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Introduction
Different media, which provide different sensory information, often produce different effects. Historically, every major innovation in communication technology has
demonstrated a complex interplay with social forces to produce transformative
effects on human relationships (Cheseboro, 2000; Cochrane, 1995; Inose & Pierce,
1984; Kedzie, 1997; McQuillen, 2003; Meyrowitz, 1985). Both the potential bright
(utopian) and dark (dystopian) sides of such technological communications revolutions have been debated at length (e.g., Bargh, 2002; Gergen, 1991; Turkle, 1995),
and the objective trends in social diffusion studied at length (e.g., Rideout, Roberts,
& Foehr, 2005; U.S. Dept. of Commerce, 1998). If new technologies translate into
new effects on society and human relationships, it follows that the competence with
which any given person utilizes these new technologies is likely to affect whether this
person views the technology as utopian or dystopian. This article formulates a theory
of computer-mediated communication (CMC) competence in an attempt to model
skill with computer-based interpersonal communication.
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631
their cellular phones to send text messages (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005; Rideout et al., 2005). While diffusion is far lower in some other countries and cultures,
the curve of diffusion is still steep (Cochrane, 1995; Kedzie, 1997). As technological
distinctions dissolve between cell phones, television, and the computer, and as costs
decrease, it seems inevitable that the reverberations of the communications revolution will be felt for some time into the future.
One of the most dramatic intersections of CMC and social contexts is in the
arena of relationship initiation, maintenance, and dissolution. Until relatively recent
times, CMC seemed to be viewed as text delivery media suited mostly to taskoriented applications (Garton & Wellman, 1995; Shields & Samarajiva, 1993; Sitkin,
Sutcliffe, & Barrios-Choplin, 1992). People are increasingly integrating CMC into
their repertoire of relationship development resources (Hovick, Meyers, & Timmerman, 2003; McCown, Fischer, Page, & Homant, 2001). The Internet has come to
rival the telephone as a medium for conducting personal relationships (Baym,
Zhang, & Lin, 2004, p. 306). Sizable proportions of CMC and Internet users yoke
these technologies to relationship formation and development (see Table 1). Those
who meet through CMC often make the transition to face-to-face or mixed-media
relationships (Cornwell & Lundgren, 2001; Cummings, Butler, & Kraut, 2002;
McKenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002). As CMC diffusion increases, and as technological innovations enhance convenience, affordability, and applications, the value of
CMC to relationship development is likely to increase.
Despite the relational uses of CMC, time invested online may in some way come
at the expense of face-to-face (FtF) relationship contact or other important aspects of
relationships, such as network size, density, or quality of interaction (Cai, 2004). One
of the assumptions underlying this concern is that time spent on the Internet is time
away from more social or real activities. Almost two thirds of online teens (62%)
think that the Internet does keep young people from doing more important things
(Pew, 2001, p. 31). Discontented youths appear to spend more time using media
than their most highly contented peers (Rideout et al., 2005, p. 24). A study of chat
room users found almost 32% considered that use of the Internet interferes with
other activities (Peris et al., 2002, p. 47). The trade-off may also occur in certain
types of relationships. For example, 64% of online teens say they think use of the
Internet takes away from the time young people spend with their families (Pew,
2001, p. 3). A corollary of this reasoning is that Internet use is positively related to
loneliness and depression due to lack of more social forms or more real contact.
Some research has shown slight but significant increases in loneliness and depression
over time (Kraut et al., 1998), and decreases in social and familial involvement
(Kraut et al., 1998; Nie & Erbring, 2000) with increasing Internet use. Many of these
studies indicate that online interactions and relationships are in some significant
way, wanting relative to more traditional media (Cummings et al., 2002).
These studies are far from uncontested. In the Nie and Erbring (2000) study, the
vast majority of Internet users reported no effect of time online with time communicating with friends or family. The negative effects were concentrated among a small
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(continued)
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Table 1 Continued
l
81% of women and 53% of men indicated they had started an in-person friendship via
online Matchmaker services; 57% of women and 30% of men indicated they had established a romantic or sexual relationship through online Matchmaker services (Scharlott &
Christ, 1995)
94% of MOO users reported forming personal relationships with other MOO users, 26%
of which were romantic (Parks & Roberts, 1998)
90% of teens using IM use it to stay in touch with geographically distant friends or
friends not in their own school (Lenhart et al., 2005)
percentage of (problematic) users (Caplan, 2002; McKenna et al., 2002; MorahanMartin & Schumacher, 2000), a finding supported by a Pew (2000) survey in which
only 8% of Internet users reported they were socially isolated, although over twice as
many nonusers (18%) reported they had no one or hardly anyone to turn to
(p. 21). Furthermore, when Kraut et al. (2002) resampled the respondents from their
original study three years later, they found that depression, which in the original
study increased with increasing Internet use, actually significantly decreased with
increasing Internet use, and loneliness no longer showed a significant association
with increasing Internet use (see also Wastlund, Norlander, & Archer, 2001). AmichaiHamburger and Ben-Artzi (2003) compared the Nie and Erbring hypothesis that
Internet use leads to loneliness with the rival hypothesis that lonelier people are more
likely to be drawn to use of the Internet, finding more support for the latter. This is
consistent with research on Internet motives that found lonely users were generally
more sociable online than offline (Morahan-Martin & Schumacher, 2003, p. 665).
The possibility exists that loneliness and depression are related to Internet and
CMC use, but in complex ways. This possibility is suggested by a study that found
email and Internet use were unrelated to depression at the bivariate level, but were
predictive in a more complex path model (LaRose, Eastin, & Gregg, 2001). Other
research indicates that the causal path may be reversed, suggesting that those who are
lonely or socially anxious are particularly likely to use, and get the most out of, CMC
interaction (cf., Patterson & Gojdycz, 2000). McKenna et al.s (2002) path analysis
showed social anxiety and loneliness facilitating expression of ones true self online,
which predicted intimacy and the speed of developing intimacy, as well as the likelihood of using other modes of communication for relational contact. However, other
research suggests that when lonely and socially anxious persons reach out through
CMC, they engage people less likely to assuage such loneliness. Gross, Juvonen, and
Gable (2002, p. 85) found that teenagers who, on average, reported feeling more
daily loneliness or social anxiety in school were more likely to communicate with
a stranger than with a friend or close friend after school. Finally, based on a large
representative sample, Wolak et al., (2002, p. 110) found that a disproportionate
number of adolescents with close online relationships were highly troubled, reported
high amounts of conflict with their parents, low communication with parents and
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engaged in high levels of delinquency. It is unclear whether (a) these problems result
from Internet use, (b) youths attempt to compensate for these problems by developing online relationships, or (c) there is a more complex interplay among these factors.
The preponderance of other simple survey research seems to indicate the net
effect of the Internet and CMC technologies is, for the majority of users, to expand
and enhance relationship networks, specific relational bonds, and, in many cases, the
quality of relational interaction. In a separate study by Kraut et al. (2002), increasing
use of the Internet correlated positively with indicators of social network size and
familial involvement. In another survey, 59% of those who email family members
report they communicate more often with significant family members now that they
use email, 66% of Internet users say email has improved their connections with
significant friends, and 60% of those who email friends report they communicate
with significant friends more often now that they use email (Pew, 2000, p. 7). In
a later survey, 48% say their use of the Internet improves their relationship with
friends; 32% say Internet tools help them make new friends (Pew, 2001, p. 3).
Rideout et al. (2005, p. 14) found that those young people who spend the most
time using media are also those whose lives are the most full with family, friends,
sports, and other interests. At least a priori, then, the average person seems to view
CMC as enabling or empowering in terms of relationship management, at least
under certain strategic circumstances.
One theory in particular predicts CMC and leaner media actually facilitate
development of intimacy because of their hyperpersonal affordances (e.g., Walther,
1996). McKenna et al. (2002) hypothesize that CMC creates greater intimacy because
of its (1) anonymity, (2) lack of gating barriers (e.g., physical attraction cues), and
(3) facilitation of locating those with shared interests. These features are predicted to
increase self-disclosure and expression of true self. CMC interactions, compared to
FtF interactions, appear to display greater self-disclosure and more depth and
breadth of questions (Tidwell & Walther, 2002; Whitty, 2002). One survey found
that about one-third of people believe it is easier to disclose frank and unpleasant
things through email (Pew, 2000), which was generally viewed as an important
benefit for openness in family and friend relationships.
It follows that Internet relationships tend to develop closeness and intimacy
more quickly than do real-life relationships (McKenna et al., 2002, p. 20). Participants who interact via the Internet like one another more than those who interact
FtF (Bargh, McKenna, & Fitzsimons, 2002). Other research showed that CMC interaction prior to FtF interaction increased enjoyment of the interaction (Dietz-Uhler &
Bishop-Clark, 2001). McKenna et al. (2002) found that the relationship between
liking and the processes of uncertainty reduction, depth, and breadth of disclosure
was greater in CMC interactions than in FtF interactions (McKenna et al., 2002).
Walther (1997) found group members given a longer-term identity perceived one
another as more socially attractive than short-term identity members. Long-term
members with group identity perceived one another as more physically attractive
than short-term members with group identity, despite the fact they had never seen
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Theories and models are metaphors (Hawes, 1975; McQuail & Windahl, 1993).
Theories and models serve as organizing devices for segmenting the symbolic realm
of comprehension in a world that is potentially almost infinitely complex. The price
paid in exclusion is ideally made up for through comprehension and research progress (Koutougos, 1989; Lakatos, 1970; Papineau, 1989). The metaphorical aspect of
theories and models is all the more apparent in the social sciences, where symbolic
practices and theorists self-reflectively comprise both object and observer (Ashmore,
1989). Models at moderate levels of abstraction may offer the most useful level
(Turner, 1985, 1990) for organizing conceptions of CMC. Therefore, the value of
a relatively comprehensive organizing scheme for the CMC literature is intended to
outweigh the limitations imposed by its nascent status.
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Previous research has tended to focus on the effects of CMC media, leading to the
relative inattention to the social actor using the media. The theories that have been
formulated thus far (see Walther & Parks, 2002) have tended to examine how CMC
moderates such outcomes as impression formation (Hancock & Dunham, 2001;
McKenna et al., 2002; OSullivan, 2000; Tanis & Postmes, 2003), impressions of
appropriateness (Harper, 2002; Rice, 1993; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), effectiveness
(Campbell & Neer, 2001; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), accuracy or coorientation
(Kayany, Wotring, & Forrest, 1996; OSullivan, 2000), learning outcomes (Althaus,
1997; Brandon & Hollingshead, 1999; Hiltz, 1986), relationship intimacy (Parks &
Floyd, 1996; Parks & Roberts, 1998; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), task-productivity or
achievement (e.g., Burgoon et al., 2002; Hollingshead, McGrath, & OConnor, 1993),
and satisfaction (e.g., LaLomia & Sidowski, 1990). Other theories have focused more
on the social actors uses of CMC (e.g., Hunter & Allen, 1992; Markus, 1994; Perse &
Ferguson, 2000). Still others have examined various individual differences that moderate CMC uses and outcomes (e.g., Kraut et al., 2002; Mazur et al., 2000). To date,
however, there has been relatively little attempt to formulate an integrative theory of
the social actor as he or she relates to, and through, CMC (cf. Hollingshead et al.,
1993).
Borrowing from Goffmans dramaturgical perspective, Ring and colleagues
(Ring, Braginsky, & Brajinsky, 1966; Ring, Brajinsky, Levine, & Braginsky, 1967;
Ring & Wallston, 1968) suggested a dramaturgical metaphor for conceptualizing
an interactants (i.e., actors) performance quality. An actor needs to be motivated
to give a good performance. Being motivated, however, is insufficient if the actor
does not know the script which is to be enacted or the context in which the script is
to be played out. Even motivation and knowledge are still insufficient unless actors
have the acting skills requisite to translate their motivation and knowledge into
competent action. This metaphor is mirrored in older metaphors of affective, cognitive, and behavioral factors of action (Havighurst, 1957). This metaphor was later
imported as a way of organizing research on communication competence (see
Rubin, 1983; Spitzberg, 1983; Spitzberg & Cupach, 1984) and elaborated to include
the structure and expectancies comprising interaction contexts (Spitzberg & Brunner, 1991). These basic constructs, often expressed in different terminology, are
reflected in current models of CMC processes (e.g., Ramirez, Walther, Burgoon, &
Sunnafrank, 2002).
Motivation represents the energizing component of competent performance.
Negative motivation is represented by constructs such as social anxiety, apprehension, shyness, and even apathy and disinterest. Positive motivation is reflected both
by the antitheses of these constructs (e.g., confidence, comfort, communicator involvement, etc.), proactive CMC attitudes (Richter, Naumann, & Groeben, 2000), and
by motivating forces such as goals, perceived benefits, motives, gratifications, and
uses. Because motivation has both positive and negative facets, there is the possibility
of ambivalence, in which the weight of one overpowers the other. Stage fright may
disable an otherwise knowledgeable and skilled actors performance, and even
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 629666 2006 International Communication Association
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frightened actors sometimes manage their fears through sheer determination and
skill.
Knowledge is represented primarily by cognitive characteristics reflecting such
constructs as planning, uncertainty reduction, familiarity, expertise, and other indicators of comprehension. Knowledge can be highly compartmentalized (Smith,
Caputi, Crittenden, Jayasuriya, & Rawstone, 1999; Smith, Caputi, & Rawstone,
2000) or a more general dimension of perceived ability (Potosky & Bobko, 1998).
A person may know a lot about hardware and software, yet little or nothing about
how to compose a message sensitive to status differential between sender and
receiver. Knowledge can be operationalized through such constructs as self-monitoring, planning, cognitive complexity, and experience.
Skills are the repeatable, goal-oriented behavioral tactics and routines that people
employ in the service of their motivation and knowledge. Spitzberg and Cupach
(2002) identified over 100 distinct skills in the communication competence literatures. However, they also argued that these skills probably reflect a more parsimonious
set of skill clusters and dimensions. Specifically, at the microscopic level, interpersonal
skills reduce to four basic skill clusters: attentiveness (i.e., displaying concern for,
interest in, and attention to the other person or persons in the interaction), composure
(i.e., displaying assertiveness, confidence, being in control), coordination (i.e., displaying deft management of timing, initiation and closure of conversations, topic management, etc.), and expressiveness (i.e., displaying vividness and animation in verbal
and nonverbal expression). This typology of skills has been confirmed in a variety of
measurement studies (Spitzberg, 1994b; Spitzberg, Brookeshire, & Brunner, 1990).
It is axiomatic that communication competence is contextual (Spitzberg, 2000;
Spitzberg & Cupach, 2002). However, surprisingly few studies have attempted to
specify a theory of context (cf., Argyle, Furnham, & Graham, 1981; Heise, 1979). One
of the reasons context has eluded theoretical specification is its complexity, which is
illustrated by the manifold ways in which contexts have been conceptualized. Contexts vary by cultural, chronological, relational, environmental, and functional characteristics (Spitzberg, 2000; Spitzberg & Brunner, 1991). Each of these facets affects
communication competence in complex ways, and any attempt to formulate a theory
of competence that ignores these facets is necessarily incomplete.
The motivation, knowledge, and skills model has stimulated extensive conceptual
(Spitzberg, 2000) and empirical (e.g., Spitzberg, 1990, 1991; Spitzberg & Brunner,
1991; Spitzberg & Cupach, 1984; Spitzberg & Hecht, 1984; Spitzberg & Hurt, 1987)
work. The model organizes a vast expanse of research projects that otherwise would
have no obvious connection, such as research on communication apprehension,
goals, planning, cognitive complexity, and involvement. The model has also been
extended to particular contexts such as the instructional (Spitzberg & Hurt, 1987)
and intercultural (Spitzberg, 1994c). The applicability of the model to the CMC
context, however, has only recently been examined (Bubas, 2002, 2005; Bubas &
Aurer, 1998; Bubas, Radosevic, & Hutinski, 2003; Bunz, 2002; Harper, 1999;
Morreale, Spitzberg, & Barge, 2001).
638
CMC Motivation
639
Knowledge of CMC can also be obtained through the use of online informationseeking strategies (Ramirez et al., 2002). Such strategies represent a confluence of
knowledge and skills, in that goal-oriented tactics are performed to acquire knowledge that will in turn facilitate knowledge and competence. In short, there is a complex of constructs that index knowledge of CMC that is likely to be a central
component of competence in the computer-mediated domain of interaction.
CMC knowledge is defined here as the cognitive comprehension of content and procedural processes involved in conducting appropriate and effective interaction in the
computer-mediated context.
Conceptualizing CMC competence as a function of motivation and knowledge
indicates that CMC motivation provides the impetus for more skilled CMC and that
CMC knowledge provides the content and procedures for implementing these
motives. Motivation and knowledge may at times be merely summative, but they
may also interact in certain ways. That is, a person high in both may be significantly
more competent than someone only moderate or low on one or the other. As such,
these concepts lead to the following propositions:
1.
2.
CMC motivation and knowledge provide unique and interactive effects in predicting CMC competence.
CMC Skills
Most theories of CMC are predicated on an assumption that media are structurally
leaner than FtF interaction, and this relative poverty constrains expression of interpersonal skills (Cerulo, 1997; Sheehy, 1995). These theories vary in the degree to which
users are expected to compensate for these constraints (Walther & Parks, 2002).
Studies also sometimes predict that features of the medium enhance or exacerbate
nonmediated interpersonal skills. For example, the triple A engine of Internet access,
anonymity, and affordability (Cooper, 2000) are expected to facilitate Internet addiction, especially cybersex addiction (Brenner, 1997; Cooper, Delmonico, & Burg, 2000;
Davis, 2001; Griffiths, 1999, 2001; McGrath & Casey, 2002; Morahan-Martin & Schumacher, 2000; Pratarelli, Browne, & Johnson, 1999; Schneider, 2000; Schwartz &
Southern, 2000; Suler, 1999). Others have speculated that the leaner and relatively
anonymous features of CMC lead to greater flaming, that is, greater expression of
aggressiveness and hostility (Castella, Abad, Alonso, & Silla, 2000; Markus, 1994;
Spears et al., 2002), even if the overall prevalence of such flaming may be relatively
low (Markus, 1994; Sheehan & Hoy, 1999). Other research suggests that fluency is
disrupted by media such as videoconferencing (Straus, Miles, & Levesque, 2001).
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fluency (Bunz, 2004) and is similar to many of the process effects attributed to the
interactivity of media, such as navigation control, pace control, rapidity, and responsiveness (Burgoon et al., 2000; Burgoon et al., 2002; Sohn & Lee, 2005). For example,
rapidity of response predicts interpretation of affection depending on task versus
socioemotional content and time of day that messages are sent (Walther & Tidwell,
1995). Rouse and Haas (2003) study found the number of irrelevant comments
made in chat space predicted judges ratings of extraversion (r = .45, p , .01),
openness to experience (r = .35, p , .01), and conscientiousness (r = .34, p , .01).
Expressiveness skills can be displayed in CMC interactions through the use of
emoticons and similar paralinguistic features of message content, the use of humor,
and even the depth and breadth of self-disclosure (Castella et al., 2000; Whitty,
2003). For example, CMC users employ greater proportions of self-disclosure and
questions than FtF interactants (Tidwell & Walther, 2002). Emoticons apparently
attenuate the perceived hostility of mild-to-moderately antagonistic messages, but
increase the perceived hostility of highly antagonistic messages (Thompson &
Foulger, 1996). Flaming may reflect a dark side of expressiveness, as well as of
attentiveness (OSullivan & Flanagin, 2003). The use of paralanguage is correlated
to the amount of time spent engaging in MUD interactions, as well as the level of
development of online friendships (Utz, 2000). In Rouse and Haas (2003) study, the
sheer number of contributions made in chat space predicted judges ratings of
extraversion (r = .57, p , .01) and openness to experience (r = .43, p , .01). Use
of humor, another potential indicator of expressiveness, also predicted judges ratings of neuroticism (r = .37, p , .01) and extraversion (r = .36, p , .01). A converse
to expressiveness is lurking (Preece, Nonnecke, & Andrews, 2004), in which computer users enter a chat space and observe but do not participate.
In summary, it appears that skills in the nonmediated context are relatively translatable to the mediated context, allowing for certain structural constraints of the
medium. Burgoon et al. (2002; Burgoon et al., 2000) argue that these constraints
merely produce an upper boundary on the principle of interactivity, which further
suggests the functional equivalence of FtF skills to the CMC context. Direct comparisons suggest that people find the perceived quality of Internet-based interaction
lower than FtF or telephone interaction (Baym et al., 2004). Therefore, it becomes
important to identify the skills entailed in compensating for media-based constraints.
Extensive research indicates that four clusters represent a relatively comprehensive
typology of FtF interpersonal skills: attentiveness, composure, coordination, and
expressiveness (Spitzberg, 1994b; Spitzberg & Cupach, 2002).
If CMC competence, like FtF competence, is a function of attentiveness, composure, coordination, and expressiveness skills translated into the mediated context,
then the following propositions extend from the motivation, knowledge, and skills
model.
1.
CMC motivation is positively related to CMC skills (i.e., attentiveness, composure, coordination, expressiveness).
643
2. CMC knowledge is positively related to CMC skills (i.e., attentiveness, composure, coordination, expressiveness).
CMC Context
micro level, the chronological dimension of CMC is concerned with the timing and
sequencing of messages. For example, the medium selected for messages is likely to
vary based on time pressure (Bertacco & Deponte, 2005; Sitkin et al., 1992; van den
Hooff et al., 2005). Walther and Tidwell (2002) found time of day interacted with
function (task vs. socioemotional) to influence the attributions people made to email
messages. Walther, Anderson, and Park (1994) found that as the time constraint of
the CMC interaction relationship increases, task orientation of the message
exchanges tends to become more prominent, whereas more unrestricted time constraints, in which future relations are contemplated, produce more socioemotional message exchanges and attraction. Walther (1997) found that short-term
groups tended to view their communication as less intimate and less socially attractive
than long-term groups. Hollingshead et al. (1993) found that differences between FtF
and CMC tend to disappear over time as a group acclimates to the media, but these
differences can be reintroduced as changes to the media or group are introduced.
The third facet of contexts is the type of relationship among interactants. One of
the standard relational questions of CMC is whether such mediated relationships are
somehow different qualitatively from real life (RL) relationships. Peris et al. (2002,
p. 47) found that chat room users found their friendly (70.6%) or romantic cyberrelations (55.6%) just as important as face-to-face relations. A survey by McKenna
et al. (2002) found 84% of respondents reported that their online relationships were
as real, as important, and as close as their non-Internet relationships (p. 22). Indeed,
the Internet-formed relationships were as stable over a 2-year period as FtF relationships in comparable studies (McKenna et al., 2002, p. 22). Similarly, Parks and Floyd
(1996) and Parks and Roberts (1998) found typical CMC based relationships showed
consistent evidence of being above the midpoint of criteria of relationship development and intimacy. Another study found that people in both CMC and FtF relationships perceived their relationships as satisfying and as offering opportunity for
growth, but realspace respondents considered their relationships as more serious
and they expressed greater commitment (Cornwell & Lundren, 2001, p. 205). As
CMC relationships evolve over time, attributional confidence regarding online relational partners approaches greater equivalence with FtF, although CMC participants felt the setting impaired their ability to get to know their partner . more so
than did FtF interactants (Tidwell & Walther, 2002, p. 338). There is, as yet,
relatively little research on how message content changes based on relationship other
than the status of the sender relative to the recipient (Markus, 1994).
The physical environment, place, or situational facet of CMC interaction is, in
a large part, instantiated by the features of the media themselves. OSullivan (2000)
views the media of communication as a metacommunicative message in itself. That
is, the computers are a prominent feature of the physical environment, as well as the
physical constraints of the context. However, features of the media can change
in important ways. For example, Burgoon et al. (2002) found proximal mediated
contexts (i.e., interactants can see one another interacting on computers, but cannot
read each others screens while interacting) produce a greater sense of relational
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645
2.
3.
The more CMC skills are adapted or sensitive to cultural, chronemic, relational,
environmental, and functional cointeractant positive expectancies, the more
competent the CMC interaction.
Outcomes
There are many possible outcomes of interaction (e.g., Ambra & Rice, 2001). Among
the most common outcomes by which competence in CMC interaction can be
assessed are the following: coorientation (understanding, accuracy, clarity), perceptions of appropriateness and effectiveness, efficiency, task success or accomplishment, satisfaction (Harrison & Rainer, 1996; Straus et al., 2001; Westmyer,
DiCioccio, & Rubin, 1998), and relationship development (attraction, intimacy,
commitment, etc.), as well as more context-specific outcomes such as network
integration, learning, or symptom (e.g., depression, loneliness) relief (see Spitzberg,
2000; Spitzberg & Cupach, 2002).
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Coorientation refers to the degree of correspondence between a senders intentions and/or message content and the interpretations of the receiver(s). Appropriateness is the perceived legitimacy or fit of a message to the context. It is
related but not isomorphic with conformity, because an interactant may negotiate new contextual rules in the process of violating existing rules. Effectiveness
is the degree to which preferred objectives are optimized. It is related to but
not isomorphic with satisfaction because an effective choice may be relative
when there is no satisfactory response, in which case the least punishing response
may be considered effective. Satisfaction is the positive affect associated with
the fulfillment of positively valenced expectancies (Spitzberg & Hecht, 1984).
Efficiency is the relative economy with which preferred outcomes are achieved.
The less time, effort, or resources invested to achieve the same outcome, the
more efficient the process. Finally, relational development represents the degree of
breadth, depth, intimacy, closeness, commitment, and attraction achieved in a
relationship.
Generally speaking, as CMC competence increases, coorientation, appropriateness, effectiveness, satisfaction, and preferred relational outcomes are more likely to
occur. However, it is important to point out that CMC interaction is often highly
strategic, and interactants sometimes elect to communicate in strategically ambiguous ways (Bavelas, Black, Chovil, & Mullett, 1990; Eisenberg, 1984; Spitzberg,
1993), and in ways that favor efficiency over appropriateness (Bertacco & Deponte,
2005; Kellermann & Shea, 1996). People often construct or perceive that they
strategically select messages according to the medium of exchange (e.g., Bargh
et al., 2002; Kayany et al., 1996; Markus, 1994; OSullivan, 2000; Rice, 1993; Rice &
Shook, 1990; Sitkin et al., 1992). To the extent effectiveness is valued over appropriateness, self-satisfaction is more likely to increase relative to the satisfaction of
other(s) involved in the interaction. Conversely, to the extent that appropriateness
is valued over effectiveness, especially in competitive contexts, the more that selfsatisfaction is likely to diminish relative to the satisfaction of others (Spitzberg,
1993, 1994a). That is, the more exploitative ones orientation, the more it comes at
the expense of others involved. As an example, although deception via CMC does
not appear to be a preferred strategy for most interactants, neither is it uncommon
(e.g., Cornwell & Lundgren, 2001; Knox et al., 2001; Pew, 2001; Rumbough, 2001;
Whitty, 2002).
CMC users vary their media selection based on their impressions of appropriateness and effectiveness (Rice, 1993; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), and these
proximal criteria are likely to be supportive of more terminal goals and objectives.
Thus, a reasonably generalizable working typology of outcomes of CMC competence is appropriateness, effectiveness (including task achievement and efficiency),
coorientation, satisfaction, and relationship development. Generally, these outcomes should be positively related to CMC competence, yet, in any given context,
communicators may strategically sacrifice one or more outcomes for others, especially when the outcomes are perceived to be mutually incompatible.
648
1.
2.
3.
4.
Competence outcomes (i.e., appropriateness, effectiveness, coorientation, satisfaction, and relational development) are positively related to one another but
not isomorphic.
CMC motivation is positively related to competence outcomes (i.e., appropriateness, effectiveness, coorientation, satisfaction, and relational development).
CMC knowledge is positively related to competence outcomes (i.e., appropriateness, effectiveness, coorientation, satisfaction, and relational development).
CMC skills (i.e., attentiveness, composure, coordination, and expressiveness) are
positively related to competence outcomes (i.e., appropriateness, effectiveness,
co-orientation, satisfaction, and relational development).
The basic elements of the theoretical model of CMC competence are visually represented in Figure 1. This model proposes that motivation represents the initial energizing process of knowledge search and application, which manifest through the
selection of skills that are applied to the selection of media and messages. Certain
motivations are better served by certain media features (e.g., a shy person may prefer
an online dating system that permits more lurking than participating) and messages
(e.g., a high status person may prefer efficiency and task-orientation of message
content). Knowledge of the most competent messages and media is searched and
selected accordingly and subsequently implemented through the skills of CMC. The
messages transmitted through the selected media are filtered through the receivers
expectations for messages in those media. Those expectancies are products of the
receivers experiences with CMC and of the receivers culture, sense of chronemics,
relationship, environment, and the anticipated function of the messages. Through
Motivation
Skills:
Attentiveness
Composure
Coordination
Expressiveness
Knowledge
Media Factors:
Interactivity
Adaptability
Efficiency
Public-private
Message Factors:
Task-orientation
SocioemotionalOrientation
Openness
Interaction
with
Coactor(s)
Valenced
Expectancies
Competence
Outcomes:
Appropriateness
Effectiveness
Coorientation
Satisfaction
Attractiveness
Efficiency
Contextual Factors:
Cultural
Chronological
Relational
Environmental
Functional
649
1.
2.
3.
4.
650
Congruence of CMC messages with prior positively valenced (contextual, message, and media) expectancies is positively related to competence outcomes.
Incongruence of CMC messages with prior negatively valenced (contextual,
message, and media) expectancies is positively related to competence outcomes.
Congruence of CMC messages with prior negatively valenced (contextual, message, and media) expectancies is negatively related to competence outcomes.
Incongruence of CMC messages with prior positively valenced (contextual,
message, and media) expectancies is negatively related to competence outcomes.
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 629666 2006 International Communication Association
5.
6.
7.
Measurement development efforts in the CMC context are evolving rapidly (e.g.,
Ambra & Rice, 2001; Caplan, 2002; Gaudron & Vignoli, 2002; Richter et al., 2000).
Research on the CMC competence model is nascent. An a priori measure was developed on the basis of the model in Figure 1 and subsequently revised on several
occasions. The original measure was used in a study by Harper (1999). Unfortunately, the data were not analyzed in a manner conducive to drawing conclusions
regarding the measures reliability or validity. Research was subsequently collected
and analyzed in projects by Bubas (2002, 2005), Bunz (2002, 2003), and Van Slooten
and Spitzberg (2002). Although the preliminary measure generally revealed promise,
at least two important problems reoccurred across these studies. First, the negatively
worded items in the subscales of the measure tended to attenuate the reliability of the
scales, especially those scales with few items. Second, the various items designed to
measure context, message, and media factors were not as multidimensionally complex as originally anticipated. As a result of these findings, the measure was significantly simplified with the objective of increasing the reliability and parsimony of the
overall measure. Measures of related constructs are already available (e.g., Burgoon
et al., 2002; Parks & Roberts, 1998). The current measure is at present being prepared
for data collection. Preliminary results from a study of an online version in Croatia
indicate that when all items are factor-analyzed, four reliable factors emerge that
roughly parallel motivation, knowledge, skills, and outcomes (Bubas et al., 2003).
Conclusion
The potential applications of a model and measure of CMC competence are manifold. For example, it seems reasonable to expect that as CMC competence increases,
loneliness, depression, and computer-based stresses and hassles will decrease. Given
that CMC competence is correlated with use and experience, it may in fact be
positively related to overall risk of cyberstalking victimization (Finkelhor, Mitchell,
& Wolak, 2000; Spitzberg & Hoobler, 2002; cf. Wolak et al., 2002), but holding such
opportunity costs constant, it seems reasonable to expect that more competent CMC
users would be less likely to be victimized than less competent users. As a screening
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 629666 2006 International Communication Association
651
device, a model and measure of CMC competence may be useful in diagnosing those
in greater need of earlier intervention in schools and organizations. As the digital
divide dilates or dissolves, it becomes increasingly important to understand the
factors that enhance users abilities to navigate and negotiate the divides turbulent
currents.
In proposing this theory of CMC competence, I have suggested its nature, function, and scope, as well as its research implications. The theory does not have a primary
motivational metaphor, such as the naive scientist (attribution theory), investor (social
exchange theory), information processor (uncertainty reduction theory), comparator
(sociometer theory), and so on. Instead, motivation, knowledge, skills, context, and
outcomes serve as metaphorical vessels into which prior and future research can be
functionally ensconced. At some level, it is presumed that there are real, reducible
parallels that serve as the substance of motivation, the substance of knowledge, and the
substance of skills, which are moderated by real contextual factors in their influence on
real outcomes. Collectively, the CMC theory is ontologically consistent with both
traditional causal and teleological systems perspectives.
Another presumption of the model is that FtF and CMC interaction are more
similar than they are different. Both can be explained by the same general model
components, and, in most cases, the components of this model require only minor
adaptation to the particular technological features of the context. As such, the
parameters of the model are that it is proposed presently for all mediated interpersonal types of communication (thereby excluding traditional mass communication
types of contexts in which relatively singular messages are distributed to large,
relatively undifferentiated groups of individuals). The primary value of the model
is in outlining a heuristic schema for reorganizing much disparate literature into
a semantic model that can generate coherent hypotheses.
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Address: School of Communication, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA,
92182-4561 USA
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MOTIVATION
01. I enjoy communicating using computer media.
02. I am nervous about using the computer to communicate with others. [R]
03. I am very motivated to use computers to communicate with others.
04. I look forward to sitting down at my computer to write to others.
05. Communicating through a computer makes me anxious. [R]
KNOWLEDGE
06. I am very knowledgeable about how to communicate through computers.
07. I am never at a loss for something to say in CMC.
08. I am very familiar with how to communicate through email and the internet.
09. I always seem to know how to say things the way I mean them using CMC.
10. When communicating with someone through a computer, I know how to
adapt my messages to the medium.
EFFICACY
11. I dont feel very competent in learning and using communication media
technology.
12. I feel completely capable of using almost all currently available CMCs.
13. I am confident I will learn how to use any new CMCs that are due to come
out.
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 629666 2006 International Communication Association
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EFFICIENCY/PRODUCTIVITY
69. I get a tremendous amount accomplished through CMC.
70. My CMC interactions are more productive than my face-to-face interactions.
71. I am more efficient using CMC than other forms of communication.
72. CMC technologies are tremendous time-savers for my work.
GENERAL USAGE/EXPERIENCE
73. I rely heavily upon my CMCs for getting me through each day.
74. I use computer-mediated means of communication almost constantly.
75. I can rarely go a week without any CMC interactions.
76. I am a heavy user of computer-mediated communication.
77. If I can use a computer for communicating, I tend to.
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