The Cultural Study of Contemporary Societies: Puerto Rico

Author(s): Robert A. Manners and Julian H. Steward

Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 59, No. 2 (Sep., 1953), pp. 123-130
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2771859
Accessed: 27-08-2015 12:31 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of
Sociology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE CULTURAL STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY

SOCIETIES: PUERTO RICO'
ROBERT A. MANNERS AND JULTAN H. STEWARD

ABSTRACT

In addition
Fourruralcommunities
in PuertoRico,eachwitha different
cropemphasis,
wereexamined.
to thetraditional
methods
ofinvestigation
employed
by anthropologists,
thisgroupstudiedtheavailable
ontheisland,andontheisland's
onthecommunities,
documents,
statistics,
andhistorical
materials
bearing
relations
withothercountries
andareas.Thepurposeoftheinvestigation
wasto analyzeandto explainthe
natureandorigins
oftheinsular
subcultures.
Striking
differences
amongthesewererevealed
bytheresearch,
andtheseappear,at leastin part,to be relatedto thenatureofthecropsgrown.

Thispaperoutlinesa fewofthemethodo- culturalhomogeneity

thatis falseforthese
and discussessomeof complexcontemporary
logicalconsiderations
societies,or to conofa recentstudyofPuertoRico clusionsabout "nationalcharacter"and nathefindings
made by a group of culturalanthropolo- tionallysharedtraitswhichare, to say the
gists.2We shalldescribesomeof thesubcul- least, of doubtfulheuristicvalue. Bearing
in theseconsiderations
in mind,our firstneed
whichwereencountered
turaldifferences
the courseof the fieldworkand detail the in thePuertoRican studywas to defineand
appearto be delimitthescopeof inquiryso thatthetrawaysin whichthesedifferences
ditionalmethodsof anthropology
could be
relatedto specificcropemphases.
Second,we had to
The traditionalholisticor culturalap- utilizedmosteffectively.
and dein their be certainthat thisverydefinition
proachemployedbyanthropologists
wouldnotbe so narrowas to lead
primi- limitation
studiesof relativelyundifferentiated
tive societiesseemed,to the investigators us to overlookor obscurethe sociocultural
whichwebelievedexistedon the
involvedin thisstudy,to be entirelyinade- distinctions
ofa heterogeneous island. And, third,we concludedthat we
quate to theexamination
historical,
societylike that of Puerto Rico, with its needed as much documentary,
studyat the insularand
populationof well over 2,000,000people. and institutional
level as was practicableand
have, supra-insular
And althoughseveralanthropologists
attemptedto necessaryto illuminateand to framethe
withlittleor no modification,
of thecommunity
research.
methodssuitableforanalysisat one findings
transfer
As our primaryobjectsof investigation,
to analysis
levelofcomplexity
sociocultural
their we selectedcertainsubcultureswhichwe
at a muchhigherlevel of complexity,
surconclusions
have beencalledin questionby believed,on the basis of a preliminary
manysocial scientists-'For the mostpart, vey, to be of major practicalimportance
the mechanicaltransferof methodleads eitherbecauseof thesheernumbersofindior becauseofsignificant
to constructan imageof vidualsrepresented
theseinvestigators
trendsof socialand culturalchange.
1An expanded
ofa paperreadat theanversion
For thegreaterpartofthefourand a half
Society, centuries
Sociological
oftheAmerican
nualmeeting
since its discovery,Puerto Rico
4, 1952.
September
has beenpredominantly
a countryof small
2 The participants
were Drs. Sidney Mintz,
subsistence
farmers.
Since
1815. however.
Padilla,RaymondScheele,Eric Wolf,and

Elena
I Cf.J.H. Steward,
"LevelsofSociocultural
InRobertManners.The study,whichwas conducted
An Operational
of thePuertoRican govemment tegration:
Concept,"Southwestern
at theinvitation
of PuertoRican social JournalofAnthropology,
VII, No. 4 (1951), 374-90,
and withthe co-operation
of Dr. Julian fora detaileddiscussion
oftheproblems
ofcultural
was underthe direction
scientists,
research
at variouslevelsofintegration.
Steward.
123

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

124

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

and moreespeciallysinceUnitedStatessov- whichtheywereintegralpartscouldnotbe

was establishedin 1898,theisland understood
ereignty
unlesstheislandas a wholeand
a partof thelarger the sovereignpowers-firstSpain and then
has becomeincreasingly
worldof commerceand has devotedmore theUnitedStates-weretakenintoaccount.
and moreof its tillablearea to theproduc- This led us intolinesofinvestigation
which,
Its regionshave thoughperhapsambitiousand notordinartion of cash commodities.
come to rely upon the incomefromcash ily followedin a culturalapproach,were
crops,of whichsugar,coffee,and tobacco deemedessentialto an adequatefunctional,
are most important.Differencesbetween cultural-historical
studyof the specialsubfarmowners,landlesslaborers,and small culturalgroups.
The subcultures
themselves
farmershave become sharpened.Towns
werestudied
have grown,and theirresidentshave be- by theusualmethodsoftheethnologist.
Alprofession- thoughthe communityinquiriesled into
come specializedas merchants,
als, servicingpersonnel,laborers,and gov- analyses of all socioeconomicsegmentsin
theirinterrelatedness,
we devotedourmajor
functionaries.
ernment
to halfa dozen of thesegroupings:
Sincemorethan40 percentof thework- efforts
en- landlessworkerson a corporate,Americaningpopulationof theislandis regularly
and sincemorethan80 ownedsugarplantationon thesouthcoast;
gagedin agriculture
percentofPuertoRico's totalwealthis de- landless and near-landlessworkerson a
(projectof theinsulargovwe selectedas our Land Authority
rivedfromagriculture,
of ernment),proportional-profit
sugarplantaprincipalobjectof studythesubcultures
thelandlessagricul- tion on the northcoast; haciendaowners
thefarmers-especially
in
of and laborersengagedin coffee
production
turallaborers-engagedintheproduction
highlandscommunity;and
theisland'sthree a west-central
sugar,tobacco,and coffee,
and landlessworkersof a
major cash crops.These occupationaland thesmallfarmers
regionalsubsocietieshad to be analyzedin tobaccoand minorcash-cropadaptationin
since the easternhighlands.In each community
thecontextof thelocal municipalities,
withinwhich therewereperhaps200-300representatives
theyprovidethe framework
the subculturalgroupsor classes interact ofthesubculturaltypes,withwhosewayof
withone anotherand where,throughthe lifeeachmajorfieldworkerand hisassistant
marketingof cash crops,the purchaseof became comparativelywell acquainted in
and theutilizationof govern- the courseof a year and a half.The larger
commodities,
institutional
framementservices,theyare relatedto thelarger insularandextra-insular
forcesand institu- work within which these subcultures
insularand extra-insular
tions. But of the four municipalitiesor emergedand are today functioningdeinPuer- mandedadditionalmethodsof analysis.It
municipios(thereare 77 municipios
to Rico) selectedforstudy,thesmallesthad requiredthat the staffspend considerable
and conpublisheddocuments
a populationin excessof 13,000,whilethe timestudying
largestincludedmorethan 21,000individ- sultingwithisland authoritiesin orderto
uals. Thus thesheersize ofeach municipio, understandthe basic trendsin local land
of its social struc- use, internalspecializationand trade,overadded to thecomplexity
themanipulationof credit,
forus to conduct seas commerce,
madeit impossible
turing,
and
studies"in thesame senseand politicalpatterns,religiousinstitutions,
''community
outside,
followingthe same methodsas those em- otherfactorswhichhave originated
theway of lifewithin
studiesof folksocie- yetstrongly
affected,
ployedin ethnological
each community
and whichhave helpedto
ties.
found
Althoughthe firstorderof businesswas create the socioculturaldifferences
we withinand among the communities.
That
theanalysisof the selectedsubcultures,
of is, theanalysesofthecontemporary
subculassumedthattheseand thecommunities

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

CULTURAL STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIETIES:

PUERTO RICO

125

tural groupswere made against a back- and promotescynicalattitudestowardthe

groundof generalchangeon theisland.
ultimatevalueofsavings,whilesubstituting
In the followingaccount we deal only a hopeforadvancement
through
suddenacwith those subculturaldistinctionswhich cessionsofmoney,suchas gambling.
clearlyappearto be relatedto thediffering Thereis a numberof waysin whichthe
crop emphasesdevelopedwithinthe con- sugar workerstryto meet the problemof
finesof thissmall island.Lengthydescrip- gettingenoughto eat duringthe dead seaaccountsof son. Those in the Land Authority
tionsand detailedethnographic
commueach ofthefourcommunities
studiedare,of nitywholiveon smallplotsdonatedby the
sometimes
cultivatesubsistence
course,precludedby therequiredbrevityof government
crops to see themthroughthe dead time.
thisreport.4
of theirland
But thegenerallylow fertility
THE SUGAR COMMUNITIES
-as wellas severalotherfactorswhichwe
Under presentconditionsof the world do not have the space to discuss-tendsto
market,sugarcaneis believedto be thecrop discouragecarefulor adequate use of these
on plotsbymostoftheparceleros.Someworkers
that can be cultivatedmostprofitably
the land of certainareas. Since the cane is fromthesecommunities
commutedailydurharvestedfromaboutFebruaryto June,the ingthedead seasonto one ofthelargecities
restof theyear is a timeof seriousunder- in searchofwork,forexampleon thedocks.
henceis locallydesignatedthe Othersfishor huntcrabs.Stillotherscarry
employment;
or "dead period."5Amongthe sand fora local contractor.
tiempo
muerto
The makingor
ofthisseason- sale of illegalrumfora commission;
consequences
moreimportant
acting
ality is the elaborationof subsidiaryeco- as agent for the illegal lottery;washing
nomicactivitiesto insuresurvivalduring clothesand doinghome needlework;partthesixto sevenmonthsofscarcity.Another timeartisanryand so on are some of the
ofconsiderable
is otherdevicesforsurviving
effect
culturalsignificance
thedead period.
thatthewage laborof womenand children Thus, the so-called"subsidiary"activities
has becomea vitalfactorin familysurvival in thesecommunities
are numerousand dia relatively
high versifiedand have developed,under these
and has givento theformer
statusand a positionof some authorityin conditionsof monocrop,seasonal agriculineither ture,an importance
thefamilywhichis notencountered
frequently
equal to that
of themountaincommunities.
of theprimesourceof income.
ofland in large,stable
The concentration
and class
Strongkin,ritualkin,neighbor,
holdings-whichis requiredfor the most ties arise or persistin the needs and execonomicaluse of the expensiveand essen- changesof thedead season;whiletherehas
tialprocessing
ideas been a concomitantdeclinein face-to-face
equipment-discourages
and chancesof upwardeconomicmobility relationships
betweenownerand worker,
aca
of
the
breakdown
older
companied
by
pat4 The fullreportof the PuertoRico studyis now
ternsofrespectand othertraditional
paterin press.
I Althoughcane could presumablybe planted to nalisticways. Collectiveactivitythrough
ripen throughoutthe year-especially in the irri- laborunionsand politicalorganizations
has
gated areas-the sugar contentwould be adversely replacedpersonalappeals to thelandowner
affected.But an even moreimportantconsideration
as a device to gain economicand political
dictatingthe presentpatternofproductionis thatit
is most economicalto keep the existingprocessing objectives.Amongthe landlessproletariat
sugarcommunity
thefamequipmentoperatingcontinuouslyduringthe har- inthesouth-coast
a trend-espe- ily is bilateraland nuclearratherthanexvest. Consequently,thereis currently
the tended,and thewifetendsto be thestable
cially on the south coast-toward lengthening
dead season and shorteningthe total harvest time,
marriageis just as
in orderto reduceeven furtherthe overheadcosts of member.Common-law
prevalentamongthisgroupas it has always
processing.

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

126

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

have a moreprofoundeffect
of arrangements
been. There are no new considerations
property,
status,or religiousorthodoxyto on thewayoflifeofthevast majorityofthe
inducecivilorreligious
marriage.
Religionis workers
thandoes
engagedin itsproduction
individualized,
thestatechurchbeingweak. the nominalownershipsituation.In both
efficient
productiondeVariousdenominations,
especiallytheevan- kindsofownership,
and seasonality,
gelicalsects,whichafford
commonemotion- mandsland concentration
al outlets,are increasingly
popularand im- encouragesthe owningof the processing
and requiresa largeand
portant.Goodroadsand generally
flatcoun- millby thegrower,
tryreduceisolation,make electricity
and settledlaborsupplyforat leastsixmonthsof
radiosavailable,and raisethegenerallevel theyear.
In bothcases,a groupoflandlessornearof sophistication
of theruralworkingclass.
forupwardmovement landlesswage workersis to be foundwho
The opportunities
in the socioeconomicscale are so limited have no hope or expectationof movingupseeopportunithatmanyof thedeviceswhichin otherlo- wardinthecommunity-who
a ties,iftheysee themat all, in suddenaccescalitiesmay be lookedupon as offering
notso envisagedbythe sionsofwealthor in escape to anotherpart
wayup aregenerally
landlessof thesecommunities.
This is par- of theislandor theworld.
intheattitudetowardeduBothsugarcommunities
havefunctioning
ticularly
striking
cation.Thereis littleinterestin education unionsof sugar workers.The presenceof
per se, less in thehope thatit is thedevice unions,in turn,seems to stimulategroup
whichwillliftan individualor his children consciousness
and thepowerof theworking
to the Inout ofa depressedposition.Besides,to keep groups.Thus the representative
ofone coma pairofemployablehandsin schoolin the sularHouse ofRepresentatives
hopeofcreatinga betterproviderlateron is munityand the mayorof the otherwere,
and duringthe periodof our study,leadersof
too greata sacrifice,
too problematic,
too remote.
theirrespectivelocals. This is in contrast
Despitesomedistinctive
features,
thecul- withthe completeabsenceof unions,agritureof thelaboringclasson theprofit-shar-culturalorother,inthemountaincommuniingplantationsof the government
commu- ties, whereproletarization
of the workers
nityis strikingly
similarto thatoftheequiv- has notproceededso far,wherethe nature
alent groupon the south coast. Although of the cropsand themethodsused in their
conditionsand tenureof workare secured cultivationin thenaturalenvironment
perand althoughmanyof mit a lowerdegreeof land concentration,
by the government
the workersreceivesubsistenceplots do- dispersedsettlement,
subsistencecrop culof someof theolderpanated by the government,
the incentives tivation,retention
whichareimpliedinthesearrangements
and, particularly
are, ternalisticarrangements,
cropscommunity,
the
as we have suggested,moreapparentthan in thetobacco-minor
realat present.New attitudesand patterns prospectof upwardmobility.
ofbehaviorappropriate
to havinga stakein
THE COFFEE COMMUNITY
managementand beingownersas well as
not
to
employeesseem
yet have developed
The coffeecommunityshows a much
to anymarkeddegree,accordingto thefind- largerspreadof landownership
thaneither
ingsof thefieldworkers.
of the sugarcommunities.
There are more
betweenthesetwo com- than 1,300 farmsin the municipality.Of
The similarities
munitiesare morestrikingthanthe differ- these,about 90 are largerthan 100 acres.
ences,despitethecontrasting
typeofowner- The generaltendencywithinrecenttimes
ship. Thus it seemsthat the natureof the has beenforthelargerfarmsto growlarger,
cropand thetechniquesrequiredforitsop- the smallerto growsmaller.Because coffee
is mosteconomicalinlargeunits,
timumexploitation
underexisting
economic production

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

CULTURAL STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIETIES:

PUERTO RICO

127

whereprocessingoperationsmay be conthe
Oftenthelandlessworkerispermitted
ductedby the producer,the smallerunits use ofone or twoacresof generallyinferior
crops
are at a competitivedisadvantage.They land forthecultivationofsubsistence
compensateforthisin partby thehighpro- forhis ownuse. This insuresthelandlorda
portionoffamilyto hiredlabor,thesmallest dependablelabor supplyand providesthe
farmers
usingfamilylaborexclusively.
workerwithpart of his annual subsistence
Because coffeeis a perennial,land de- needs. The effortdevoted to the care of
votedto itcannotbe usedforthecultivation theseplotsherecontrastssharplywiththe
ofsubsistence
cropsas inthecaseoftobacco. carelesshandlingoftheirplotsfoundamong
Therefore,
comthe land devotedto coffeemust the parceleros
of the Land Authority
be extensiveenoughto providecash income munity.This difference
is relatedat least
forall needs,or thefarmitselfmustbe large inpartto thewagespaid in thetworegions.
enoughto permita combinationof coffee The sugarworkerearnsfromtwoand a half
and subsistencecrops,whichinsuressub- to threeand a halftimesthe dailywage of
sistenceplustheincometo purchasesupple- thecoffeeworker.Even a solidweek'swork
foodandothercommodities.
mentary
Owing in coffeemay providelittlemorethan the
to thisnatureof the cropand the average familyrequirement
forfoodalone.Thus the
marketpriceof coffee,the amountof land scrounging
whichbecomesso acute during
requiredper familyis greaterin the coffee the dead periodin cane is an almostperregionthanin the regionof tobacco-minor manentconditionof the landlessagriculcrops.For example,the grossreturnon an turistinthecoffee
region.Anda plotofone's
averageacreofcoffee
wouldbe about$25 at own is likelyto seemmorepreciousto the
the highestmarketpriceper pound during coffeeworkerthanto thecane worker,who
the tenyearsfrom1937 to 1946.The gross contraststhemeagerreturnsfromthework
returnon an averageacreof tobaccoat the on his own plot withthe muchgreaterrehighestmarketpriceduringthissameperiod turnfromworkforwages.
wouldbe about $342. And,whilelaborand
activitiesofthecofOff-season
subsidiary
fertilizer
costsin tobaccowouldaccountfor fee workerare generallyagricultural.He
a littlemorethanhalfthegross,thenetre- may migrateto the cane fieldsto compete
turnperacreoftobaccois likelyto be many withthecoastalcanecutters,
orhe mayfind
timeshigherthanin coffee.Add to thisthe someworkin thepreparation
ofthetobacco
thefactthatcorngenerallyfollowsthe to- seed beds on farmsin the highlands.Nonbacco and that beans may followthe corn agriculturalactivitiesare more restricted
beforeit is timeforthenexttobaccoplant- herethanon thecoast,someofthemoreiming,and themuchhighervalue ofan acreof portantbeingthe makingand peddlingof
land devotedto tobaccobecomesevenmore illegalrumand the sellingof illegallottery
apparent.
in deadtickets.But the main difference
Because coffeeis a perennial,it is never seasonpatternsbetweenthisand thecoastal
workedby share-croppers,
always by day- areasis thepresenceinthecoffee
community
workorpiecework.
Thus,unlikethetobacco ofsomesubsistence
crops,eitheron thefield
sharecropper,
whoparticipatesin anyprofit loaned by the landlordor on the fieldof a
madefromthesale of thecrop,thelandless friend,neighbor,or ritualkinsman.Often,
coffee
workerdependsuponhiswages,much therefore,
thereis a way to stretchsmall
as does the workerin the cane fields.Like favorsorobligationsintoenoughvegetables
thelatter,theday workerofthecoffeecom- to keep one's familygoinguntil the next
munityhas littlehopeof accumulating
any season.
excess-especially since his weekly wage
land
Because accumulationis difficult,
whenhe doesworkis considerably
less than prices relativelyhigh,and credithard to
thatof thecane-field
worker.
comeby,savingis notherelookeduponas a

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

128

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

"way out." Here, too, the illegallotteryis costlywhenperformed

by mule or human
popular.As in thecoastalcommunities,
the carrier.This is not the case with coffee.
illusionof upward mobilityis not very Proof of this relationshipbetween good
strong,and educationis notlookeduponas meansof communication
and thecropmay
a wayofclimbing
fromlandlessness
tendencyfornew
to land- be seenin theisland-wide
ownership.
roadsto followthespreadof sugarcultivaDifferences
in the size and natureof the tionintothemorehillyregions.
operationshere promotestrongerface-toby thenature
Thus theisolationfostered
face relationships
incontrastto
betweenproducer-ownerofthelandscapeis heightened,
and workerthancan be foundin thecoastal the coast,by thelack of good communicacommunities.
The owneror his surrogate tion. The implicationsof this contrastin
knowsall tenantsby name. And although termsof mobility,conservatism,general
the paternalistic
patternswhichflourished slownessofchange,and so on,areprofound.
under these productivearrangements
are
reportedlymuch weaker than in former THE TOBACCO-MINOR CROPS COMMUNITY
times,the landlordmay stillcounton the
In contrastwith the coffeecommunity,
supportofthetenantin suchmattersas, for whereover90 of about 1,300farmsconsist
example,politicalallegiance.These strong of more than 100 acres, in the tobaccoface-to-facerelationshipsand their con- minorcropmunicipality,
only21 of almost
comitantpaternalismseemfurther
to have 1,100farmsarelargerthan100acres.On the
preservedsocial class distinctions
and atti- otherhand,thenumberof farmsherewith
tudes of respectmore rigidlythan in the less than 15 acres numbers875, and no
cane regions,wherethe higherdegreeof singlefarmis as largeas 500 acres.Thereis
proletarization
and thedisappearance
ofthe a rapidturnover
fromgeninlandownership
old face-to-face
arrangements
have beenac- erationto generation,
thedominantpattern
companiedby a declinein therespectforms beingoneofinheritance
with
fragmentation,
and an increaseintheformalassumptions
of holdingsre-formed
families.
underdifferent
equalityor democracy.
The sucesi6nor othermanagerialtypesof
Catholicismin theisolatedruralareas of inheritance
aremuchlesscommonherethan
this regionis strong,in contrastwith the in thecoffee
region,whereheavyinvestment
growingimportance
of theevangelicalsects in processingmachinery
on thelargefarms
on the coast, and tends to emphasizethe acts as a deterrent
to fragmentation.
cultofthesaints.Thesearemanipulatedfor
Tobacco is theprincipalcash cropin this
practicalpurposes.Amongthelandlessand community,
withminorcropsa strongconthesubmarginal
landowners,
thefamilypat- tributor
of
to cashincome.The combination
ternis strongly
patrilineal,withthe father a cash crop requiringlittle acreage and a
controlling
thefamilylabor,eitheron or off subsistence-plus-cash
crop makes survival
the farm.He determinesinheritanceand on smallholdingsmorefeasibleherethanin
disposalofanyland,and he dictatestheso- any of the othercommunities.
Nobody in
cial relationships
of his wifeand children. thiscommunity
devoteshimselfexclusively
Marriagein thiscommunity
is usuallyrit- to thecultivation
ofthemajorcash crop,as
ual, evenamongthelandless,and maythus in sugar-caneor, to a lesserextent,in the
reflect
theimportance
ofproperty
as wellas coffeecommunity.
of thetraditional
religion.
Because tobaccomaybe cultivatedprofThe ruggedterrainof thisarea, as con- itablyon smallplots,requiresnomachinery,
trastedwiththecoastalplainsofsugarpro- and callsforno longwaitto realizea return
duction,has preventedthe development
of on investment;
becauseproductioncreditis
good roads.And the cropitselfhas not de- readilyavailableand familylabormaysupmandedgoodroads,as does thecultivation ply all the labor foran average-sizedplot;
ofsugar.Transportation
ofsugarcaneis too because tobaccooccupiesthe land foronly

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

CULTURAL STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIETIES:

PUERTO RICO

129

food but most remainwithinthe municipality,

fourmonthsoftheyearand important
or exploitbe- workingat odd jobs, borrowing,
intercropped;
cropsmaybe sequentially
Peddling
relationships.
cause a natural catastrophe,which may ingkinand neighbor
in
wipeout thecash crop,does notnecessarily or makingillegalrumis ofno importance
condemnthe growerto totalloss of annual thetobaccobarrio;thereis onlyone stillin
income-forall thesereasons,tobacco has operation,
and thatis runbyan independent
largelandholderwho takescare of mostof
been called the "poor man's cash crop."
of the productas well.
thesharecropper
seg- his own marketing
In thiscommunity
of
mentof thelandlessworkershopesforbetDespite the dependencyrelationships
ina waynotfoundamongtheland- manyof thelandless,whohave neithertoterment
may bacco,fieldsforsubsistence,
less of otherareas. The sharecropper
noreasy access
accumulateenoughmoneyin a singleyear to food crops,ritualkin relationships
are
ofgoodcropsand pricesto buya smallpiece heretreatedmorelightlythanin anyofthe
ofland.This is theideal,thedream.And to othercommunities
studied.It may be that
smallparcelsof thelesserseverityof thedead seasonweakthe extentthatlow-priced,
land are oftenavailable throughthe usual ens theserelationships
whichwerereportbreakupof farmsupon the death of the edlystronger
at one time.Also,thegreater
and thefactsof
owner,the dreamis oftenrealizable.Each fluidity
and thepossibilities
yearofgoodtobaccopriceshas witnessedat upwardmobilitytendto minimizethe imleast a fewsuch conversionsof the dream portanceof thecompadre
ties.
intoreality.
Whiledemandsfortheirlabormayoften
the
As a matteroffact,thelargestproportion interfere
witheducationofthechildren,
of the big landownersof thismunicipality generaltendencyis to view educationas a
were foundto have reachedtheirpresent device for upward mobility.Parents will
The frequently
statusfrompovertyor nonownership.
educate theirchildrenat some
Andthetownsupportstwoprivate
exampleoftheirsuccessmakesthegoal real sacrifice.
to today's landlessworkers.Thus, econo- highschools,a Catholicand a Baptistacadare found emy,in contrastto theothercommunities,
mizingand savingthroughthrift
morecommonly
herethanamongtheland- whereno privatehighschoolsare found.
And gamless of the othercommunities.
Face-to-facerelationshipsare perhaps
bling,insteadof appearingto themas the stronger
herethanin anyof theothercomlooksmore munities.Upwardmobilityand the almost
mostlikelyroad to betterment,
of farmingaclikea meansoflosingone'swayon theroad. universaldirectsupervision
That is notto say thatthereis no gambling tivitiesby the owner insure them. And
in the municipality.
There is, but thereis while it is well knownthat many of the
lessofit; and theillegallottery, wealthyfarmers
wereonce poor men,that
significantly
in otherareas,has virtually does not lead to an informal
whichflourishes
backslapping
disappearedhere.
but it does promotean easier
relationship;
economicactivitiesarestrong- accordthatis rarein thenear-casterigidity
Subsidiary
est among the landlessof the one barrio ofareaswhereland,wealth,andpowerhave
whichis almostcompletelydevotedto the comedownfora numberofgenerations.
of minorcropsand the
productionof tobacco.But landlordcredit
The importance
to sharecroppers
duringthedead seasonre- greaterbulk of thesehave stimulatedthe
of tobacducestheburdenofthatperiodforthem.In buildingof roads.Transportation
theotherbarriosminorcropsare produced co, likethatofcoffee,
maybe accomplished
the year and providea steady, bymuleor byhumancarrier,
but thisis not
throughout
if small,subsistenceand salaryformostof ordinarily
thecase withbananas,plaintains,
the landless.Some of the landlessworkers yams,tanniers,and thelike.Thus in those
who are not sharecroppers
migrateto the areas whereminorcropshave becomeimcoastal townsforpartof thesugarharvest, portant,newroadshave beenbuilt,despite

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

130

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

the unevennessof the terrain.There has ofproductionforprofitand in themultiple

sobeenan attendantdecreasein isolation,un- contextof a dependent,class-structured
til now thereis no place in the entiremu- ciety,whichparticipatesin the worldmarnicipalitythat is morethanfortyminutes' ket, certainculturalformsand productive
arrangements
tendto be associatedin spewalkfroma hard-surface
road.
Amongthelandlessand thesmallfarmers cial ways with the crops cultivated.Thus
of this regionthe familyis bilateral,em- the natureof the crop-under the above
of
phasizingdescenton the side wheremost conditions-mayfavorthepredominance
propertylies. Authority
forsocialrelations holdingswithina certainrangein size; may
in thefamilyliesgenerally-butnotalways dictatethe generalpatternsof inheritance
in landholdings;
fix
and notso strongly
as in thecoffeeregion- and therateofturnover
the
of
seasonality
employment;
determine
withthefather.Marriageis consensualonly
oflandwhichwillbe devoted
wherepropertyis not now or is not likely theproportion
to
of subsistencecrops;and
the
production
ever to be a consideration,
otherwiseit is
thenatureofthefamily,
thelocalclass
mostoftencivilor religious.The traditional affect
structure,
and
the
and political
religious
religionappearsweakerherethaninthecofattitudesof thepeople.
fee region,withno saint cults and witha
The cultural-historical
and adaptiveprocminorpenetration
of evangelicism
intothe essesinvolvedinthe
ofthesesubemergence
oftherural culturaland regionalvariationsmay pernominally
universalCatholicism
areas.
haps be largelyduplicatedin culturesof
Someofthesedata willstrikestudentsof othertraditionswherethe developmentof
otherworldareas as familiar.The homoge- cash crops, trade,and so on involve the
neityofagrarianwaysoflife,whichis often emergence
and growthofsimilarproductive
assumedto exist in countriesas small as arrangements,
credit,and marketing
faciliPuertoRico, may,upon examination,
turn ties. It remainsforotherinvestigators
to
out to be a fiction.The modesof lifemay testinotherculturesthesehypotheses
which
insteadbe discoveredto be heterogeneous,have comeout of thePuertoRican investinotonlyin horizontalor class termsbut in gation.
termsof regionaland crop adaptationas BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY
well.Thesedata suggestthatundera system UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

This content downloaded from 187.245.171.127 on Thu, 27 Aug 2015 12:31:43 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions