prose
but which

the

Pratijna-

Parasara-dharma-

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

make

together

Thus on

p.

sense

the

101

whole and

121 we have the following

complete.
:

Siirakamedak-cu'ishta-madhu-phal-UmlamlasldhTina

ch a

Ahnas=cha vikrayam vyajvm jnatva

man a h ira nyayoh
-

tathcl

vaidharanam kuryad=uchitam
ch

= anuvartayei

Here the verse by itself does not bring out

the full sense, which is possible only when it is
interpreted in conjunction with the preceding
Similar is the case on p. 29 where
prose line.

we have

the following
Kurr>atas

= cha

guhyam pare vidyus = chhidrarh

vidycit parasya clia
guliet hurma iv=angani yat syad=vivriiV

= asya

tam = atmanah
in

Here the verse is preceded by two words

prose which together make clear the sense

of the author.

a verse
is
it

often
is

with

met

Now

this practice

of

combining

a prose passage to express an idea

with in Sanskrit dramas where

indispensable
its

for

dramatic

effect,

but

is

absence in any work dealing

conspicuous by
with a Scist?*a when the whole of
duction of one author.

a proIn a work setting forth

it

is

the subject of a nostra no dramatic effect is

ever intended, and when therefore we meet with

such a combination of prose and verse, the only

LECTURE

102

conclusion

reasonable
citing

that verse from

that in order
to preface

two

it

is

III.

the

that

author

is

some other source and

bring out its sense he has

with a remark of his in prose. The
to fully

given above must,

as not belonging
to

verses

therefore,

be

Kautilya but
rather quoted by him from a previous work on
There is yet another line of arguArthas'astra.

supposed

ment which compels us to adopt the same conclusion.

The second of the verses just quoted from
Kautilya occurs also in the San ti- Par van. I
am aware one is apt to suspect that the SantiParvan is indebted to Kautilya for this verse.
But this is not possible, because I have just

shown that

it

cannot belong

to

Kautilya as

preceded by a prose preface. But there are

other considerations also which leave no scepit is

ticism

The verse

on this point.

in

question,

beginning with n=clsya guhyam pare

vidyuh occurs not only in the Santi but also in
But here it is preceded by two
the Adi-Parvan.

viz.

that

verses which run thus

Nityam udyata-dandah syun = nityam

vwrita-puurmliuli
achclihidraschhidra-darsi syat paresliam

vivar-anugdh
Nityam = udyata-da ml ad = h i bh risam =
udvijate jcmah

tasmat

sarvto/i

dharayet

karyaui dan(]en=.aiva vi-

103

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

Now,

these three verses,

all

note, occur in Chapter

VII

is

it

of the

of

worthy

Manu-smriti.

The question, therefore, arises who borrowed

from whom ? Fortunately for us this question
has been threshed out by no less an illustrious
The above are not
scholar than Prof. Biihler
the only verses that are common to the Maha:

There are

bharata and the Manu-smriti.

many

others which have been pointed out by him in

the introduction to his translation ot the Manu-

and on a careful consideration

smriti,

of

the

he has expressed the view that the

editor of this metrical Smriti has not drawn
question

upon the Mahabharata

authors of both
rials

or vice versa

works have

the verse

utilised the

It

that already existed.

but that the

is

mate-

thus plain that

etc.

nasya guhyam pare vidyuh

was

composed by Kautilya but was utilised by

him from some work which was in existence
not

lono;

before he wrote or the Santi-Parvan or the

Manu-smriti was compiled 2

It will be perceived that all the verses

a few ones that occur in Kautilya's

1

SBE., XXV., Intro, xc.

Oas more verse from Kautilya
It occurs

connection.

The same verse

Baudhayana,

II.

is
i.

Arthasastra and

on

p.

217,

is

worth considering in

and begins with samvatsareita

met with in Manu, XI.

As there were some

35.

the

except
Arthasastra

Dharmasastra,

it is

ISO, Vasishtha,

subjects

very

I.

common

difficult to

this

patati.

22 and
to

the

say whether

Kautilya borrowed the verse from some work on the Dharmasastra,

such as Manu, Vasishtha or Baudhayana or from some work on the
Arthasastra.

Kautilya

Of

(p. 10).

course,

the

name

Dharma^adra was known

to

LECTURE

104

III.

have been quoted by him from previous authors.

When

we, therefore, find any verses cited along

with and in confirmation of the doctrines set

forth

by him

conclusion

is

of

that

his

the

predecessors, the natural

verses in question were

Such
quoted from the works of the latter.
verses do we find e.g. on pages 13, 27 and 253
This shows that the
of the printed edition.
Bharadvaja, Yisalaksha and Paras'ara
In the case of
at least were in metrical form.

works

of

Bharadvaja the matter has been placed beyond

all doubt, because Kautilya actually cites part of
a verse and ends the quotation with the
iti

Bharadvajah.

here to

I
hi

am,

of

remark

course, referring

pranamati yo ballyaso
on
This quotaBharadvajah
p. 380.
tion, I need scarcely say, forms the second half
of an Arya verse, and is exceedingly interesting
namati

Indrasya

set

iti

inasmuch as

it

shows that

in the earlier

works

on Arthas'astra, not onlv the Anushtubh but also

AVe have already
the Arya metre was employed.
seen on the authority of the Mahabharata that
the works on polity attributed to Manu, Brihaspati and Us'anas were in verse, and we now see

on the authority of Kautilya that the same

was the case with the works of Bharadvaja,
Visalaksha and Paras'ara.

Here the question may be asked how is it

possible to regard the works on Arthas'astra
anterior to Kautilya as being metrical in form
:

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

when

the

work

of the latter,

105

we have

as

seen,

belongs to the Sutra class of composition?

it

Does

not conflict with the established opinion of the

work is prior to a work

Sanskritists that a Sutra

in

which

employed

the
I

Anushtubh

metre

admit

this

that

present highly countenanced

its

dispute

correctness.

uniformly

opinion

is

at

by scholars, but I
was Max Miiller
1

It

who first gave utterance

now been followed rather

is

which has

to this view,

slavishly by Sanskritists
in spite of the strong protest raised against it
by

Goldstucker'2

The

latter

scholar

clearly tells

one thing to lay down a criterion by

which a class of works such e. rj. as the Sutras
us that

it is

might

become recognisable,
to

thing

make such
of

computing periods

and

criterion

literature

classes of writings can flourish in

is

it

another
basis for

and that two

one and the same

and, as a matter of fact,

he has clearly
proved that the Anushtubh or metrical form of
composition was existing side by side with the
period

Sutra in that very period to which the

stvle of literature has been assigned.
class of composition

the

metrical is

trouble us here.

began

My

earlier

the

latter

Which

Sutra or

question which need not

contention is that from the

C. onwards to the time of

century
Kautilya both the forms of composition flourished

7th

B.

HASL.,68

Pflnini,

14

78

&ff.

&

ff

LECTURE

106

III.

been well shown by Goldtherefore, be nothing

stiicker, and there can,
of the prestrange in the Arthasastra works
Kautilyan period being metrical in form although
the Sutra
they pertain to the period to which
side

by

has

as

side

literature

is

although the work

of

class

of

example of

ascribed and

generally

Kautilya himself

an

is

this class.

chapters of the Santi-Parvan

narrate incidents in the form of dialogues which

Many

the

of

Most

of these

itihasas relate to matters connected with

Dharma,

are designated puratana itihasa.

Purana and

One

the Arthasastra.

Chapter
discourse

king

But

so forth.

68,

of these

we

where

two

at least

are

relate to

set forth

is

introduced

to

in

between Brihaspati and Yasumanas,

of Kosala.

Yasumanas pays

his

homage

to

the great sage, and enquires about the governance

of a kingdom, and Brihaspati replies by dwelling

on the paramount necessity of having a king at

the head of the State.
In the course of his
discourse Brihaspati

a king to the gods

likens

Agni, Aditya, Mrityu, Vais'ravana and Yama,

and a verse is given, viz. Na hi jatv=avamantavyo

manushyaiti bhumipah
nara-rTipena tishthali
in

Manu

(VII,

8).

same Par van we

mahatl devata hy=eshd

which we find also

ll

1<0

Then
are

||

in

Chapter 140 of the

introduced

to

another

time between the sage Bharadvaja

and Satrunjaya, king of Sauvira. King ^atrufijaya

dialogue, this

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

107

puts Bharadvaja a question contained in the

verse
Alabdhasya katham lipsa labdham kena
:

vivardhate

vardhitam

katham

pranayet

\\

essence of the Science

Kautilya, as

is

clear

palpate kena palitam

which forms the very

||

of

from

Polity according

his

words

to

(Dandanltili)
alabdha-labh-artha labdha-parirakshcml rakshitavivardhaul vriddhasya
tlrtheshu
pratipadani
:

cha}

two

Bharadvaja's reply commences with the

verses, one beginning with Nityam=uddyata-

dandah syat and theother with Nityam = uddyatadaudasy/i followed soon by the third verse whose
second half is gUliet karma
iv=angani etc.,
exactly the three verses quoted on pages 1 1-2
above as being common to the Adi-Parvan and
the

Manu-smriti.

these

data

it

is

not

hope, to draw the following

Just
as in the case of every
(1)
are informed of the occasion on which

unreasonable,
inferences

From

Purana we
and the people to whom and the person by whom
it was recited, it seems that at the outset of each
Arthasastra were specified the occasion which led
to its exposition and the sage by whom and the
person or persons for whose edification it was
discoursed.

Arthasastra,

This explains
like

Purana

why Kautilya
and

places

Dharmasastra,

p. 9.

The Ausanasa Arthasastra

discourse

of

similarly

seems to have

the sage Usanas to Pralhada (Santi-P., 139. 69).

been a

LECTURE

108

under Itihasa

named

(2)

works

appears that the

It

Brihaspati and
were not composed

after

rate

any

lit.

at

Bharadvaja

them

by

but

rather embodied the doctrines expounded by them

orally to certain kings and on certain occasions.

The verse

(3)

40, cited

we

which

Santi-Parvan,
identical with

from Chapter 68

Manu, VII.

tind

8, (p.

is

of

the

practically

106), must, there-

be supposed to have originally belonged to

the work setting forth the system of Brihaspati.

fore,

For

Bharadvaja must be
be the author of the three verses

same

the

to

supposed

reason

quoted from Chapter 140 of the same Parvan

and shown to be identical with Manu, VII.
102-3 and 105 2

When

(p. 107).

Kautilva wrote,

Arthasastra was
I think,
at the

is

clear

falling

studv

the

of

desuetude.

into

the
This,

from one of the verses occurring

end of his book,

viz

P. 10.

Kautilya (p. 10) places Dharinasastra also

suspect that Dharinasastra, too, like Arthasastra,

Like Arthasastra

under Itihasa.

was originally

of metrical

composition before

This alone can explain,

form.

think,

assumed the Sutra

it

why

verses have been intro-

duced into the Dharmasutras, just as they are in Kautiliya. As in the

latter case we know they were borrowed from previous works on
Arthasastra,

those in

the

Dharmasutras must

similarly

have been

borrowed from previous works of that science which must therefore

bo supposed to have been metrical in form. And I suspect that the
original Manusmriti, and, not the present recast
to

the

traced
titne

was prior oven

one,

Dharmasutras, especially as verses from the latter have been

to the

former

vide also

p. 113, n. 2

onoe to work out this theory fully.

below.

hope

may

find

109

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
Yena sastram cha sastram cha
Nanda-raja-gata cha bhuh
amarshen = oddhrita ny = asu
tena sustram-=idam kritam.

This

verse

evidently crediting Kautilya

with having rescued Sastra, which can here
It thus seems that
mean Arthasastra only
is

the

old

on the Arthasastra were

works

forgotten in his time.

And

being

to rescue this Science

appears to have made

a vigorous attempt at getting hold of the old
works, most of which he did succeed in obtaining

from oblivion Kautilya

and which he brought into requisition

his

treatise.

stupendous

mass of

posing

in

com-

And we know what

literature

it

was.

There

were, to begin with, at least four Schools connecA School means

Science.
ted with this

traditional

handing

down

of

of

set

doctrines and presupposes a series of acharyas or

teachers, who from time to time carried on the

work of exegetics and systematisation. Besides,

we find that Kautilya mentions not only four
Schools

but

thirteen

also

authors

individual

who were in no way connected with any School.

of the teachers
Again, we have already seen that
referred to in the

of our Science

^anti-Parvan

except one have been mentioned by Kautilya.

This exception was Gaurasiras, whose work

all

The word

uddhrita

Prof. Jacobi (loc. cit 837),

Kautillya, pp. 7

&

10.

is

taken in the sense

which

is

of

'

scarcely admissible.

reformed
I

am

'

by

afraid.

LECTURE

110

III.

perhaps seems to have heen

lost in his time.

It

is

quite possible that there may have been works of

some more teachers Avhich were similarly forgotten, especially as
lya's

we have seen

that in Kauti-

time the Science of Polity was being wellThe latest of these works again must

nigh extinct.
for the

same reason be supposed

to

have been

written at least three-quarters of a century anteAll things considered, it is

rior to his time.
impossible to bring down the beginning of Indian
thought in the sphere of Arthas'astra to any

We

have seen that

period later than 650 B.C.
Chapter 59 of the Santi-Parvan attributes the
origin of this Science to the god Brahma and of
the different treatises on it to the different

gods and demi-gods. This means that in the

1th century B.C. Arthas'astra was looked upon
as having

come from such a hoary antiquity

was believed to have emanated from the

divine, and not from the human, mind. This
that

it

asrrees

with

Arthas'astra

the

fact

that

in

was comprised

in

Kautilva's time
Itihasa,

which

was then looked upon as a Veda and of the same

dignity as the Atharva-Veda.
1

We thus see that much of

the matter supplied

by Kautilya's work pertains to the period selected

by

us,

and can be safely used

the Indians

knew

to

show how much

of this science in that

To the same period seem

to

Kautillya,

period.

belong the chapters

7.

Ill

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

Mahabharata, especially from the

Santi-Parvan, which deal with rajadharm-anusascuia; aud it is not at all improbable that this
section represents in the main the work of the pre-

from the

Kautilyan political philosopher Kaunapadanta

The
as this is but another name for Bhlshma.
account of polity which they contain seems to
have been drawn principally from the systems
of Brihaspati, Us'anas and Manu.
Again, when
those chapters were written, only seven authors
of this Science

were at

they

is

least

has been stated

'It

mentions the

first

In Kautilya's time

were known.
twelve

above that

Again, the name

1
.

order in which Kautilya

authors of the Arthnsastra

the

seven of the individnnl

This no doubt raises the presumption that he would have

uniform.

us believe that they lived in that chronological sequence, and apparentreceives confirmation from the fact that thrice (on pp. 13-4, 27-8
ly

&

32-3) Kautilya mentions

dootrines of one
of specification.

them

in such a

way

as to

show that the

refuted by his immediate successor in that order

There are, on the other hand, some weighty consiare

On

derations which run counter to this theory.

p.

320 &

ff.,

Kautilya

to the seven Prakritis or comsays that of the calamities pertaining

ponents of

Sovereignty,

(4) durga, (5) kosa, (6)

than

its

immediate

viz.

(1)

danda and

second,

svanii,

(2)

janapada,

amatya, (3)

the

(7) mitra,

first

is

more serious

according to the Acharyas or the recogThis

nised authorities on the Arthasastra.

is

not,

however, the view of

and VatavyaBharadvaja, Visalaksha, Parasara, Pisuna, Kaunapadanta

order
in
this
mentioned
are
who
by Kautilya
specific
dhi,
and (2), (2) is more serious than (I) with Bharadvaja;
Of
(1)

of (2)

and

(3), (3) is

and

so on.

are

enumerated

It will

is

with Visalaksha,

and soon

fixed

by the

Acharyas who are different from

And what I cannot therefore

how the
come

six consecutive pairs (l)-(2), (2)-(3)

and so forth

up respectively by the six consecutive

Are we to suppose that through
enumeration.
Kautilya's

of this series

authors of

serious than (2)

Visalaksha and so forth.

Bharadvaja,

under stand

is

more

be seen that the order in which the Seven Prakritis

to be taken

LECTURE

112
Gauras'iras,

Parvan,

is

which

is

III.

mentioned

in

the &anti-

known to Kautilya showing probabwork was forgotten when the prime-

not

ly that his

minister of Chandragupta wrote. Moreover, as the

Mahabharata does not know many of the authors

adverted to by Kautilya, if" is no wonder that it

mentions none of the later authors such as Mahar-

Maya and Pnloma who came into prominence

him and are referred to by Kamandaka

shis,

after

some inexorable destiny Bhlradvaja, because he came

first,

had

to

take up for the discussion of relative importance the first pair only
and then there was a lull till Vi9alakflha appeared, and just because

he was the second, he too had to take up the second and

on ? Again, on p. 325 and
only, and so on and so

thf>
ff.

second pair

the same un-

necessity seems to have assigned the question of relative

heinousness between the Kopajah and Kamajah doshah to Bharadvaja

alterable

because he came

first.

Then

time to further discussion

it

till

appears

there

was a truce for some

Visalak^ha the second arose.

Then

it

necessary to deduca two pairs out of the three Kopajah doshah,

assign the first of these to Visalaksha, and reserve the second till the
advent of his successor, Parasara, and flo on and so on. Surely histo-

was

felt

rical

development of the Arthasastra could not have taken place accord-

ing to this exact unalterable programme.

By Maharshis we perhaps have to understand here the eight sages

the original work on polity has been attributed in
Chapter
335 of the Santi-Parvan. The nam Maya suggests the Asura Maya,
1

to

whom

the Architect, referred to in the Sabha-Parvan.

2

VIII. 20-1

&

23. I

identified with the sage

need scarcely say that this Kamandaka cannot be

Kamandaka mentioned in the .^anti-P., 123, 10 &

would bring the final redaction of the Mahabharata down to

which is an impossibility. This chapter sets forth
a dialogue between Kamandaka and Angarishtha, but, as a matter
ff.,

as this

the 7th century A.D.

of fact,

we do

Secondly, in
subject

not hear of the latter at

this

chapter

all in

Kamandaka

is

Kamandaka's Arthasastra.
discoursing

on a religious

which has hardly anything to do with the Arthasastra and

absolutely

nothing with the peouliar doctrines of

political philosopher.

Kamandaka,

the

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

113

These considerations show that those portions

of
the Mahabharata, and
especially of the
which
treat
of
the Science of
Santi-Parvan,
Polity,

are

account

to

on

the

authors

whole indebted for their

who

lived prior

to

Rautilya.

have shown above which verses are quoted

in the Mahabharata and from which of these
authors.
But there seem also to be verses
are
in this epic which
paraphrases of the
I

of
these authors.
I shall give only
but
instance
I
here.
informed
one,
typical,
a
short
time
that
ago
Kautilya quoted the
you
second half of an Arya metre from Bharadvclja,

original

hi

sa

pranamati yo bally a so
Now in the Mahabharata, both in the
namati.
Uddyoga and the Santi-Parvan, we find an
Anushtubh which is an obvious rendering of

viz.

Tnclrasya

Arya verse of Bharadvaja, viz:

Mtayopamaya mra samnameta ballyase

this half of the

Indraya sa pranamate iiamate yo ballyase

We can easilv infer that the Mahabharata
.

must contain many such metrical adaptations

of

verses

from works on Arthas'astra anterior

to Kautilva
1

2
.

Uddyoga-P., 33.36

The same

is

rendered in verse.
has been drawn

that

iu

Manusmriti, some slokas from

with the
the

by some scholars that that part

agrees most closely in

than

^anti-P., 67.11.

Mahabharata verbatim and some freely

Tins does not therefore warrant the conclusion

which are reproduced

as

the case

its

citations

portion which does not

points to the inference that the portion

as that which does not.

15

coincide.

that

Co

my

which

of the epic

with the code of

Manu

opinion,

cides

may

ia
it

later

rather

be as old

LECTURE

114

Hindu

(b)

So

much

for

III.

conceptions of Monarchy
the

literature

upon
some subjects
connected with Administration which have a
greater and general interest for us all. Let us
see first what were the various forms of government prevalent at this time. The principal of

Arthasastra.

these,

of

I will

course,

now turn

bearing

to

monarchy and Gana or

The former was a rule

were

Sang ha Government.
by one person, and the latter by many. The
royal dynasties of the Magadha, Kos'ala, Avanti
and Vatsa countries, which I described in my
last lecture, represent the monarchical form of
government. In that lecture I drew your
the Lichchhavis
attention also to two feribas
and the Mallas, which were brought under

subjection by Ajatasatru. They are in Buddhist

In
literature described as Ganas or Saiiglws.
this

lecture

shall

confine mvself to the

form of government only,

shall

treat

viz.

first

Monarchy, and

of the other in ray next.

In regard

Monarchy many
interesting details are
supplied by Hindu works on administration,
to

up only those which

be
to
me.
important
appear
is
a
Now, why
king required ? Where was
the necessity of a king at the helm of State
but

here I shall take

to

Let us see what reply is given

science of
question by the Hindu
affairs ?

Chapter

G7

of

the

JSanti-Parvan

to this

polity.

contains

115

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
the following

typical

question.
"
For these

reasons

verses

bearing

men

desirous

on

the

of pros-

perity

should crown some person as their king.

They,

who

countries

in

live

cannot enjoy

prevails

their

where anarchy
wealth and wives

(v. 12).

"

During times

of

the sinful

anarchy,

man

derives great pleasure by plundering the wealth

of other people.
When, however, his (ill-got)

snatched away by others, he wishes for

wealth

is

a king

(v.

"

It

13).

is

very wicked
The wealth of one
these two

That

many

acting together (v. 14).

not a slave

"

He who is
Women, asrain,
reasons

these

are

is

forcibly

the gods

be

snatched away by
snatched away by

is

two.

of

cannot

even

anarchy the
happy.

that in times of

therefore,

evident,

is

made

a slave.

abducted.

created

kings

For
for

protecting the people (v. 15)

"If there were no king on earth for wielding the rod of chastisement, the strong would

then have preyed on the weak after the manner

"
of fishes in the water (v. 16)
These verses set forth the reasons why a

king

is

concentrated

ever,
tells

indispensable.

us

strong

that

if

in

the

there

would devour

howverse which

Their essence

the

last

were no

weak

is,

king,
just as

the
the

116

LECTURE

III.

do in water, and refers to what is popuThis seems

larly known as the Mdtsya-nyaya.
to have been a very favourite maxim with the
fishes

Hindu

on the

writers

political

science and

when they have

is

to explain

constantly repeated
the necessity of placing a king at the head of
government. Thus the Manu-smriti srives the

following verse
Yadi na pranayed=raja
:

dandam
dandy eshv= at andritah

jale

Matsyan=iv=ahimsyan
durbalan balavattarah.

Chapter VII.

v. 20.

Translation,
"

If the kins? did not

rod

on

im wearisomely

exercise

deserving to be
chastising
chastised, the stronger would kill the weaker
like fish in water."

the

those

Kautilva also gives the same illustration not

once but twice in his Arthasastra. Thus on p. 9 he
says: Apranlto

///

ballyan=abalam
"

hi

Mat8ya-nyayarn-=udbhavayati
grasate dandadhar-abhUve*

the chastising rod is not exercised,

the realisation of the proverb
it brings about
fish
of the greater
swallowing the smaller. In

Because,

if

the absence of the wielder of the chastising rod,

the
weak." Here the
the strong devours

employment
Matsya-nyaya

the word danda and the phrase

and, above all, the use of the

of

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

word apranlta, are

all

117

but conclusive

in

show-

when Kautilva wrote that passage,

ing
he had in mind the verse quoted above which
that

must

therefore

older

text

be

been
supposed to have
incorporated into the Manu-smriti from some
is

a^ain

am

the

of

citing

the

very shortly, I
content myself
twice
to

Arthas'astra.

alluded to

Matsya-nyaya
on
bv Kautilva
p. 22, but as

whole passage further on and

refrain from doing so here and
with

that

savins;

speaks of the Matsya-nyaya

the

describe

default

of

that

anarchy

Kautilva

when he has
in

prevails

this

king.
Curiously enough
has
been
alluded to even in the
Matftya-nyaya
Ramayana when the condition is described of an

arajaka jaiiapada,
king.

i.e.

country

Thus we have the verse

JV

without

=arajake janapade svakcnh bhavati

I'd sy a chit

matsya ivajana nityam bhakshayanti

parasparam.

Ayodhya-kanda, Chap.

67. v. 31.

Translation.
"In a country where there

is

no

kinsr,

nobodv

own. Like
possesses anything which is his
the fish the people are always devouring one
another."

Other

reasons

Ayodhya-kanda

of

have been
the

set

forth in the

Ramayana from where

LECTURE

118
the above

has

verse

III.

been

extracted, pointing

to the

And

paramount necessity of appointing a king.

that most of them are
it is very strange

precisely the

same

as those

adduced

in

Chap. 68

Santi-Parvan, showing that either one

has borrowed from the other or, what is more
of

the

probable, both of them drew upon some previous

I fear it will be exceedingly irksome
source.
to

you

if

I quote all these

passages

the works, and institute a

them. Besides, such a thing

from

both

comparison

between

not at

necessary

is

all

my main purpose, which is simply to impress

upon your mind the fact that the most favourite

to

illustration given

to

country without a

the

describe
ruler

preying upon one another.

have been so thoroughly

is

that

state
of

of

the

This idea seems

assimilated

by

fish

to

the

Hindus that we find it repeated everywhere.

Even the Khalimpur copperplate charter of

Dharmapala of the Pal a dynasty, the contents of

which most of you here in Bengal must be
acquainted with, refers to the Mdtsya-nyaya
while speaking of Dharmapala's father, Gopala.
Thus we have
:

Mat8ya'ny a/yarn = apohitwm prakritibhir

Lakshmyali kararh grahitah
&rl-Gopdl

iti

IcshitUa-sirasam clut(]amanis=
tat-sutah*

EL, IV. 248 &

251.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
Let us now see

what

119

notions

of
kingship
there were in our period, in other words, what
were
theories
prevalent in regard to the
The first theory that I shall
origin of kingship.

here allude to

is

that

the

of

Social

Contract.

The theory in Europe was, we know, originated

hy Hobbes and further developed or rather
altered by Locke and Rousseau.
So much do
we read and hear of this view while studying
European History that we are apt to suppose
that a mental restlessness in this sphere was
confined to Europe only and never manifested
the political horizon of ancient India.
study of the Arthas'astra, however, will soon

itself in

disillusion

our

Contract was certainlv

is

referred to by

handed down
"People

The theory

mind.

known

from

of the bigger fish

They

time

and

as being

previous.

with anarchy", says he, "conse-

quent upon the fflatsya-nyaya,

elected

Social

Kautilva,

him with approval and

to his time

afflicted

to

of

Manu, son

allotted one

i.e.

the

swallowing

the

practice

smaller,

first

of Vivasvat, to be their
king.
sixth of their grains and one

tenth of their merchandise as his share.

Subsist-

ing on this wage kings become capable of giving

and

and
security to their
subjects
removing their sins. Hence hermits, too, provide
the king with one sixth of the grains gleaned by
safety

them, saying to themselves

to

him who

protects

us'."

'it

is

tax payable

The same story

is

LECTURE

120

III.

repeated bat at greater length in chapter 67 of

I need not tell yon that
the Santi-Parvan.
1

in

this

other chapters on RUjadharma

issuing instructions to Yudhishthira.

as

Bhlshma

in

is

Chapter 67 Bhlshma says that formerly

men, being without a king, met with destruction,
devouring one another like hsh in water. They

And

in

then assembled together, prepared a

laws and proceeded to Brahma, saying

out a king,

divine lord,

we

code
:

of

"With-

are

going to desAll
truction.
Appoint some one as our king
of us shall worship him and he shall protect us !"
!

Thus solicited, Brahma asked Manu, but Manu

would not assent to the proposal. "I fear," said
To govern a kingdom is
he, "all sinful acts.
exceedingly

difficult, especially

are always
haviour."

false

and

among men who

in

deceitful

The inhabitants

of

the

their

Earth

be-

then

him
"Don't fear The sins that men
commit will touch those only that commit them.
For the increase of thy treasury, we will give thee

said to

a fiftieth part of our animals and precious metals

and a tenth part of our grains." 2 Thus addressed,

Manu

agreed, and he made his round through

the world, checking wickedness everywhere and

setting all

It is

men

worthy

of note that this

of the MahSbhSrata.
-

These

to their respective duties.

differ

story

occurs

in

all

the recensions

must, therefore, be of a very early origin.

from the duos which men promised to pay to Mann
It,

according to the version

of Kautilva.
This shows that the
Parvan could not have borrowed the tradition from Kautilya.

Santi-

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

similar

conception
traceable in

of

121

the

origin

of

Buddhist literature
monarchy is
also. The Aggcmna-suttanta of the Dlgha-Nikaya
1

the Southern

of

Buddhists describes at great

length the evolution of man and society and

was righteous to begin
tells us how mankind

how

with,

sinfuless

and

gradually

crept

diverse

in

human

into

ways

and

society,

how

and

theft, lying, reviling

assaulting became
rife.
Thereupon men assembled together, and
after taking counsel, selected the most handsome

gracious and

powerful individual from amongst

"
Come here,
them, addressing him thus
:

being

Do

punish,

and

exile those

to be punished, reviled

well deserve

We

revile

and

who

exiled.

He
give you a portion of our rice."
undertook the performance of this duty and
will

received three

quence.

appellations in consewas selected by all men

different

Because he

mahajana-sammata ), he was called Mahasammata. Because he was the lord of all fields
(khettanam patlti), he was called Kshatriya.
And because he delighted others through righteousness (dhammena pare ranjetltif he was called
(

Raj an. Practically the same story

III.

92 and

ff.

This

may

also be

compared

is

to

repeated in

the

beginning of

the Uluka-Jataka (Jat. II. 352.)

-

This agrees with the etymology of the word given in the Santi-P.,

59-125.

16

LECTURE

122
the Mahavastu

a canonical work of the North

1
,

Buddhists, and this

seems

III.

have

of

conception

kingship

the
deeply permeated
Buddhist community that the storv of Mahato

sammata

is

literature

and

as Ceylon,

From

so

narrated also in the post-canonical

of such widely separated countries

Burma and

Tibet.

above accounts

the

it

will

that sovereignty originated in a social

Human

we

beings,

be

seen

contract.

were righting with

learn,

one another, by each person taking for himself

all that he could. The state of nature was therea state of

only

when men agreed

the hands of a

to give their

sovereign.

that this view of the

remarkably

came

war, which

fore

liberty into

need not

an end

to

tell

you

society bears a
origin
that
correspondence with
of

close

But Hobbes expounded

Agreement by sayim? that

propounded by Hobbes.
this

notion

of

absolute power was

ferred to the ruler.

thereby

Such was

irrevocably

trans-

however, the
case with the Social Contract theory advocated
not,

According
by the Hindu Arthasastra.
latter the king was still the servant

The

sixth part of the grains

people.
tenth part of the merchandise that was

'

(Senart's Edition),

I,

the

of the

and the
his

due

347-8.

Spcnce Hardy's Mm, mil

Richardson's Ed.) 7

to

of

Buddhism, 128; Burmese Dnmathat

Rockhill's Life of the Buddha, 1-9.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

was but the wage that he

This

service to the people.

of Kautilya

e. q.

who

the

in the

flourished

"Let the king protect

as his

pay

sixth

In another place

his

only

also of the

Baudhayana
centurv B. C.

fifth

raja

(his)

for

the view not

Dharmas'astra.

shaA-bhaga-bliplto

says,

received

is

and the San ti- Par van but

authorities on

123

raJcsliet

prajam,
receiving

subjects,

their

grains)."
part (of
in the
Santi-Parvan 2 such

sources of a king's revenue as the sixth part of

the yield of the soil, fines and imposts to which
he is entitled according to the scriptures, have

been called his vetana, his wage, for the protection he vouchsafes to his subjects.
Nay, the
unmistakable
language that
king is exhorted in
he

unable to restore to

any subject of his

the wealth that has been stolen away by thieves
he should compensate him from his own treasury
3
or with wealth obtained from his dependents.
"WhatThis was also laid down by Kautilya.
if

ever

is

of

the

property

the

of

citizens",

says he, "robbed by thieves the king cannot

from his own
recover, shall be made good
4

pocket".

This

was

also

the

Gautama

Dharma-sastrakaras.

view

of

e.g.

says

the
that

"having recovered property stolen by thieves,

1

I.

10.1.

71.10.

75.10.

p. 190.

X. 46-7

cf.

also Vishnu, III.

661.

'

LECTURE

124

III.

the king shall return it to the owner, or (if the

stolen property is not recovered) he shall pay
It will thus be
(its value) out of his treasury."

seen that whatever

the

king received bv wav

of taxation prescribed by scriptures

as his

wage

was considered
bv him

for the service rendered

to

the people and that he was

compelled to make

good from his pocket any

loss that his subjects

from their stolen property not being

The king's power can thus hardly
recovered.

suffered

be supposed

to

And

be absolute.

it

is

this

that distinguishes the Hindu theory of

Social Contract from that propounded by Hobbes,

feature

and marks

The
superiority over the latter.
king, according to the Hindu notion, thus never
its

wielded any unqualified power, but was looked

upon as merely a public servant though of the
highest order.

So
Social

earlv

much

in

Covenant
authors

theorv that

of

regard to the theorv of the

so

far as

the

we now

it

was known

Arthasastra.
consider

is

to the

The other
that which

This theory
ascribes divine origin to kingship.
has been set forth in Chapter 59 of the
Santi-Parvan.

Yudhishthira begins bv asking

a most sensible question.

"Whence
word
Yudhishthira
arose the
rajan," interrogates
"which is used on earth ? Possessed of hands,
arms and neck like others, having an un-

Bhishma

derstanding and senses like

those

of

others,

125

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

and
of

others

like

subject

attributes

the

one man,
the rest of the world
to

of

does

reason

same kinds

of joy

in fact, similar to others in respect

o-rief,

all

the

to

favour ?"

his

obtain

viz.
?

asked by Yudhisthira.

what

humanity, for
the

Why

king,

do

all

govern

men

seek

This was the question

To

this

Bhishma

gives

In the Krita age there

the following reply.
was no sovereignty, no king. All men used to

Soon after
one another righteously.
infatuation.
moha
or
they were assailed by
And in its train followed lobha, greed, wrath
and raga or unrestrained sexual indulgence.
protect

and the Vedas {Brahman)

and righteousness (Dharma)* were lost. The
gods were overcome with fear, and repaired to
the ?od Brahma. "O Lord of the three Worlds,"
Confusion thus

said thev,

set

"we

in,

are about to descend to the level

Men used to pour upwards

beings
while we used to pour downwards. In consequence, however, of the cessation of all pious
of

human

rites

among men,

Thus addressed
treating
to

of

which

hundred thousand chapters and

dharma, art ha, kttma and moksha

of

consisting

great distress will be our lot."

the god composed the treatise

have already referred.

The gods

then approached Vishnu, the lord of creation

'Indicate, O god,
{prajcqwti), and said unto him

that

one

superiority

among mortals who

over the

rest.'

deserves to have

The god Narayana

LECTURE

126

by a

created,

tejas or lustre,

fiat

III.

of his will, a son

named

born of his

It was,

however,
the seventh descendant from Vishnu, who was
crowned king and ruled according to the
Virajas.

danda-nUl composed by the god Brahma. His

name was Prithu Vainva, and his coronation

was celebrated not only

but also deities

Rishis

the world, and, above

all,

Brahmans

by

and

with Indra, Regents of

Vishnu himself.

The

confirmed
Prithu's
Vishnu
power,
"No one, O King, shall transcend
telling him
thee." The divine Vishnu entered the personality
of that monarch, and for this reason, the entire
eternal

divine

universe offered

worship to Prithu.
Since that tune there has been no difference

and a naradeva between a god

i.e. between a
god and a king.
And we are further told that a person, upon the
exhaustion of his merit, comes down from
heaven to earth and takes birth as a kins?
conversant with DancLa-nlti and is really portion
between a

(leva

and a human god,

Vishnu on earth. He is thus established by

the gods, and no one cao, therefore, transcend
of

him.

It

is

for

this

reason that the multitude

obev his words of command, though he belongs

to the same world and is possessed of similar
limbs.
It will be seen that according to this theory
the pre-social condition was one of peace and

freedom.

When moha

or

infatuation

took

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

127

human beings, confusion

possession of the
arose, a ad the gods, being alarmed, went to
Prajapati Vishnu who directed his son Virajas to
It was, however, Prithu Vainya
rule over men.

Vishnu, who was

crowned king not only by gods but also by
Vishnu. Not only Prithu but also kings since
that time are looked upon as part of Vishnu and

from

seventh descendant

Nara-devas, i.e. gods in

The rudiments of this notion of

are therefore called

human

form.

kingship are

traceable

even in the Satapatha-

me

here quote a passage from

"And as to
this work, bearing on the point.
why a Rajanya shoots, he, the Rajanya, is most

Brahmana.

Let

hence, while being

manifestly of Prajapati
The last sentence
one, he rules over many."
:

very significant. This precisely forms the

basis of the question which Yudhishthira asks

is

Bhishma

at the beginning of

Chapter 59 whose

The question is
I have just given.
the king is but one of the many human beings
and how is it that he rules over them ?

summary

Bhishma's reply

is

that the king

is

being part of Prajapati Vishnu.

what the Satapatha-Brahmana

nara-deva

This

says.

It

is

just

is

true

king to be
and makes no mention
part of Prajapati only
of Vishnu, hut then we must remember that the

that

this

Brahmana

represents

V. 1.5.14.

128

LECTURE

same Brahmana
epithet

of:

the

represent one

III.

mentions

Prajapati

Savitri

who and

god
and the same Sun

view, therefore,

leads

us

to

as

an

Vishnu

deity.

This

suppose that the

king was originally regarded as a descendant of

the sun and this explains, I think, the
etymo;

word chahravartui used in

the case of universal monarchs.
The Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina works are unanimous

logical

meaning

of the

in saying that
preceded

by the miraculous chahra

a supreme ruler sets out on his
expedition of
conquest and subjects
can this chahra be ?

What
petty princes.
This question has very
2

all

much

exercised scholars and antiquarians.

But
I cannot help thinking that this cliakra must be
the chahra of Vishnu, who according to old

Hindu
discus

notion,

alone

abides in

him

in part

and whose

can legitimately

be supposed as
affording safety to him against all his enemies.
This no doubt reminds us of the Pharaohs of

Egypt who were styled Si-re or sons of the

Sun-god and who in sculptures are represented

of

as

being protected by the rays emanating from

the orb of the sun.
It is quite possible that in
the Brahmana period the chahra of Vishnu which

granted protection and safety to the kings, was

really the orb of the sun darting its rays to them.
1

XII.

See

3.5.1,

Encyclopaedia

Chakravartin.

oj

Religion and

Ethics under

the

word

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

The question
there any checks

is

129

here sure to be asked

Were

to the arbitrariness of a
king ?
Those who held the Social Contract theory would
be the last persons to condone the misuse of
Even such a retired and
authority by a king.

monk as Aryadeva can

mind
keep
unperturbed when he
a
of
ruler caused by his
haughtiness

self-contained

Buddhist

scarcely

his

sees the

ruling power and

cannot help

blurting out

Gana-dasasya te darpah shad-bhagena bhritasya

"
What superciliousness is thine, (O
hah 1
.-

king!),
politic

who

art a (mere)

servant of

the

body

who

and

receivest the sixth part (of the

Even those who
thine wages ?"

produce) as
held the theory of the divine origin of kingship
could not have defended or tolerated the mis-

and oppression of any king.

rule

similar to this,

is

theory

the theory of the Divine Eight

Kings which was started and developed in

Europe by the Christian Apostles and Fathers.
We know to what absurd and pernicious extent
of

was carried

in Europe.

One

of

the

Fathers,
not
Irenceus e.g.,
only the
minister of Cod's remedy for sin but the instru2
Much the same view
ment of his punishment.
it

holds that the ruler

is

was propounded by Fathers St. Ambrosiaster and

It was therefore no wonder at
St. Augustine.
Parliament in 16S9
all if in his speech to
1

V. 77.

History of

A. J. Carlyle, p.

17

Medi:vml

148 and

ff.

Political Theory in the

West,

Vol,

I.

by

LECTtRE

130

James II

III.

"

England declared

of

iustlv called s;ods

Kings are

for thev exercise a

manner

of

resemblance of Divine power on earth. For if

von will consider the attributes of God, von shall
see

how they agree

God
unmake

in the person of a king.

hath power to create or destroy, make or

at his pleasure, to give life or send death, to
the

and

all

judge

unmake

to be

their

subjects;

ihey have

up and casting down

raising

And
and
make
They

accountable to none.

power have kings.

like

of life

power of
and death
;

judges over all their subjects and in all cases,

They have
yet accountable to none bat God.

power to exalt low things and abase high things

and to make of their subjects like men at chess."
Surelv enormity cannot farther

Fortunatelv

2:0.

for India though the divine origin of kin^s was

maintained by some people, it was never pushed

to this absurd extreme or, for the matter of that,

any absurd extent. On the contrary, even

" The
such a late work as the Sukra-niti
says
to

who

king,

who

a part of the gods.

virtuous,
otherwise is a part of the demons."

is

is

is

will be seen therefore that a

only so
to be

loni} as

so the

theorv of

the

he

is

king

is

a nar

divine

goes to the bad.

origin of kings

;-cleva

of India,
I.

70.

therefore,

The

was thus

The
nowhere

maintained and kept within sober bounds.

It

virtuous and that he ceases

moment he

Arthas'astrakaras

He

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

131

show even the least inclination to defend any

misconduct and repression on the part of a

On

the contrary, they are never wearied

impressing on his mind the paramount

king.
of

necessity of controlling passions, such as kama,

krodha, lobha and so forth which are called the

Satru-thad-varga or the six enemies of the

king. Instances are cited of the rulers who have
1

destruction

upon themselves, their

families and their kingdoms by falling a prey to
one or another of these passions. Those who
have read Kautilya's Arthasastra need not be
told what I mean. 2
But perhaps it may here
brought

be said that the instances Kautilya has adduced

are all from the Mahabharata and the Puranas

and have no bearing on real

there anything in his book in
which

relates

political life.
this

Is

connection

to actual practice or

experience ?
I may therefore draw your attention to another
part of his book where he starts the question
:

which enemy should be marched against, an

enemy strong but of wicked character or an
enemy weak but of righteous character ? And
he answers
all

by

it

by saying that the former should

means be attacked,

his subjects will not help

will either
1

in the

put him

down

for

though he

is

strong,

him but on the contrary

or

go over

to the other

Kautillya, pp. 11-2.

Instances of

people having killed their

Buddhist Jatakas,

e.g.,

Jat. nos. 73

kin^s are also

and 432.

found

LECTURE

182

And

side.

in support of

III.

his

position Kautilyi
from
verses
previous authors, one of
many
which distinctly tells us that " when a people

cites

become greedy
become
disaffected
are
greedy, they
they

are

they

impoverished,
are

they

side of the

when
when

they voluntarily go to the

or destroy their own master."

disaffected,

enemy

We

cannot, therefore, help inferring that in India

in the old period at any rate if the subjects were

maltreated by a king, they took revenge by joining the enemy's side if he ever invaded, otherwise

by actually putting
historical

instances

their
of

king to death. Surely

wicked and oppressive

even killed by their

subjects must have remained within the living

rulers

deserted or

being

and his predecessors,

otherwise these verses would not have been
composed or quoted. And we hear an echo
where in
of it even from the Mahabharata

memory

of

Kautilya

one place we are told that "the subjects should arm themselves for slaying that
at

least

king who does not protect

them, who simply

and who is regarded

plunders their wealth,
as the most sinful of kings.
That king who
tells his people that he is their protector but

who

does

not

or

a dog that
1

is

Kautiltya, p. 275

prakritih on p, 257.

is

unable

to

protect

them,

combined subjects like

by
effected by the rabies and has

should be slain

his

aJso verse

beginning with tata=8Q

duehta-

133

ADMINISTRATIVE BISTORT.

become mad ."

Evidently, therefore, there
must have been actual instances of pernicious
and sinful rulers being put to death by their
And all these instances must certainly
subjects.
1

have acted as a powerful deterrent to a king

from giving a loose rein to his passions.

But

be argued that the above considerations at best show that the misrule of an

may

it

when

autocrat

went up

it

to

an excess was put

down by

the people of ancient India, but that

they do not necessarily show that the administration of the country was so framed that it

did

not allow a

king to become despotic and

Can we say

uncontrolled.

that the king's power

was not arbitrary but was restrained by organisations of an opposite character ?
Now, it is
that

true

the period

in

we have

selected the

regal power had considerably augmented

to

pared

that

that

confess

of

it

com-

but I

previous periods,
could not have become arbitrary.

home of self-governing comcontinues to be to this day thouarh

India was

then a

munities as

it

now

as

the

very limited extent. India was then

studded with village, town and provincial
corporations which exercised a kind of autoto a

nomy
affairs

in their

own spheres and managed

independently

Anuiasana-P. 61.32-3
s

.also

or

semi-independently of

Sdnti-P.,

similar doctrine to the sage Viimacleva.

their

92.9,

which attributes a

LECTURE

134

III.

the king.
A similar organisation of this period
was the trade and craft guilds which then
flourished in numbers and were so powerful as
1

keep their own armies and sometimes even

The king was thus in
lend them to the king.
to

those

surrounded

days

numerous

by

bodies,

self-governing

particularistic jurisdictions,
his

these

tiny

with

but
their

which circumscribed

Certainly he could not afford to

their existence and is therefore exhorted

power.

ignore

Hindu

and law-givers to respect

their codes of laws and regulations and consult
them. The administration of our period must,
therefore, have been a system of mutual checks,
by

all

epics

and could not have

left

much

scope for the

development of the king's arbitrariness. Nay,

I go a step further and say that the kings of
period themselves knew that there were
limitations to their power.
A typical
great
instance is furnished by the Telapatta-Jataka.

this

Here we are introduced to a king of Takshas'ila,

who is enamoured of a Yakshini or Ogress that
has transformed herself into the most beautiful
woman. Fully conscious that she had obtained
a perfect mastery over the king's mind, she asks
him to give her authoritv over his whole kingdom

But what reply does the

1

even

may have

kins; give

though he was

something of these institutions next year, but

have shown a little farther on how the town

to say

in this lecture I

and provincial communities had

regard to his succession.

to

be consulted by a king even in

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

135

hopelessly smitten with her unspeakable charms ?

Does he hand over the kingdom as she bids him
to

do

Far from

replies

it

on the contrary,

"My love, I have no power

he

over

I am
the subjects of my kingdom
not their lord and master. I have only
jurisdiction over those who revolt or do wrong.
;

So I cannot give you power and authority over

Bat power he had over
the whole kingdom."

and that he gave to her. Here then

have
we
got a king who in distinct and unmistakable words had to confess to his sweet-

his palace,

he possessed and wielded no power

or authority over his state and that what little
that

heart

power he had was

of the rebellious
clearer
possible.

restricted to the

or

limitation

the
the

of

people.

is

not

kingly power
could not possibly

The king

been invested with

iniquitous

punishment

have

uncontrolled and unlimited

powers, at least

during the period we have

selected.

we

^Nay,

further and

turn

to

Eka-panna -Jataka

as

proceed a step
another Jataka story, the

may

it is

called.

Here we hear

of a king's son being fierce and passionate and

being called Dushta-kumara for that reason.

He was handed over to an ascetic for being

The ascetic took the prince to a Nimb

which only two leaves had grown and
plant on
asked him to taste one. The prince did so, but
tamed.

spat

it

out with an oath to get the taste out of

LECTURE

136

He

mouth.

his

III.

exclaimed

plant

to grow,it will prove the

death of

the

to-clav

"Sir,

only suggests a deadly poison

many

but

if left

persons

;"

and forthwith he plucked up and crushed the

ascetic
said
growth. Thereupon the
tiny
what
the
"Prince, dreading
poisonous seedling
it
have
torn
up and rent it
might grow to, you
:

Even

you acted to the tree, so the

people of this kingdom, dreading what a prince
so fierce and passionate, may become when king,
asunder.

as

you on the throne but uproot you

Nimb plant and drive you forth to

will not place

like

this

exile."

It

exercised

is quite clear that the people not only

control over the king's power but also

could prevent his son from succeeding to his

throne if necessary. An instance of this kind has

been mentioned in the

Uddyoga-Parvan

of

the

Mahabharata also.
become exceedingly aged, made preparations
for crowning his eldest and favourite son Devapi.
The latter was no doubt possessed of many
virtues, but had contracted a skin-disease, and
was,

therefore, unfit

hold the reins

of

king called Pratlpa, having

in

the popular opinion to

government.

The subjects

mans and the Town (paura) and Countherefore objected.

The
try (ianapada) people
had
into
tears
to
to
burst
but
the
yield
king
the Brah

populnr voice.

In the Ramayana also we

find

Bagara also is said to have exiled li is eldest son

the desire of the people because he used to drown their
children in the river Sarayn (SantUY., 579).
KhanTnetra is also said
to havo been deposed by Id's subjects, and his son installed in bis place
1

14*. ui-7.

Asamanjas

at

(AhumcdhaT.,

4. 8-9).

ADMINISTEATIYE HISTORY.
Dasaratha consecrated

that

his

son

137

Rama

as

crown- prince only after respectfully securing

the consent of the Brahmans, generals {bala-

mukhya) and the Town (paura) and Country

1

(janapadc) people
I have told you before
.

Artha and

123) that both the

Dharma-s'astra ordain that a

the

(p.

king shall make good out of his own treasury

any property of his subject that has been robbed

by thieves but cannot be recovered.

of note that there

is

thus

It

is

worthy

perfect agreement
on this point between the Artha-s'astra and the
Dharma-s'astra. And certainly they both would

have

not

laid

down the law

in this

manner

if

such had not been the practice. And this certainly would not have been the practice if the
popular voice had not been strong enough to
enforce

it.

as the stolen

So even for such a

trifling

matter

property of a private individual

The
the king was controlled by the people
royal power could not possibly have been absolute, at any rate, in the period we have selected.
There was vet another check to the arbitrariness of a king which we have to notice
!

There was placed before him not only

the selfish point of view which advised him not
to run up to an extreme and cause disaffection
here.

among

his people

but also a higher and spiritual

II. 2, 15 and ff.

Yayati similarly crowned his younpest son, king
because they
only after satisfying the people who strongly protested
at first thought tliat the eldest prince was being unnecessarily set aside.
1

18

LECTURE

138

III.

view which, I think, was no less efficaIn Chapter 75 of the Santi-Parvan we

cious.
are told that a king attains a fourth part of the
of

point

merit

spiritual

or sin that his subjects commit.

The same idea we

find better

Here however only one-sixth

Uddvoca-Parvan.

virtue or sin of the subjects is said

And the question is
to the king.

the

of

part

explained in the

to accrue

whether any particular Age makes a king

what he is or whether it is the king who makes
The question is answered
the Age what it is.

started

by saying

i.e. it is

king who makes the Age what

the
is

raja kalasya karancvm,

virtuous and enforces the

science

of

proper

spirit,

government

But

Age.
set in.

It

if

is

really
If he

it is.

Danda-nlti or the

in its entirety

and

in the

he will inaugurate the Krita

he is all sinful, the Kali Age must

thus the king

who

is

held responsible

good or bad government and for making

his people virtuous or otherwise.
And a belief

for

expressed that one-fourth or one -sixth part

of the merit or sin of his subjects must perforce

is

to

go

him.

rampant

In

these

and no

days

certitude

when
is

scepticism is
felt about the

such an expression of the reward

and punishment to a king is apt to be looked
future

upon

world,

as

in ancient

devoid
times

of

any force cr meaning. But

the spiritual was felt to

when

Uddyoga-P., 131, 12 &

forth also in Santi-P., G9. 79

this

ff.
;

&

ff.
;

and

curious doctrine
in

4nuwana-P.,

has been set

61.3-4

3G.

Administrative history.
be more real than the
temporal,
to

not difficult

effective

this

must have been in both stimulating him

good government and deterring him from

belief
to

it is

imagine how powerful and

139

misconduct and misrule.

LECTURE IV.
Administrative History (Contd.).

Samgha Form of
In

my

Political Government.

last lecture I referred to

monar-

the

and the various

notions prevalent in regard to the origin and
nature of kingship. I then told you that there
was also another form of Government called
Let us now see what its
Saihsjha or Gana.
chical

form of

Government

were.

features

characteristic

Before,

however

I discuss this question, it is necessary to state

that it was Prof. Rhys Davids who first pointed

out that this form of

Government was

flouri-

shing side hy side with monarchy in North India

ahout the time of the rise of Buddhism. It was
afterwards Mr. K. P. Jayaswal,
the

importance

to the

of

this

who

perceived

subject and Drought

more prominent notice

of

the

it

students

Indian history. In the article he

has published he has collected much information

of

ancient

hearing upon it, from which it is possible to

draw a number of interesting conclusions. It is
a pity that no scholar has so far come forward
to further advance our
knowledge of the question.
This task, therefore, I set to
in

myself

Modem

Review, 1913, pp. 585-41 and G64-68.

141

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

present lecture, which, it will he seen,

presents the subject in a somewhat different
the

light.

Most of you will perhaps wonder what the

word Samgha and Gana could mean and how
particular they could denote any non-monarchical form of Government, or Government of

in

the

as I have told

many

you

The words

before.

mean

a corporate collection, an aggregation of

The terms
individuals for a definite purpose.

were certainly known to Panini, and were thus

current about the middle of the 7th century
B. C. to which period he has to be assigned. They

One

occur in no less than three of his Sutras.

these

is

Samgh-odghau gana-praiamsayoh

of

This

very important, but unfortunately its

proper meaning has not been perceived. The
word samgha comes from the root sam + han "to
Sutra

is

The regular noun form from

it is samghata. which means merely 'a collection
or assemblage.' But there is another noun derived
from it, though it is irregularly formed, viz.
collect, to gather."

Panini

samgha.

is,

a special sUtra to
1

III.

3.

acknowledge

86; the second

formation of the word

therefore, compelled to

Sutra

nikaya

is

III.

3.

in the sense of

its

-42,

'a

any conception of its gradation.' The third is V. 2.

Buddha onwards we find the word (lava used

of

and

political bodies.

In the former case

with Samgha.

But

of

an oligarchy, as we

Samgha,

viz.

in

it

the political sense,

make

existence

in

which teaches the

Samgha but without

52.
From the time
to

denote religious

was employed promiscuously

Gnna denoted only one kind

shall see subsequently.

LECTURE

142

IV.

the spoken language and to tell us that

not signify a mere collection as the other

it

does

word,

viz. 8amghata, does, but, a gana, i.e. a special kind

of collection, or a corporate collection as I have

It will thus be seen that the technijust said.

cal senses of these words were known to Panini.

or

Samgha
cuous

Gana

not a promiscombination of

therefore,

is,

conglomeration, but

individuals for a definite object, in other words,

a corporate body. It will be seen that there can

kinds of Samghas as there are different purposes with which they can be constitu-

be as

many

And, as a matter
India, and especially
ted.

we

are dealing.

If

of fact,

it

was

so in ancient

period with which

have a fraternity com-

in the

we

posed of persons devoted to a particular set of

we have

religious Samgha,
most typical example of which is the
Buddhist Samgha. It is a mistake to suppose
that Buddha was the first religious founder to

religious beliefs,

the

appropriate the term Samgha to the brotherhood

The Pali Canon itself menoriginated by him.
tions

no

Buddha

than seven religious teachers

who were his contemporaries,

less

like
viz.

Purana-Kassapa, Makkhali-( Josala, and so forth.

These have all been called Same/ kino, heads of
Samghas, Ganmo, heads of Ganas and Ganacharvya, teachers of

Ganas.

It will

thus be perceiv-

ed that the brotherhood founded by Buddha was

E.g. the MahS'parinibbana-eutta, 5S.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

143

not the only religious order known as Samgha

but even in his time there were no less than seven

which were similary styled Samgha or Gaua.

Nay, these heads of religions Samghas are said to
have been Samana-brahmana, which means
that while some of these Samghas were Sramana,
others were Brahmanical, orders.
This clearlv
shows that there were sects of Brahmanical
1

ascetics

which were designated Samghas

Samgha, as a word for a religious

also

or Ganas.

'

was common both

and non-Brahmanical sects.
order',

So

much

for the

Brahmanical

to the

Samgha or bodv formed for

But we may also have a

a religious purpose.
Samgha for the purpose of trade and industry
You
or, in other words, a trade or craft guild.
will be surprised if I tell you that from about

500 B. C.

to

600 A. D. India was studded with

various types showing how well

were specialised and developed.
and
trade
industry
craft suilds of

In translating the passage from this sutta, Prof. Rhys Davids

missed the true sense of the terms Samgha and Gana and also of the
1

phrase Samana-brahmana (SBE., XI. 105

and

n.

1).

The

latter

he

by "the Rrahmans by saintliness of life" and not by

"Samanas and Br&hmaos," because none of the heads of these religious Sainglias was a Brahman according to the Sumangala-vilasint.
translates

How
I

far the authority

of this

commentary

in

this

matter

is

reliable

do not know, but that the phrase samana-brahmana is a Dvandva and

Kariiiailhiiuya compound as Prof. Rhys Davids takes it, is clear
:i

from

the

following: Nahan-tam

passami samanam

via

brahmanam

va

ganim ganaehariyani, etc. (Maj-X., I. 227).

Comi are e.g. the phrase panchannam isi-satanm'n Oana-sattha

sahghii'n,

which we

raeel

with in

tin-

Jatakas

(II. 41. 10-11;

72. 12

and Ac).

LECTURE

144

IV.

the place to give an account of

these guilds or Srenis as they were technically
These I hope to describe in one of my
called.

This

not

is

some year. What I here want to say

that the Srenis were really Samghas and have

lectures
is

been so called by Kautilya in his Artha-sastra.

Kautilya distinguishes between three kinds of

which

Samghas, one of
dependent upon

is

industry,

vart-opajivin, i.e.
and is also styled

S renin by him.

third class of

Panini calls
styles

it,

it,

or

Samgha

is

ayudha-jlviu as

sastr-opajwin as

Kautilya
'

both

expressions meaning
This
subsisting on arms.'

poration)
as a rule, denoted

tribal

(a

cor-

Samgha

bands of mercenaries,

and constituted one kind

of the king's

army.

Panini mentions several of them, some situated

in Vahlka and some in Trigarta, both parts

But perhaps the most interesting, referred to by him are the Yaudheyas,
j'arsus, Asuras and Rakshases. Of the Yaudhevas
of the

Panjab.

The expression actually used here

triya-ireny-adayo
follows:

"

varta-sastr-opajivinah

Kambhoja and

irenis (fighting corporations)

Surashtra

is

Kambhoja-8urashtra-ksha-

(p. 370),

srenis

which
(guilds),

render as

Kshatriya

and so forth are (Sariigbas) which subElsewhere too Kautilya distinguishes ireni

on industry and arms."

(guild) from an ayudhiya (lighting) body (p. 203).
When say that these Samghas were tribal bands of mercenaries,

sist

do not mean that any particular band of them must necessarily

exhaust the whole tribe. This certainly was not the case witli the
1

we

sec later on.

Though in Kautilya's time
in I'anini's time some of them
were
Kshatriyas,
Samghas
were also Br&hmans, as ih no doubt implied from his Sutra, V. 3, 114.

Yaudheyas

the Gghting

as

shall

145

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
I shall speak later on.
Persis,
rians.

Parsus are certainly the

and Asuras the AssyRakshases must be the same as Rakshasas,

old Persians,

or

an aboriginal race referred to in earlv Sanskrit

works, and in particular the Ramayana. This
indicates that some of the mercenary bands at

any rate were foreigners.

What

the exact cons-

Saihgha was is far from clear.

But as these fighting bands have all been called
Saihgha, there must have been some code of
titution of this

according to which thev were formed

and continued their existence. At any rate,

rules

mercenary soldier, who was a

2
gamani, is mentioned in the Saihyutta-Nikaya
As the word
as
discoursing with Buddha.
gamani, i.e. gramanl shows, he must have been
a Yodhajlva or

the head of a fighting Saihgha. Prom his talk

with Buddha it seems that there were many
old

Acharyas

were soldiers

among them who themselves

and who held out to those dying

on the battle-field the hope of becoming one

with Saraiijita gods.

There

are

Sarhghas

which

That most

two

of

or

have

three

been

other

classes of

referred

the allusions to the Asuras in

to

in

the Satapatha-

has been clearly established by

to the ZDMG. immediatehe
contributed
which
in
a
note
Mr. Jayaswal
before the war and the rough copy of which he was kind enough

Brahmana

refer to

a foreign

tribe

ly

show me. This emboldens me in identifying the Asuras with the

the Persis.
Assyrians and consequently the Parsus with

to

IV. 308-9.

19

146

LECTURE

IV.

Buddhist and Brahmanical

the

literature, but
no need of mentioning them here, as the
I have already given are enough
instances

there

is

show

to

what

Samgha
Samgha is a

signifies.

individuals formed

us

now

Gana

or

corporate

really

body

for a definite purpose.

of

Let

turn to the political

Samgha, which,
have already told you, denotes the rule
of the many, and which again was of three or

as

four different kinds.

translate

this

It

old

Greek

nearest approach
bered is that this

One

but

to

'

'

republic

political
it.

difficult to

really

Samgha by any

word, but the term

in

is

single English
as understood

philosophy,

What

is

to

makes the
be remem-

Samgha possessed not Sovereign

Sovereign Number. At this stage

necessary to inform you that ordinarily the

words samgha and gana are used synonymously,

it is

but that the term gana is also used in a specific

sense, viz. to denote a particular kind of political

Samgha.
at the

But

may

outset,

be asked

what authority

to

state

saying that there were political Samghas.

1
a
well-known
the
Ayaramga-Sutta,

Canonical
regard to

nuns and

work,
the
tells

lays
tours of

us

in

down

here,

at all I have for

certain

the Jaina

Now,
Jaina

rules in

monks and

one place what countries

they are not to visit. The countries that are

so tabooed are a-raya (i.e. where there is no
1

(P.T.S.), II.

3. 1. 10.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

147

juva-raya (where the ruler is a youngster),

do-rajj a (government by two), and also ganaruler),

raya

As

{i.e.

where Gana

the

all

states

the

is

ruling authority).

which the Jaina Brotherhood

ordained to avoid are

is

political

unquestionably of a
no reasonable doubt can be

nature,

entertained as

to

Gana being

this

Another authority

Gana.

also

can

a political

be

cited,

though it is of a somewhat later period. A work

of the Northern Buddhists called the Avadana$ataka (Circa 100 B.C.) speaks in its avadana
No. 88 of certain merchants as having gone

from the Madhya-desa or Middle Country to the

Dekkan. And there we are told that when they
were asked as to how their country was governed,
they replied by saying that kechid=desa Gcmadhlncih kechid=raj-adhlna

are

subject

iti

some

Ganas and

to

"some

territories

to

Kings."
here contrasted with Rajan,

Evidently Gana is
the political rule
and as the latter represents
of One
the former must be taken to represent
'

'

the political rule of Many.'

Again, Panini
gives a Sutra, viz. janapada-sabdat Kshatri'

yad=zaii\ which means that the affix an comes

in the sense of a descendant after a word which,
while

denoting

country,

To

vartika, viz.

also

Katyayana adds
Ksliatriyad=eka-rajat Samgha-

Kshatriya tribe or clan.

a

expresses

pratishedhavtham.
1

It
IV.

1.

is
168.

this

true,

as

Panini says,

148

LECTTJUE IV.

be applied to a word e.g.

Panchala which denotes both a Kshatriva tribe

that the

and

affix

to

is

country

the

Katvavana says

bv

inhabited

that

this

But

them.

Kshatriva tribe must

eka-raja, i.e. possessed of Individual Sovereign in order to exclude a Kshatriva tribe

be

which

a Samgha,

is

i.e.

a Kshatriva tribe which

This exactly agrees

has Collegiate Sovereign.
I have just
with what Kautilya tells us.

you that he distinguishes between three

kinds of Samghas, one of which is vart-opajlvin
or a craft guild and another sastr-opajlvin or

told

mercenary

he says,

is

The third Samgha,

band.

tribal

i.e.

rctja-sabd-opajivin,

members

an organisation

which bear the title rajan

last lecture T informed vou that the
In mv
v
Lichchhavis and the Mallas were typical examples
the

all

of

Samgha. These tribes have been constantmentioned in the Buddhist Pali Canon. And

of this

ly

the Majjhima-Nikaya

one place distinctly

calls them Samgha and Gana 2
AVe were introduced here to a discussion between Buddha
in

and a Jaina monk

course

whether
king

of

the

of

called

discussion

the

former

In the
asked

Pasenadi, king of Kosala, or Ajats'atru,

Magadha, had power

to

banish,

burn,

Arlhaiustrn, 376.

1.231;

do not think

bhat the words

here used exactly synonymously.

a

Sachchaka.

pedes.

Samgha here

The Lichchhavis and Mallas were

samgha and gana are

the genus and Gima

is

specifically Ganas.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
or

kill

of

man

this

his dominions.

in

some

discussion,

present.

And by

answers

Buddha,

149

At the time
were

Lichchhavis

pointing to them Sachchaka

saying that if the Samghas

and Ganas, like the Lichchhavis or the Mallas,

had this power in their own vijita or kingdom,
certainly Pasenadi and Ajatasatru did possess
This indicates that the Lichchhavis and the

it.

Ganas and had their

where their power was supreme.

Mallas were Samghas or

own

territory

It

thus

is

that

clear

denotes

Saiiigha

rule

'a

by numbers'.

The
is

known form

best

What

Gana.

the existence

of

of

political Sariigha

have said

the

political

so

far to

Samgha

prove
applies

This Gana, as Katvavana and

reallv to Gana.

understand, was tribal

in character and was confined to the Kshatriya

Kautilva

order.

us

;ive

It

is

to

pity

internal constitution

no

account

been

given

that

has

of
in

its

the

where we might naturally expect

such circumstances the Buddhist

xlrthas'astras,
it.

Under

works and Chapter 107 of the Santiparvan

of the Mahabharata are our only source of
information.
Very little do we know even from

Pali

this

but we have to be content even

source,

with that

We

little.

have seen that the

the Jatakas

or

capital

was Vesali. The preambles of

Buddha's Birth-stories tell us

of the Lichchhavis

'

111. 1;

IV. 148.

LECTURE

150
in

IV.

two places that there were 7707 Lichchhavi

kings

staying in Yesali to administer the affairs

This

of the State.

with the statement

agrees

of

Kautilya, quoted above, that the

the

Samgha were

members

of

Quite in
designated kings.
keeping with this we find the sons of these Lichchhavi kings called Lichchhavi-kumaras or Lichall

chhavi princes. As kings they were also entitled

We hear of there having been a
to coronation.
special pushkarinl or tank in Vesali, the water of
which was used to sprinkle their heads while being

crowned.

The tank was considered very

sacred,

and was, therefore, covered with an iron net so

that not even a bird could get through, and a
strong guard was set to prevent any one taking
water

from

It

not, however, clear

whether these Lichchhavi kings were crowned all
at one time, and, if so, on what occasions.
As
it

'.

is

every one of the Lichchhavi

the

is

probability

them

any one of
to his title

and

Samgha was

on the death of

that
his

who

son

property

a king,

was

succeeded

alone

crowned

king.

The actual wording used

in connection with

the sacred tank which supplied water for coronation

is

Vesali-nagare

mahgala-pokkharani
Gana-rajakula

is

G ana-rajakulanarh abhisekafiler.

Here
It

important.
1

Jut. IV. l-tS-9.

Ibid, IV. 148.

11.

21-2

the

phrase

shows that the

151

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
political

Saihgha called Gana was composed of

various rajakulas or royal families, and that the

heads of these rajakulas constituted the Gana.

This receives confirmation also

the author of
tu samT(has

a Simiti,

= tu

who

Gaiiah

Gana (whether

political

of

families.

asrsrresration

political

that

it

sa.

also clear

otherwise)

is

an

The account

of

the

or

Kautilya also

or

from Chapter 107

referred to above.

i.e.

paHklrtitah?

Saihgha given hy

consisted of Kulas

from Katyayana,
says that kulanam

families.

of

the

The members

shows

This

is

^antiparvan

of a

Gana

are

there said to be jatya cha sadrisah sarve kulena sadrisas=tatJia, i.e. exact equals of one

another in respect of birth

it

is

out

and family, and

break
expressly stated that if quarrels
amongst the Kulas, the Elders of the

Kulas should by no means remain

otherwise

the

Gana

will

indifferent,

be dissolved. 2

The

Saihgha designated Gana thus prefasupposes the existence of manifold royal

of
their
heads
milies or clans, and consisted

political

But even in a republic

the present day where the ideas of liberty,

who were
of

styled

kings.

and fraternity are being imbibed and

assimilated, the executive function has remain-

equality

Such was also

only to the select few.
the case with the political Saihgha of Ancient

ed

Paraiara-Madhava (Bib.
Vs. 27, 28 and 30.

Ind.), Til, 250.

LECTURE

152

We

India.

IV.

unfrequently hear of Samgha-

not

mukhyas and Gana-mukhyas.

tioned

They
l

not

only by

Kautilya

quote three
latter bearing on the point
Santiparvan.

from the

verses

men-

are

but also in the

Tasman = manayitavyas = te

Gana-mukhyah pradhanatah
loka-yatra samayatta
bhiiyasi teshu parthiva

Mantra-guptih pradhaneshu
= ch = am tra karshana

charas

na Ganah

kritsnaso

mantram

srotum=arhanti Bharata

Gaua-mukhyais = tu sambhuya
karyara Gana-hitaiii mithah

Chap.

107, vs. 23-25.

TRANSLATION.

"Hence they that are the Chiefs

Gana should be especially honoured. The
of

the

kingdom,

of

the

affairs

King, depend to a great

extent upon them.

"The

the

safeguarding of

(secret)

counsels and

crusher
espionage,
should remain with the Chiefs onlv.

of

State
foes,

not advisable that any Gana, as a whole,

should know the (secret) counsels, O Bharata.
"It

is

"But the Chiefs

in secret,

should

of a Gana,

do what

is

Gana."
1

Arthaaaatra, 377.

having assembled

for the

good of the

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

153

select

from the above passage that a

few Ave re appointed by a Gana from

among

themselves.

It

is

clear

They constituted what may

a Cabinet, and were in charge of

be called
the

State

confidential

highly important
This agrees with what

author of a Smriti,

from

The verses

his

work are

pravina8

Sarva-karye

all

and

character.

the

Brihaspati,

of

affairs

espionage and also of

of

Department

= cha

lays

down.

kartavyas'

= cha

mahattamah II dvau trayah pancha va karyah

samuha-hita-vadinih I kartavyarii
vachanam
tesham ^rama-sreni-Gan-adibhih

What
three

or

verses

these
five

members

II.

us

tell

is

that

two,

of

corporate body
should be appointed as Mahattamas or Chiefs
and their counsels should be carried out by
a

Gana, craft-guild or village community.

It will be seen from what I have cited that

the real executive lay in the hands of the GanaMukbvas. who again were not one but many

in other words,

single

power was not centred

in

one

member

of

the

individual.

Gana was thus by

No

single
himself a ruler or

the proper sense of the term.

And

Rajan

this

is

in

the

Kautilya styles them Raja-sabdin,

which means that they were Rajans in name.
reason

why

This receives support from the

1

20

Fivadaratnakara, 179.

Lefmann's Ed.,

p. 21.

Lalita-vistaraa

154

LECTURE

IT.

which says about the Lichchhavis that ekaika

evamanyate aham raja aliam ?Ytj=eti, i.e. "every
one thinks 'I am kins, I am king/ " when none
:

of

them singly was.

I have told you before that the

preambles
two Jatakas inform us that there were 7707
Lichchhayi kings in Vesali, the capital of their

of

One Jataka

dominions.
there

were

as

further informs us that

many

Uparajas or viceroys,
Senapatis or generals and Bhandagarikas or
treasurers staying with the kings at
Vesali.
It

appears

that

every one of these Lichchhavi

with him

kings had

his

own

viceroy, general

and treasurer. The Atthakatha and Sumaneralawhich are commentaries on the

vilasini,
Buddhist

Pali

interesting

Law was

Canon works,
into

the

afford

us

manner

in
glimpses
administered by the Lichchhavis or

the

It
Vajjis as they are also called.
that these commentaries were written

the
to

some
which

fifth

century
have preserved

details

of

preached,
tration

of

the
their

the

A. P., but as

many

period

they are

interesting

when Buddha

is

true

about

known

historical

lived

and

account of the judicial adminsVajjian

kingdom

is

certainly

worth considering. When a culprit was found,

we are told, he was in the first instance sent
an

to

officer

JRAS., VII. 993.

D" Alwie, 99-100.

called

n. 2

Vinischava-Mahamatra.

K<uhckayana'$ Pali

Grammar bv

JaraeB

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
If

he

to

the

was found

guilty,

(rehearser

of

transferred

the

Sutradhara

to

law-maxim), Ashta-kulika

1
appointed over eight hulas

Uparaja

he was

then

Vyavaharika,

155

(viceroy),

and

(officer

Senapati (general),

),

finally to

Rajan (king).

The Rajan consulted the Paveni-potthalea or

"Book of Precedents," and inflicted a suitable
punishment.

Whether

were

there

as

Lichchhavi kings ever staying in

the Jataka preambles inform us,

What we may

doubtful.

the

number

of

the

safely

kings

as

many

7707

Yesali,
is

as

somewhat

infer

is

constituting

that

the

Lichchhavi Gana was pretty large. It again

seems that the Lichchhavi kings had each his
principality where he exercised supExcept on
power in certain respects.

separate

reme
this

supposition
should have his

it

own Uparaja,

Bhandagarika, and act as

inflicting

punishments.

as a whole

from their
aggregate

Senapati

and

magistrate in
Nevertheless, the Gana
the

burn or exile a man

or kingdom which meant the

had power
vijita

why each

not intelligible

is

to kill,

of the principalities

of

the

different

kings, as the passage referred to above from the

Majjhima-nikaya clearly indicates.

The Lich-

chhavi kings, again, appear to be in the habit of

1
The expression occurs also in one of the Damodarpur grants
which are being edited by Prof. Radhngovinda Basak. As regards

kula nee Manu,

VII. 119.

LECTURE

156
staying

not

in

capital town,

perior

IV.

their petty

and along with

Vesali,
viz.

officers,

Uparaja,

in

the

their

su-

but

States

Senapati

and

Blnlndagarika, leaving in their respective princias

the
palities their subordinate staff, such

Vinischaya-Mahamatra, Vyavaharika
In what matters individually
forth.
several states and
in

of

in

so

the

what matters conjointly

the whole kingdom the Lichchhavi kin^s

exercised
is

and

in

autonomy

certain that their

the

is

not clear.

Sahisrha

This, however,

was a federation

heads of some of the clans constituting

the tribe.

The most

typical examples

of

this political

Sarhgha, as I have said, are the Lichchhavis or

In my second lecture
Yajjls and the Mallas.
I

have said that the former held Videha and

parts of Kosala and had their capital at Vesali

which has been identified with Basarh in the

Muzaffarpur District of Bihar. The capital of

Both these
the M alias was Kusinara or Kasia.
have been mentioned by Kautilva, but
he specifies four others which were similarly

tribes

Baja-sabd-opapvi

These

Madrakas,

and

Samghas.
Kukuras, Kurus

four

are

Parichalas.

The Madrakas occupied the country between

the Havi and the Chenab in the Panjab.- What
province the Kukuras had occupied is not certain,
1

Arthaiattrp, 376.

JRAS.. 1897,889.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

157

but most probably they were settled in North

The capital of the Kurus was IndraGujarat.
1

and

prastha near Delhi,

the

of

Parichalas,

Kampilya identified with Kampil between

Budaon and Farrukhabad in U. P.In another
place in his Arthasastra, Kautilya speaks of the

Vrishni Saihgha also. We have independent

evidence also to attest the existence of the

At

Vrishni Saihgha.

two coins are known,

by Mr. A. V.
show
that
time,
they belonged
least

the legends of which, as clearly read

Bergny

for the first

No

8
Vrishni Gana.

doubt need, therefore,

be entertained as to the Vrishnis being a Gana.

to the

There certainly
tribes

must have been many other

which were Ganas.

Some

of

have

these

been noticed by foreign writers along with other

Samghas. Ihe foreign writers, whose statements

can be of any use to us for the period we have
selected, must of course be the Greeks who
wrote accounts of Alexander's invasion of India.

Let us see whether they make any mention of

Samghas, and if so, what remarks they offer in
regard to their constitution.

Panjab, which was

1

Kukura

is

Cave inscription

settled

twice associated with

of Vasishthlputra

Junnpai.lh n,ck inscription of

Aparanta

is

One

tribe

in

Aparauta, once in the Nasik*

Puhmiavi and another time

Budradaman (EL; VIII. 44 and

Konkan, Knkura should correspond

Above,

JRAS., 1900, 416 and 420-1.

p. 52.

the

on the lower Akesines

to Gujarat.

in

the

60).

As

158

LECTUEE

IV.

Abastanoi by Arrian,
by Diodorus, Sabarcae by Curtius

is

(Chenab),
Sambastai

designated

and Sabagrae by Orosius.

They are identified
with the Ambashthas of the Mahabbarata by
some 2 and with the &aubhreyas grouped along
1

with the Yaudheyas in the Yaudheya-gana of

Panini by others. 3
In regard to this people
Curtius says that "they were a powerful Indian

where the form of government was democratic and not regal."

According to Diodorus
"they were a people inferior to none in India
either for numbers or for bravery and they dwelt

tribe

in cities in

ment

which the democratic form

prevailed."

of govern-

Arrian, again, mentions three

tribes, Kathanians, Oxydrakai and Malloi, which

he describes as independent republics. 4
And in
respect of the Malloi, in particular, Arrian tells

us that

when they submitted

to Alexander,

they
informed him that "they were attached more
than any others to freedom and autonomy, and
that their freedom they had preserved intact

from the time Dionysos came

a/

Alexander's invasion.

to

India until

Oxydrakai are of course

to be identified with Kshaudrakas and Malloi
with Malavas, which both have been mentioned
1

Mc.

Crindle's

Great, 155, 252

a

Ancient

and 292.

Ibid, 155, n. 2.

IA.,

I,

23.

Mc. Crindlo, 115.

Jbid, 154.

India

Its

invasion

by

Alexander the

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

159

Two other
Samgha tribes by Pataiijali.
Pan jab tribes I will note which have been noticed
1

as

by Alexander's historians. When the Macedonian

monarch went to Nvsa, "the Nvsians," says

him

their president,

whoso

name was Akouphis and along with him

thirty

Arrian, "sent out

deputies of their

to

most eminent

him

to spare the city

med

the inhabitants of

"

Nysa

citizens to entreat

Alexander
in

the

freedom and their own laws

of their

"confir-

enjoyment
and when

he enquired about their laws, he praised them

because the government of their state was in
the

hands of the aristocracy.

He

moreover

requested them to send with him 300 of their

horsemen, together with 100 of their best men
selected
sisted of

from the governing body, which conwhen Akouphis heard

300 members

he

have smiled at the request,

and when Alexander asked him why he laughed,
this,

to

said

is

to

have replied, 'How,

O King

can a single city

best men continue
!

deprived of a hundred of its

"2
be well-governed?
Now, what do we
find?
We have no less than five tribes and
if

to

peoples mentioned as being situated in the Panjab and Sind by the Greek and Macedonian

Alexander's

historians

of

want

enter

to

in this place,
1

but

into
it is

invasion.

do not

any detailed discussion

enough if I say here that

His gloas on Panini, IV.

Mo. Orindle, 79-81.

1,

168.

LECTURE

160
as their

form

of

IV.

government

is

said

to

be not

regal but democratic or aristocratic, these tribes

must be looked upon as political Samgbas. A

Greek author

would not

least

at

fall into

the

blunder of calling a
aristocratic

if it

government democratic or
was not reallv so.

Our account
not, I

am

the

of

Sariigha will
afraid, be complete unless I say a few

words about Kula,

are

aware,

its

denotes

political

Kula, you
corporate unit.
a clan or group of families.

In the Ariguttara-Xikaya 2 we have a passage in

which Buddha distinguishes between the different kinds of rulers.
of

it

we

are

told

In the concluding portion

that

one class of rulers was

commentator explains
it, Gana-jetthaks, i.e. Elders of a Gana, and that
another class of rulers was Ye vet pana Kulesu
Puga-gclmanikas or, as the

pachckek-adhipaehcham karenti,

i.e.

those

who

severally exercise autonomy {ridlt'qj'dyam) over

the Kulas or clans.
Perhaps a most typical

example of this kind of rule is furnished by the

Sakva clan to which Buddha himself belonged.
This clan had spread itself over a number of
towns.
vastu.

ing to

The chief town, of course, was KapilaBut there were other townships belongthe Sakyas, such as Chatuma, Samagama,

Mffrastheucs also refers to repnblics in Ancient India. Tims he

makes the general remark that "those who live near the sea have no
"
and also mentions the Maltecorae and four other tribes who
kings
1

"are free and have no kings"

111,76.

(I. A.,

VI. 340-1).

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

161

There
Khomadussa, Devadaha and so forth
are no grounds to suppose that an office-holder
was appointed by the &akyas from time to time
1

as Prof.

Rhys Davids has

said

2
.

The

speaks only once of a king of the

Pali

Canon

Sakyas.

This

3
king
they mention is Bhaddiya and the
words used are Bhaddiyo Sakya-raja Sakyanam
The word here employed is raja,
rajjam hareti.
who, in the period when Buddha lived, was not
elected hut hereditary, and was not a mere presi-

that

Bhaddiya had really been

office-holder, he would have been

dent but a ruler.

a

periodic

If

designated not Raja, but Mukhya or Gramanl.

must not suppose that the king of the Sakyas

We

was merely the chief of a clan, and had no soveIn the

reignty over any people outside his clan.
villages and towns held by the Sakyas, there
were, besides the Sakyas, artisans and men of
higher trades such as the carpenters,
smiths and potters who had villages of their own.
special

There were Brahmans also whose services were

1

Rhys Davids' Buddhist

Ibid, 19.

India, 18.

VP., II, 181. The preambles of some Jatakas (e.g. Nos. 466 and
536) lead us to infer that the Sakyas were a Gana and not a Kula.
But these preambles do not form part of the Buddhist Canon and are
s

of a

certainly

much

narrated by them

is

later

based

What is
age than the Vinaya-Pitaka.
not upon contemporary or very nearly

contemporary evidence, but rather upon traditions handed down by

Acharyas, which were sometimes conflicting or different (e.g. Jat.,
V. 413.

10).

The Jataka preambles cannot, therefore, be taken as

when they rnn counter to what the canonical

possessing any authority

texts say.

LECTURE

162

at every

requisitioned

had

IV.

domestic event and

their settlements in the

Sakya country

1
.

who
The

Sakya chief was, therefore, not only the chief of

his clan but was a veritable ruler or Baja.
This
is

also

proved by the fact that Bhaddiya speaks

by a body guard wherever

of his being protected

he went and also of his Nagara and Janapada

the capital town and kingdom
exactly the terms

the political administration.

This
alluded
to
Buddha
the Kuladhipatya
which
by

technical
is

to

not merely chiefship of a clan but also

sovereignty over the territory occupied by the

denotes

clan.

Let us now pause here for a while and try to

digest the mass of information we have collected
about the political Saihgha. One kind of this
Saihgha, viz. Gana, I have repeatedly told you,

was a

tribal

But

if

you suppose that its sovereignty was confined merely

to the tribe, nothing can be more erroneous.
When a Gana-Saihgha is spoken of as having
a vijita

burn,

kingdom and

or

kill

organisation.

exile

or

as having power to
man as we have seen

above, there can be no question about sovereignty

being vested in this body. The fact that there

were Uparajas, Senapatis, Bhandagarikas and so

forth connected with the Saihgha completely
confirms our
its political

conclusion,

character.
1

and clearly establishes

The lowest

Buddhist India, 20-1.

political unit

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
seems

be the Kula

to

described as
the

1G3

whose sovereignty

is

It
denotes not
Kuladhipatya.
domination of a Chief over his clan

simply
but also and principally his
supremacy over the
territory occupied by that clan.
According- to
the

Aryan social structure, every family

(Kutumba) or household (Griha) had its head
who was designated Kutumbin or Grihapati.
The group more extensive than the family was
the Kula or clan which also had its head.
This

common

formation seems to have been

to the first three grades of the

Hindu

at

least

Society, the

Brahmanas, Kshatriyas and Yais'yas. But then

the functions of each grade had become differentiated and specialised long before the period we
have selected, and we know that the duty of
the Kshatriya order was primarily to rule.
Two
kinds of authority had the Kshatriyas therefore
to exercise

Kutumba
Hindu

one over their

in

common

Kula and Griha

or

with the other classes of

Societv and the other over the terriwhich they conquered and occupied as

the

tory

A Kshatriya Grrihapati or KutumKshatriyas.

bin we do not hear of as having ever become a
ruler.
It is the head of a Kshatriya Kula or
that

clan

not

very

that

is

for

large

difficult

to

understand.

to be ruled over has to be

territory

band

The reason

attains to sovereignty.

of

to

be

fighting

is

territory

conquered, and

conquered a sufficiently

men

is

necessary.

No

LECTURE

164

members
or

IV.

of a single Kshatriya family

Griha)

to acquire

(Kutumba

can ever be expected by themselves

any

It

of territory.

strip

Kula or clan, which, because

it

is

only a

consists of a great

and

consequently a large
number of fighters, that can be reasonably expected to conquer any tract of fend. This was

many

households,

the case with the &akvas

whom

have cited as

an instance of Kula sovereignty. They were a

The
clan, a branch of the Ikshvaku tribe.
province seized by them was called Sakya
country after them and Avas governed by one
ruler, and we know that it was occupied not by
artisans

As

but

alone

the Sakyas

and
the

also

by the Brahmans,

traders.

chief

a Kshatriva clan becomes

of

the ruler of the country conquered

and occupied

by them, the sovereignty must confine itself to

the family of that chief.
Such a Kshatriya
clan

is

eka-raja,

Katyayana

calls

i.e.

with

But

it.

Sovereign

tve

One, as

have instances

of

Kshatriya clans, originally of monarchical constiI have already

tution, becoming aristocracies.
informed you that the Kurus and Parichalas
are mentioned by Kautilya as raja-sabd-opajlvi
Samghas. But the Jatakas and early Pali literature

us

understand that they

were not Saihgha but eka-raja Kshatriya clans,
i.e.
clans each governed by one ruler.
This
clearly

means that

give

in

the

to

sixth

and

fifth

centuries

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

165

Kurus and Panchalas were monarchical clans but became non-monarchical in the
fourth century when Kautilya lived. We know
that members of the royal family were often
before Christ,

given a share in the administration of a country,

and in proportion as this share would become

and

less

lose

less formal,

the

form

would the
absolute

of

approach that of an oligarchy,

of a Gana, as we have seen, is

state organisation

monarchy and
The chief feature
its

division

into

Kulas. In other words, the political power lay

in the hands, not of the whole people but of

who

a few families

constituted the Gana.

This

can apply, not to a democracy

characteristic

but to an oligarchy into which alone a monarchy

can glide when it becomes a Gana. And Ave

know

was possessed by
the political Samghas mentioned by Kautilya.
We shall not, therefore, be far from right, if Ave
consider the Kuru and Parichala Samghas as
instances of the Oligarchic form of Government.

that this characteristic

third

instance

Yaudheyas and

is

in a curious

furnished

by

the

manner.

We

have

seen that thev have been

already
V
Mi

Panini as

an ayudha-jivi Samgha.

other hand,

it

mentioned by
But, on the
%}

must be remembered that from

Cf. Grote's History of Greece, Pt. IT, Cap. IX. Sidgwick says "But
speaking broadly and generally, it is doubtless safe to affirm that when
political society passed in Greece out of the stage of primitive kingship,
:

it

passed into that of

European

Polity, p. 72.

primitive

oligarchy."

The

Development

of

LECTURE

166
his Sutra IV. 1.

178

it is

IV.

clear that they

even

eka-raja Kshatriya tribe

were an

in Pacini's time.

may seem strange how a tribe, which is once

described as an ayudha-jlvi Saihgha, could be
It

But

said to be a monarchical tribe.

really there

no discrepancy here, because firstly, an ayudhajlvi Samgha bears no political character at all.
is

such a

Secondly,

members

Sarii;ha

need not include

all

TTe can, therefore,

very well suppose that there were some Yaudheyas who did not come under this Samgha and
the

af the tribe.

that politically they were a Kshatriya tribe of

the monarchical type in Pauiui's time.
But

about the beginning of the Christian era at any

rate they seem to have acquired the nature of a
This is indicated by the issue
political Samgha.

which ranges between 50 and

Like the Malavas they style them-

of their coinage

350 A.D.
selves

Gana on

Gana, a

monev.

So thev

were a

Samgha, when they struck

thus seems that from about the

political

these coins.

It

middle of the
rid

their

century A.D. onwards they

themselves of their monarchical constitution,

and were

first

settled

down

as a political

Samgha.

proved beyond all doubt also by a stone

inscription found at Bijayagadh near Byana in
This

is

the Bharatpur State.

a fragment of
1

Unfortunately

an inscription.

CC1M.,
OIL,

p.

180 &

III. 252.

ff.

it is

only

But what

is

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

167

enough to show that it is a record of

a personage who was Maharaja and Mahasenapati
and also a leader (puraskrita) of the Yaudheya
Gana. The title Maharaja and the word gana
show that in the year 371 A.D. the date of
the Yaudheyas were a rcija-sabdthe inscription
The personage in question was
opaj'wi Samgha.
preserved

is

thus one of the

thy of

note

What

Gana-mukhyas.

here

is

is

that although he

wor-

was a

Maharaja, he was Mahasenapati. And how could

he have been so except on the supposition that
before he or his forefather became a Maharaja,
a

i.e.

the

member
royal

of the

familv

of

Gana, he was Senapati of

the

Yaudheya

term which denoted 'a general'

tribe ?

The

in the

Gupta
period is Danda-nayaka or Baladhikrita. The
word senapati had long before this time become a
This is, therefore, the third inhereditary title.
stance of a monarchical tribe becoming oligarchic.

Oligarchy was thus one kind of GanaSamgha. Let us see what the other kind was.
This kind

Gana.

is

represented by

have already

told

the

Lichchhavi

you that

it

was a

federation of the chiefs of the different clans

a tribe

who were

of

also each the ruler of a small

have remarked above that it

was the custom of a Kshatriya chief backed up
by his clan to go on conquering and carving out
principality.

kingdom for himself. It seems that

the chiefs of some of the clans comprising the

small

LECTURE

168

IV.

Lichchhavi tribe had similarly

made themselves
m
masters of the different districts and for some

time remained independent of one another.

time seems to have come when instincts of selfpreservation and safety impelled the various petty
form themselves into a Saihgha or con-

rulers to

Each confederated principality mainfederacy.

tained its separate autonomy in regard to certain
matters such e.g. as the judicial administration,
and allowed the Saihgha to exercise supreme
and independent control in respect of others
affecting the kingdom, vesting the executive
power in the hands of the select few. I

know

that perhaps some of you will feel tempted

to compare the constitution of the Lichchhavi

Saihgha to the confederation of the German

States called the German Empire.
I admit that
there are some points of resemblance here, but
unfortunately we do not know enough about the

former to institute any comparison that will be

interesting or profitable.
I shall now touch

connected

what

with

upon two points only

TTe

Gana.

do not know to

earliest period the existence of this

can be traced.

Certain

it is

that they

Saihgha
were by

no means few in the period we have selected, i.e.

from 050 to 325 B. C. And they were certainly

known

as late as the 6th century A.D., because

in his work entitled the Brihat-

Varahamihira
sariihita

speaks not only

1

4.

24; 14.

14.

of

Ganarajyas

i.e.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
of the tribal

kingdoms

but also of

Ganas

169

in Southern India

Gana-pungavas or Heads of Ganas

Kaulindas and Sibis.

such as of the Malavas,

The second point that may be

is
it

how

did

considered

briefly

the institution of

Gana

arise

Did

originate in the political or in the non-political

sphere

In

attention

to
1

opanishad

Brahman

me draw your

this connection let

passage

The

or

in the

passage;

Brihad-aranyakthat

says

just

as

Supreme Being created the four

B rah mans,
ml Kshatrivas, Vais'vas and
among human beings, it created similar

classes of

Sudras

mj

amon; the s^ods also. The Brahman

amongst gods was Agni, the Kshatriyas amongst
classes

them were Iudra, Yaruna, Soma and

Vais'vas

so

on,

and

among them, Yasus, Rudras, Adityas and

And

then in connection with the Yais'ya

amonsrst the f?ods occurs the following

so forth.
class

sentence: sa

n=aiva vyabhavat

sa cisam=asri-

jata i/rouj^zetani deva-jatani ganasaakhyayante

Vasavo Rudra etc. etc. On the term ganas ah

comments

Sarikaracharya

as

ganam gwiam=.akhyayante

follows

kathyante\

ganaso

Gana-

praya I// visah prayena samhata lii vitt-oparjane

This gloss leaves no
samartha n=aikaikasah.
doubt as to the sense in which the word gana is to
And as the passage from the
be taken here 2
\

1.

4.

11-8:

am

indebted

to

Mr. R. 0. Majumdar for this

reference.

= Vraia or Sardha) in the

mention that Gana
appears to have had Vedio precedents as was first
pointed out by Roth in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. They are referred
to in the Pamchavimsa-Brahmatia, VI. !. 25; xvii. 1. 5. 12. VajasaneyiSamhita, XVI. 25, and Taitttrtya-da^ihita, I. 8. 10. 2.
'

sense

of

:>2

may

also

guild

LECTURE

170

IV.

Upanishad speaks of Ganas only in the case of

Vaisyas and not of Brahmans, Kshatriyas or
$udras, it appears that we had commercial

Ganas

(i.e.

before

there

first

were

political

Kshatriyas.
of the latter,
divided

into

Vaisyas

Ganas among the

former

the

If

the

among

Sreiiis)

the

is

prototype

former

must

have

been

Kulas as the

latter

were.

And

the

long time wondering whether any

trace could ever be found of a commercial Gana

was

for

seemed
efforts have

being divided into Kulas, as no doubt

am

it

glad that my
proved successful, and there is now evidence that
there were Kulikas even among merchants
I

very natural.

belonging to a guild. This evidence is furnished

by the seals found in the excavations at Bhlta

and at Basarh

ASr,-AR., 1903-4.

ff.;

or ancient Vesali, capital of the

have here seals not only of

We

Lichchhavis.
&

some

p.

107

of these seals have on

&

ff

1911-12, p. 56; 1913-14, p. 138

them the legends

Sreshthi-sdrthaw-

ha-kulika-nigania, oreshthi-Jculika-nigama, Sreshthi-niyama,

Nigama

nigama
tion, but

'here

in these legends has

is

no authority for

According to the Amarakoia

it.

nigama means a vanik-patha, pura or Veda.

impossible

Nor

here.

is

the

Kautilya's Arthaiastra (p. 60),

traffic

The

sense alone

is

last

sense

we know

is

of

course

because from

that a vaiiik-patha

is

a road of

The meaning is, therefore, unsuitable

therefore possible, and is by no means unsuit-

whether on land or by

third

The

sense practicable,

first

and Kulika-

been taken to signify a corpora-

river.

along with the seals of these

Nigamas, we have seals of officials or temples sometimes associated.
The seals of officials and temples side by side with those of the Nigamas
able.

This alone can explain why,

are intelligible,
'

if

Nigama denotes

'

a township

'

foreign

is

but not

if

it

signifies

supposing this sense to be possible, for a commercial

an exclusive body and will not brook the sealing of any

r orporation

corporation

'

member

side

by

side with their

own.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

171

but also Prathama-Kulikas, meaning

Kulikas who apparently were chiefs (of Ganas).

Kulikas

We

Gana was one kind of

political Samgha. Let us now see what the other
kinds were.
We will here revert to the Greek
thus see

that

accounts of the political Sariighas existing in the

Panjab and Sind in Alexander's time. We have
seen (on p. 158) that Curtius and Diodorus mention
a people who possessed not one but many cities

and whose form of government was not regal

but democratic. On the other hand from Arrian

w e learn that Nvsa was a Citv that was governed

by an aristocracy consisting of 300 members and
one President. The Greeks were so much accustomed to the nicest distinctions between an
and democracy that it
aristocracy, oligarchy
r

[Since writing the above,

Damodarpur copper

was able

to see the transcripts of the

courtsey of Mr. Radhagovinda

plates through the

Basak who

is editing them for the Epigraphia Indica.

They belong to
the time of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty and are thus contemporaneous
with the seals referred to above. While setting forth the administra-

tive details the

Sreshthin,

town

officials also

Sarthavaha,

therein

are

Prathama-Kulika

thus clear that the word

specified, viz.

Nagara-

and

Prathama-Kayastha,
the seals can mean a town

nijama of
Gupta period while some towns were administered
by Sreshthin, Sarthavaha and Kulika together, some were governed
with the
by Sreshthin and Kulika only conjointly or severally. Along
This
that
of
associated
was
agrees with the
Kumar-amatya.
Xigama seal
that immethe
furnished
plates
fact
Damodarpur
administrative
by

It

is

only and that

in the

diately above the

town

officials just

mentioned was Kumar-amatya.]

kulakah syat kula-sreshthi, on

According
which Kshirasvamin gives the following gloss Kxdam kayati Kulakah,
to the

Amara-kosa

Kulika

ity*=anye,

sreiiy-adau

thatcam = asty = asya

is

Sreshth-arthah

Kula-sveshllu.

dve kuru-samghe mukhyasya.

hide

vanig-vrinde aresh-

Bhanuji Dikshita's commentary

LECTURE

172

IV.

they could have gone

wrong in describing these forms of government.

is

that

inconceivable

When,

we

therefore,

are

that

told

district

was administered by a

many cities
democracy, we are compelled

containing

to infer that

we

have here the government not of a city hut of

a country, conducted not by a small body hut

by the assembly

we

not in possession of more

are

certainlv

what
here

is
is

that

We

of the people.

regret

details

that

which

would have been very interesting; but

preserved to us is enough to show that

the second type of the political

we have

But

Sariigha

question here
naturally arises have we got any evidence from
the Indian sources which confirms the above
note.

to

reference?

answer

am

glad

am

in a position to

We

this

question in the affirmative.

hear of two kinds of popular government:
Both are demo(1) Nigama and (2) Janapada.

but

to

the

sway
a single town and

cracies,

over a

of

Just

province.

was confined

of the first

the second

we have

as

extended
got

the

coins of Ganas, such as \audhevas, Malavas and

so

forth,

we have

coins also of Janapadas which

the people of a country

can here denote only

'

in

to

contradistinction

Gana.

The

'

the

'

tribe

'

signified

by

represents a government by
families of a tribe and the former,

latter

the component

a government of the people, in other words a demoThus we have found one class of coins
cracy.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

173

which hear the legend: rajana-janapada8a= (coin)

of the Rajanya people.
The word Rajanyahere is
'

not a

of

synonym

form

Kshatriya or the Sanskritised

Rana as is commonly
supposed hut rather the name of a people
2
corresponding to the Ranas of the Panjab hills
or Banes of the Goa territory.
The second class
the

of

Rajput

of coins to he noted

title

connection contains

in this

the

legend:
Majhimikaya 8ibi-janapada8a=
of
the
Sibi
(coin)
people of the Madhyamika
3

"We thus have at

(country).
of Janapada,

4 179-80; JRAS.,

CCIM.,

JRAS., 1908, pp. 540-1.

aphorism

that

if

164-5

pp.

people was

particular
his

viz.

vun

is

least

two instances

Rajanyas and

of the

That

known even

1907, pp. 92-3.

the
to

Sibis,

word Raj any a denoted

who mentions them

Panini,

a
in

rajanyadibhyo vun (IV. 2. .53). The Sutra teaches us

applied to terms such as Rajanya and others, the word so

formed becomes expressive

Thus Rajanyaka means

of their country.

the country of the Rajanyas.

Evidently by Rajanya

specific people

meant, a conclusion strengthened by the fact that along with Rajanyas are mentioned Udumbaras, Arjunayanas and others who are wellis

peoples and who form the Rajanya-gana of Panini.

Madhyamika is
ASIR., VI. 202-4: XIV. 14(5-7 EHL, p. 213.
commonly taken to denote Nagari near Chitorgarh in Raj pu tana and
But that
identified with that mentioned by Patafijali (LA., VII. 266).

known
3

does not

preclude

us

from

taking-

it

also as the

name

of the province

which has the city of Madhyamika as its capital. We similarly have

Avanti and Ayodhyii denoting each both a city and the province of
which
the

the

name

of the
kar.

the

it is

In fact, this meaning alone can

the principal town.

legend of the cuius clear and intelligible.

also of a province

is

certain.

Chapter 32

Mahabharata places M(a)dhyam(i)keyas

Evidently they

province

Madhyamikas

are

round about
in

the

the

people of the

Nagari.

Middle

of the

to the

Sal ha-Parvan

south

of

Push-

Madhyamika country,

The Brihat-saihhita

also

Country along with Matsyas.

mikas here can denote only the people of the

render

That Madhyamika was

i.e.

places

MSdhyaMadhyamika country.

LECTURE

174

IV.

having struck coins. And as issuing coins is

taken to be an indication, of political power,

Janapada may rightly be looked upon

as a democracy, and hence one distinct form
of political Samgha.
The existence of the
this

Janapada or democratic government in India

traceable to a still earlier period.
Thus in the
Aitareya-Brahmana (VIII. 14) we have a passage

is

which

forms of sovereign

refers to the different

There we are told that the Eajans of

poAver.

and so

the Praehyas, the Rajans of the Satvats,

when crowned, designated

on, are,

Samrats,

and

Bhojas

respectively
but
that
forth,

so

Uttara-Kurus and

the

Janapadas called the

Uttara-Madras are styled
consecrated

are
is

here
a

as

to

conclusion

of

E-ajan

The

that

cratic

nature and was

its

Janapada
and cited

Janapada is
government which was
is

of

opposed

people.

sovereignty.

sovereignty.

form

(as

when they

with

contrasted

form

Virats

to

the

the

rule

rule

of

Unfortunately we

a
of
of a

town)

natural
political

demo-

country

by

its

know nothing about

constitution.

a Janapada had its Samgha or democracy, there is nothing strange in a Nigama

or town
having sometimes a similar form
If

of

government.

certain

Let

me

facts revealed

and epigraphic

records.

here place before you

by works of Hindu Law

The Yivada-ratnakara,

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
a

on

treatise

Hindu

Law,

has

175
a

chapter
which the

called

Samvid-vyatikramah,

various

corporate bodies are referred to, and

two verses from the Narada-Smriti

quotes

which certain

in

in

organisations

are

specified,

the

Pashandas, Naigamas, Srenis, Pugas,

Now the term Naigama
and
Ganas.
Vratas
has been rendered by the author of this work

viz.

We

the body of citizens.

know
that the parts into which a country was divided
were pur a, or capital-town, nigama or mofussil-

as

i.e.

PauraJi,

town, and grama or village.

And

it is

from

this

nigama that the term Naigama has been derived.

2

The

too
speaks of
law-giver Yajnavalkya
Naigama as a corporate body along with and
distinct from, ^renins, Pashandis and Ganas, and

the

commentary Balambhatti explains the term

by nana-paura-samuhah,
manifold citizens. But

i.e.

it

aggregations of the
may be argued that

merely proves that the people of

form themselves into a corporation
could
any city
but not necessarily that this was a political body

this evidence

which

Sir
Now,
Alexander Cunningham picked up some coins
from the Paujab and of very nearly the same

exercised

sovereignty.

time as that of Alexander,

as

ifc

which, as was

The word naigama cannot mean

has been distinguished from Srenin.
pp. 177

II.

192.

&

180.

first

a guild here,

LECTURE

176

IV.

shown bv Bi'ihler, bad all on the obverse the

word ne gam a but on the reverse various names
such as Dojaka, Talimata, Atakataka and so
It

forth.

is

natural

take

to

Negama

here

to

Naigamah, i.e. the body of citizens

such as that mentioned in the Yajiiavalkya and
Narada Smritis, and the names Dojaka, Talimata
and Atakataka for those of the towns to which
thev belonged. The Xai^amas of a town which
stand

for

could strike coinage must be looked upon as a

corporate body endowed with political power.
exactly in keeping with the statement of
the Yisuddhimagga 'Ch. XIY) that some Xigamas

This

is

towns and Gamas or villages also could issue

money. In this connection, again, we have to take
or

into consideration the contents of

in

Cave No. IS

at Nasik.

Indian Studies, HI. 49 &

Bfihler takes negama here to

word

for 'guild

'

is

n.

mean

Srenin which

a
i-

The

an inscription
inscription

is

Indian Palaeography (Trans.), 9.

mercantile guild. Bnt the proper
so frequently met with in Jataka
.-

and epigraphic records.

The word naigamak again lias never

been proved to signify a guild. Again, we do not find mention of any guild
without the specification of the craft for which it is organised. Besides,
we never hear of a mercantile guild having minted any money, at any

literature

in India. Such a fact would certainly have been mentioned, if

had been really so. in the passage of the Vi>n<ldhi-magga referred
to above especially as the expert knowledge of a herannika or banker
is there
alluded to and guild coins would hare therefore been the

rate
it

first

to

thai

negama

be

gratuitous

mentioned

they had really existed. To say, therefore

Panjab coins stands for a guild is nothing but
It
is,
therefore, natural to take negama in
assumption.

the sense of naigamah

ni

the

if

of the

(= body of townsmen) such as thai mentioned

and
Narada Smritis and distinguished from Srenis
YSjfiavalkya

or guilds.

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.

177

Nasikakcuiam Dhambhika-gamasa danam. The

natural interpretation is that proposed by Pandit

Bhagwanlal Indraji who says that

the

of

gift

inhabitants

of Nasik.

Dhambhika

of

village

We

records the

it

by

the

have here not one

individual or a guild, but the whole people of a

town, granting a village. And it is inconceivable
that

they

constituted

town and

the

gramas

done

the

so

unless

government holding
its

sway

villages or

adjunct

they
over

nigama-

When

as they are called.

that

find

have

could

we, therefore,
of a city could issue their

people
could together give any village
difficult to avoid the conclusion

own coinage and

in charity,

it is

we have here an

that

BG., XVI. 590.

instance of a

This interpretation has been called in question

"
We have met with more
92), who says

by M. Senart (EL, VIII.

than one instance of a genitive joined

the

indicate

belong.

Nigama

community,

district

suppose the case

which had contrived

is

or clan

the

at the

to

the
to

name

of

a donor, to

which he

happened to

same here and the Dhambhika

common

expense (nothing is more

than the paying of such religious expenses from the resources
of the community) to decorate the entrance of the cave, must have

village,

frequent

belonged to the general population or to the township of Nasik." I am

afraid, Nasikalcanmh must mean "of the inhabitants of the Nasik city"
and never "of the clan or district of Nasik" as is clearly but incorrectly
implied by M. Senart (compare e.g. Nasik Inscription No. 22). The
Tea has so far been found
applied to the name of a village or
town to denote an inhabitant of that village or town. And until

suffix

an instance is adduced of this suffix being added to the name of

a town and of the whole term so formed being used in the plural in
the sense of 'district or clan', the interpretation proposed by Pandit
Bhagwanlal Indraji seems to be the natural one. Besides, in the
Satavahana period, not Nasik but Govardhana was the name of the
district.

23

LECTrRE

178

IT.

town democracy. NaT, towns could

sometimes be governed bv an aristocracy. We
or

Samgha

have already seen on

the

authority of Arrian

Nysa was an
comprising 300 members and headed

that the form of government

aristocracy
by the president.
of

at

This would be

Niama- Samgha which

is

another form

neither an oligarchy

nor a democracy.

So

much

political

different

kinds of the

that I have been

able to trace

the

for

Samgha

There
present.
of
Collegiate
types

at

Ancient
of

India,

new

must have been many other

prevalent in
which I have no doubt the find

Sovereignty

materials

and

re-examination

of the old ones will bring to light.

ago

few minutes

threw out a hint that the

political Samgha
Gana was constituted after the model of
commercial Gana. The other
political

called

the

Samghas, riz. Nigama and Janapada, seem

however to be the natural developments of the
municipal administrations of towns and districts

which were scattered all over ancient India and

about which I may be able to say something
next year. But the terms Samgha and Gana
were appropriated also by religious communities,
such as e.g. Jainism and Buddhism. As regards
the

Jaina congregation

it

was

split

up into
of which

Ganas, Kulas and Sakhas, a long list

has been set forth in the Sthaviravali of the
Kalpasutra.

And

this list not

many

years

ago

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
received

1*79

remarkable corroboration from the

Kulas and $akhas

found
at Mathura.
in the Kushana inscriptions
was
The
Jaina
evidently
congregation
specification of these Ganas,

modelled after the commercial Gana, or rather

after the political Gana, because the founder of

was a Kshatriya, born

Jainism

of Vesali, capital of

himself

related

and it
framed

is

his

Gana

the

natural

It

to

of

this

think

Gana
that

he

true that

is

an entirely different

of

at the

to

imitate

the

beginning of the

Buddha

Maha-parinibbana-sutta

Samha

a suburb

congregation after the pattern of

he must have known best. The

Buddhist Samgha was

type.

Chief

to

more

in

the Lichchhavi Gana, and

advises

characteristic

and amitv of the Lichchhavi Gana,

where is it hinted that thev were alike

his

concord
but noin

res-

On the contrary,
pect of internal constitution.
the constituents of a Gana viz. Kulas etc. which
were the special feature of the Lichchhavi
Gana and are clearly noticeable in the Jaina
congregation,
their

latter seems,

Nigama
It

are,

absence in the

however, conspicuous by
Buddhist Samgha. The

therefore, to

correspond to some

or

Janapada-Samgha.
does not require any stretch

of

tion to see that these political Sarhghas

a highly specialised order.

VOJ.,

I.

160 and

imagina-

were of

AVe constantly hear

ff.

180

LECTURE

IV.

of the councils or parishads of

the Lichchhavis

and their holding frequent meetings. We also

hear of sabhcis and samitis of the Nisjama and
Janapada-Saihghas. Is it possible to
something about the mode in which
carried on

their

must now present

deliberations
itself to

This

know
they

question

Fortunately for
us the Vinaya-Pitaka of the Buddhist scriptures
has preserved the code of procedure according
us.

which the meetings of the Buddhist congregation were held and conducted. As this con-

to

gregation was a Samgha, it is perfectly intelligible that the set of rules which governed its

must

deliberations

in

their

essence

have

governed those of any Samgha, be it political,

municipal or commercial. Let us therefore

and know from the Vinaya-pitaka what the

procedure of the Buddhist Samgha was. You will
try

perhaps be surprised when I tell you that it was

of a highly specialised and developed character
such as is observed by the political bodies of
our twentieth century.
The first point to note
is the order of
precedence according to which
seats were assigned to the Bhikshus.
There

was a

special officer

they received
dignity

and

prajriapaka.

a
of

in

We

to

that

see

accordance with

He was

seniority.

functionary in
Vesali

whose duty was

seats

their

called Asana-

have got a reference to such

the account of the Council

preserved

in

the

Chullavagga

of

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
the
it:

Vinaya-pitaka.

18l

quote a passage from

"Now
of ton

at that time a

years'

Patimokkha

Bhikklm named

Ajita,

standing, was the reciter of the

to the
Him did the
Saihgha.

appoint as seat regulator

pahnapaka) to the Thera Bhikkhus."

Samgha

(ascuia-

The deliberations are commenced by the

mover who announces to the assembled members what motion he is going to propose.
This
announcement is called Jnapti.
Then comes
the second part of the procedure which consists
in putting the question to the Saihgha whether
they approve the motion. It may be put once
or thrice.
In the former case the Karma or
ecclesiastical act

the

latter,

instance

is

it

down

the

Jnapti-chaturtha.

will

what

rule

in

following
ordination

regard

"Let a

Upasariipada

in

give an

mean and
explain
from the Mahavagga. Buddha

to

quote

and

called Jfiapti-dvitiya,

to

shall

lays
the

learned

Bhikkhu," says he, "proclaim the

following natti before the Saihgha
"Let the Samgha, reverend Sirs, hear me.

competent

person N. N. desires to receive the upasariipada ordination from the venerable N. N.

This

(I. e.

with the venerable N. N. as his upajjhaya).

If the

Saihgha

is

ready, let
1

the

SBE.,

XX.

Ibid.,

XIII. 170.

408.

Samgha

confer

LECTURE

182

IV.

on N. N. the upasampada ordination with N. N.

This is the natti." Now what
as upajjhava.
follows

is

Karma vacha which

placing the
for discussion and
is

motion before the Samgha

execution (Karma), and is in evey case accompanied by the formal repetition of the Jnapti.
In the present case the Karmavacha is repeated
I therefore quote here what follows.
thrice.

"Let the Samgha, reverend Sirs, hear me. This

person N. N. desires to receive the upasampada
ordination from the venerable N. N.

The Samgha

confers on N. N. the upasampada ordination with

N. N. as upajjhava. Let any one of the venerable

brethern

who

is

in

favour of the upasampada

ordination of N. N. as upajjhava be silent,

any one who is not in favmr of it speak.

and

"And

for the second time I thus speak to you:

Let the Samgha (&c, as before).

"And
you

for

the

third

time

thus

speak

to

Let the Samgha, &c.

"N. N. has received the upasampada ordination from the Samgha with N. N. as upajjhava.

The Samgha is in favour of it, therefore it is

Thus I understand."
silent.
As the motion has here been thrice put to
the
i.e.

assembly,
it

Jnapti.
to

be

it

comprises

Jfiapti-chaturtha Karma,
three Karma vachas and one

A Karma
lawful

is

or official act of

must consist

one or three Karmavachas.

of

the

Samgha

one Jnapti and

When

a resolution

183

ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY.
ig

an

before

placed

members have observed

silence,

adopted unanimously.

If there

settled

said

is

it

the

all

be

to

was any debate

of opinion expressed, the matter

and difference

was

and

assembly

by what was called

Yebhuyyctsiika,

This was done by

the majority.
i.e.
issuing tickets or Salakas as they were termed.
The Bhikshu who collected these tickets was
the vote of

called Salaka-gahapaka.

owing

Sariigha,

was unable
to sive

What

the

mum

illness

to

to attend a

any member

If

other

or

of the

disability,

was entitled

meeting he

an absentee vote which was known as

Chhanda. 2
of

Samgha
number of

is

it

is

care

anticipated that the mini-

was taken

will

not

to secure the

The 'whip' was

necessary quorum.

any meeting

members required

the

be forthcoming,

at

if

more,

called Gana-

It will be too tedious for me to give

puraka.
a full and exhaustive account of the code of
that
rules
regulated the meetings of the
3

Buddhist Samgha, but what

enough

to

show you that

We

specialised character.

much accustomed

teristic of the

modern

IV. 9;
E.g. Chullavagga,

Eg. Muhavagga,
'

E.g.

Mahavagga,

II.

23

was

is

a highly
hear not only of anit

of

it

before

of ballot-voting, votes of ab-

sentees, and, above all, the

are so

have stated

and placing

nouncing a motion
meeting, but also

we

III. G.

'whip'

think to be charac-

to

civilised

SBE, XX.

items which

age that

3hall

25.

SBE. XIII. 277.

G etc. and 26
SBE., XIII. 307 *
;

ff.

LECTURE

184
not at

all

incredible

wonder
to

if

my

IV.

account appears to be

But my authority, the

you.
there
is
before you, and you can

Vinaya-pitaka,
any time read

at

it

along with

the

translation

published by Professors Oldenberg and Rhys

Davids, and I am sure that you will agree with
me in saying that the set of rules for conducting
the deliberations of the Buddhist Sarhgha was of
a highly developed order, and shows how the
regulation of debate was carried almost to a perfection.
Again, it is worthy of note that most of

the terms technical to

Samgha debate have now-

here been explained by Buddha.

If he had been
the first to invent these rules and coin new names

would have
But nowhere has
explained them in extenso.
Buddha told us what Yebhuyyasika, Chhanda and
the

various

so forth

signify.

for

procedures,

he

Evidently he

terms which

borrows these

time

were already well-known in

and which called for no explanation.

may

therefore not

the

various

his

We

unreasonably conclude that

terms and rules of debate which

Buddha adopted

for his religious

Samgha were

those which could fit popular assemblies only

and must have already been followed by Samghas, whether political, municipal or commercial.
Of course, Jfiapti has been fully explained by Buddha, as will be
seen from the quotation from the Chullavagga given in the text
above. But Buddha is here perhaps singling out one out of
many
forms of Jfiapti prevalent in bis time. The details specified by him
about valid or invalid Karma, valid or invalid votes, and so on are so
many and so complicated that they appear to have come into general
cognisance after several centuries' working of the popular assemblies.
1

Appendix.

MANU.

I.

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57.

Shad=etan
purusho
jahyad=bhinnam
=iv
navam
==arnave
apraktaram =acharyam =anadhi yanam = va
v. 43.
ritvijam
Arakshitararii rajanarp

bharyam ch=apriya-

vadinlm
cba

grama-kamam

gopalam

vana-kamarh

cha napitam v. 44.

[The above verses occur also in UddyogaParvan, 32. 83-4, but without being attributed
to

any author].
Santi-Parvan, Chapter 121.

Su-pranltena dandena

priy-apriya-sam-atm-

ana
praja

rakshati

sa kevalah

yah samyag=dharma

eva

v. 11.

TJSANAS.

II.

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 56.

Udyamya sastram=ayantam=api
garii

rane

nigrihnlyat

sva-dharmena

nar-adhipah

dharm-apekshi

v. 29.

Vinasyamanam dharmam
sva-dharmavit

24

vedanta-

hi

yo=bhirakshet

186

APPENDIX.

na tena dharmaha sa syan=manyus=:tan=

manyum = richchhati

v. 30.

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57.

Dvav=imau

bhumirh

grasate

sarpo

bila-

sayan=iva
rajanaiii

ch = aviroddharam brahmanarii ch =

apravasinam v. 3.
[This verse is found also in Uddyoga-Parvan,
32. 57 and Sabha-Parvan, 55. 14, but without being ascribed to any author].
Santi-Parvan, Chapter 139.

Ye

vairinah sraddadhate

satye satyetare=pi

va

vadhyante sraddadhanas = tu madliu sushkatrinair=yatha

Na

v.

70.

hi vairani samyanti

kule duhkha-sjatani

cha
akhyataras = cha vidyante kule vai dhriyate

puman

v. 71.

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57.

Rajanaiii pratli amarn vindet=tato
tato dhanam

bharyam

rajany=asati loke = smin kuto bharya kuto

dhanam

v. 40.

Tad-rajye rajya-kamanam

n=anyo dharmah

sanfitanah
rite

raksham tu vispashtahi raksha lokasya

dharini

v. 11.

APPENDIX.

187

[These verses have been assigned to Bhargava.

The Bombay and Bengal Recensions have the

reading akhyane Rama-charite nripatlhi prati
Bharata. This vields no sense, for if Rama-

charita vs an akhyana composed by Bhargava, how

can he address anv kinsj at all in his own work ?

approve of the reading of the Southern

Recension, viz. akhyate raja-charite nripatim
Here Bhargava is represented
prati Bharata.

Hence

to

have recited the verse

to

certain

prince

when he was discoursing on the kingly policy.

This sense is perfectly intelligible and natural.
Bhargava must, therefore, here

mean

of Arthasastra.
originator of a system

tainly this

is

not the

first

Us'anas,

And

cer-

instance of

Bhargava
In Santi-Parvan, 210.

being used for Us'anas.

20, we have e.g. Bhargava

nlti-sastram

tu

who disjagada jagato hitam, where Bhargava

coursed on the Science of polity can be no other
than Usanas].

BRIHASPATI.

III.

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 56.

Kshamamanam
paribhavej

nityam

nlchah

= janah

hasti=yanta
shati

nripam

^ajasy

= eva

s'ira

ev=aruruk-

v. 39.

[This verse

is

said to

Barhaspatya-sastra].

have been taken from

APPENDIX.

188

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57.

kary-akaryam =

Guror = apy = avaliptasy a

ajanatah

utpatha-pratipannasya dando bhavati

tah v. 7.
[Truly speaking this
ascribed

have

to

been

approved

but

Brihaspati,

by

sung

by

has

verse

king

Brihaspati.

sasva-

been

not

is

said

to

Marutta as being
What this means

not clear, but it perhaps implies that Marutta

was an author belonging to the Barhaspatya
The verse eccurs in Adi-T., 142. 52-3
school.

is

140.48 in the dialogue between Bharadvaja and king Satrunjaya which

seems to show that the verse is to be ascribed

and

also in Santi-P.,

rather to Bharadvaja].

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 68.

Utthanen =amritam

labdham = utthanen =

asura hatah

utthanena Mahendrena
div = iha

cha

s'raishthyarii

praptam

v. 14.

Utthana-vlrah purusho vag-vlran=adhitishthati

utthana-viran vag-vira

ramayanta=upasate
v. 15.

Utthana-hlno

raja

hi

buddhiman=api

nityasah

pradharshanlyah
nirvishah

v. 16,

satrunilrii

bhujaiiga=iva

APPENDIX.

189

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 68.

Na

hi

manushya

jatv=avamantavyo
bhumipah

mahati devata hy=esha nara-rupena

iti

tishthati
v. 40.

[This verse has been attributed to Brihaspati

dialogue between him and Vasumanas,

king of Kosala. That it is an original verse and
not a paraphrase or adaptation of it is proved by
the fact that it occurs in Maim (VII. 8)].

in the

Santi-Parvan, Chapter 69.

Kritva sarvani karyani samyak

sampalya

medinim
palayitva

tatha

edhate

v. 72.

Kim

pauran paratra sukham =

tasya tapasa rajnah

kirii

cha tasy = adhva-

rair=api
supalita-prajo

eva sah

v. 73.

[The above
Angiras which
in the very

we

yah syat sarva-dharma-vid=

verses

is

have been

assigned

preceding chapter

of

this

find Brihaspati styled Ai'igiras (vs. 5

IY.

to

but another name of Brihaspati

Parvan

&

61)].

BHABADVAJA.

Manu-smriti, VII.

Nityam=udyata-dandah syan=nityam

vivrita

paurushah
nityam sariivrita-saiiivflryo
anusarv=areh v. 102.

nityam

chliidr-

190

APPENDIX.

Nityam=udyata-dandasyakritsnam==udvijate
jagat

tasmat sarvani bhutani danden=aiva prasav.

dhayet

103.

N=asya = chclihidram

paro
vidyach=chhidram parasya tu

guhet kurma iv

atmanah

v.

vidyad=

= arigani rakshed==vivaram=
105.

Manusmriti has preserved the origiand Adi-P. 142. 6-8 and Santi-P. 140.

[I think,

nal verse,

and 24 are adaptations of them. Manu VII.

105 occurs with slight changes in Kautiliya,
As the above verses are contained in the
p. 29.
dialogue between Bharadvaja and ^atrunjaya,
7-8

king of Sauvlra, I have

attributed

them

to the

former].
Kautiliya,

p. 27.

Tasman=n=asya
chich

pare vidyuh
chiklrshitam

karma

kin-

arabdharas = tu ianiyur=arabdham kritam

eva va.
Kautiliya,

p. 253.

Kalas = cha sakrid=abhyeti yarn naram Kalakarikshinam

durlabhas=sa

punas =tasya Kalah Karma

chiklrshatah.

Kautiliya,

p.

380.

Indraiya hi sa pranamati yo ballyaso namati.

APPENDIX.
V.

191

paraSara.

Kautiliya, p. 13.

guhyam=achashte

Yavadbhyo

janebhyah

purush-adbipah
avasah karmana tena vasyo bhavati tavatam.

VI.

VISALAKSHA.

Kautiliya,

p. 27.

Na kirichid=avamanyeta
yan=matam
balasy

sarvasya srinu-

= apy = arthavacl = vakyam = upayun

panditah.

Ita

INDEX
[Abbreviations

temporary
k.

= king

d.

n.

Buddh. = Buddhist

= daughter

= name

cap.

dy.= dynasty ;

or note;

q.

= capital
= father

f.

= queen;

r.

= river ;

= con Greek

cont.

Gk.

s.

= son

Slc.=

Sanskrit],

a tribe in the Panjab mentioned by Arrian,

n. of

Abastanoi

158.

of k. Bimbisara, 74, 75.

Abhaya

s.

Acharyas

teachers, 100, 109, 111. n.

Adi-parvan

102, 107.

Aditya

god, 106,

Agastya

Brahman sage
carried

crossed

145.

1,

the

Vindhyas and

Civilisation to the south, 18;

Aryan

his fight with the Rakshasas, 20.

Mount Agastier

Agastya's Hill

in the Tinnevelly dist.

is

Agastya

to

supposed

have

where
finally

retired, 18.

Agastya-tlrtha

n. of

a sacred place

bharata,

Agganna-suttanta

Agni

mentioned in the Maha-

13, n.

121.

god, 106.

Ahichchhatra (Ahikcap. of Uttara-Panchala, 52.

shetra)

Aikshvakavas

Ailavarasa

Airavata

A itareya-Brahmana
Ajaka

n. of
.

Ajjaka)

Ajatasatru

n. of a dy., 56.

a dy., 16

&

n.

94,95.
2, 3, 21, 85.

Aryaka,
k.

of

k. of Ujjaiu.

Magadha,

cont.

of

story

about

s.

See under Aryaka.

of
Bimbisara and

Buddha, 57, 66, 67, 74-79;

the murder of his father

Bimbisara at the instigation of Devadatta,

and
between
war
75-6
Ajatasatru
;

Pasenadi, final defeat of Ajatasatru, 76-7

war with the Lichchhavis, defeat of the
;

Lichchhavis and their

allies,

the Mallas,

77-9.

Akouphis

president

of

the Nysians sent to Alexander

at Nysa, 159.

194

INDEX.

AmbapSli
Ambashthas

q.

of Bimbisara, 75.

mentioned

n. of a tribe

the

in

Mahabharata,

same as Abastanoi, Sambastoi, Sabarcae and

Sabagrae of the historians of Alexander, 158.
corrected into acharyah by Jacobi, 89 & n. 1.
in the Kistna dist., Madras Presy.
Buddh.

Ambhiyah
Amravati

at, 29.

stupa

Andhras

n. of a tribe, 3, 21.

Anga

one of the Sixteen Great Countries, modern

Bhagalpur
55, 73

in

49, 73

Magadha,

who gave
q. of k.

n. of

Angarishtha

49,

48,

1,

k. of

to

Anga

500 Karsha-

a daily pension of
73.

Pradyota, 64.

k.;

his dialogue with the

daka, 112, n.

Kaman-

sage

2.

Buddh. Pali work,

Anguttara-Nikaya

n.

Buddha annexed

also n. of a

panas to a Brahman,
Angaravati

40.

Bihar,

dist.,

the time of

80; enumera-

55, 69,

48,

tion of the Solasa Maha-janapada, 48.

Anuruddha
aray a
Arrian
Artha&astra of Kautilya.

successor of k.

Udayabhadra

where there

no

Aryadeva

Aryaka

of

80.

Magadha,

ruler, 146.

a Gk. writer, 158.

15, 88,

8,

98-101

date

of k. Udayana, 62
Vatsa kingdom, 63.
a Buddh. monk, 129.

enemy

of

k.

88

of,

of

consists

and bhashya, 98-101.

sutra

Aruni

is

away from

Gopala; ousted

of

s.

Ujjain,

driven

his

uncle Palaka, 64-5.

Asamaiijas

..

Asana -prajnapaka

..

Asatarupa-Jataka

..

Ashta-kulika

Asoka

k.,

"

..

exiled at the desire of the people, 136. n.

1.

seat- regulator ", 180.

55.
officer

appointed over eight Kulas, 155.

Maurya emperor,

6.

n.

7, 23,

1,

29, 32, 35,

39, 54. n. 3, 82.

Asoka

Kalasoka, of the Saisunaga dynasty

of the cap. of

Aiokavadana

..

Assaka (Asmaka)

...

Magadha

removal

to Pataliputra

and

holding of the Second Buddh. Council, 82.

stories about the Maurya k. Asoka, 69.
country,

n. 1, 48,

&

n. 3, 5, 6, 19, 22, 24. n.

53

&

n. 5,

54

&

n.

2,

56;

1,

40,

asso-

ciated with the Avantis in the Jataka, 53.

195

INDEX.
A suras

...

144; identified with the

a tribe,

Assyrian

145, n. 1.

town

'

on the

Atakataka

...

n. of

Atharvaveda

...

110.

Althakatha

...

a Pali work, 154.

Ausanasa Arthasastra

...

a work on

Ausanasah

...a School of Hindu Polity, 89.

occurring

negama

'

coins, 176,

Avadana-sataha

...

107, n. 2.

Polity,

147.

...

Avanti

Hindu

country,
60,

54 &
3

22

two

Mahissati, 45

57,

2,

Countries, 48

UjjenI

capitals,

Buddha,

and

one of the Sixteen Great

associated with the Assakas,

53; one of the four kingdoms

of

n.

mentioned by

the Aryan route lay through this

country,

53,

173, n.

114,

84,

Panini, 3

48,

45,

22,

3,

64,

57

the

in the

Pradyota

time

dy.

of,

64-5.

Avanti -dakshinapatha

...

the southern division of the

Avanti country,

43, 45, 46, 54; outside the

Madhyadesa, 43;

capital at Mahissati (Mandhata), 45, 54.

Avantiputta

...

matrouymic of the

k. of

Madhura

Buddha's

in

time, 53.

a Jaina work, 146.

Ayarahga-sutta

...

Ayodhya
Ayodhyakanda

...

city

..

117.

..

a book on the Science of Polity, 92

Bahudantaka

and province,

16, 51, 173, n. 3.

menning

of, 94-5.

Bahudantiputra

..

n. of

of

a Pre-Kautilyan author

Arthasastra,

90, 95.

Baladhikrita

..

Bana

..

Sk. author, 47, 48.

Baranasi

..

n.

a general, 167.
of a river, 50; cap. of

the Kasi kingdom,

46, 50, 56.

Barhadratha

Barhaspatyah
Basarh

n. of

a dy., 73.

..

a School of Arthasastra, 89, 93, 96.

..

site

of

Baudhayana

..

author

Vesali in

old

Bihar

of

the

Muzaffarpur

Dist.,

seals discovered at, 170-71.

DharmaSastra

his

quotation

from the Bhallavin School of Law, 23-4;

his

view that revenue

is

king's wage, 123.

196

INDEX.

Bavarin

a Brahman guru,
description of his
route to the North, 4-5, 19, 22.

n. of

Bengali language
Bhaddasala-Jutaka

Dravidian elements

65.

Bhaddavatika

Bhaddiya
Bhadra-devi

q. of k.

Bhallata

83.

country, 63.

Bhallatiya)

80.

Munda,

of Kalasoka, 82.

s.

Bhugavata-Puruna

Bhagwanlal Indraji

of the Sakyas, 161, 162.

k.

Bhadrasena

Bhagga

a she-elephant of k. Udayana, 59.

n. of
.

in, 27-8.

177.

k. of

Brahmadatta's

Bhallatiya- Jatiika

57.

Bhallavin

School of Law, 23.

dy., 57.

Bhandagarika

treasurer, 154, 156, 162.

Bharadvaja

a pre-Kautilyan author of
Arthasastra, 89, 91,
96,

97,

104,

106,

108, 111, n.

mentioned by Kautilya, 89
Mahabharata, 91
been in verse, 104

proof of his

113,189;

1,

mentioned in the

work having

dialogue with

k.

Satru-

fijaya, 106-7.

& n.

Bharata family
Bharukachchha

59

Bhasa

n. of

2.

modern Broach,

23.

a poet, 58; date

of, 59,

70

his

dramas,

60, 64, 80, 89.

Bhushu

Bhattiprolu

in the

Bliiina

n. of a

Bhishina

90, n. 2, 111, 120, 124, 125 127; identified with

spoken language

Madras
'

',

26.

Presy.;

Buddh. stupa

prince of Vidarbha',

at, 29.

2.

Kaunapadanta, author of an Arthasastra,

90, n. 2, 111.

Bhita

seals discovered at, 170-71.

some
Nanda dy.,

Bhoja

designation of

BhutapSla
Bimbisara

k. of
k.

the

of

Magadha,

75,

76,

81-2

67;

his

dy.

Rajans, 174.
83.

57,
;

67,68,71, 72, 73, 74,

cont.

probably

of

Buddha,

called

the

57,

Naga

called seniya i.e. Senapati which

dy., 71
perhaps indicates that he was the founder
;

of the dy., 72

expulsion of the Vajjls from

Magadha and conquest

of Anga, 73.

197

INDEX.
Bodhi

of

s.

k.

country, 63

Bodhi-mjakumara-sutta

of

ruler

Udayana,

the

Buddha's sermon

Bhagga

to,

09-70.

63

Brahmadatta

god, 92-4, 96, 120, 126, 128.

dy. of, ruling at Benares, 56-57.

Brahma
Brahmarshi-desa

situation of, 53.

Brahmavaddhana

Brahui

a language

Brihachcharana

the Great Immigration, a section of the Tamil

n. of

Benares, 50.

Dravidiau words

in, 25.

23.

Brahmans,
Brihad-aranyakopa-

reference to the Vaisya class of gods

nishad
Brihaspati

an author on kingly duties,

104, 106, 111, 187-89;

97,

founder of the

mentioned

Barhaspatya School,

Mahabharata, 91

his

work

his

in

in

abridgement

the Science of Polity, 92-4, 96

from

in, 169.

91, 92, 93, 94, 96,

the
of

quotation

the Mahabharata, 97

discourse with Vasumanas, k. of

Kosala,

106.

Brihat-samhita

Buddha

a Sk. work by Varahamihira, 53, 168.

Sakyarnuni,

1,

4,

17, 41, 43, 44, 49, 51, 53,

5,

55, 57, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84,

142.

Buhler, Prof.

Ceylon

91, n. 1, 103.

Aryan colonisation

2, 12, 13, 24, 38, 39, 40,

of,

cause of there being an Indo-Aryan

Vernacular in, 38 converted to Buddhism

41

by Mahinda, 39

MagadhI already

intro-

duced before the advent of Mahinda, 40;

MagadhI superseded by Pali, 41.

Chaidya
Chakravartin

..

..

a country, 52.
Universal
monarch;

n. of

Alexander's
of,

its

idea

older

invasion,

85-86;

10, n. 1.

than

meaning

128.

Chalukya

..

descendants of Chalukyas,

Chammakaras

..

leather workers, 30.

Champa
Champa

..

cap. of Anga, 49; called also Kalachampa, 50.

..

r.

Champeyya-Jataka

..

55.

Chanda-Pradyota

..

separating

k. of

Anga from Magadha,

49.

Avanti, a cont. of Buddha, 57, 59.

INDEX.

198
n. of

Charition

a Gk. lady occurring in a farce of the

second century A.D., 36.

Chatuina

a Sakya township, 160.

Chetaka, a Lichchhavi chief, 74.

Chellana

same as Chedi,

Cheta (Chetiya)

Chetaka

Cheta-rattha

Cheti

d. of

n of a kingdom, modern Bundelkhand, 51,

See under Chetarattha.
country, 48, 51.

an absentee

Chhanda

'

Chhandogya Upanishail

26, 27.

Choda

n. of

in

called Chola in

Tamil and

Telugu, same as Sk. Chora,

8.

'

'

its
thief
in
meaning
people
derived from, 8 mentioned for the

Sk.

first

time in the Taittiriya Aranyaka,

Chullasutasoma Birth

9.

50.

Chullavagao

40.

Chutukala

n. of a

Cleisobora

52.

vote,' 183, 184.

a tribe, 6, 7

Chola
Chora* (Cholas)

See under Cheta-rattha.

52.

a Lichchhavi chief, 74, 78.

Dravidian

k.,

33, 34, n. 1

(Krishna-

pura)

9.

Collegiate Sovereign

148.

Cunningham

49, 52. 175.

Cnrtius

a Gk. writer, 158.

Dakshina-Kosala

16, n. 4.

nakshina-Kuru

country, 52.

dahshina pnda

'with southward foot',

Dakshina-Panchala

52.

Dakshmffpatha

S.

India

2-41, 44-7,

of the country

Vidarbha

2.

48

Aryan colonisation

the Aryans going

in the period of

the

down

to

Aitareya

Brahmana, and coming in contact with the

South Indian tribes, Andhras, Pundras,
Sabaras,

and

Pnlindas

Narmada except

Asmaka,

2-3

Mutibas,

Panini mentions no province

route

Bavarin to N. Tndia straight through

Vindhyas, 4-5

S.

and Kerala, known

Panini, 6-7

of

the

Indian countries, Choda

to

Katyayana but not

the migration of the

to

Aryan

Pandyas from the North to the South,

tribe

9-13

south of the

colonisation

of

S. India

by Aryan

INDEX.

199

Kshatriya tribes

the Bhojas, Ailas and

e.g.

the Ikshvakus, 14-17

Agastya, an Aryan

by the Tamil, people as the

founder of their language and literature,
sage, accepted

18

migration of the Rishis for missionary

purpose

Bavarin,

e.g,

route to the south

17-21

the

Aryan

through Avanti,
the Vindhyas, then Vidarbha, then Mulaka
and then Asmaka and from there through
lay

the Raichnr, and Chitaldrug districts

to

the sea-route to the

S.,

Madura, 22-3

the Aryan language could not

23-4
supplant the Dravidian languages of the
as a result of Aryan influence
S., 25
;

even the aborigines began to adopt Aryan

names, and in the Kistna dist. from about
150 B.C. to 200 A.D. the people spoke
30-31

Aryan tongue,
the

official

language

the
of

Aryan

the

an
Pali,

Canarese-

speaking and Tamil-speaking countries,

32-4
Aryan vocables mixed up with
;

Dravidian vocables in the second

A.D., 35 7

eradicate

the

century
the Aryan domination failed to

Dravidian

the

term

used

Madhyadesa, 44-7

Damodarpur plates

with
;

original

the Imperial Guptas,

of

languages, 37

reference

to

meaning

details

the

of, 45.

of adminis-

trative history contained in, 171, n.

Dandakaranya

20.

Dindakya
Dandanaydka

general, 167.

Dandanlti

Science of Polity, 92, 94, 126.

Dantapura
Darsaka

cap. of Kalinga, 54.

k. of

k.

15.

Dandaka,

of Rajagriha, 59, 69, 70, 71, 80,

Dasaka (Darsaka)
Dasasiddbaka

k. of

the

Dasyus (Dasa)

n. of

a tribe, 3

80.

81

called

originally denoted the

Dahae

Naga-Dasaka, 71, 80.

See under Darsaka.

Nanda
;

dy., 83.

people, 8.

Devadaha

a oakya township, 161.

Devadatta

cousin but

enemy

of

Buddha,

75, 76.

INDEX.

200
s.

Devapi
Devarata

of k. Pratlpa, 136.
s.

adopted

of Visvamitra, 3.

Dhambhika
Dhana

n. of a village,

k. of the

Xanda

Dhanafijaya

k. of the

Brahmadatta

177.
dy., 83.
dy., 57.

the Palady., 118.

Dharmapala

k. of

Dharmasastra

103, n.2, 107, 108, n.2,

123

included

under

itihusa, 108, n.2.

Dharmasutra

23.

Dlgha-Nikaya

a Pali work, 69,

evolution of

121

79,

description of the

men and

society contained

in, 121.

Diodorus

a Gk. writer, 158.

DIrgha-charayana

a Pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90.

Divine Right of Kings

129.

a town occurring on 'negania' coins, 176.

Dojaka

n. of

do-rajjn

government by two,

Dravidians

a race, 18, 25, 26,

147.

27, 28,

guage once spoken

their lan-

37, 38;

N.

in

India,

on

later

superseded by the Aryan tongue, 25, 28.

Dronacharya

96,

Dronaparvan
Dushtakumilra

story of, 135-136.

Dvaraka

n. of

Egyptian papyrus

evidence

96.

a city, 10.
of,

36

35-7

Canarese

words traced

Canarese spoken by even princes

of Dravidian extraction in S. India in the
in,

second century A.D., the language strongly

tinctured with Aryan wrds, 37.

Ekapan na-Jata ha

135.

Eka-pundarika

a favourite elephant of

cka -raja

tribe possessed of individual sovereign, 148.

eka-rat
Gilinani

(Gramani)

Gana (Samgha)

k. Prasenajit, 66.

'sole monarch', 84.

head of a Samgha, 145.

corporate collection for a definite

which technical sense

Panini,

178

141-2, 146;

formed

it

purpose, in

was known

to

gana, religious, 142-3,

for the purpose of trade

and

industry, 143-4; fighting corporations, 144-5;

ijaiia

synonymous with

form of

political

;i
samgha, 146
samgha, 146-47 contrasted
j

INDEX.

201

with rajan, means

147

Many,'

Collegiate

'the

Kurns and

'royal

Kukaras,

156; composed of

Pafichalas,

or

rajakulas

Madrakas,

of

tribes

having
Lichchhavis and

Sovereign:

Mallas, 148-50, 156

rule

political

Kshatriya

families',

150-51;

appointment of gana-mukhyas or a gana

cabinet or executive

ministra tion in

152-4

judicial ad-

the Vajjian gana,

154-5

burn or exile a man, 155 ;

testimony of Gk. writers regarding Indian
tribes having republican form of political
to

power

kill,

government, 157-60, 171-72, and 160, n.l

hula, the corporate unit of a gana, 160-64

an

of

its

being

instances

of

eka-raja

proof

becoming

raja-iabd-cpajiv!

e.g.

and

164-67

period

it

Yaudheyas,

flourished, 168-69

institution arose, evidence

Kurus,
;

how

the
the

of the Brihad-

aranyak-opanishad, commercial ganas the

prototype of political ganas, 169-70, 178

other kinds of political Samgha Nigawa
;

and Janapada, 171-78 Janapada, rule of

a country by its people, 174
Nigama,
;

the mode in
town-democracy, 177-78
which deliberations were carried on in the
;

councils

or

assemblies of

the ganas,

180-84; Buddha's gana or samgha not the

first

Guyachariya
Gandarai

Gandhara

of its kind, 142-3, 184.

teachers of ganas, 142.

Gandhara, 54, n. 3.
one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 48
tion
at Takshasila, 54
of,
cap.

Oanino
Gana-jetthakas

posi-

caps., 54, n. 3.

heads of ganas, 142.

Elders of a Gana, 160.

Gana-mukhyas

Chiefs of a Gana, 152-3.

Gana-pungavas

Heads

Qana-rajakula

of Ganas, 169.
Gana, composed of rajakulas, 150-51.

Ganarajyas

kingdoms

of tribal Ganas, 168-69.

tribes

Pafichalas

when

165

oligarchy,

Kshatriya

two

202

INDEX.

Gana-raya

Gana

'where

(state)

is

the ruling authority*,

147.

Gaurasiras

author of an Arthasastra of the pre-Kautilyan

Gautama

author of a Dharmasutra, 123.

n. of a lute, 59 & n. 2.

period, 91, 96,97, 109, 112.

Ghoshavati

Ghotakamukha

Godavari
Goldstiicker

author of an Arthasastra, 90.

cap. of Magadha, 50, 81.

Girivraja
.

r., 4,

16, 19, 53, n. 5.

105, 106.

Gonardda

birth place of Patafijali, 4

Gopala

s.

k.

Gopala
Gopatha -Brahma na

Govishanaka

Grama
Hnnvamsa

Himalaya
Hindu monarchy

&

n. 4.

successor of k.

n.
Pradyota, 64
omitted in the Puranas, 65.
of the Pala dy. elected
by the people, 118.
;

52.

one of the Nine Nandas, 83.

village, 175

to issue

power

money,

176.

15.

Harshacharita

Harshavardhana

and

life of k.
.

Harsha by Bana, 47.

k. of

Kauauj, 47.
mountain, 42, 44, 85.
of, 114-39; necessity of a king,
notions of the origin of kingship
theories of the Social Contract and Divine

conceptions
114-18

Origin of kings,

119-28; checks on the

arbitrariness of a king, 129-39.

Hindu

polity

literature on, 87-113

of

different

authors
as

of,

Kautilya's enumeration

schools

89-90, 111

known from

of,
;

89 and individual
individual authors

the Mahabharata, 91, 96

which the ancient authors

the

form

wrote,

in

97-98

the

Artbasastras of the

pre-Kautilyan period were metrical in

the origin of Arthasastra in
form, 106
India cannot be later than 650
B.C., 110.
;

Hobbes

Huna

territory

Ikshvakus
Indra

119, 122, 124.

placed in the Uttarapatha, 47.

an historical royal dy. of N.

India, 16,
author of an Arthasastra, 92, 94, 95.

[ndraprasl

city, 157.

Iremeus

a Christian

f.,

129.

17, 84.

INDEX.
Itihasa

Jaggayapeta

Jalika

James

of,

inscriptions,29.

at,

16

107-8, 108, n.

110.

2,

of Kalasoka, 82.

k. of

England Parliamentary speech on the

Divine Origin of Kingship, 130.

Janapada
Janapada

Kantilya's definition

Buddh. xtupa
s.

II

203

Country people, 136.

form of political

Samgha,

democracy, 172-4, 178, 179

Janapada-samgha

provincial

evidence

re.

coins of Rajanya and

traceable to the period

e.g.,

Sibi peoples, 172-4

Aitareya-Brahmana which refers

to the Janapadas Dttara-Kurus and Uttarathe

of

Madras who are styled Virata

consecrated to sovereignty, 174.
Janapada- samgha
Jatakas

179.

..

when

a Pali work containing Buddha's pre-birth

stories, 44, 46, 49, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 149, 154.

Jaugada

in the

Jayaswal, K. P.

58, n. 1, 140, 145, n. 1.

Jayavarman
Komarabhach-

dist., 29.

Gafljam
India

k. of S.

33.

Jivaka

chha
Jriapti

a physician, 74, 75.

announcement

of a motion

the assembly,

to

181.

jitva-raya

(state) 'where the ruler

Kachchha

country,

Kadamba

descendants of the Kadambas,

3,

23

is a youngster
mentioned by Panini, 3.

147.

',

10, n.

the

dy., 33.

Kadambari

a Sk.

Kadera

tribe,

work by Bana,

96.

country and king, 6-7.

Kaivarta

one of the Nine Nandas, 83.

Kajangala

a town

to

situation

Kakavarna

Madhyade ?a, 43

the east of the

the Puranic epithet of Kalasoka, 82.

Kalachampa

See under Champa,

Kalalaya
Kalasoka

a Dravidian royal name, 34, n.

Kalinga

country,

1.

See under Asoka.

3,

24,

n.

1,

pura, 54.

date of 94, n.

1.

40 &

39,

mentioned by Panini, 3

Kamandaka

of, 44.

n.

1,

54;

cap. at Danta-

INDEX.

20i
Kamandaklya Nltisara

..

Kamboja

work on Arthasastra,

97.

country, 48, 54; three meanings

of,

according

to Panini, 6.
n. of

Kambujiya

the

Kamboja people

Ancient Persian

in

inscriptions, 55.

modern Kampil, U. P., 157.

modern Conjeveram, 33, 34.

Kampilya
Kanchipura

Kandra-Manikkam

Kanha (Krishna)
Kaninka-Bharadvaja
Kapilavatthu

n. of a village,

23

a Damila, 30.

a pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90

..

(Kapila>

vastu)

Buddha's birth-place,

5, 160.

Karma

execution of a motion, 182.

Karmavacha

placing of a motion before the Sariigha, 182.

originator of the science of theft, 95.

Kartikeya

Kaseyas
Kasi

n. of

a dy., 56.

one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 48,

49,

55, 74.

Kasi- Kosala

Kasipura
Kasi-rattha

country, 65, 81, 84.

Benares, cap. of the Kasi Kingdom, 50.

Kasi Kingdom, 46, 50,51,55,56, 74;

inde-

pendent before the rise of Buddhism, in the

time of Buddha formed part of Kosala, 50;
immediately bordering on Kosala, 51
family of Brahmadatta in, 56.

Kathanians
Kathasarit-sugara

Katyayana

a tribe, 158.

story of k.

n. of

Udayana contained

a grammarian, 6-7,

9,

10

in, 58, 64.

;

date

of, 6.

Katyayana

a Pre.Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90.

author of a Smriti, 147-9, 151.

Katyayana
Kaulindas

the

a Gana, 169.

Kaunapadanta

Pre-Kautilyan

same

author

of

Arthasastra;

BhTshma, 90 & n. 2, 111.

kingdom and cap. of the Vatsas, 5, 52, 69,

Kaiisambi

as

84.

Kauahttdki'Upanishad

Kautilya

52.

author

an

of

Arthasastra

and

cont.

of

Chandragupta Maurya, 8, 15, 61, 85,

91, 100
quotation from Bharadvaja,

89,

104,

113; his attempt to rescue the ArthasSs(ra which was being forgotten, 108-

205

INDEX.

110; members of political Saingha desig-

Kavi

Kavya
Ka v ya -iD mumsa
Kerala

..

nated kings by, 148-150.

Usanas, author of an Arthasastra, 93, 96, 104,
111. See under Usanas.

..

Usanas, 91, 96.

..

...

work by Rajasekhara,

Kern, Prof.

...

39.

Khalimpur copperplate
Khandahala Birth

,..

118.

..

51.

Khaninetra

..

n. of

Kharavela

..

Kinjalka

...

Kittel

...

Kokanada

...

47.

6, 7.

country,

deposed by his people, 136.

k.

Emperor

of Kalihga, 39.

a Pre-Kautliyan author of Arthasastra, 90.

Dravidian words in the Sanskrit

his list of

language, 26, 27.

a palace of prince Bodhi, 63.

n. of

Korandavarna

...

s.

of Kalasoka, 82

Koravya

...

s.

of Kalasoka, 82.

Kosala

...

country,

3,

4, 17, 19,

48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 56, 57,

mentioned by Panini, 3
one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 49
62, 65-7, 79, 114

dy. of 65-7

Kosaladevi

...

&

74

n. 3

Bimbisara

of

q.

and

died of

of

d.

Mahakosala,

at the

grief

news of

Bimbisara's death, 76.

Krishna

...

9,

Krita age

...

105.

Kshatriya

...

10.

meaning

of,

in

the

Buddh.

literature, 121

the authority exercised by, 163.

Kshatriya tribe

...

14, 15, 21, 147, 148.

Kshaudrakas

...

n. of

a tribe, 158. See also under Oxydrakai.

a

Kshemadharman

...

n. of

Kshemavit

...

k.,

Kshomadussa

...

Kshudraka

...

Kukuras

...a tribal

Kula

...

Kuladhipat ya

...

Kulikas

...

Kurus

...

k., 68.

68.

a Sakya township, 161.

s.

of Prasenajit, 65.

Samgha,

156, 157

&

n. 1.

a clan or group of families, 151, 160, 179.

162-3;

meaning

of, 163.

heads of Knlas, 170 & n. 1, 171 & n. 1.

tribe and country 26, 48, 49, 52, 56, 156,
164-5
one of the Sixteen Great countries,
;

20G

INDEX.
48

position of, 52

a tribal Samgha.

156

political constitutions of, 164-5.

Kurukshetra

country, 53.

Kusinara

modern Kasia,

Kusamapura
Kutumbin

another
.

n. for

5, 156.

Pataliputra 79.

head of the Aryan household, 163.

Lalitavistara

a Buddh. work, 153,

Lavanaka

n. of a village, 62.

Lichclihavi

kumaras

150.

a tribal Samgha, 51,

Lichchhavis

77,78,79,114, 148,

74,

149, 150, 154, 155, 156, 167-8, 179, 180.

Locke

119.

Machchha (Matsya)

of a

n.

and one of the Sixteen Great

tribe

Countries 48

position of, 52-3.

Madhariputra Srl-Virapurushadatta ... an IkshvSku king, 16 &

Madoura

(or

Madura)

cap. of the

...

Madura

the 'Mathura' of the

city,

n. 4.

in the South, 11.

Pandyas

eastern Archipe-

lago, 12.

Madhnra
MadhvadeSa

.Mathura, cap. of the Surasenas, 11, 53.

Middle Country,
147

11, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48,

situation of, according to

according to the

Manu,

42,

Vinaya-pitaka, 43;

western boundary,

the river

its

Sarasvati,

46.

Madhyamika

Marlhy ami leas

Marlrakas

Magadha

n. of a

province and cap., 173 &

a democracy, 174.

173, n. 3, 174
.

n. 3.

a tribal Samgha, 156.

one of the Sixteen Great Countries, modern

Bihar
22, 39, 40, n. 1, 48, 49, 50, 56,
:

57. 59, 60, 62, 63, 67. 69, 71, 72,73, 78, 79,

81,82,83,84, 114: cap. transferred to

Pataliputra from Rajagriha shortly after
the death of Buddha, 50;

Magadhaih puram

cap. of

Magadha, denotes

Magadhi

language, 39, 40, 41.

Magandiya
Mahabharata

a q. of Ddayana, 59.
3,

15,

18,

52,

53,

91, 97,

113, 131, 132, 136.

Mahajana-summata
Maha-Kachchayana
Mahakosala

121.

a Buddh. missionary, 43. 45.

k.,

f.

of Paeenadi, 76.

dys. of, 67-86.

Vesali, 72.

103, 104, 111,

112,

INDEX.
Mahanaman

207

a Sakya, 66.

Nanda dy. 68.

Nanda k., 83-5.

MahSnandin

k. of the

Mahapadma

n.

of

See also under Ugra-

sena- Mahapadrna.

Uaha-parinibbanaeutta

..

Maharashtra
Maharshis

..

..

Mahasala

..

Mahasammata
Mahasamphikas
Mahasena

..

..

..

a Pali work, 78, 179.

country, 15, 39, 40.

authors of Arthasastra, 112

Mahanllava-Jataka

story

Mahavagga
Mahavaihsa

..

167.
k. of

...

..

of,

another

..

...

c. 1.

121-22.

a Buddh. sect, 82.

64.

Mahasenapati
MahasTlava

&

a place, 43.

n. of

n. 1, 61,

Pradyota, 60,

63

&

u.

1,

See under Pradyota.

Benares, 57.

55.
73.

the Ceylonese
80, 82, 83

Chronicle, 67-69,

more

71,

72, 79,

reliable than the

Puranas

with regard to the family of Bimbisara, 67.

Mahavastu

...

Mahendra

...

Mahendra

..

a N. Buddh. work, 122.

n. of a mountain, 8.
author of an Arthasastra. 91

same as Balm-

danti, 95.

Mahinda (Mahendra)

...

s.

of

Asoka

missionary work

his

in

Ceylon,

39, 40. 41.

Mahissati

..

modern Mandhata, Indore State

caps, of Avanti,

Maithilas

...

Majjhimadesa

..

Majjhima -Nlka ya
Makkali-gosala

..

...

one of

the

4, 5, 22, 45, 54.

56.

Madhyadesa.

See under Madhyadesa.

a Pali work, 60, 63, 64, 65, 73, 148, 155.

a religious
of
cont.
teacher,
Buddha,
142.

Malavas

...a tribe, 158, 169.

Mallas

...

n. of

a tribe and one of the

Countries, 4S, 49, 51,

assisted

55,

Sixteen Great

79,

the Lichchhavis

in

114,

148-9

their

war,

but were defeated aud became subject to

Ajatasatru, 79.

Mallika

..

d. of

the

chief

of

the

garland-makers

Sravasti, married to Prasenajit, 66.

in

INDEX.

208
Malloi (Malavas)

a tribe, 158.

Maltecorae

a tribe, 160, n.

Manavi Arthavidya
Manavah

96-97.

1.

a School of Hindu Polity, 89.

Mangudi

n. of

Mangnra

s.

a village, 23.

of Kalasoka, 82.

Mantradhikara

99.

Manu

author of a

Dharmasastra, 42,

97, 104, 106, 108

96,

91,

&

44,

n. 2,

53,

46,

111, 185;

its present form, 42

original Manu
probably prior even to the Dharmasutras,

date of

108, n. 2.

Mauu

s.

of

Vivasvat,

elected

first

k.

of

men,

119-20.

Maski edict

of Asoka, 22.

Mathura
ma/ach!

town of the Surasenas, 10, 11, 12, 16, 53.

a Dravidian word traced in the Vedic litera-

Mathava

the

Matsya-uyaya

an internecine quarrel or rebellion,

ture, 26-7.

'Videgha,'

k. of

Videha, story

of,

14.

116,

117,

n. 3.

See

118, 119.

Matsya-puraiia

56.

Matura

the 'Mathura' of Ceylon, 12.

n. of a country, same as Mulaka,

Maulika

4,

under Mu]aka.

Maurya

Max

dy.

Miiller

6, n.

Maya
Mazhnadu

author of an Arthasastra, 112.

Megasthenes

1,40,72.

105.

n. of

a village, 23.

Gk.

ambassador to the court of Chandra-

gupta,

Methora (Mathura)

town

6, n. 1, 7, 8,9, 11, 12,

midiche

..

27.

Mithila

..

modern Dilrbhanga

Molagu

..

n. of a village, 23.

a n. of Benares, 51.

..

Mrichchhakatiku

..

a Sk. drama, 64, 95.

Mrityu
Mudrarakshnsa

..

god, 106.

1.

District, Bihar, 50.

Molini

160, n.

of the Saurasenas, 9.

a Sk. drama, 70,

n. 1.

68, 80.

Muiida

..

k.,

Mulaka

..

4
country, associated with Asmaka,
5,

22, 53

&

n. 5.

&

n.

3,

209

INDEX.
Mulananda

...

a k. of S. India, 33, n.

Mutibas

...

3.

1.

of a leatherworker, 30.

Naga

...

n.

Naga-Dasaka

...

the last

Naga

..

71,80, 81.

nahana-chunna-mTda

..

bath and perfume money, 74.

Naigamas

...

dy.

Nanda

dy.

k. of

the family of Bimbisara, 71, 80.

citizens, 175.

83.

..

Nandivardhana

..

k., s.

of Killasoka, 82.

Nandivardhana

..

k. of

the

Narada

..

a Pre-Kautilyan author of a

Nanda

duties, 90, n.

Narada
Naradeva

Narayana

n. of

1,

work on kingly

95.

a Buddh. monk, 80.

127, 130.

..

god, 93.

dy., 68, 83.

Narmada

..

r.,

Nasik

..

gift of the inhabitants of, 176-77.

Negama

,..

4,5, 22, 45, 60.

cantile gnild,' 176, n.

Nigama

kind

..'a

n.

of

seal

of

seal

town-ship,

associated

of,

kitmaramatya,

government

174-78

of,

171,

n. 1;

175;

power

cannot mean a

to issue

the

n.

'guild',

175,

176.

money,

177.

nigama-gramas

..

Nigama-samgha

..

177-9.

nikaya

..

141, n. 1.

Nirayavali-sutra

..

a Jaina work, 78.

Nysa

..

form of government

Nysians

..

159.

Orosius

170,

with

Naigama, a
derived from

corporate body, the word

Nigama,

'mer-

gana

political

172;

1,

Buhler's

townsmen', not

of

'body

at, 178.

a Gk. historian, 158.

Oldenberg, Prof.

39, 40.

Oxydrakai

tribe,

identified

with

the

Kshaudrakas,

158.

PadmavatI

sister

of k.

62, 63,

Padma-vyuha
Palaka

Darsaka and

q.

of

Udayana,

59,

69, 70, n. 1, 80.

83.
s.

of Pradyota. ousted
64.

by Aryaka,

s.

of Gopala,

INDEX.

210
Pali

language

...

n.

24,

22,

31

1,

&

n.

33, 34, 35, 38,

32,

1,

39, 41.

Pallava dy.

...

33, 34.

Panchala

...

n.

and country, 14

of a Kshatriya tribe

of the Sixteen Great Countries,

of,

PaSchavatI

..

...

Pandion

...

Pandcea

...

Pandugati

...

Panda
Panduka

...

...

Pandoouoi

...

Pandya

...

of

k., s.

one

constitution

Panchamaka

position

kings of, 56
cap. at Kampilya,
doable meaning of the word, 148

52-3

157

48

of,

164-5.

Kalasoka 82.

IS.

See under Pandya.

Indian Hercules,'

d. of 'the

9.

one of the Nine Nandas, 83.

an Aryan tribe, 9, 11, 14. See under Pandya
one of the Nine Nandas 83.

same as Pandya, 10. See under Pandya.

an Aryan Kshatriya tribe, 6, 7, 9, 14; connected with the North, 9
migration of,
;

10-11

colonisation of Ceylon, 12-13

kingdom,

Pandya

...

their

23.

of Krishna, 10.

d.

Pandyakavataka

...

identification of, 8, n.

Panini

...

grammarian,
3

1.

141-2, 147

3, 5, 6, 7, 14,

his school of

grammar,

date

of,

reference to

Sarhgha and Gana, 141-2.

Parasara

...

a Pre-Kautilyan author of
104, 191

work metrical

...

Paras unima

...

a Kshatriya, 84.

parixhads

...

180.

Pars as

...

a tribe,

&

Pataligrama

144

identified

...

a place,

k. of Kosala, a cont. of

...

..

89,

form, 104.

with the Persis, 145

n. 1.

...

74

Pashamhs

Arthasastra,

School of Polity, 89.

Parasarah

Pusanaka Chetiya
Pasenadi (Praaenajit)

in

&

5.

n. 3, 76, 77,

Buddha,

57, 60, 65, 66,

81, 148

175.

a village on the road from Vesiili to Rajagriha

fortification of, 78.

Pfitaliputra

...

Pataftjuli

...

cap. of

Magadha, 4, b. 4, 50, 78,79,

grammarian; native place of, 4,
...

1.

80, 82.
n.

4,

6,

211

INDEX.
Patitthana (Pratishthana)

of

cap.
4,

Mulaka, Paithan,
15-16,

5,

22,

Nizam's territory,

53;

cap.

of

Aila

Purtiravas, 15-16.

Town

Paura

Paurava dy.
Pava

people, citizen, 136-7.

58.

a place,

Book

Paveni-potthaha

5.

of Precidents, 155.

n.

Periplus

13,

Pharaohs

of Egypt, 128-

Pindola

6 3

Pisuna

n. 3.

pre-Kautilyan

same
Pisunaputra

Potana (Potali)
Pracketasa

&

of

k. of

Manu

Sthanvisvara, 47.

91.

Avanti, 58, 60, 64, 81.

Pradyota

k. of

Pradyota dy.

81,84.

Pradyota- Mahasena

59.

128.

a k.

Pralhada

discourse

with the sage Usanas,

n.2.

Prathama- kayastha

171, n.

Prathama-kulika

171.

Pratijna-yaiigandharaya

na

a Sk. drama by Bhasa, 58.

Pratipa

Prayaga

Pre-Maurya period

Prithiidaka

Proklais

Ptolemy
Ptigas

Piiga-gamanikas
Pulindas

Pulumavi

Puloma

k.,

136.

Allahabad, 42, 44.

circa 650-325 B.C.,

Prithu Vaiaya

Priyaka

Arthasastra,

n. 1, 95.

cap. of Assaka, 53.

..

Prajapati

Narada, 90

9, 11.

Prabhakaravarddhana

author

author of an Arthasastra, 90, 95.

Pliny

as

modern Pehoa,

1.

47-

126, 127.
k. Munrla, 80.
Pushkaravati, 54, n.

treasurer of

Gk.

n. of

3.

11, 13. n., 54, n. 3.

175.

Elders of a Gana, 160.

n. of

an aboriginal

a. S.

Indian royal name, 34,

tribe, 3.
n. 1.

author of an Arthasastra, 112.

107,

INDEX.

212
Pundras
Pupphavati
Pura
Purana-kassapa
Puranas

..

3, 21, 40, n. 1.

..

an.

..

cap. town, 175.

...

..

of Benares, 50.

142.

64,65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72,

3, 9, 17, 56, 57, 58, 63,

73, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 106, 107, 131

chaotic condition of the Puranic accounts,

58

Pushkaravati

Pushpamitra

value

of, 67-8.

..

cap. of Takshasila, 54, n. 3.

..

founder of the Sunga

Pushpapura

...a city, 82.

Rajadharma

...

Raja-dharm-anuiasana

...

111.

Rajagriha

...

modern

dy., 72.

92,96, 120.

the

Rajgir,

the

Bihar,

Magadha

earlier

cap,

of

empire, 50, 59, 60, 63, 64,

73, 74, 78, 82.

Rajakulas

...

Rajan

..

Rajanya

...

Rajasabdin

...

Raja-sabd-opujivin

Raja&astra

..

...

151.

meaning

of, in

the Buddh. literature, 121.

127.
153.
148, 156.
92.

Rajasekhara

..

a poet, 47

Rajyavardhana
Rakshasas

..

s.

of k.

Prabhakaravardhana of Kanauj,

..

tribe, 20, 21, 145.

Rakshases

..

tribe, 141.

Rama

..

18,

17,

20,

18-20;

Ramayana

Ramma
Rashtrapala
Ratnavnll

Rhys Davids,

Prof.

3, 17, 18, 19,

..

one of the Nine Nandas, 83.

..

a Sk. drama, 62.

..

40, 44, 140, 161.

..

52.

..

119.

Rumanvat

..

minister of

Sabagraa

..

n. of

Sabaraa

..

Sabarcao

..

..

k.

Udayana,

63.

a tribe, 158

an aboriginal
n. of

march,
21.

117. 136, 145.

a n. of Benares, 51.

Rousseau

Sachchaka

southward

his

..

Riirveda

Rabhas

21;

war with the Rakshasas,

47.

tribe, 3, 21.

a tribe, 158.

180.
his discussion with

Buddha,

95, n. 2, 148-9.

INDEX.
S a dan Ira

of

n.

boundary between Kosala and

r.,

Videha,

213

14.

136.

Sagara

Sahasramka

grandfather of

Sakatavyuha

77.

Saketa

Oudh

li.

Sakyas

4,

period

preceding Buddha,

diately

58.

Udayaua,

Kosala in the

cap. of

k.

4, n.

imme-

4, 5, 16,

51.

65-7,

tribe,

160,

164

their

territory

subjected to Prasenajit, 65-7.

Salaka-gdhapaka

183.

Salalavati

Samagama

a Sakya township, 160.

43

r.,

Samana-brahmana

143.

Samavati

a q. of Udayana, 59.

Sambastai

n. of

Samgha
Samghamukhyas
Samgha tribes

See

a tribe, 158.

under Gana.

152.
159.

Samitis

180.

Samyama

Saniyutta-Nikaya

145

k. of

the Brahmadatta dy., 57.

Sanjaya

k., s.

Sankaracharya

169.

of Kalasoka, 82.

Sankararya

commentator

Santiparvan

91-94, 96, 97, 102, 103, 106,

of

Kamandaka,

97.

108-114, 118, 120,

123-4, 149, 151, 152.

Sarafijita

145.

gods

Sarasvati

r.,

14, 42, 46, 47.

Sarayil

r.,

136, n.

Sarranjaha

k., s.

8arvilaka
iSastr-opajlvin

1.

of Kalasoka, 82.

95.

(Ayu-

dhajlvin)

'(a corporation) subsisting

Satanlka

Satapatha-Brahmana

14, 52, 127.

Sathi3

amangalam

en arms

k.

of

Sauvlra

discourse

with

Bharadvaja, 106-7, 188, 190.

Saubhreyas

144, 148.

23.

Satrunjaya

Satrushad-varga

',

of k. Udayana, 58.

131.
tribe, 158.

the

sage

INDEX.

211
Sanvini

SavatthI (Sravastl)

country, 24, 106.

cap. of Kosala,

51, 66, 77

5, 19,

identification

of, 51.

god, 128.

Savitri

Seleukos Nicator
Senapati

Gk. k,

72, 154, 155, 162.

Setakarmika

Setavya
Seven Prakritis

Sharaa8astry, R.

Siddhartha

Ill, n.

1.

88.

a goldsmith, 30.

of Bimbisara, 75.

s.

town, 43.

5.

n. of

STlavat

n. of a

7.

couutry, 13

Sindhu

inhabitants

of, 24.

9ire
Sir George Grierson

128.

his opinion about the

Aryan language,

24- 5.

minister of Prasenajit, 66.

Shi-YVldha
SisanSga
Siva

fouuder of a Magadhan dy., 68, 81.

god, abridged Danda-iiiti into a treatise called
Vaisalaksha, 92, 94.

Sivaskandavarman

a Pallava

Sivis

k., 33,

2.

a Janapada tribe, 173-4.

Sixteen Groat Countries

...

enumeration
specified

of,

by

48

conterminous countries

pairs, 49.

95.

Skandaputras
Social Contract

theory

of, 119, 122,

124, 129;

tilya, 119.

Solasa Miihnjanapada

.,

Sonanandana Birth
Sotthivati-nagara

Sovereign

St.

Number

Srrvis

Ambrosiaster

St.

Augustine
Nthanrlsvara
Bthaviravali

a Christian Father, 129.

Siirasuniaragiii

146.

a Christian Father, 129.

SlllllIKi

Bumangalabilasinl

146.

mercantile guilds, 144.

Sudassana

Bukra

50, 53.

cap. of Chetarattlia,, 52.

Sovereign One

48.

modern Thanesvur,
178.
a

ii.

of Benares, 50.

country, 40, n. 1.
a Sk. law-book, 130.
a Pali work, 164.
a town, 63.

47.

known

to

Kau-

215

INDEX.
adopted s. of Visvamitra, 3, 21.
and country,
n. of a tribe

Sunahsepa
Siirasena

48

position

of, 53.

Surashtra

country, 23, 24, 48.

Surudhana

Susunaga

k., 71,

Supparaka
Sutra

class

81-2. See

under Sisunaga.

country, 23.

of

Benares, 50

n. of

com-

position

theory of the date

of,

104-106.

rehearser of law-maxim, 155.

Sutradhara

a Pali work,

Suttaniputa

Suyatra

4, 15, 19-

61.

Svapna-Vusai'adatta

a Sk. drama by Bhasa, 58, 61-62, 69, 70, n.

Takshasila

cap. of Gandhara, 46, 54

Tamil Brahmans

1.

134.

coins, 176.

23.

Tamilmuni

n. 3, 74,

town occurring on 'negama'

n. of a

Talimata

&

Agastya, 18.

Ceylon

Tamraparni

see under Ceylon;

also n. of a river, 8,

12-13.
n. of

Gk.

Taprobani
Telapatta-Jataka
Therd'theri-gatha

82.

Thuna

Trigarta

n. of a

Brahman

of Kalasoka, 82.

k., s.

k., 57.

Udayabhadda (Udayi).. successor

of

f.,

Udayabirth

79

k. Ajatasiitru,

cap. at

69

Kusumapnra,

murdered

his

80.

50.

Udayana

village, 43.

144.

Ubhaka
Udaksena

7.

75.

Theravada

Ceylon,

134.

k. of

Vatsa, a cont. of Buddha, 57

58-9,

69

account

marriage with Padmavati,

of,

59, 70,

n. 1, 81.

Udyogaparva

Uggasena

Ugrasena-Mahapadma

113, 136, 133.

k.,

56.
'

k., 83,

uprooted

'

all

the

Kshatriyas and
the whole of

made himself master of about

India as it was then known to

the Aryans,

84; ChakravartiHOV universal monarch, 85.

Ujjeni

Uparicharu

,.

cap. of Avanti, 45.

k., 93.

216

INDEX.

Usanas

97, 185.

Uttara-Kosala

a mountain, 43.

n. of

Usiraddhaja
Utkala

country, not included in the Uttarapatha, 44.

.

16, n. 4, i7, n.

Janapada Government

Uttara-Kuru

country, 52;

Uttara-Madras

a Janapada, 174.

Uttara-Pauchala

in,

174.

country, cap. at Ahichchhatra, 52,

Uttarapatha

44, 46, 47,

to the

48

the term used

Madhyadesa, 44

with reference

sense

of,

res excluded from, in a Jataka, 46

sila

included

in, 46, n.

46
;

Bena-

Taksha-

placed outside

Thanesvar and Pehoa by Rajasekhara,

vaddhaki

Vahika

144.

probably identical with Bodhi,

Vahlnara

47.

carpenter, 63.

s.

of

Udayana,

63.

Vaidehl princess

q. of

Vaidehlputra

59.

modern Banavasi,

Vaijayant!

33.

92, 94.

Vaisalaksha

god, 106.

Vaisravana
Vaivasvata

Bimbinara, 73. 74, 77.

Mann

Vajira (VajirT)

91.
(1.

of Prasenajit, married

to

Ajatasatrn, 66,

77.

Vajji

of the

a tribe and one

n. of

Countries, 48, 49, 51, 55,

73,

Sixteen Great
154;

known

also as Lichchhavis, 51.

Vamadeva

a sage, 133, n.

Vamsa

same as

1.

at

cap.

Vatsffs,

Kansambi,

48,

51,

52.

Vanaras

an aboriginal

Vanasahvaya

4.

Yafiga

country. 40, n.

VarSbamihirn

astronomer,

Vart-opnjlrin

Vaaabbakhattiyfi

tribe, 20.

1.

4. n. 3, 10-11.

a craft guild 144,

d. of

148

Mahanaman,

woman, marricl

Sakya, from
Pasenadi
to

of k. Virjudabha, 66-67.

Vfiaavadatta

(|

of

Udayana,

Vfisishthiputra Puln-

mSvi

4, n. 3.

'>'>.

Hi.'.

<'

a
;

slav.'

mother

INDEX.
Vasumanas

Kosala

k. of

217
with Brihaspati, 106,

discourse

189.

Pataryadhi
Vatsa

a pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90.

Vatsyiiyana

anchor of the Kamasiitra, 90, 93, 94.

and kingdom

dy.

Veda

110.

Vedehiputto

74. n. 3.

Vedisa

57, 81, 84, 114.

4.

cap. of the Lichchhavis

Vesali (Vaisali)

5, 51,

72,

73,

74.

77, 78, 149, 150, 155; identification of, 51

called Magndhni'i puram, 12.

a Rakshasa, 20.

VibhTshana

colonisation

Vidarbha

country;

Videha

country, 44, 45, 51, 59, 78.

Vidudabha

of

Aryan

k, of

Pasenadi,

Kosala,

of, 2, 5. 22. 45.

cont. of

Buddha,

57; perhaps the same as Kshudraka, 65

born of Vasabhakhattiya, 66 when grown

up, went to the Sakya country and because
;

of his
nities.

low birth was subject to indigmassacre of the Sakyas, 67.

66

k., 33.

Vijayadevavarman
Vilivayakura

kingdom, 149, 155.

a S. Indian royal n.,

Vimalakondafma

s.

Vijita

1.

the place where the Sarasvati disappears, 42.

Vinasana

Buddh. Canonical work, 41, 43.

Yinayapitalca

Vindhya
Vinhukada Chntukala-

mountain,

nanda
Vinis-chaya-Mahamatra

34, n.

of Bimbisara, 75

2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 22, 42, 45, 46.

32-3.
154, 156.

Virajas

126, 127.

Virata

k. of

Visakhayupa

k., 65.

Visalaksha

a pre-Kautilyan author of ArthasSstra, 89, 91,

Matsya, 53.

94, 104, 191.

Vishnu

125, 128.

Vishnugupta
Vishvaksena

same as Kautilya,

98.

See under Kautilya.

k., 57.

Vissasena

k. of the

Visvamitra

n. of

Vriddhika

n.

Brahmadatta

dy.. 57.

a sage, 2, 21.
of a leather-worker, 30.

INDEX

218

a Sarhgha

Vrishni

numismatic evidence

of

the exis-

tence of, 157

Vyavaharika
Yakshinl

155, 156.

Yama

god, 106.

Yaudheyas

a tribe, 144, 158

YaugandharSyana

prime-minister of

Yayati

k.,

Yebhuyyasiku
Yodhaj'n

story

constitution of, 165-67.

k.

Udayana, 60-62.

1.

183, 184
1

15.

k. of

Ynvafijaya Birth

51.

U.

134-35.

137, r.

Yogasena

('.

of,

the Brahmadatta dy 57.

Preas Reg, No 672-29-5-191000.

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