SOCIALBEHAVIORANDPERSONALITY, 2007, 35(2), 169-186

Society for PersonalityResearch (Inc.)

THE EFFECT OF AGE AND CULTURE ON THE CAUSES

OF LONELINESS
Ami Rokach
Institute for the Study and Treatment of Psychosocial Stress,
Toronto, Canada
This study examined the influence of age and cultural background on the causes of loneliness.
A total of 194 Canadians and 209 participants from the Czech Republic formed the participant
pool. Rather than comparing the two populations and disregarding within and between the
age differences the cultural groups were divided into age subgroups. These were young adults
(18-30 years old), adults (31-59), and seniors (60-89). Participants answered a 29-item yes/
no questionnaire composed of 5 subscales, namely: Personal Inadequacies, Developmental
Deficits, Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships, Relocation/Significant Separations, and Social
Marginality. The age groups within and between cultures also differed significantly.
Keywords: loneliness, age, culture, personal inadequacies, developmental deficits, unfulfilling
intimate relationships, relocation/significant separations, social marginality.

Current research points out the pervasiveness of loneliness and its debilitating
effects (Jones, Rose, & Russell, 1990: Rokach & Brock, 1997). The present
pervasiveness of loneliness is evident in its identification as a frequent presenting
complaint to telephone hot-lines, college psychological clinics, and youth and
Ami Rokach, PhD, The Institute for the Study and Treatment of Psychosocial Stress, Toronto,
Ontario, Canada.
The author thanks Tricia Orzeck for her invaluable assistance in data analysis and in preparing this
manuscript for publication.
Appreciation is due to reviewers including: Flix Neto, PhD, Faculdade de Psicologia e de Cincias
da Educao, Universidade do Porto, Rua do Campo Alegre, 1021/1055, 4 150 Porto, Portugal,
Email: fneto@fpce.up.pt; Debra Vandervoort, PhD, University of Hawaii at Hilo, Social Sciences
Division, 22 W. Kawili, Hilo, HI 96720, USA, Email: dvanderv@hawaii.edu; M. Engin Deniz,
PhD, Faculty of Technical Education, Department of Education, Selcuk University, Campus 42075,
Konya, Turkey; Tricia Orzeck, PhD, 2736 17th St. NW, Calgary, AB T2M 3S4, Canada, Email:
triciaorzeck@hotmail.com; Ramazan Ari, PhD, Faculty of Occupational Education, Selcuk
University, Campus 42075, Konya, Turkey, Email: ramazanari2@yahoo.com
Please address correspondence and reprint requests to: Ami Rokach, PhD, The Institute for the Study
and Treatment of Psychosocial Stress, 104 Combe Avenue, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M3H 4J9.
Email: arokach@yorku.ca

169

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AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

marriage counselling services (Jones et al., 1990). The social importance of

loneliness is also indicated by the vast amount of research investigating its effects
on emotional, physical, and behavioral problems (Jones et al.).
Recent studies have suggested that a large proportion of the population feel
lonely frequently (Rokach & Brock, 1997). Loneliness has been linked to
depression, anxiety and interpersonal hostility (Hansson, Jones, Carpenter, &
Remondet, 1986), to an increased vulnerability to health problems (Jones et
al., 1990), and even to suicide (Cutrona, 1982; Medora, Woodward, & Larson,
1987). Further, it was concluded in two carefully controlled studies (Berkman
& Syme, 1979; House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988) that increased mortality has
been linked to social isolation. Rook (1988) observed that loneliness results from
the interaction of personal factors and situational constraints. That interaction is
closely associated with the changing circumstances which one encounters.
Age and Loneliness
Adolescence has been described as a period of storm and stress (Arnett,
1999). It is a difficult period of life (Buchanan et al., 1990) characterized by
conflicts with parents (Laursen, Coy, & Collins, 1998), mood disruption or
extreme emotions, increased substance abuse (Johnston, O Malley, & Bachman,
1994), heavy reliance on peers, and vulnerability to peer pressure (Arnett). It was
also said to include risky behavior (Arnett) which was described by Hall (1904)
as a period of semi-criminality (Vol. 1, p. 404).
Young adulthood lacks the sharp mood swings and frequent conflicts which
are characteristic of adolescence (Hatcher, Trussell, Stewart, & Stewart, 1994).
During their twenties, young adults in the Western culture break away from their
families and prepare themselves for life vocationally, academically and socially
(Coon, 1992). Around the age of thirty many people experience a minor life
crisis. Questions about the essence of life, and the wavering assurance about
previous choices are at the heart of that crisis (Coon).
Adults during their third to fifth decades often strive to reach the height of their
vocational experience (Coon, 1992). They attend to their nuclear family as well
as family of origin and experience the birth, growth and striving for independence
of their offspring (Smetana, 1988; Steinberg & Levine, 1997) while also dealing
with the daily hassles of life (Arnett, 1999). Middle age is characterized
by declining vigor, strength, and youthfulness (Coon) and letting go of ones
unrealistic dreams and aspirations. While women experience menopause, men
pass through a climacteric and so both genders experience physiological changes
(Coon).
The elderly frequently suffer from a variety of chronic ailments (Roy, 1986),
death of friends or a spouse (Rabasca, 1999), and social isolation to varying
degrees (Delisle, 1988).

AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

171

These changing circumstances, life events and opportunities undoubtedly affect

the manner in which people experience, evaluate and cope with lifes demands. It
therefore stands to reason that the experience of loneliness, as well as the manner
in which different age groups perceive its causes, would differ at various stages in
life (Rokach, 2000). Ernst and Cacioppo (1999) asserted that there is an overall
positive correlation between loneliness and age. However, when age-related
factors are taken into account, it appears that the relationship between loneliness
and age is more complex and nonlinear. Loneliness is reported to be experienced
most intensely during adolescence, then it declines as age increases.
Culture & Loneliness
Medora et al. (1987) maintained that among the important factors affecting
the individuals experience of loneliness are the culture and the family in which
he/she develops (p. 205). Consequently, the difference in social tapestry,
interpersonal interactions, and the support networks which are available to
individuals in various cultures and countries are, naturally, bound to affect the
manner in which they experience and perceive the causes of their own loneliness.
This study focused on people in two diverse populations: the North American one
(as exemplified in this case by the Canadian participants) and the Czech. These
two cultures differ geographically, religiously, economically and socially.
Some salient features of the North American culture Seligman and
Csikszetmihalyi (2000) pointed out that the present American generation live
surrounded by many more people than their ancestors did, yet they are intimate
with fewer individuals and thus experience greater loneliness and alienation
(p. 9). It has been frequently pointed out (Schneider, 1998; Sermat, 1980) that
loneliness is prevalent and may even be encouraged by the North American
culture. Ostrov and Offer (1980) have reasoned that the North American culture
emphasizes individual achievement, competitiveness, and impersonal social
relations. Consequently, loneliness may be quite pronounced in the face of such
socially alienating values. Saxton (1986) argued that in contemporary North
American society, there is a decline in primary group contacts. These are the
face-to-face, intimate contacts with family members, relatives, and close friends
which were much more prevalent several decades ago. As has been the case
since the 1960s, residential mobility is enhancing loneliness in North America
by causing people to remain uninvolved in their social groups due to their acute
awareness of an impending move (Packard, 1972; Walker, 1966). In addition,
large metropolitan areas, with their large apartment complexes, social prejudice,
and fear of crime, add to peoples reluctance to interact and get involved with
each other (Medora et al., 1987). Schneider reported that the North American
culture does not foster symptom reduction and healthy adjustment as criteria
for psychological well-being (Breggin, 1991). He pointed out that normality in

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AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

America is associated with such conditions as spiritual and emotional emptiness

(Cushman, 1995), Type A personality, and workaholism (Fassel, 1990) - factors
which have been demonstrated to erode physical and mental health (Bracke
& Bugental, 1995). Coupled with the increased computerization and internet
use, this culture magnifies the individuals social alienation, limited contact
with others (within and outside ones family), and loneliness (Kraut et al.,
1998). Since the American and Canadian cultures share a common language,
geographical proximity, a flow of visitors between the countries, commercial
interconnections, and economic alliances, the Canadian sample will be examined
as part of the North American culture.
The Czech Republic in the second half of the 20th Century The Czech Republic
is a small country of 10 million citizens situated in the very middle of Europe.
It is bordered by Slovakia, Poland, Germany, and Austria. It was originally
part of Czechoslovakia but the country split into two independent republics
in 1993. The population consists of Czechs (81%), Slovaks (3%), and several
other minorities (15%); approximately 80% of the population lives in cities and
towns. The country is predominantly Roman Catholic with a Protestant minority
(Encyclopaedia of World Geography, 1994).
The country has had a turbulent history over the last sixty years. It was occupied
by the Nazis during the Second World War. In 1948, under the influence and with
the support of the former Soviet Union, communists staged a coup, turned the
countrys parliamentary democracy into a hardline regime and Czechoslovakias
status became that of a Soviet satellite (Macek et al., 1998).
In the 1960s the countrys attempt to introduce liberal reforms leading to
socialism with a human face, that became known as the Prague Spring, was
crushed. In 1968 the Soviet Union initiated an invasion of Czechoslovakia with
the help of Warsaw Pact troops on the pretext of defending socialism and a
puppet government was installed (Encyclopaedia of World Geography, 1994).
During the late 1980s - the Soviet Unions years of perestroika- the wave
of revolts against totalitarian regimes swept Eastern and Central Europe and
the former satellites shook off their bonds. Czechoslovakia became a real
parliamentary democracy again (Encyclopaedia of World Geography, 1994).
The 1990s brought new freedom and new hopes but also an upheaval of ethnic
tensions, economic hardship and uncertainties linked to the transition from a
state-regulated to a market economy. The decades of economic egalitarianism
were replaced by growing economic and social disparities and the emergence of
a new class of working poor (Vecernick & Mateju, 1998). The new freedom was
also accompanied by a variety of social problems that have either emerged, or
have increased in their severity - homelessness, prostitution, pornography, drug
use, crime, and violence (Wolchik, 1994).

AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

173

The Czech Culture A typical feature of the Czech culture is the high value
attached to education. The population is fully literate (The World in Figures,
1987), and the nation has always taken pride in its highly skilled labor force.
Geographical mobility is low and it is not uncommon for people to live in the
same city, or even the same house, for most of their lives (Vecernik & Mateju,
1998).
Throughout the countrys turbulent history and periods of dictatorship, the
family unit has been a refuge and safe haven. It has had a dual role, not only
that of an economic unit, but also that of ...an effective hiding place, an escape
route from the all pervasive forms of public authority, internal immigration as
a form of dissent (Castle-Kanerova, 1992, p. 117). Under dictatorship, when
public discourse was minimal, family and friends were the only social groups
where ones constitutional right of free speech could be exercised (Macek &
Rabusic, 1994). Loyalty among family members is now high and parent-children
relationships are strong. Unlike in North America, parents feel obligated to
support their children until their educational goals are achieved, whether they are
apprenticeships or education at college or university. Because of severe shortages
in the housing market, it is not uncommon that two generations live together even
after adult children are married and have children of their own. Both families
then help each other with household chores, child care and so on (Macek et al.,
1998).
That is not to suggest that all is well with the institution of the family in the
Czech Republic. The divorce rate is high, as it is in all other former socialist
countries. This can be partially explained by the economic independence of
Czech women, who have one of the highest levels of education when compared
to women in Western industrialized nations. However the daily stress resulting
from a situation in which both partners work outside the home with very little
time left for themselves and for one another is certainly taking its toll - in 1989
women formed 46% of the total labor force. That also means that a significant
number of children grow up in families affected by parental discord, divorce and
problems associated with single parenthood (Castle-Kanerova, 1992).
The patterns of partnership and family life have been changing over the last
decade. In the 1980s Czechoslovakia had one of the highest rates of marriages
with 85% of all women marrying. Pro-family and pro-nationalist state policies
offering long maternity leave, protection of womens employment, generous
baby bonuses, state subsides for child care, and an opportunity to jump housing
queues encouraged early marriages. In 1990 the average age at which women
married was 21.5 years, for men it was 24 years (Heitlinger, 1996).
The Dawn of the 21st Century The 1990s brought a gradual but significant
change to the Czech Republic. The end of the totalitarian regime and the newly
acquired freedom influenced the philosophy and value orientation of the young

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AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

generation. The values of new opportunities, freedom of choice and autonomy,

and the uniqueness of the individual changed the social climate of the land
and influenced patterns of partnership and family life. An increase in common
law relationships, in the number of children born out of wedlock, and in single
parent families delayed marriage to the average age of 27, and legitimacy
of childlessness and an overall decrease of children in the family are among
changes experienced by young people today (Vecernick & Mateju, 1998).
This study is, in essence, a phenomenological study. Unlike other research (see
Ernst & Cacioppo, 1999) it is not diagnostic in nature, and does not measure the
amount of loneliness experienced. Rather, it aims at understanding, explaining,
and highlighting the causes of loneliness as it is experienced at different stages
in life.
Loneliness research tends to focus on individual factors, that is, either
on personality factors or on lack of social contacts (Jylha & Jokela, 1990).
However, loneliness could be expressive of an individuals relationship to the
community. It is conceivable, then, that the difference between cultures and the
ways in which social relations are organized within them will result in crosscultural variations in the way people experience loneliness. The difference of
the social tapestry, interpersonal interactions and the support networks which
are available to individuals in various cultures are bound to affect the causes of
loneliness as previously outlined by Rokach and Brock (1996). This study also
aimed to examine the perceived causes of loneliness for people with differing
cultural backgrounds, religious beliefs, norms and values.
METHOD
Participants
Four hundred and three participants volunteered to answer the loneliness
questionnaire. One hundred and ninety four Canadians (91 men and 103
women) and 209 participants (119 men and 90 women) from the Czech Republic
comprised the sample, which was recruited in urban Canadian and Czech centers.
In an attempt to overcome the methodological difficulties of other studies which
relied solely on college students (see Vincenzi & Grabosky, 1987), participants
were recruited from all walks of life.
The average age of participants was 48.08 years with ages ranging from 18
to 89 years. The mean level of education (i.e. last grade completed) was 14.49
years with a range of formal education reported of 7 to 23 years. Twenty-four
percent of the participants were single, 52% were married, and 24% had had
a relationship but were no longer in it due to separation, divorce, or death of
a spouse. Table 1 provides a more detailed breakdown of age, education, and
marital status within each age group.

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AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

Table 1
Demographics
Population
N1

Canada

194

Young Adults

63

Adults

68

Seniors

64

Single

Marital Status
Married Divorced

63

86

46

(32%)

(44%)

(23%)

43

18

(68%)

(29%)

(3%)

18

42

(27%)

(63%)

(12%)

26

36

(3%)

(41%)

(56%)

X2(2, 2) = 95.32***

Education
M
SD
14.82

2.86

(18-89)

15.56

23.54

2.12

(11-20)

(18-30)

15.99

40.75

2.62

(11-23)

12.84

2.72

(7-21)

33

124

52

14.18

2.60

(59%)

(25%)

(8-22)

(18-84)

14.34

2.74

14

78

(14%)

(77%)

(9%)

76

18

12

(56%)

(38%)

(6%)

34

41

(1%)

(45%)

(54%)

X2(2, 2) = 94.88***

Total

404

96

210

98

(52%)

(24%)

X2(1, 1) = 16.15***

Young Adults 95


Adults
169

Seniors

140

61

30

(64%)

(32%)

(4%)

32

X2(1, 1) = 1.49
120

17

(19%)

(71%)

(10%)

X2(1, 1) = 5.11
60

77

(43%)

(55%)

(2%)

7.25

(31-59)

72.88

6.93

(62-89)

50.27 18.50
24.34

(10-18)

(18-30)

15.20

42.89

2.55

(11-22)

12.75

2.03

(8-19)

3.59
8.83

(31-59)

70.99

6.70

(60-84)

F(2, 206) = 23.42*** F(2, 206) = 531.28***

(24%)

3.47

F(2, 192) = 29.94*** F(2, 192) = 1051.83***

(16%)

SD

45.73 21.20

(7-23)

Czech
209

Young Adults 32

Adults
101
Seniors

Age
M

X2(1, 1) = 0.70

14.49

2.74

48.08 19.95

(7-23)

(18-89)

F(1, 402) = 5.52*

F(1, 402) = 5.27*

15.15

2.31

23.81

3.51

(10-20)

(18-30)

F(1, 93) = 6.18**

15.51 2.60

F(1, 93) = 1.11

42.03 8.27

(11-23)

(31-59)

F(1,67) = 3.79
12.79 2.36

F(1, 167) = 2.75

71.85 6.84

(7-21)

(60-89)

F(1, 138) = 0.05

F(1, 138) = 2.70

** p< .01
*** p< .001
p< .05
and percentages may not add up due to missing data
2 in parentheses = range
F(1,402) (education by culture) = 5.52**
X2(1,2) (marital status by culture) = 16.15**
F(1,402) (age by culture) = 5.27**
1 Ns

Procedure
Participants were asked to reflect on their past experiences of loneliness and
to endorse those items which described its causes. They took approximately ten

176

AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

minutes to answer the questionnaire. In both countries, adolescents participated

in the study either between or after classes, or were recruited in community
centers where they attended extracurricular activities. Community centers also
provided an opportunity to recruit participants from the other age groups. In
addition, young adults were recruited in local universities and during evening
classes. Seniors were recruited in community centers, groups for the bereaved,
and from centers for the aged. Participants took part in the study on a volunteer
basis and were assured of anonymity. Seniors represent only those who were in
relatively good health and active and as such may not be a representative sample
of the senior population.
Instrument: The Loneliness Questionnaire
All items for the questionnaire were written by the author and based on
Rokachs previous research on the causes of loneliness (Rokach, 1989). That
research yielded a theoretical model of loneliness antecedents which led to the
development of the questionnaire.
The questionnaire, its development and properties were described in Rokach
and Brock (1996). The most salient factor to emerge was Personal Inadequacies
(17% of variance) which included items that addressed enduring personal
characteristics and/or previous aversive experiences which result in low
self-esteem, mistrust, fear of intimacy, and feeling socially ill at ease. The
second factor, Developmental Deficits (6%), addressed the developmental and
familial antecedents of adult loneliness such as growing up in an inadequate or
dysfunctional home characterized by emotionally distant or rejecting parents,
psychological or physical abuse, and/or an atmosphere that is generally marred
by upset and unhappiness. The third factor, Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships
(5%), acknowledged the impact of disappointing, hurtful and/or emotionally
abusive intimate friendships on the development of loneliness. Factor four,
Relocation/Significant Separations (4%), captured the effects of the change
to and often loss of important relationships that occurs as a consequence
of mobility or relocation. The fifth factor, Social Marginality (4%), addressed
the actual or perceived social rejection and distancing which criminals, the
unemployed, and the chronically-ill commonly experience.
Conceptually, these factors can be divided into two clusters: a) Characterological
and Historical and b) Experiential and Situational. The Characterological and
Historical cluster is composed of Personal Inadequacies and Developmental
Deficits and recognizes the importance of the individuals experience, attitudes
(toward self and others), and personality characteristics to the development
of loneliness. If negative, these factors can significantly hinder the initiation
and maintenance of supportive, fulfilling relationships. The second cluster,
Experiential and Situational, includes the remaining three factors of Unfulfilling

AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

177

Intimate Relationships, Relocation/Significant Separation, and Social Marginality,

and highlights the direct effects of unstable, unsatisfactory and/or hurtful
relationships on the development of loneliness (see Appendix for sample items).
Each of the five factors comprised a subscale and each participants score is the
sum of the items endorsed in each subscale. Due to participants feedback about
the length of the original questionnaire (82 items), it was shortened and only the
six highest-loading items in each subscale were included; hence, the questionnaire
included a total of 29 items. Kuder-Richardson internal consistency reliabilities
were calculated and yielded the following alpha values: Personal Inadequacies
= .63; Developmental Deficits = .66; Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships = .62;
Relocation/Significant seperations = .85; Social marginality = .46. K-R alpha for
the 29-item questionnaire was .70 (see Appendix for sample items).
RESULTS
Table 1 illustrates the breakdown of age, martial status, and educational level
within each group. Participants were divided into three distinct age groups based
on Eriksons (1963) psychosocial stages. The young adults group ranged in age
from 18 to 30 years, the adults from 31 to 59, and seniors were those 60 to 85
years old. Results of the present study confirmed the hypothesis that the causes
of loneliness are varied, and are influenced by ones culture, background and
age.
Age (F(1, 402) = 5.27; p < .05) was significantly different between the two
cultures. The average age of Canadians was 45.73 years while the mean age
of the Czechs was 50.27. Education (F(1, 402) = 5.52; p < .05) was similarly
significantly different, with the Canadians having completed on average 14.82
years in school, while the average educational level of the Czech participants
was 14.18. Marital status (2 = 16.15; p < .001) also differed significantly
between the two cultures. While 32% of Canadians were single, only 16% of the
Czech sample were single. Thirty-five percent of Canadian participants and 59%
of Czechs reported that they were married, and 33% Canadians and 25% Czechs
described themselves as divorced or widowed.
Table 2 presents the mean subscale scores for participants in each age group
and the two cultures. An overall MANCOVA (F(5, 389) = 7.22; p < .001) indicated
that the scores of the three age groups in the two cultures differed significantly.
More specifically, Canadians had significantly higher mean subscale scores
on Personal Inadequacies, Developmental Deficits, Relocation/Significant
Seperations, and on the Social Marginality subscales. Subsequent ANCOVAs
indicated that the two cultures had significantly different scores on all but the
Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships subscale. A MANCOVA (F(10, 368) = 0.74, ns)
indicated no significant difference in mean scores between the three Canadian

Personal
inadequacies
M
SD

Developmental
deficits
M
SD
2.05
2.04
2.21
1.82

1 Ns

**p<.01
**p<.001
may not add due to missing data.
3 Gender was covaried.

Seniors
139
MANCOVA3 F(5, 132) = 6.06***
Overall MANCOVA2
F(5, 389)=7.22***

*p<.05

F(1, 402) = 0.58

0.89
1.34
F(1, 132) = 0.56

Marital status, education,age and gender were covaried.

Education and gender were covaried.

F(1, 402) = 5.11**

F(1, 402) = 6.1*

2

1.03
1.15
F(1, 132) = 0.50

1.38
1.42
F(1, 132) = 10.74***

F(1,402) = 9.80**

1.50
1.75
F(1,132) = 0.61

Total
403
1.89
1.64
1.25
1.43
0.97
1.28
1.57
1.79

Young Adults
95
2.31
1.79
1.26
1.68
0.86
1.07
1.78
1.90

MANCOVA4 F(5, 87) = 1.93

Adults
169
2.07
1.61
1.43
1.47
1.09
1.33
1.51
1.74

MANCOVA3 F(5, 162) = 4.45***
F(1, 162) = 0.05
F(1, 162) = 4.40**
F(1,162) = 3.08*

1.31
1.45
1.22
1.48
1.09
1.18
1.63
1.70
F(2,206) = 3.18*
A & S

1.86
2.06
2.13
1.35

Unfulfilling intimate Relocation/significant

relationships
separations
M
SD
M
SD

Canada
194
1.67
1.79
1.42
1.67
1.01
1.34

Young Adults (YA)
63
2.08
1.83
1.29
1.78
0.92
1.03

Adults (A)
68
2.07
1.88
1.81
1.74
1.18
1.47

Seniors (S)
63
0.84
1.33
1.13
1.39
0.94
1.47
MANCOVA2 F(10, 368) = 0.74
Czech
209
2.08
1.45
1.10
1.15
0.93
1.22

Young Adults
32
2.75
1.66
1.22
1.48
0.75
1.14

Adults
101
2.06
1.41
1.18
1.19
1.03
1.23

Seniors
76
1.83
1.34
0.95
0.92
0.87
1.24
MANCOVA F(10, 404) = 3.42***
F(2, 206) = 4.70**
F(2, 206) = 1.08
F(2, 206) = 0.79

Bonferoni
YA & A, YA & S

Population
N1

Table 2
Comparing Mean Subscale Scores of Causes of Loneliness by Group

0.71
0.73
0.66
0.74

0.65
0.64

F(1, 402) = 9.54**

0.42
0.62
F(1, 162) = 10.89***
F(1, 162) = 12.62***
0.49
0.67
F(1, 132) = 0.21

0.42
0.33

0.33
0.56
0.13
0.34
0.26
0.54
0.51
0.62
F(2, 206) = 7.38***
YA & S, A & S

0.52
0.43
0.66
0.46

Social
marginality
M
SD

178
AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

AGE, CULTURE AND LONELINESS

179

age subgroups. A MANCOVA (F(10, 404) = 3.42; p < .001) within the Czech
sample indicated that the three subgroups had significantly different mean scores
on Personal Inadequacies (young adults scored highest), Relocation/Significant
Separation, and Social Marginality (seniors scored highest on both subscales).
MANCOVAs were also calculated within each age subgroup across the two
cultures. While young adults did not score significantly differently (F(5, 87) =
1.93, ns), adults (F(5, 162) = 4.45; p < .001) and seniors (F(5, 132) = 6.06; p < .001)
did. ANCOVAs indicated that adults of the two cultures had significantly higher
mean scores on all but the Personal Inadequacy subscale. Seniors, on the other
hand, differed significantly only on this subscale.
MANCOVAs comparing the age groups cross-culturally indicated that
Canadian adults had higher mean subscale scores on all but the Personal
Inadequacies subscale, where no significant difference was found. Czech seniors
scored higher on all but the Developmental Deficits subscale. No significant
difference was found in the Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships subscale.
DISCUSSION
In this study the causes of loneliness across the life span were investigated
by examining how it is experienced during adolescence, young adulthood, and
later years. To the best of my knowledge, no other research has addressed the
phenomenology of loneliness and its different antecedents as they occur during
the life cycle in different cultures. As Hartog (1980) keenly observed:
...we struggle against loneliness even before we know the adversary. As
children, we sense we are alone when we discover that our parents are
not omniscient and all-powerful. As adolescents we discover our own
mortality and this intensifies our awareness of loneliness. As adults we
come to realize that we are not merely alone within our bodies, but alone
in the world. (p. 1)
Results of this study indicate that the causes of loneliness of Canadian
participants differ significantly from those of the Czech participants. We
examined each of the five factors which comprise the causes of loneliness, as
participants of the two cultural groups endorsed it. Overall Canadians scored
significantly lower than the Czechs on Personal Inadequacies, and scored higher
on the Developmental Deficits, Relocation/Significant Separation and the Social
Marginality subscales, and did not differ significantly from the Czech sample on
Unfulfilling Intimate Relationships.
Overall, these results indicate that at different stages in our lives, we attribute
the causes of loneliness to different sources. The Personal Inadequacy subscale
addressed the enduring personal characteristics and/or previous aversive

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experiences, which result in low self-esteem, mistrust, fear of intimacy and

feeling socially ill at ease.
The North American culture stresses individual achievement and competitive,
impersonal social relations which makes alliances with others difficult (Medora
et al., 1987). They were described by Mijuskovic (1992) as examples of the
atomistic societies where relations are essentially regarded as contractual,
external, legalistic, formalistic [and such a] society, then is the outcome of an
artificial agreement (p. 152). A decline in primary group contacts, increased
mobility, a decline in neighborhood contacts, and emphasis on autonomy and
personal success characterize that society (Medora et al.). Weintrob (1987)
referred to the North American society as mechanized.
Castle-Kanerova (1992) asserted that the long period of communism with
its attempts to focus the Czechs attention away from politics has put immense
pressure on the citizens to have children, secure a place to live, and deal with
constant and ongoing propaganda. That oppressive period ended in the 1990s.
However, the period of transition thereafter brought with it declining living
standards, unemployment and workplace competition (Wolchik, 1994).
Jones and Carver (1991) postulated that loneliness affects ones opinion about
people, life, and society in a manner suggesting that lonely people subscribe to
negativistic, apathetical, and pessimistic views (p. 400). In view of this, and in
the light of cultural differences and the tremendous pressures under which the
Czechs still live, it is suggested that in the past decade they may have started to
take more responsibility for their daily lives than they could have done during
the state-controlled communist period. Consequently, and to an even larger
degree than the North Americans, they attribute the causes of their loneliness
to their personal inadequacies and shortcomings which may now be clear and
evident to them while they reorganize their lives, plans, careers and immediate
environments. All of these are activities which were very restricted under the
Soviet occupation.
Comparing the mean scores of young adults across the two cultures indicated
no significant differences. It is thus suggested that this period of entering the
adult world with the societal expectations that people at that age establish for
themselves professionally, socially, romantically and economically may be
universal. Consequently, it is suggested that the perception of ones loneliness
and its causes may be attributed to the intense period that one is experiencing,
regardless of ones culture or geographical location.
Canadian adults had significantly higher mean scores than did their Czech
counterparts on all factors except Personal Inadequacies. During adulthood,
people are striving to reach the peak of their professional careers, they tend to
their familial obligations - within both the nuclear and extended families - and

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181

experience the birth and then separation from their growing offspring (Smetana,
1988; Steinberg & Levine, 1997).
The North American culture, much more than the Czech, encourages selfreflection and personal therapy, which tend to make one aware of ones
shortcomings, dissatisfaction, unfulfilled needs and may also suggest areas for
improvement (see Welch, 1998). In addition, it has been argued that the North
American society sees a decline in its primary group contacts, the intimate
contacts with family members, relatives and close friends (Saxton, 1986). And
since the 1960s, residential mobility may have enhanced loneliness in North
America by limiting peoples involvement in their community due to their acute
awareness of an impending relocation (Packard, 1972; Walker, 1966). It is thus
suggested that cultural norms, expectations and values may be responsible for
the significant differences in the causal attributions of loneliness between the
Canadian and Czech samples.
Czech seniors had significantly higher subscale scores than the Canadians
only on Personal Inadequacies. The elderly have been reported to experience
less loneliness, and when they do encounter it, they may evaluate it differently.
Delisle (1988) noted that, in general, the majority of the aged in North America
lead a relatively active social life and many of them are in contact with their
children. The majority of the elderly expressed satisfaction with the quality of
their relationships with loved ones (Delisle; Peplau & Perlman, 1982), and that
overall those suffering significantly from their isolation are in the minority
(Delisle, p. 364). Consequently, it appears that the pain of loneliness is lessened
with age. Despite the inevitable losses which accompany old age, those relatively
healthy and independent seniors who participated in this study enjoy peer group
support and the company of other seniors. Brown (1996) reported that peer
group participation is increasing amongst the aged throughout the world. In
North America, the healthy aged may live independently, with their children, in
retirement communities or age-concentrated public housing (Malakoff, 1991).
Under those conditions, and in the light of Mroczeks (quoted in Rabasca, 1999)
observation that seniors gear their lives toward maximising positive affect and
minimising negative affect (p. 11), it stands to reason that the North American
seniors would attribute their loneliness to personal inadequacies less than the
Czech elderly who have lived most of their lives under communist rule, and
who may feel doubtful about their ability and command of personal resources
to successfully emerge from the present period of economic, social and political
transition (for the present changes which the Czech society is undergoing see
Macek & Rabusic, 1994; Weiner, 1997).
Comparing the age subgroups within the Canadian sample indicated no
significant differences amongst the scores of the three age subgroups.

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An examination of the age subgroups in the Czech sample indicated that

young adults as can be expected from youngsters at that age who are struggling
to establish themselves personally and socially had the highest mean score
on Personal Inadequacies, and they had scored lowest on Social Marginality.
While social marginality may indeed be a familiar experience to them, they may
attribute it to other causes (i.e., their stage in life, entering adulthood, etc.) rather
than identify it as a cause of their loneliness. Seniors had the highest mean score
on the Relocation/Significant Separations subscale. That may be the result of the
losses and relocations (such as into their childrens care, or to institutions) that
seniors inevitably experience.
The North American society is a mechanized society characterized by its
impersonal institutions, disintegration of the family as a result of a high divorce
rate, high mobility rate with its impact on family and community ties; the fastpaced living and self-centeredness of the culture with its me first philosophy
interferes with peoples ability to establish and maintain fulfilling relationships.
Such a cultural atmosphere leaves little time and place for cultivating friends
who are real confidants within unconditional relationships (Mijuskovic, 1992).
A very similar picture is presented by historical sociologists who also blame
widespread loneliness on an assault of industrial society on our way of life, a
higher mobility and a different housing pattern characterized by single family
dwellings - a reflection of a higher standard of living. It appears that while Czech
youth and adults do not attribute loneliness to relocation, seniors who were
used to a more stable and routine way of life may experience loneliness and
other difficulties as a result of the more modern, Americanized way of life that
the Czechs have been adopting since the 1990s.
Conclusion
These results indicate that age and cultural background affect ones perceptions
of the causes of loneliness. Significant differences were noted between the two
cultures and in each of the three age subgroups when compared across cultures.
That appears to support Rooks (1988) observation that loneliness results from
a combination of personal and situational variables and these, naturally, change
over time. It was found that age and cultural background have a differential
effect on the causes of loneliness. In the present study Canadians scored
significantly lower than their Czech counterparts on Personal Inadequacies,
while scoring significantly higher on all other subscales except Unfulfilling
Intimate Relationships where participants from the two cultures did not have
significantly different mean scores.
Future research may examine the influence of familial relations, health,
cultural background and socioeconomic levels on the causes of loneliness.

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183

Further research is also needed to expand on this study, hopefully recruiting a

larger and more representative senior sample in both countries.
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Appendix
Perceived Causes of Loneliness: Sample Items

1. Personal inadequacies
Feeling I lacked personal courage (.64)*
Often feeling that I didnt fit in (.65)
Frequently experiencing strong feelings of inadequacy (.64)
Being intimidated by people who appear more socially capable than me (.67)
2. Developmental deficits
A home life marked with upset and unhappiness (.58)
Having emotionally distant parents (.69)
Feeling rejected by my family (.63)
Not having an emotionally close family (.64)
3. Unfulfilling intimate relationships
Being emotionally abused by my partner (.67)
Not being regarded as a unique individual by my partner (.60)
Feeling there were things more important to my partner than I was (.66)
Experiencing a complete breakdown of my intimate relationship (.71)
4. Relocation/significant separations
Having to adjust to new surroundings as a result of relocation (.80)
Feeling isolated from my friends due to relocation (.79)
Being separated from those who formed my emotional support system due to relocation (.70)
Feeling homesick for my previous environment after relocating (.68)
5. Social marginality
Being arrested (.83)
Being unemployed (.46)
Being incarcerated (.82)
Feeling that people do not trust me because I have been convicted of a criminal offence (.77)

The factor loading of the item