Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

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Journal of Adolescence
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jado

We dont need no education: Video game preferences, video game

motivations, and aggressiveness among adolescent boys of different
educational ability levels
Marije Nije Bijvank a, Elly A. Konijn a, *, Brad J. Bushman a, b
a

Department of Communication Science, School of Social Sciences, Metropolitan Building, VU University Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1081,
1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands
b
The Ohio State University, School of Communication, Columbus, OH 43210-1339, USA

a b s t r a c t
Keywords:
Adolescents
(Violent) Video game play
Educational ability level
Motivations for game play

This research focuses on low educational ability as a risk factor for aggression and violent
game play. We propose that boys of lower educational ability are more attracted to violent
video games than other boys are, and that they are also higher in trait aggressiveness and
sensation seeking. Participants were Dutch boys in public schools (N 830, age-range
1117). In the Netherlands, standardized tests are used to place students into lower,
medium, and higher educational ability groups. Results showed that boys in the lower
educational ability group preferred to play violent, stand-alone games, identied more
with video game characters, and perceived video games to be more realistic than other
boys did. Lower levels of education were also related to higher levels of aggressiveness and
sensation seeking. Higher educational ability boys preferred social, multiplayer games.
Within a risk and resilience model, boys with lower educational ability are at greater risk
for aggression.
2011 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier
Ltd. All rights reserved.

We dont need no education

We dont need no thought control
No dark sarcasm in the classroom
Teachers leave those kids alone
Hey, teachers! Leave those kids alone!
d Pink Floyd, Another Brick in the Wall, Pt. 2
Although children might think they dont need no education, they are wrong. Having a high level of education is
associated with many positive outcomes in life. The purpose of the present study is to determine whether lower levels of
education are risk factors for aggression and violence. In particular, we examine whether boys of lower educational ability are
higher in trait aggressiveness, are more likely to engage in risky, dangerous behaviors, and are more attracted to violent video
games than are boys with higher educational ability.
Adolescence is an important life stage in which the youth face important developmental tasks such as morality, sexuality,
and identity development. Developing healthy life styles will help reduce problem behavior in youth now and in the future.
However, the mass media often depict a world in which unhealthy behaviors such as aggression, substance use, and
* Corresponding author. Tel.: 1 31 20 598 6854; fax: 1 31 20 598 3733.
E-mail addresses: m.nijebijvank@saxion.nl (M. Nije Bijvank), e.a.konijn@vu.nl (E.A. Konijn), bushman.20@osu.edu (B.J. Bushman).
0140-1971/$ see front matter 2011 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2011.04.001

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M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

unprotected sex are depicted as appealing and risk-free (Brown & Witherspoon, 2002). Today, the media play a major role in
adolescent development (Mitchell & Ybarra, 2009; Subrahmanyam, Greeneld, & Tynes, 2004). Therefore, research on the
developmental impact of media exposure is important to inform the public health debate regarding children and adolescents
(Moreno, Parks, Zimmerman, Brito, & Christakis, 2009; Strasburger, Jordan, & Donnerstein, 2010). It is especially important to
examine the impact of video games on youth because of their interactive nature. Violent video games in particular are a risk
factor for aggression (Anderson et al., 2010; Uhlmann & Swanson, 2004).
Risk and resilience model of aggression
Human behavior, including aggressive behavior, is very complex and is caused by multiple factors. From a developmental
perspective, it may therefore be useful to consider aggression within a risk and resilience framework (Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley,
2007; Gentile, Lynch, Linder, & Walsh, 2004; Gentile & Sesma, 2003). This approach assumes that no single factor is a necessary or
sufcient cause of aggression. Rather, it is the combination of multiple risk factors that dramatically increases the risk of aggression.
For example, the U.S. Surgeon Generals report on youth violence (U.S. Surgeon General, 2001) states that the bulk of research that
has been done on risk factors identies and measures their predictive value separately, without taking into account the inuence of
other risk factors. More important than any individual factor, however, is the accumulation of risk factors (p. 59). Likewise,
protective factors, such as nonaggressive peers and exposure to prosocial media, can reduce the risk of aggression.
The risk and resilience approach is especially valuable for understanding the effects of media violence on aggression. Exposure
to violent media isnt the only factor that increases aggression, or even the most important factor, but it is one important factor. We
chose to focus on violent video games because of their interactive nature. Participants in the present study were adolescent boys,
who are the most frequent video game players (Funk, Buchman, et al., 2003; Subrahmanyam, Greeneld, Kraut, & Gross, 2001).
Previous studies showed that male adolescents with a lower educational ability level are more likely to consume violent media
compared to their higher educated peers (Goldstein, 1999; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003; Slater, Henry, Swaim, &
Anderson, 2003). Furthermore, socially disapproved activities seem particularly appealing to low-achieving adolescents, who nd
it difcult to enhance their self-esteem and social reputation via more conventional means (Emler & Reicher, 1995). Furthermore,
adolescents with lower intelligence levels have higher levels of trait aggressiveness and are more susceptible to media violence,
compared to their more intelligent peers (for a review see Bushman & Huesmann, 2001). Thus, an important risk factor for playing
violent video games may be educational ability level, especially among adolescent boys.
The personality traits aggressiveness and sensation seeking usually peak during adolescence and diminish in adulthood,
and have been found to predict violent media choices and effects (Krcmar & Greene, 1999; Slater et al., 2003). Sensation
seeking is dened as the seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense sensations and experiences and the willingness to
take physical, social, (.) risks for the sake of such experience (Zuckerman, 1994, p. 27). Individuals high in sensation seeking
enjoy danger and risk-taking, because such experiences are thrilling for them. Violent video games are lled with danger and
risks, and early adolescence is a time of increased risk-taking and novelty-seeking (Kirsch, 2003). Thus, high sensation seekers
should nd violent video games especially attractive.
In the present study, we examined whether boys with a lower educational ability level are especially high in trait
aggressiveness and sensation seeking, and whether they are also especially attracted to violent video games. If so, these boys
possess several risk factors for aggression.
The present study also explores what types of players are attracted to what types of video games, what features of video
games they nd appealing, and what their motivations are for playing these games. We hypothesize that adolescents who
have different educational ability levels are attracted to different types of video games, and have different motivations for
playing. We discuss different types of video games, different perceptions of video games, and different motivations for playing
video games in the next three sections.
Different types of video games
There are three main types of video games: Stand-alone games, Local and Wide Area Network games (LA[W]N), and
Massive Multiplayer Online (Role Playing) Games (MMO(RP)S) (Yee, 2006; see Appendix A). Stand-alone games are often
dened as single-player games. Although some stand-alone games can accommodate multiple players, most often the player
competes against the computer (e.g., Killzone-PS; Grifths, Davies, & Chappel, 2003). A central aspect of LAN games is that
various computers are connected. While the games are played together, mostly in teams, the main playing style is tactical
combat (Grifths, Davies, & Chappell, 2003; Yee, 2006). A LAN is also often linked to the Internet (Wide Area Network, WAN).
This form of gaming has become popular at so-called LAN parties (e.g., Counterstrike). An MMORP-game is a large-scale role
playing game for many players over a computer network (Grifths et al., 2003; Schiesel, 2005) and can have a world of more
than 10 million players (e.g., World of Warcraft; Blizzard Entertainment, 2005). MMORP-games occur in a fully developed
multiplayer universe with an advanced and detailed world (Grifths et al., 2003). Unlike other games that may be played
online with other players, there is no equivalent (ofine) stand-alone version of MMORPGs (Chan & Vorderer, 2006).
These three types of games differ in some important ways. The most important difference is the degree of social interaction
(i.e., interaction with game characters controlled by other live players). Stand-alone games typically do not include social
interaction, although nowadays a multiplayer option is often available. The interaction in an LA[W]N-game is mostly combatstrategy driven and task-focused (Yee, 2006). MMORP-games are purposely designed to encourage interactions among

M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

155

players, including interactions outside the game world (Ducheneaut & Moore, 2004). MMORPG-players often interact simultaneously with various players and in various ways, and new relationships even develop between regular players during the game
(Barnes, 2003; Yee, 2006).
Compared to LAN-games, MMORPG-gamers have social interactions that are richer, more collaborative, more complex,
and more socio-emotional in content. Most forms of advancement in MMORP-games require cooperation and collaboration,
as well as good writing skills. Two studies found that players of specic MMORP-games (i.e., Everquest and Allakazam) tend to
be male, highly educated, and older than 21 (Grifths et al., 2003; Yee, 2006). However, these studies did not consider either
stand-alone or LA(W)N-games. Given the required verbal skills, writing skills, and the complex social interactions in
MMORPGs, players might need higher cognitive skills to play these games. Thus, we predict that higher educated adolescents
will be more attracted to LAN and MMORPG games than lower educated adolescents will be. In contrast, we predict lower
educated adolescents will be more attracted to stand-alone games than higher educated adolescents will be.
Different perceptions of video games
Different types of players may also differ in what video game features they nd attractive. We predict that adolescent boys with
lower educational ability will be more attracted to the violent content in video games than will boys with higher educational ability.
As video games become more sophisticated with increasingly vivid graphics, lifelike and realistic characters, and elaborate game
features (Carnagey & Anderson, 2004), it is important to explore whether adolescent boys with different educational ability levels
perceive such game features differentially. Game designers generally attempt to maximize realism in visual media, including video
games, to evoke emotional involvement or total immersion in the user (Hoorn, Konijn, & Van der Veer, 2003). We predict that less
educated boys will perceive video games to be more realistic and immersive than will more educated boys.
Another important feature of video games is whether the characters are attractive heroes that players will want to identify
with (Giles & Maltby, 2004). Wishful identication is the players desire to emulate the character in the game, either generally
(e.g., as a role model for future action, or for identity development), or specically (e.g., imitating a particular behavior)
(Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005). Previous research found that lower educated boys who identied with violent video game
characters were more aggressive after the game was turned off (Konijn, Nije Bijvank, & Bushman, 2007). We predict that boys
with lower educational abilities identify more wishfully with video game characters than will higher ability boys.
Player motivations for playing video games
Given the different types of games and players that exist, we can expect to nd differences in their motivations for playing.
Although the literature regarding motivations for video game use is rather diverse, some consistencies exist. One study
identied six motivations for playing stand-alone video games: (1) Competition: desire to be the best player of the game, (2)
Challenge: to push oneself to beat the game, (3) Social Interaction: playing as a social experience with friends, (4) Diversion: to
pass time, (5) Fantasy: to do things that one cannot do in real life such as racing, and (6) Arousal: to play for the excitement of
the game (Sherry, Lucas, Greenberg, & Lachlan, 2006). Another study identied four motivations for playing LAN video games:
(1) Competition, (2) Sociality, (3) Interest, and (4) Relaxation (Jansz & Martens, 2005). Of these, the primary motive was
sociality. Still another study identied ve motives for playing MMORP video games: (1) Relationship, (2) Manipulation, (3)
Immersion, (4) Escapism, and (5) Achievement (Yee, 2006). Social motivations appeared especially important for individuals
who play MMORP-games (also Grifths, Davies, & Chappell, 2004). The present research will examine all of these motives. We
predict that boys with higher education ability will prefer MMORP-games, and will be motivated by the social aspects of these
games. In contrast, we predicted that boys with lower educational ability will prefer stand-alone games, and will be motivated by the violent aspects of these games.
Method
Participants
Participants were 833 Dutch middle school adolescent boys. Three boys were eliminated because they did not play video
games, leaving 830 participants (M-age 13.9, SD 1.38). Parental consent rate was 100%. Student assent rate was also 100%.
The Dutch middle school system uses standardized tests to group students into three different educational ability levels:
(1) VMBO is the lowest ability level, (2) HAVO is the middle level, and (3) VWO is the highest educational ability level.1
Participants were equally distributed across the three levels: 33.4% were from VMBO schools, 33.0% were from HAVO
schools, and 33.6% were from VWO schools.

1
The Dutch standardized test at the end of primary school is an independent test to measure the proceedings of childrens achievements. The results give
an indirect weighted measurement of factors that are of importance for future school success, such as intelligence, learning pace, accuracy, and concentration. Based on the scores of this test, students are divided and advised to continue their education at either low, middle, or high ability schools (see
http://www.citogroep.nl/po/ebentree/eb/eind%5ffr.htm). Low VMBO, Voorbereidend Middelbaar Beroeps Onderwijs (focus at lowest level of professional
education). Middle HAVO, Hoger Algemeen Voortgezet Onderwijs (intermediate level of general education; approx. 100110 IQ; Dijk & Tellegen, 1994).
High VWO (including Gymnasium), Voorbereidend Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (high level of general education to prepare for university).

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Procedure
Participants were tested individually in their classrooms. They were told that their responses were anonymous. Given the
number of respondents with low educational ability, we used short and simple measures. Sensation seeking was measured
using a 2-item scale (e.g., I like to do risky things, even if they are dangerous; Slater et al., 2003; Cronbach a .83). Trait
aggressiveness was measured using the 9-item (e.g., I ght more often than most other people do) physical aggression
subscale of the Aggression Questionnaire (Buss & Perry, 1992; Cronbach a .76). Items on both scales were rated using
a 7-point scale (1 disagree completely to 7 agree completely).
Next, participants listed their three favorite games, rated how many hours per week they spent playing each of them (in
categories of hours per week ranging from 05 h, 510 h, 1015 h, to more than 15 h), and indicated whether they played
it online and/or ofine (cf. Anderson et al., 2007). Participants then rated their motivations for playing their favorite game.
Participants completed the statement I play my favorite game because., followed by 26 motivations (e.g., I like to meet new
people) that were identied from various scales used in previous research (e.g., Grodal, 2000; Haridakis & Rubin, 2003; Jansz
& Martens, 2005; Sherry et al., 2006; Vorderer, Hartmann, & Klimmt, 2003; Yee, 2006). Ratings were made using a 7-point
scale (1 disagree completely to 7 agree completely).
Principal components analysis was conducted to determine whether the variance in the observed 26 motivations could be
expressed using a smaller number of unobserved factors. Factors with Eigen values greater than 1 were extracted. Factors
were rotated using the Varimax (orthogonal) procedure. Four motivation-items were excluded because they had loadings
greater than .40 on more than one factor. The analysis revealed that 62.5% of the variation in the remaining 22 motivations
could be explained using 7 factors: (1) Social Interaction, (2) Competition, (3) Escape, (4) Excitement, (5) Unwind, (6) Challenge,
and (7) Diversion (see Table 1). Because factor coefcients are highly dependent on sample characteristics, the items on each
factor were standardized and summed to form total scores (Dawes, 1979; Wainer, 1976).
Next, participants rated the attractiveness of four features in their favorite game: (1) violence, (2) wishful identication, (3)
immersion, and (4) perceived realism (see Konijn et al., 2007; Nije Bijvank, Konijn, Bushman, & Roelofsma, 2009). Violence
was measured using 3 items (e.g., I think it is great that I can kill people in my video game; Cronbach a .83). Wishful
identication was measured using 3 items (e.g., I wish I were like the character in my favorite video game; Cronbach a .82).
Immersion was measured using 3 items (e.g., This game makes me forget everything around me; Cronbach a .61). Perceived
Realism was measured using 4 items (e.g., The situations in the game also occur in real life; Cronbach a .76). A debrieng
followed.
Table 1
Distribution of factor loadings for the Motivations for Video Game Use Scale. Factor loadings in bold font in the same column load on the same factor.a
Factor
Social
Interaction
Cronbach
a .89
M 3.56
SD 1.72

Competition
Cronbach
a .71
M 4.26
SD 1.41

Fantasyescape
Cronbach
a .83
M 3.85
SD 1.95

Fantasyarousal
Cronbach
a .68
M 4.05
SD 1.36

Unwind
Cronbach
a .63
M 5.32
SD 1.15

Challenge
Cronbach
a .73
M 3.65
SD 1.86

Diversion
Cronbach
a .62
M 3.17
SD 1.31

.909
.875
.872
.728
.722

.036
.083
.115
.288
.260

.079
.134
.096
.080
.115

.012
.004
.013
.121
.089

.025
.006
.038
.041
.083

.119
.162
.134
.166
.133

.100
.086
.086
.200
.057

.117
.248
.072
.023

.775
.743
.666
.530

.018
.002
.069
.043

.048
.052
.230
.079

.054
.019
.056
.205

.115
.050
.217
.127

.086
.048
.114
.102

To do things I wish to do in real life too

.052
I like to do things that I cannot do in real life .059

.077
.084

.881
.865

.040
.028

.042
.102

.018
.040

.030
.042

.060
.069
.041
.037

.029
.197
.065
.102

.061
.029
.366
.390

.763
.728
.500
.495

.181
.065
.020
.004

.078
.054
.303
.236

.041
.031
.246
.125

.098
.043
.171

.058
.128
.038

.048
.049
.049

.175
.232
.108

.747
.701
.664

.104
.019
.075

.042
.047
.064

.091
.048

.244
.260

.093
.037

.160
.116

.080
.105

.799
.766

.020
.056

.039
.093

.098
.187

.031
.110

.089
.010

.157
.001

.133
.069

.759
.697

To
To
To
To
To

get in touch with new people

meet new people
make new friends
meet with friends
play with friends

Because I often win

To be the best
To be the strongest
To control the game

It
It
It
It

gets me excited
makes me sit on the edge of my seat
is exciting to be somewhere else
is exciting to be somebody else

To release aggression
To vent anger
To relax
To get to the next level
Because I get a kick to get to the next level
Because I have nothing better to do
Because I actually have other things to do
a

Note. Rotation converged in 7 iterations. Rotation Method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization. Extraction Method: Principal Component Analysis.

M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

157

Results
Comparability of samples from different schools
Hours of video game play per week did not differ across educational ability levels, c2(6) 8.40, p < .21. The age of
participants did not differ across educational ability levels, F(2,827) .06, p < .93. Thus habitual exposure to video games and
age are not confounded with educational ability in this study.
Relationship between educational ability level, trait aggressiveness, and sensation seeking
We expected the highest levels of trait aggressiveness and sensation seeking among boys with the lowest educational
ability level. We rst conducted a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), with educational ability level as xed factor
and trait aggressiveness and sensation seeking as the outcome variables. Results showed a main effect for educational ability
level (Wilks L .92, F(4,1652) 17.41, p < .0001). Univariate ANOVA showed that trait aggressiveness scores differed by
educational ability level, F(2,827) 27.06, p < .0001. Post hoc analyses using Tukeys Honestly Signicant Difference (HSD)
test showed that trait aggressiveness scores were higher for boys in the lowest educational ability group (M 3.85, SD 1.30)
than for boys in the middle (M 3.19, SD 1.13, p < .0001, d .58), and highest (M 3.20, SD 1.15, p < .0001, d .58)
educational ability groups. The latter two groups did not differ (p > .99, d .01).
Univariate ANOVA showed that sensation seeking scores also differed by educational ability level, F(2, 827) 21.96,
p < .0001. Post hoc analyses conrmed that sensation seeking scores were higher for boys in the lowest educational ability
group (M 4.47, SD 1.70) than for boys in the middle (M 3.89, SD 1.62, p < .0001, d .36) and highest (M 3.55,
SD 1.64, p < .0001, d .57) educational ability groups. The latter two groups also differed (p < .042, d .21). Boys with the
highest educational ability were the least attracted to risky and dangerous activities.
Video game preferences
Three independent experts, two experienced game players and a game developer used Yees (2006) system to categorize
the games listed by participants (see Appendix A). Chi Square analyses showed that the distribution of game types differed
across education levels, c2(4) 133.75, p < .0001. As expected, lower educational ability boys preferred stand-alone games,
whereas higher educational ability boys preferred LAN and MMORPG games (see Fig. 1).
The three independent experts also rated the level of violence in the favorite games (1 not at all violent to 10 extremely
violent). There was a high level of agreement among the raters (rICC .93). As expected, video game violence differed across
educational ability levels, F(2, 823) 25.73, p < .0001. Post hoc analyses revealed that boys in the lowest ability group liked
video games that were more violent (M 6.90, SD 2.44) than boys in the middle (M 5.41, SD 2.77 p < .0001, d .61) and
higher (M 5.69, SD 2.56, p < .0001, d .50) educational ability groups. The latter two groups did not differ (p .42,
d .11). These ndings suggest that lower ability boys are especially attracted to violent games.
We used hierarchical regression analysis to test whether low educational ability level boys are more susceptible to violent
video game effects by analyzing the extent to which physical aggression is affected by educational ability and violent game
exposure, while controlling for the various motivations for playing video games. The outcome variable was physical
aggressiveness. Two indicator variables were used for educational ability, with the middle level of ability treated as the
control. The rst indicator variable was coded 1 for VMBO students (the lowest educational level), and 0 for other students.
The second indicator variable was coded 1 for VWO students (the highest level), and 0 for other students. In Step 1, we added

80

Low education level

Moderate education level
High education level

70

Percent

60
50
40
30
20
10
0

Stand alone

LAN

MMORPG

Type of Video Game

Fig. 1. Video game preferences for boys from low, moderate, and high education ability groups.

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the two indicator variables for educational ability level, violent game exposure, and the various motivations for game play. In
Step 2, we entered the interactions between the indicator variables for educational level and violent game exposure.
In Step 1, the indicator variable for the lowest educational ability level was signicant, indicating that boys from the lowest
educational group were more aggressive than the boys from the other educational groups, t(814) 5.13, p < .0001, b .551,
b .211. There also was a signicant relationship between video game exposure and aggressiveness, t(814) 2.53, p < .01,
b .012, b .095. In Step 2, the interaction between low educational level and violent video game exposure was nearly
signicant, t(812) 1.83, p < .07, b .02, b .09. Simple effects tests showed a signicant positive relationship between
violent video game exposure and aggressiveness in boys from the lowest educational level, t(267) 2.58, p < .01, b .022,
b .16. In contrast, there was no signicant relationship between violent video game exposure and aggressiveness in boys
from the other educational levels, t(539) .67, p < .51, b .004, b .034. Thus, there was a positive link between playing
violent video games and aggressiveness for low educational ability boys but not for high educational ability boys.
Perceptions of video games in boys of different educational ability levels
To analyze whether boys of different educational ability levels perceive video games differently, we rst conducted
a MANOVA, with educational ability level as xed factor and the different perceptions (i.e., violent content, wishfulidentication, perceived realism, and immersion) as the outcome variables. There was a signicant effect of educational
level on perceptions of video games, Wilks L .77, F(8,1648) 29.20, p < .0001 (see Fig. 3). After controlling for trait
aggressiveness, sensation seeking, and violent game exposure these effects of educational ability level remained signicant
(Wilks L .826, F(8,1634) 20.52, p < .0001). Separate univariate ANOVAs were then conducted on each perception
separately.
Video game violence
As expected, violent content differed by educational ability level, F(2,820) 64.33, p < .0001. Post hoc analyses showed
that boys in the lowest education group found the violent content to be more appealing (M 5.24, SD 1.74) than did boys in
the middle (M 3.51, SD 1.91, p < .0001, d .99) and highest (M 3.39, SD 1.69, p < .0001, d 1.10) education groups. The
latter two groups did not differ (p .709, d .07). The differences are relatively large, as judged by Cohens (1988)
conventional value for a large effect (i.e., d .80).
Wishful identication
As expected, wishful identication differed by educational ability level, F(2,820) 9.88, p < .0001. Post hoc analyses
showed that boys in the lowest educational ability group identied more strongly with video game characters (M 4.35,
SD 1.69) than did boys in the middle (M 3.78, SD 1.78, p < .0001, d .34) and highest (M 3.53, SD 1.73, p < .0001,
d .49) educational ability groups. The latter two groups did not differ (p .21, d .15).
Realism
As expected, ratings of realism in video games differed by educational ability level, F(2,820) 10.60, p < .0001. Post hoc
analyses showed that boys in the lowest education group thought video games were more realistic (M 4.72, SD 1.88) than
did boys from the middle (M 4.26, SD 1.50, p < .001, d .31) and highest (M 4.07, SD 1.49, p < .0001, d .62) education
groups. The latter two groups did not differ (p .28, d .13).

Low education ability

Moderate education ability
High education ability

Social interaction
Competition
Fantasy
Arousal
Unwind
Challenge
Diversion
1

Rating
Fig. 2. Differences in motivations to play video games among boys from low, moderate, and high education ability groups. Capped vertical bars denote 1 SE.

M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

159

Low education ability

Moderate education ability
High education ability

Violence

Wishful identification

Perceived reality

Rating
Fig. 3. Differences in attractive video game feature for boys from low, moderate, and high education ability groups. Capped vertical bars denote 1 SE.

Immersion
Ratings of video game immersion did not differ as a function of educational level F(2,820) 2.398, p .35.
Motivations for playing video games among boys of different educational abilities
We predicted that boys with a higher educational ability would be more motivated to play video games for social reasons
compared to boys with lower educational ability. We rst conducted a MANOVA, with educational ability level as xed factor
and the various motivations for playing video games as the outcome variables. The results showed a signicant effect of
educational level on motivations for playing video games (Wilks L .714, F(14,1642) 21.562, p < .0001). These results
remained the same after controlling for trait aggressiveness and sensation seeking (Wilks L .737, F(14,1638) 21.562,
p < .0001).
Separate univariate ANOVAs were conducted for the different motivations. There was a signicant main effect of
educational level on the Social Interaction motive, F(2,827) 93.399, p < .0001. Results of post hoc analyses showed that low
ability boys had weaker social motivations to play their favorite game (M 2.69, SD 1.38) compared to boys with middle
(M 3.55, SD 1.63, p < .0001, d .62) and boys with higher educational ability levels (M 4.41, SD 1.72, p < .0001,
d 1.25). The latter two groups also differed (p < .0001, d .53). In particular the difference between the high and low
education groups is quite large, as judged by Cohens (1988) conventional value for a large effect (i.e., d .80).
With respect to the other motivations, univariate ANOVAs showed that the educational ability groups differed signicantly
on Fantasy, Arousal, Challenge, and Unwind motivations, Fs(2,827) 8.18, 7.15, 11.90, and 24.63, respectively, ps < .0001. All of
these motivations were strongest for boys in the lowest educational level group (see Fig. 2). There were no signicant
differences between educational ability groups on Competition and Diversion motivations, Fs(2,827) .39 and 2.79,
respectively, ps > .06.
Discussion
The aim of the present study was to determine whether adolescents of different educational ability levels have different
video game preferences, are attracted by different game features, and have different motivations to play video games. We
were especially interested in testing whether boys of low educational ability are especially attracted to the violence in video
games, because violent games are a signicant risk factor for aggressive behavior (for a meta-analytic review, see Anderson
et al., 2010).
We found that boys with lower educational abilities favored stand-alone games and violent games more than other boys
did. Lower educational boys liked violent content in games, perceived video games to be more realistic, and wishfully
identied more with video game characters than other boys did. Previous research has shown that identifying with violent
video game characters can increase aggression levels after the game is turned off, and perceiving more realism in games feeds
the wish to identify with the game character (Konijn et al., 2007). Thus, our ndings indicate that boys with lower educational
ability may be especially at risk for violent video game effects.
Low-achieving adolescents may not be able to attain success via conventional means because they often come from families
with low socioeconomic backgrounds. By playing violent games, these boys may come to believe that aggression is an effective
way of solving conicts and getting what you want in life. These boys may take their ideals of what real men are like from the
violent video games they play, and through wishful identication, may use these ideals to further develop their male identities
and guide their own behavior (Epstein, Kehily, Mac an Ghaill, & Redman, 2001; Greenberg et al., 1986; Phoenix & Frosh, 2001).

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M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

In addition, we found that adolescent boys with a low educational ability level have more aggressive personalities and are
more likely to seek out thrills and risky behavior than are boys with a higher educational ability level. Indeed, the most
aggressive boys in this study were those with lower educational ability who played violent video games. Thus, boys with low
educational ability appear to be at much higher risk for aggression than other boys are.
These ndings are in line with risk and resilience models of aggression (Anderson et al., 2007; Gentile & Sesma, 2003;
Masten, 2001), which state that the likelihood of behaving aggressively increases exponentially with every additional risk
factor. The present ndings, as well as prior ndings (Bushman & Huesmann, 2001, ch. 11; Eisenbraum, 2007; Emler & Reicher,
1995; Goldstein, 1999; Huesmann et al., 2003; Slater et al., 2003), suggest that low educational ability is one risk factor for
aggression. Not only are boys of low educational ability more attracted to violent games than other boys are, they also are
more likely to identify with the video game characters and are more likely to perceive video games as reecting reality. To
make matters worse, low educational ability is also co-morbid with high levels of trait aggressiveness and sensation seeking.
Thus, the average risk prole for a low educational ability adolescent is much greater than for a high educational ability
adolescent. In contrast, boys with a high educational ability favored more social, less violent games and were lower in trait
aggressiveness and sensation seeking. These are all protective factors against behaving aggressively.
However, our results should not be interpreted to mean that high ability boys only play non-violent games and low ability
boys only play violent games. Both types of boys play both types of games, though the lower ability boys play more violent
ones. Likewise, specic motivations do not uniquely hold for the lower or higher ability adolescents.

Limitations and future research

The main limitation of the present study is that we relied exclusively on self-report data. In addition, the present ndings
are correlational in nature. Thus causal inferences are not possible. Future studies should try to establish relationships
between motivations to play particular games and behavioral effects that result from playing. Experimental studies are also
needed to assess causal relationships between motivations for playing video games and their effects.
Another limitation is that we used the specic school system in The Netherlands to classify boys as low, moderate, or high
in educational ability level, which does not easily translate to other countries. To replicate our ndings outside the
Netherlands, one could substitute the educational ability levels of the Dutch secondary school system with IQ-test scores. For
example, the middle educational ability level in our study is comparable to a 100110 IQ-level (Van Dijk & Tellegen, 1994).
Educational ability levels are also confounded with socioeconomic status (e.g., Turkheimer, Haley, Waldron, DOnofrio,
& Gottesman, 2003). In our study, most of the children with low education ability levels had parents with low socioeconomic status, whereas most of the children with high education ability levels had parents with high economic status.
We chose to study adolescent boys, which enabled us to study the role of educational ability level without too many other
confounding variables. Thus, we do not know whether our ndings generalize to adolescent girls.
Another limitation is that there is no consensus on motivations for media use. The motivations we used were determined
empirically rather than theoretically, and various scholars use different labels for similar motives. These motivations should
be replicated in future research, and should also be tied to theory.
Finally, we used a number of rather brief scales, which we justied by the number of respondents with relatively low
educational ability level. Although previous research has shown these short and simple scales are valid (e.g., Konijn et al.,
2007; Nije Bijvank et al., 2009; Slater et al., 2003), and the reliability coefcients were relatively high for most scales, the
reliability of the immersion scale was low (i.e., Cronbach a .61). This may indicate that the immersion-scale was not a good
measure of immersion in the current study. It is worth noting that immersion was the only game feature for which no
signicant group differences were found.
More research is also needed to understand what interventions may protect adolescent boys of low educational ability
from behaving aggressively. Media literacy programs may focus on providing adolescents with protective factors, such as the
ability to critically evaluate interactive media (Funk, Buchman, Jenks, & Bechtoldt, 2003; Nathanson, 2004). More specically,
these programs could help boys with a lower educational ability to make the fuzzy border between possibilities in virtual
worlds and the real world clearer, help them identify with nonviolent and prosocial heroes in video games, and nd more
constructive ways to solve interpersonal conicts. Interventions can also focus on the positive effects of media on adolescents
health and development (Brown & Witherspoon, 2002; Moreno, Vanderstoep, et al., 2009; Strasburger, 2009).
Conclusions
In summary, our study revealed important differences in video game preferences and motivations as a function of
educational ability level. Boys with lower educational ability are especially attracted to violent, stand-alone video games,
identify more with the characters in those games, and perceive such games to be more realistic. In addition, lower levels of
education are associated with higher levels of aggressiveness and risk seeking behavior. In contrast, boys with higher
educational ability are especially attracted to nonviolent video games that involve social interaction. Thus, boys with low
educational ability are at much greater risk for future aggression than are boys of higher educational ability.
Researchers should be more specic about the types of players and sorts of games that may be linked to harmful effects
and the types of players and sorts of games that may be linked to positive effects. Increasing our understanding of how media

M. Nije Bijvank et al. / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 153162

161

exerts an inuence on adolescents is important because they often use media to develop their identities, to develop their
moral reasoning, and to regulate their emotions.
Many children love the words of the Pink Floyd song, Another Brick in the Wall, Pt. 2. They think they dont need no
education, and they sing these words with great feeling and gusto. However, maybe children do need education after all, and
for reasons other than learning about math, science, or history.
Appendix A
Attributes of three gaming paradigms (based on Yee, 2006).
Attribute

1. Stand-alone
Games (SAG, ofine)

2. Local and Wide Area

Network Games (LAN)

3. Massively Multi-user Online

Role Playing Games (MMORPGs)

Exemplars

Killzone, (PS)
SimCity (PC ofine),
1 (up to 4)
No
None

Counterstrike
Battleeld
116
No
Interaction
Combat

Runescape
World of Warcraft
0millions
Yes
Interaction
Rich, collaborative, social interactions

# of players in video game world

Persistent video game world
Player social interaction
Type of interaction

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