Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
History
The oldest constitutional monarchy dating back to ancient times were the Hittites. They
were an ancient Anatolian peoples that lived during the Bronze Age whose king had to
share his or her authority with an assembly, called Panku, equivalent to a modern-day
deliberative assembly of a legislature. These were scattered noble families that worked
as representatives of their subjects in an adjutant or subaltern federal-type landscape.
The most recent country to transition from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional
monarchy was Bhutan, between 2007 and 2008.
their powers pass further to their ministers, and Royal neutrality in politics became
cemented early in the reign of Queen Victoria (although she had her personal favourites)
following enlargements to the franchise. Today, the role of the British monarch is by
convention effectively ceremonial. Instead, the British Parliament and the Government chiefly in the office of Prime Minister - exercise their powers under 'Royal (or Crown)
Prerogative': on behalf of the monarch and through powers still formally possessed by
the Monarch.
No person may accept significant public office without swearing an oath of allegiance
to the Queen. With few exceptions, the monarch is bound by convention to act on the
advice of the Government.
Constitutional monarchy occurred first in continental Europe, briefly in the early years
of the French Revolution, but much more widely afterwards. Napoleon Bonaparte is
considered the first monarch proclaiming himself as an embodiment of the nation, rather
than as a divinely-appointed ruler; this interpretation of monarchy is germane to
continental constitutional monarchies. G.W.F. Hegel, in his Elements of the Philosophy
of Right (1820), gave it a philosophical justification that concurred with evolving
contemporary political theory and the Protestant Christian view of natural law.[12] Hegel's
forecast of a constitutional monarch with very limited powers whose function is to
embody the national character and provide constitutional continuity in times of
emergency was reflected in the development of constitutional monarchies in Europe and
Japan. His forecast of the form of government suitable to the modern world may be seen
as prophetic: the largely ceremonial offices of president in some modern parliamentary
republics in Europe and Israel can be perceived as elected or appointed versions of
Hegel's constitutional monarch; the Russian and French presidents, with their stronger
powers, may also be regarded in Hegelian terms as wielding powers suitable to the
embodiment of the national will.
Prince in the case of Monaco and Liechtenstein) retains residual (but not always
insignificant) powers. The powers of the monarch differ between countries. In Denmark
and in Belgium, for example, the Monarch formally appoints a representative to preside
over the creation of a coalition government following a parliamentary election, while in
Norway the King chairs special meetings of the cabinet.
In nearly all cases, the monarch is still the nominal chief executive, but is bound by
convention to act on the advice of the Cabinet. Only a few monarchies (most notably
Japan and Sweden) have amended their constitutions so that the monarch is no longer
even the nominal chief executive.
There are sixteen constitutional monarchies under Queen Elizabeth II, which are
known as Commonwealth realms. Unlike some of their continental European
counterparts, the Monarch and her Governors-General in the Commonwealth realms
hold significant "reserve" or "prerogative" powers, to be wielded in times of extreme
emergency or constitutional crises, usually to uphold parliamentary government. An
instance of a Governor-General exercising such power occurred during the 1975
Australian constitutional crisis, when the Australian Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam,
was dismissed by the Governor-General. The Australian senate had threatened to block
the Government's budget by refusing to pass the necessary appropriation bills. On 11
November 1975, Whitlam intended to call a half-Senate election in an attempt to break
the deadlock. When he sought the Governor-General's approval of the election, the
Governor-General instead dismissed him as Prime Minister, and shortly thereafter
installed leader of the opposition Malcolm Fraser in his place. Acting quickly before all
parliamentarians became aware of the change of government, Fraser and his allies
secured passage of the appropriation bills, and the Governor-General dissolved
Parliament for a double dissolution election. Fraser and his government were returned
with a massive majority. This led to much speculation among Whitlam's supporters as to
whether this use of the Governor-General's reserve powers was appropriate, and
whether Australia should become a republic. Among supporters of constitutional
monarchy, however, the experience confirmed the value of the monarchy as a source of
checks and balances against elected politicians who might seek powers in excess of
those conferred by the constitution, and ultimately as a safeguard against dictatorship.
In Thailand's constitutional monarchy, the monarch is recognized as the Head of State,
Head of the Armed Forces, Upholder of the Buddhist Religion, and Defender of the
Faith. The current King, BhumibolAdulyadej, is the longest reigning current monarch in
the world and in all of Thailand's history.[16]Bhumibol has reigned through several
political changes in the Thai government. He has played an influential role in each
incident, often acting as mediator between disputing political opponents. (See
Bhumibol's role in Thai Politics.) Among the powers retained by the monarch under the
constitution, lsemajest protects the image of the monarch and enables him to play a
role in politics. It carries strict criminal penalties for violators. Generally, the Thai
people are reverent of Bhumibol. Much of his social influence arises from this reverence
and from the socio-economic improvement efforts undertaken by the royal family.
In both the United Kingdom and elsewhere, a frequent debate centres on when it is
appropriate for a monarch to use his or her political powers. When a monarch does act,
political controversy can often ensue, partially because the neutrality of the crown is
seen to be compromised in favour of a partisan goal, while some political scientists