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RELACIN DE LA
JORNADA DE CBOLA
Por
Pedro de Castaeda de Njera

EDITADO

J OHN

MILLER

NARRATIVE OF THE
CORONADO EXPEDITION
By
Pedro de Castaeda ofNjera

EDITED

POR

jo

MORRIS

DONNELLEY

& SONS

MoRRIS

~be JLaker>be~relili

~be JLakelibe~telili
R.R.

n x MILLER

BY

COMPANY

CHICAGO

Diciembre de 2002

R.R.

DONNELLEY

& SONS

CHICAGO

Decemher 2002

COMPANY

"
Coronado on the High Plains, Frederic Remington

CONTENIDO
Ilustracones y Mapas ..
Introduccin Histrica

CONTENTS
XXX
XXXIV

List of Illustrations and Maps .


Historical lntroduction .

XXXI
XXXV

PROEMIO
PREFACE

La explanacin acerca de la escritura de


esta narrativa sobre la gente, los lugares
y las maravillas experimentadas desde1540
hasta1542
.

Explanation for writing this narrative


about the people,places, and wonders
experiencedfrom 1540to 1542. . . . . .

Fmsr

PRIMERA PARTE

Los orgenesde la expedicin, su organizacin,


el viaje a Cbolay Tiguex en 1540y desde
all hasta Quivira en 1541.
.

2
PART

The origins of the expedition, its organization,


thejourney to Cbola and Tiguex in 1540
and thence on to Quivira in 1541.. . . . . . .
16

17

SECOND PART

SEGUNDA PARTE

Descripcionesde las provincias y de la gente


descubiertas a lo largo del viaje. . . . . . . . . 236

Descriptions of the provinces and


peoples discoveredalong the way. . . . . . . . . 237
THIRD

TERCERA PARTE

El regresode Coronadohasta Nueva Espaa en


1542,e informacin acerca de los Grandes
Llanos y otras rutas posibles a travs de estas
nuevas tierras.
ndice ....
Otros Ttulos de Lakeside Classics

PART

Coronado'sreturn to New Spain in 1542;


information on the Great Plains and on oiher
possibleroutes through thesenew lands..
328

Index
.
List of the Lakeside Classics.

409
415

xxvm
XXIX

329

403
415

PREFACE

PROEMIO

Narrative of the Expedition to Cbola, 1 undertaken


in 1540, in which are described all those settlements,
ceremonies, and customs by Pedro de Castaeda
of Njera.2

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola1 compuesta por


Pedro de Castaeda de Njera. 2 Donde se trata de
todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la cual
fue el Ao de 1540.

cierto me parece muy magnfico Seor"


Lizeta y que es ejercicio de hombres virtuosos el
desear saber y querer adquirir para su memoria la noticia verdadera de las cosas y acasos acontecidos en
partes remotas de que se tiene poca noticia lo cual yo
no culpo algunas personas especulativas que por ventura con buen celo por muchas veces me han sido inoportunas no poco rogndome les dijese y aclarase
algunas dudas que tenan de cosas particulares que al
vulgo haban odo en cosas y casos acontecidos en la
jornada de Cbola o tierra nueva que el buen Virrey
que Dios haya en su gloria Don4 Antonio de Mendoca" orden e hizo hacer donde envi por general capitn a Francisco Vazques de Coronado[.]
Y a la verdad ellos tienen razn de querer saber la
verdad porque como el vulgo muy muchas veces y
cosas que han odo y por ventura a quien de ellas no
tuvo noticia as las hacen mayores o menores que ellas
son y las que son algo las hacen nada y las no tales las
hacen tan admirables que parecen cosas no creederas

T SEEMS

to me, most noble Sir," that the desire to

Ilearn and the eagerness to acquire truthful information concerning matters or events that have taken

OSA POR

11

place in remote regions, and of which there is little


knowledge, is an appropriate thing indeed and one
that is common in virtuous men. Therefore, I do not
reproach sorne inquisitive persons who, doubtless
with good intentions, have often importuned me considerably to explain and clarify for them sorne doubts
generally held regarding specific matters which they
had heard took place during events of the expedition
to Cbola, or the new land, which the good viceroy,
Don4 Antonio de Mendoza,5-may he be with God in
His glory-planned and ordered, and on which he
sent Francisco Vzquez de Coronado as captaingeneral.
They are right, indeed, in wanting to learn the
truth, for the reason that people very frequently magnify or belittle, without regard to reality, things which
they have heard, perhaps from those who were not fa3

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

podra tambin causarlo que como aquella tierra no


permaneci no hubo quien quisiera gastar tiempo en
escribir sus particularidades porque se perdiese la noticia de aquello que no fue Dios servido que gozasen
l sabe porque en verdad quien quisiera ejercitarse en
escribir as las cosas acontecidas en lajornada como
las cosas que se vieron en aquellas tierras los ritos y
tratos de los naturales tuviera harta materia por donde
pareciera su juicio y creo que no le faltara de quedar
relacin que tratar de verdad fuera tan admirable que
pareciera increble.
Y tambin creo que algunas novelas que se cuentan
al haber como a veinte aos y ms que aquella jornada se hizo6 lo causa digo esto porque algunas la
hacen tierra inhabitable otros confinante a la Florida
otros a la India Mayor que no parece pequeo desvaro pueden tomar alguna ocasin y causa sobre que
poner su fundamento tambin hay quien da noticia
de algunos animales bien remotos que otros con haber
se hallado en aquella jornada lo niegan y afirman no
haber tal ni haberlos visto otros varan en el rumbo de
las provincias y an en los tractos y trajes atribuyendo
lo que es de los unos a los otros todo lo cual ha sido
gran parte muy magnfico Seor a mi mover aunque
tarde a querer dar una breve noticia general para todos
los que se arrean de esta virtud especulativa y por ahorrar el tiempo que con importunidades soy a quexado
donde se hallarn cosas por cierto harto graves de
creer todas o las ms vistas por mis ojos y otras por
noticia verdadera inquiridas de los propios naturalesj.]

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

miliar with them. Matters ofimportance they reduce


lo nothing; and those that are insignificant, they convcrt into such remarkable ones that they appear incredible. This may very well have been caused by the
act that, as the land was not permanently occupied,
110 one has been willing to spend his time writing
about its peculiarities. Wherefore there was lost the in[ormation of that which God did not permit-He
knows why-that they should enjoy.Indeed, whoever
should wish to busy himself writing about what happened in the expedition, as well as what was seen in
those lands and the ceremonies and customs of the
natives,would have plenty of substance with which to
test his mind. And 1 believe that he would not lack
material, which, if presented truthfully, would be so
marvelous as to seem incredible.
Furthermore, 1believe that sorne of the stories told
are the result of the twenty years and more that have
passed since that expedition took place. 6 1say this because sorne make it an uninhabitable land, others have
it bordering on La Florida, others on Greater India,
which seems to be no small exaggeration. They may
have sorne basis or cause on which to found their assertions. There are, likewise, those who tell about
sorne very strange animals, while others who went on
the expedition affirm that there are no such animals
and that they have not been seen. Others differ as to
the location of the provinces, and even as to the matter of customs and dress, attributing to one people
what pertains to others. All of this has been the chief

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Creyendo que teniendo entendido como lo tengo.


que sta mi pequea obra sera en si ninguna o sin aui
toridad sino fuese favorecida y amparada de tal persona que su autoridad quitase el atrevimiento a lo
que sin acatamiento dan libertad a sus murmuradorasl
lenguas y conociendo yo en cuanta obligacin siemJ
pre he sido y soy a Vuestra Merced humildemente suplico de bajo de su amparo como de verdaderl
servidor y criado sea recibida esta pequea obra laJ
cual va en tres partes repartida para que mejor se de aj
entender[.] La primera ser dar noticia del descuhri-]
miento y la armada o campo que hizo con toda la jornada con los capitanes que all fueron[.] La segunda
los pueblos y provincias que se hallaron y en que rumbos y que ritos y costumbres los animales frutas y yerbas y en que partes de la tierra. La tercera la vuelta que .
el campo hizo y las ocasiones que hubo para se despoblar an que no lcitas por ser el mejor paraje que )'
hay para se descubrir el meollo de la tierra que hay en
stas partes de poniente como se ver y despus ac se 1
tiene entendido y en lo ltimo se tratar de algunas .
cosas admirables que se vieron y por donde con ms J
facilidad se podr tornar a descubrir lo que no vimos
que suelo mejor y que no poco hara al caso para por
tierra entrar en la tierra de que iba en demanda el Marqus del Valle Don Fernando Cortes de bajo de la estrella de poniente que no pocas armadas le costo de
mar[.]7
Plega al Nuestro Seor me de tal gracia que con mi
rudo entendimiento y poca habilidad pueda tratando

1ause

that moved me, most noble Sir, although late, to


tite desire of writing a brief general account for all
those who are by nature inquisitive, and also to save
rnyself the time of which I am deprived through inquiries. In it will be found things difficult to believe,
indeed. All of which, or most of them, I have seen with
rny own eyes; others I have learned through reliable
information, obtained from the natives themselves.
Realizing as I do that this little work of mine would
be valueless in itself or lack acceptance unless it were
favored and protected by a person whose authority
would check the boldness of those who, without any
consideration, give free rein to their wagging tangues,
and knowing, as I do, under what great obligation I
have always been and am to your Lordship, I humbly
beg, as a true vassal and servant, that this little work be
received under your protection.
The book is divided into three parts so that it may
be better understood. The first will tell of the discovery of the new land and the force or army that was organized, of the entire expedition, and the captains
who went with it. The second will describe the locations of the pueblos and provinces that were found,
their ceremonies and customs, and the animals, fruits,
and vegetation, and in what parts of the land they are
found. The third will narrate the return of the army
and the reasons for the abandonment of the land, although they were not valid, since this is the best place
from which to explore the interior of the land in these
western regions, as will be seen, and as has been made

10

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

verdad agradar con sta mi pequea obra al sabio


prudente lector siendo por Vuestra Merced aceptadaj
pues mi intencin no es ganar gracias de buen com1
ponedor ni retrico salvo querer dar verdadera noti.;\
cia y hacer a Vuestra Merced este pequeo servicio
cual reciba como de verdadero servidor y soldado quci1
se hall presente y aunque no por estilo pulido es..,
cribo lo que pas lo que ha odo, palpado y visto y tra~
tado.
Siempre veo y es as que por la mayor parte cuando!,
tenemos entre las manos alguna cosa preciosa y la tra-
tamos sin impedimento no la tenemos ni la preciamos'
en cuanto vale si entendemos la falta que nos hara si
la perdisemos y por tanto de continuo la vamos te
niendo en menos pero despus que la habemos per '
dido y carecemos del beneficio de ella habemos gran
dolor en el corazn y siempre andamos imaginativos,
buscando modos y maneras como la tornemos a co- ;
brar y as me parece acaeci a todos aquellos o a los!,\
ms que fueron a la jornada aquel ao del Nuestro]
Salvador Jes Christo de mil y quinientos y cuarental
hizo Francisco Vazques Coronado en demanda de las
siete ciudades que puesto que no hallaron aquellas riquezas de que les haban dado noticia hallaron aparejo para buscarlas y principio de buena tierra que
poblar para de all pasar adelante y como despus ac
por la tierra que conquistaron y despoblaron el
tiempo les ha dado a entender el rumbo y aparejo
donde estaban y el principio de buena tierra que tienen entre manos lloran sus corazones por haber per1

11

clear since that time. Finally there will be related sorne


of the remarkable things that were observed and the
route by which one may return more easilyto discover
what we did not see, which was the best. And it would
not be a bad plan to enter the country by way of the
land sought by Marqus dl Valle, Don Fernando
Corts, under the Western Star, and which cost him
nota few fleets.7
May the Lord grant me His grace so that, with my
limited understanding and small ability, I may,while
telling the truth, please the learned and discriminating
reader with this, my little work, if it be accepted by
your Lordship. For my aim is not to gain fame as a
good writer or rhetorician, but simply to strive to give
a truthful account and to render your Lordship this
small service. You will, I hope, receive this as from a
faithful servant and soldier who was present there. Although not in polished style, I write what took place,
what was heard, experienced, seen, and discussed.
I have always noticed, and it is a fact, that often
when we have something valuable in our possession
and handle it freely,we do not esteem or appreciate it
in all its worth, as we would if we could realize how
much we would miss it if we were to lose it. Thus we
gradually belittle its value, but once we have lost it
and we miss its benefits, we feel it in our heart and are
forever moody, thinking of ways and means to retrieve
it. This, it seems to me, happened to all or most of
those who went on that expedition, which Francisco
Vzquez Coronado led in search of the Seven Cities,

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

dido tal oportunidad de tiempo y como sea cierto que


ven ms los hombres cuando se suben a la talanquera
que cuando andan en el coso ahora que estn fuera conocen y entienden los rumbos y el aparejo donde se
hallaban y ya que ven que no lo pueden gozar ni cobrar y el tiempo perdido deleitanse en contar lo que
vieron y an lo que entienden que perdieron especial
aquellos que se hallan pobres hoy tanto como cuando
all fueron y no han dejado de trabajar y gastado el
tiempo sin provecho digo esto porque tengo entendido algunos de los que de allvinieron holgaran hoy
como fuese para pasar adelante volver a cobrar lo perdido y otros holgaran hoy y saber la causa porque se
descubri y pues yo me ofrecido a contarlo tomarlo e
del principio que pasa as.

in the year of our Savior,Jesus Christ, 1540. Foralthough they did not obtain the riches of which they
had been told, they found the means to discover them
and the beginning of a good land to settle in and from
which to proceed onward. And since, after they returned here from the land which they had conquered
and abandoned, time has made clear to them the location and nature of the region they reached, and the
beginning of a fine land they had in their grasp, their
hearts bemoan the fact that they lost such an opportune occasion. Since it is a fact that men see more at a
bullfight when they climb on top of the fence than
when they walk around in the bullring, now that they
are outside and realize and appreciate the localities
and resources amid which they had been, and seeing
now that they can no longer enjoy or recover them,
their time wasted, they rejoice in telling what they saw,
even realizing how much they lost, especially those
who today are as poor as when they first went there,
and who have worked constantly, spending their time
to no benefit. 1say this because 1 believe that sorne of
those who carne from there would today be glad if
they could go back and try to recover what they lost.
Others would now enjoy knowing the reason why the
land was discovered. And since 1 offered to narrate
the story, 1 shall start at the beginning, which is as
follows.

12

NOTAS
1El
nombre del lugar Cbola es posiblemente una corrupcin
en espaol de Shwona (Tierra de los Zui) o Ashwi, la palabra
en Zui para estos.
2Njera,
una pequea comunidad histrica en el Ro Najerilla,
tributario. del Ro Ebro en el norte de Espaa. La ciudad donde
naci Castaeda y un asiento real en los principios del siglo trece.
Tambin lugar de la coronacin del Rey Fernando m en i217.
3Castaneda
dirigi su narrativa hacia un personage prominente
pero de otras maneras sin nombre. Un candidato muy posible era
Alonso de Zorita, un poderoso oficial real en la Ciudad de Mxico.
A principios de i560, Zorita revivi el inters en los viajes de Coronado y an propuso una expedicin de retorno hacia el norte.

13

14

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

15

Un

ttulo que denota alto nivel social, ahora un trmino que


indica cortesa para un caballero.
5
Antonio de Mendoza, un hombre noble inteligente y humano, .:
lleg en 1535para servir como el poderoso Virrey de Nueva Es-]
paa. Mendoza deshonr a un rival, Nuo Beltrn de Guzmn, y
limit las ambiciones estratgicas de un otro, Hernn Corts. Despus de haber destronado a Guzmn, Mendoza necesitaba un
nuevo gobe_rnador para las conquistas en el noroeste de su pasado rival. El escogi uno de sus leales compaeros de su viaje al
Nuevo Mundo en 1535, un hombre de Salamanca llamado Don
Francisco Vzquez de Coronado.
"Desde el regreso de Coronado en 1542, las dos dcadas "y
ms" de Castaeda sugieren que escribi su narrativa en Culiacn
alrededor del ao 1563o 1564.
7Hernn
Corts, que era el Marqus del Vallede Oaxaca, gast
grandes cantidades en la dcada de 1530explorando el Pacfico y
tratando de colonizar la Baja California, llamada la "Isla de las
Perlas." Desde los astilleros en Zihuatanejo y Acapulco, su flota
naveg hacia el oeste y luego hacia el norte en viajes de descubrimiento. La flota de Diego Hurtado de Mendoza que naveg hacia
las distantes Islas de las Especias en 1532,estaba completamente
perdida. En 1539,el capitn de mar de Corts llamado Francisco
de Ulloa naveg por todo el Golfo de California y descubri el origen del delta del Ro Colorado. Los oficiales supusieron que una
expedicin por tierra hacia el norte podra encontrar y unirse con
dicha flota cerca de este grande ro para propsitos de abastecimiento.

NOTES
1The place name Cbola is likely a Spanish corruption ofShwona (Land of the Zui) or Ashwi, the Zui word for themselves.
2N jera, a small historie community on the Najerilla River,tributary of the Ebro River in northern Spain. Castaeda's birth city
was a royal seat in the early thirteenth century. King Fernando 111
was crowned there in 1217
3Castaeda addressed his narrative to a prominent but otherwise unnamed personage. A strong candidate was Alonso de
Zorita, a powerful royal officialin Mexico City. In the early 156os,
Zorita revived interest in Coronado's travels and even proposed a
return expedition to the north.
4A title denoting high rank, now a term of courtesy for a gentleman.
5Antonio de Mendoza, an intelligent and humane nobleman,
arrived in 1535 to serve as the powerful viceroy of New Spain.
Mendoza disgraced one rival, Nuo Beltrn de Guzmn, and
curbed the strategic ambitions of another, Hernn Corts. After
toppling Guzmn, Mendoza needed a new governor for his former rival's northwestern conquests. He chose one of his loyal
companions from the 1535 voyage to the New World, a young
gentleman from Salamanca named Don Francisco Vzquez de
Coronado.
6Since Coronado returned in 1542, Castaeda's two decades
"and more" suggests he wrote his narrative around 1563or 1564at
Culiacn.
7Hernn Corts, the marquis of the valley of Oaxaca, spent
vast sums in the 153osexploring the Pacific and attempting to settle Baja California, the "lsland of Pearls," From shipyards in Zihuatanejo and Acapulco, his fleets sailed west and north on
voyages of discovery. The woeful Diego Hurtado de Mendoza
fleet, which sailed for the distant Spice lslands in 1532,was completely lost. In 1539,Corts's sea captain Francisco de Ulloa sailed
the entire Gulf of California and discovered the Colorado River
delta at its head. Officials surmised that an overland expedition
northward might rendezvous with a fleet near this large river for
supply purposes.

,l

PRIMERA

FIRST PART

PARTE
1

Captulo primero donde se trata cmose supo la


primera poblacin de las siete ciudadesy cmoNuo
de Guzman hizo armada para descubrirla.

Which tells how information was obtained about the


.first settlement of the Seven Cities, and how Nuo de
Guzmn organized aforce to discoverit.

ao y quinientos y treinta siendo presidente


de la Nueva Espaa Nuo de Guzman1 hubo en
su poder un indio natural del valleo valles de Oxitipa2
a quien los espaoles nombran Tejo este indio dijo
que l era hijo de un mercader y su padre era muerto
pero que siendo l chiquito su padre entraba la tierra
adentro a mercadear con plumas ricas de aves para
plumajes y que en retorno traa una mucha cantidad
de oro y plata que en aquella tierra lo hay mucho y que
l fue con l una o dos veces y que vio muy grandes
pueblos" tanto que los quiso comparar con Mxico y
su comarca y que haba visto siete pueblos muy grandes donde haba calles de platera y que para ir a ellos
tardaban desde su tierra cuarenta das y todo despoblado y que la tierra por donde iban no tena yerba
sino muy chiquita de un xeme y que el rumbo4 que llenaban era al largo de la tierra entre las dos mares5 siguiendo la labia del norte[.]
Debajo de esta noticia Nuo de Guzmanjunt casi
cuatrocientos hombres espaoles y veinte mil amigos

I ident of New Spain, he had under his authority


an Indian whom the Spaniards called Tejo, from the
valley or valleys of Oxitipa. 2 This Indian said that he
was the son of a trader who was dead and declared
that when he was very small, his father used to go into
the interior of the land to trade rich-colored plumes,
used for feather crests, and in exchange brought back
large quantities of gold and silver, which abound in
that land; Tejo said that he went with his father once
or twice, and saw very large pueblos,3 so large that he
would compare them with Mexico city and its surroundings. He had seen, he related, seven very large
pueblos, in which there were streets lined with silversmiths' shops. To reach these pueblos from his land
required forty days' travel over entirely deserted country, bare of vegetation except for sorne plants about
one span" high. The direction he went, he said, was to
the north, through the country between the two seas.5
Upon obtaining this information, Nuo de Guz-

16

17

N EL

N THE year

i530, when Nuo de Guzmn was pres1

18

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

de la Nueva Espaa y como se hall a el presente en


Mxico atravesando la Tarasca que es tierra de Mechuacan" para hallndose el aparejo que el indio deca
volver atravesando la tierra hacia la mar del norte7 y
daran en la tierra que iban a buscar a la cual ya nombraban las siete ciudades8 pues conforme a los cuarenta das que el Tejo deca hallara que habiendo
andado doscientas leguas9 podran bien atravesar la
tierra[.]
Quitado a parte algunas fortunas que pasaron en
estajornada desde que fueron llegados en la provincia
de Culiacnl? que fue lo ltimo de su gobernacin
que es ahora el Nuevo Reino de Galicia quisieron
atravesar la tierra y hubo muy gran dificultad porque
la cordillera de la sierra que cae sobre aquella mar es
tn agra que por mucho que trabajo fue imposible hallar camino en aquella parte y a sta causa se detuvo
todo su campo en aquella tierra de Culiacn hasta
tanto que como iban con l hombres poderosos que
tenan repartimientos11 en tierra de Mxico mudaron
las voluntades y de cada da se queran volver[.]
Fuera de esto Nuo de Guzman tuvo nueva como
haba venido de Espaa el Marqus del ValleDon Fernando Cortes con el nuevo ttulo12y grandes favores
y provisiones y como Nuo de Guzman en el tiempo
que fue presidente le hubiese sido mulo muy grande
y hecho muchos daos en sus haciendas y en las de
sus amigos temiese que Don Fernando Cortes se quisiese pagar en otras semejantes obras o peores y determin de poblar aquella villa de Culiacn 13y dar la

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

19

mn assembled almost four hundred Spaniards and


twenty thousand friendly Indians ofNew Spain. As he
was then in Mexico, he crossed the Tarasca, which is
the land of Mechuacn, 6 in order to find the region
which the Indian said would be found upon crossing
the country toward the North sea.7 There they would
come upon the land they were seeking, which they
were already calling the Seven Cities.8 Since Tejo had
said that it would be found after forty days' travel,they
thought that they would cross the land upon traveling
two hundred leagues. 9
Leaving out sorne incidents that happened on this
journey, as soon as they reached the province of Culiacn, 10which was the most remote region ofhis government, now the new kingdom of Galicia, they
wanted to cross the country. They met with great difficulties because the range of the sierra sloping clown
to the sea is so abrupt that, however hard they tried,
it was impossible to find a pass in that locality. On account of this the whole army tarried so long in that
land ofCuliacn that influential men in the party, who
had repartimientos'! in Mexico, changed their minds
and every day wanted to turn back.
Aside from this, Nuo de Guzmn learned of the
arrival from Spain of the Marqus del Valle,Don Fernando Corts, with a new title and with great honors
and powers.12Andas Nuo de Guzmn, during the
time he was president, had been his bitter rival and
had done much damage to his estates and those ofhis
friends, he feared that Don Fernando Corts might

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

vuelta con la dems gente sin que hubiese ms efecto


sujornada y de vuelta pobl ajalisco que es la ciudad
de Compostela y Atonala que llaman Guadalajara y
esto es ahora el Nuevo Reino de Galicia la gua que
llevaban que se deca Tejo muri en estos comedios y
as se quedo el nombre de estas siete ciudades y la demanda de ellas hasta hoy da que no se han descubierto.

try to pay him back with similar or worse deeds. So he


decided to found the villa of Culiacn 13 and return
with the rest of the people, having accomplished nothing else on the expedition. On his return he settled
Xalisco, which is the city ofCompostela, and Tonal,
called Guadalajara. This is now the new kingdom of
Galicia. The guide they took along, called Tejo, died
about this time. So the names of these Seven Cities,
which have not been discovered, remain unknown,
and the search for them continues to this day.

20

21

NOTAS
'Un implacable enemigo de Hernn Corts, el inflexible Nuo
Beltrn de Guzmn asumi la presidencia de la poderosa audiencia el primero de enero de 1529. Esta administracin colectiva de
jueces reales en la Ciudad de Mxico gobernaron y mal gobernaron al conquistado imperio azteca, ahora con el nombre de Nueva
Espaa. Guzmn haba gobernado antes en Pnuco (Tampico,
Mxico), que era el puesto espaol en el nordeste en el rea del
Golfo de Mxico.
2Al
estar traficando esclavos en los fines de i520 desde el valle
de Oxitipa, una regin de Huasteca, Guzmn adquiri el locuaz
Tejo, el nativo hijo de un mercader traficante. Tejo empez a contar historias acerca de una otra civilizacin ubicada lejos en el norte.
3Los
pueblos eran importantes ciudades nativas en la Amrica
Espaola. Los campamentos de nativos nmadas se llamaban rancheras.
4La
anchura de una mano extendida, como nueve pulgadas.
5Tejo
identific correctamente y mencion esta merecedora
civilizacin-el pas de las gentes Pueblo de los modernos Nuevo
Mxico y Arizona. Castaeda, como muchos otros de esa poca,
exager los relatos de Tejo acerca del descubrimiento de populosas colonias aadiendo tentadores rumores de tiendas de plateros.

NOTES
1An implacable foe ofHernn Corts, the ruthless Nuo Beltrn de Guzmn assumed the presidency of the powerful audiencia on rjanuary i529. This administrative collective of royaljudges
at Mexico City ruled and misruled the conquered Aztec empire,
now renamed New Spain. Guzmn had formerly governed
Pnuco (Tampico, Mexico), the northeastern Spanish outpost on
the Gulf ofMexico.
2While trafficking in slaves from the Oxitipa valley,a Hausteca
region, in the late i52os, Guzmn acquired the talkative Tejo, a native son of a merchant trader. Tejo told of another civilization located far to the north.
"Pueblos were substantial native tawns in Spanish America.
Encampments of no madi e natives were called rancheras.
4The width of an extended hand, about nine inches.
5Tejo correctly identified and sited this worthy civilizationthe pueblo country of modern New Mexico and Arizona. Castaeda, like others of the age, inflated Tejo's disclosure of
populous settlements with an enticing rumor of silversmith shops.
60utmaneuvered by Corts in a power struggle, Nuo Beltrn

22

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

6Derrotado
por la estrategia de Corts en una pelea por el control, Nuo Beltrn de Guzmn y sus aliados se embarcaron con
rumbo hacia el oeste a los fines de diciembre de 1529 con el propsito de saquear Tarasca en el reino de Michoacn. Ms tarde,
otras conquistas brutales en el noroeste siguieron tomando lugar
en 1530-31.Guzmn organiz las tierras conquistadas y las nombr Nueva Galicia y prontamente se convirti en su nuevo gobernador.
7Castaeda
atribuyo un motivo ulterior a las conquistas de
Guzmn en el oeste, indicando que estas estaban abriendo una segunda entrada hacia las tierras de las gentes Pueblo ms lejos que
el "Mar del Norte."
8Una
antigua leyenda Ibrica de los Siete Obispos Cristianos
que escaparon de los ejrcitos musulmanes navegando hacia el
oeste desde Lisboa a travs del Ocano Atlntico. Muchas fbulas circularon indicando que estos perdidos Cristianos portugueses establecieron en estas nuevas tierras unas ricas ciudades,
llamadas "Las Siete Ciudades de Antilia.''
"Una medida tpica de las distancias de un itinerario, una legua
espanola de tierra meda como unas 2.6 millas, pero ms usualmente aproximaba como un poco ms de tres millas en los tiempos de Coronado.
"La villa de San Miguel de Culiacn, una remota colonia en el
frtil valle de Culiacn, se convirti en la capital provincial despus de las conquistas de Guzmn en el oeste.
11Una
distribucin oficial espaola de labor nativo y servicios
para los europeos dueos de repartimientos que otorgaba trabajadores virtualmente gratis. Castaeda quiso decir que los aliados de Guzmn perdieron oportunidades para explotar sus
nativos asignados mientras que ellos estaban divirtindose en la
frontera del noroeste.
12Corts
regres de Espaa a Mxico a mediados de 1531con
el nombramiento real de Capitn General de Nueva Espaa. Su
llegada fue triunfante y su pronta supresin de una rebelin nativa
renov su popularidad en la capital.
13La
villa de San Miguel de Culiacn estaba ubicada cerca de
la colonia nativa de Ciguatn en el Ro San Lorenzo, donde Nuo
Beltrn de Guzmn fund una pequea municipalidad en septembre de 1531.

23

le Guzmn and his allies embarked westward in late December


l!):l9 to plunder the Tarascan kingdom of Michoacn. Further
brutal conquests on the northwest frontier followed in 1530-31.
( :uzmn organized the conquered lands as Nueva Galicia and berame the first governor.
7Castaeda imputed an ulterior motive to Guzmn's western
conquests, namely that said conquests opened a second gateway
to the puebloan country beyond the "North sea."
8An ancient Iberian legend recalled seven Christian bishops
who escaped Muslim armies by sailing westward from Lisbon
across the Atlantic Ocean. Fables circulated that these lost Portuguese Christians established rich cities, The Seven Cities of the
Antilles, in a new land.
9A typical measure of itinerary distan ces, a Spanish land league
measured 2.6 miles but more usually approximated a little over
three miles in Coronado's time
10The province of Culiacn encompassed Guzmn's remote
northwestern conquests. It was a small island of Spanish power,
otherwise separated from Nueva Galicia by almost a hundred
miles of unpacified territory.
11An official Spanish allotment of native labor and services to
a European. Owners of repartimientos acquired virtually free
workers. Castaeda implied that Guzmn's allies lost opportunities to exploit their assigned natives while gallivanting on the
northwestern frontier.
12Corts returned from Spain to Mexico in mid-1531 with a
royal appointment as captain-general ofNew Spain. His arrival
was triumphant, and his prompt suppression of a native revolt renewed his popularity in the capital.
13The villa of San Miguel de Culiacn was located near the native settlement ofCiguatn on the San Lorenzo River. Nuo Beltrn de Guzmn founded the small municipality in September
1531.

II
Captulo segundo cmo vino o ser gobernador
Francisco Vazques Coronado y la segunda relacin
que dio Cabeza de Vaca.

ocho aos que estajornada se


P haba hechofueron
por Nuo de Guzman habiendo sido
ASADOS QUE

II
H ow Francisco Vzquez Coronado
came to be governor, and the second report given by
Cabeza de Vaca.

IGHT YEARS

after Nuo de Guzmn made this ex-

pedition, he was arrested by ajudge of residencia


E
named Licentiate Diego de la Torre, who carne from

preso por un juez de residencia1 que vino de Espaa


para el efecto con provisiones bastantes llamado el Licenciado Diego de la Torre que despus muriendo
estejuez que ya tena en si la gobernacin de aquella
tierra el buen Don Antonio de Mendoca Virrey de la
Nueva Espaa puso por gobernador de aquella gobernacin a Francisco Vazques de Coronado2 un caballero de Salamanca que a la sazn [en ese tiempo]
era casado en la ciudad de Mxico con una Seora
hija de Alonso de Estrada tesorero y gobernador que
haba sido de Mxico uno por quien el vulgo dice ser
hijo del Rey Catlico Don Fernando y muchos lo afirman por cosa cierta digo que a la sazn que Francisco
Vazques fue provedo por gobernador andaba por visitador general de la Nueva Espaa por donde tuvo
amistad y conversaciones de muchas personas nobles
que despus le siguieron en lajornada que hizo[.]
Aconteci a la sazn que llegaron a Mxico tres es-

Spain with full powers to hold his residencia. Later


this judge died, at the time the government of New
Galicia was under the care of the good Don Antonio
de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain. The latter appointed as governor of that land, Francisco Vzquez
de Coronado,2 a gentleman from Salamanca, who at
that time had married, at Mexico city, a daughter of
Alonso de Estrada. He had been treasurer and governor of Mexico and was generally believed to be the
son of the Catholic king, Don Ferdinand, which many
affirm to be true. What 1have to say is that at the time
Francisco Vzquez was appointed governor, he was
holding the office of visitor general of New Spain,
This brought him in touch and in friendly relations
with many prominent persons who later accompanied
him on the expedition he led.
It happened that, at this time, there arrived in Mex-

24

25

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

paoles y un negro que haban por nombre Cabeza de


Vaca y Dorantes y Castillo Maldonado los cuales se
haban perdido en la armada que meti Pamfilo de
Narbaes3 en la Florida y estos salieron por la va de
Culiacn habiendo atravesado la tierra de mar a mar
como lo vern los que lo quisieren saber por un tratado que el mismo Cabeza de Vaca hizo dirigido a el
prncipe Don Felipe que ahora es Rey de Espaa4 y
Seor Nuestro y estos dieron noticia al buen Don Antonio de Mendoca en como por las tierras que atravesaron tomaron lengua y noticia grande de unos
poderosos pueblos de altos de cuatro y cinco doblados y otras cosas bien diferentes de lo que pareci por
verdad esto comunic el buen Virrey con el nuevo gobernador que fue causa que se apresurese dejando la
visitas que tena entre manos y se partiese para su gobernacin llevando consigo el negro que haba vendido con los tres frailes de la orden de San Francisco
el uno tena por nombre Fray Marcos de Niza telogo
y sacerdote y el otro Fray Daniel lego y otro Fray Antonio de Santa Maria[.]
Y como lleg a la provincia de Culiacn luego despidi a los frailesya nombrados y a el negro que haba
por nombre Estevan6 para que fuesen en demanda de
aquella tierra porque el Fray Marcos de Niza7 se prefiri de llegar a verla porque este fraile se haba hallado
en el Per a el tiempo que Don Pedro de Alvarado
pas por tierra8 idos los dichos frailes y el negro Estevan"parece que el negro no iba a favor de los frailes
porque llevaba las mujeres que le daban y adquira

ico three Spaniards, Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and


Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who had been shipwrecked in the fleet sent to Florida under Pnfilo de
Narvez.3 They carne by way of Culiacn, after crossing the country from sea to sea, as anyone may learn
from a report which Cabeza de Vaca himself addressed to Prince Philip, who is now king of Spain
and our lord. 4 They told the good Don Antonio de
Mendoza how, through the lands they had traversed,
they obtained interpreters and important information
regarding powerful pueblos with houses four or five
stories high, and other things quite different from
what turned out to be the truth. The good viceroy
communicated all this to the new governor. This
caused him to hasten in bringing the visitas he was
holding to a close and to return to his government.
He took with him the negro6 who had arrived and
three friars of the order of Saint Francis. One of them
was named Fray Marcos de Niza," a theologian and
priest; the other, Fray Daniel, a lay brother; and the
third, Fray Antonio de Santa Maria.
As soon as he arrived in the province of Culiacn,
he at once sent the above-mentioned friars and the
negro, named Estevan, in search of that land. Fray
Marcos de Niza was chosen to go to examine this land
because he had been in Peru at the time when Don
Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. After the said
friars and the negro Estevan set out,8 it seems that the
negro fellfrom the good graces of the friars because he
took along the women that were given to him, and col-

26

27

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

turquesas y hacia volumen de todo y an los indios de


aquellos poblados por donde iban entendiesen mejor
con el negro como ya otra vez lo haban visto que fue
causa que lo hubieron echar delante que fuese descubriendo y pacificando para que cuando ellos llegasen
no tuviesen ms que entender de en tomar la relacin
de lo que buscaban. 9

l1~ctedturquoises, and accumulated everything. BeMides,the Indians of the settlements they crossed got
along better with the negro, since they had seen him
heore. For this reason he was sent ahead to discover
und pacify the land so that when the others arrived, all
t hey would have to do would be to listen and make a
report of what they were searching for.9

28

NOTAS
Una

29

NOTES

temida investigacin real sobre la conducta, que a menudo preceda la cada de un lder fuera del favor real. Guzmn fue
despojado de su puesto como gobernador de Nueva Galicia en el
mes de enero de 1537Luego l fue atrado a Mxico por el Virrey
Mendoza, quien organiz una grande fiesta y cena para l. Entonces Mendoza se qued apariado mientras que Guzmn era
arrestado el 20 de enero. El fue encarcelado y finalmente ordenado
a regresar a Espaa en 1538.Despus de una vida estril, limitado
por la corte, empeando sus bienes de valor restantes, y por siempre incapaz de resolver sus extensos problemas legales, Guzmn
muri en Valladolid en octubre de 1558.
2Mendoza
retir a Guzmn y gobern la Nueva Galicia por si
solo hasta agosto de 1538,cuando nombr a sujoven protegido,
Coronado, como gobernador de la distante provincia.
"Los famosos "cuatro nufragos" fueron los nicos sobrevivientes de la trgica expedicin en La Florida de Pnfilo de Narvez en 1527.En noviembre de 1528Alvar Nez Cabeza de Vaca,
Andrs Dorantes de Carranza, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, y
el nacido en frica Estevan de Dorantes ("Esteban el Moro")
entre otros, fueron arrastrados durante una tormenta hasta una
playa cerca de la Isla de Galveston. Despus de aos de cautiverio, estos ltimos sobrevivientes organizaron una migracin en
1534 saliendo del moderno Texas. Reconstituyendo a si mismos

1A dreaded royal investigation of conduct, which often preceded the downfall of a leader out of royal favor. Guzmn was
stripped ofhis governorship ofNueva Galicia injanuary ofi537.
He was enticed to Mexico City by Viceroy Mendoza, who organized a large dinner party for him. Mendoza then stood aside
while Guzmn was arrested onjanuary 20. He was imprisoned
and finally ordered to Spain in 1538. After a sterile life, confined
to the court, pawning his remaining valuables, and forever unable
to resolve his extensive legal difficulties, Guzmn died at Valladolid in October 1558.
2Mendoza removed Guzmn and governed Nueva Galicia himself until August 1538, when he appointed his young protg,
Coronado, as governor of the distant province.
"The famous "four castaways" were the only survivors of the
tragic 1527 Pnfilo de Narvez expedition to Florida. In November of 1528 Alvar Nez Cabeza de Vaca, Andrs Dorantes de
Carranza, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, and African-born Estevan de Dorantes ("Stephen the Moor"), among others, washed
ashore near Galveston Island during a storm. After years of captivity,these last survivors organized a flight in 1534out of modernday Texas. Reconstituting themselves as shaman-healers, they
traversed the breadth ofN orth America. Along the way they heard

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

como curanderos charlatanes de los das modernos de Texas, ellos


atravesaron todo el ancho de Norte Amrica. En su paso ellos escucharon a los nativos dando reportes acerca de ciudades populosas ms al norte en el interior. Despus de haber llegado al Valle
de Sonora en el oeste de Mxico, los cuatro curanderos empezaron a ir hacia el sur y finalmente hicieron contacto con los sorprendidos esclavizadores espaoles. En los principios de 1536
ellos llegaron a la colonia de Culiacn. La noticia de su milagrosa
supervivencia cre una enorme sensacin en la Nueva Espaa.
Sus relatos de las historias que haban escuchado acerca de ciudades desconocidas en el "misterioso norte" parecan especialmente interesantes.
4La
referencia que Castaeda hace al Prncipe Felipe (Felipe
n, Rey de Espaa) confirm que l haba ledo una copia de la
edicin de Valladolid de 1555 del pico reporte de Cabeza de
Vaca, en vez de la primera edicin de Zamora de 1542. Durante
el cruce del Gran Sudoeste, los nufragos escucharon relatos
de las gentes nativas llamadas Pueblo ms al interior. En su reporte Cabeza de Vaca escribi acerca de "villas con mucha gente
en casas bien grandes."
5Una
visitacin en conexin con los deberes normales: una visita de rutina, o inspeccin, para entenderse de la situacin.
6El
intrpido Estevan de Dorantes, el sirviente africano/
ibrico de Andrs Dorantes de Carranza. Sus servicios fueron adquiridos por el Virrey despus de que los otros tres nufragos se
negaron a aventurarse de vuelta al misterioso interior. El cauteloso
Mendoza trat de combinar la abilidad probada que tena Estevan
para atravesar las tierras de las salvajes tribus, con la sabidura del
Fray Marcos de Niza y sus valores franciscanos. Acompaando al
Fray Marcos haba otro franciscano llamado Onorato. Estos hombres estaban encargados del reconocimiento ordenado por Mendoza para verificar los reportes hechos por los naufragados acerca
de una civilizacin en la parte norte de la tierra desconocida.
7El
Fray Marcos de Niza, un sacerdote franciscano del Ducado de Savoy en Niza que hablaba provenzal lleg al Nuevo
Mundo en 1531.Viajando con el Capitn Pedro de Alvarado hasta
el Per, l se encontr con Pizarro, y vio el asesinato de Atahualpa
y contempl las fabulosas cantidades de oro Inca.
8Ellos
salieron de Culiacn el 7 de marzo 1539. Cerca del Ro

native reports of populous cities farther north in the interior. After


rcaching the Sonora Valley of western Mexico, the four healers
turned south and finally made contact with astonished Spanish
slavers. They reached the settlement of Culiacn in early 1536.
News of their miraculous survival created a huge sensation in New
Spain, Their hearsay of unknown cities in the "northern mysteries" seemed especially interesting.
4Castaeda's
reference to Prince Philip (Philip n, king of
Spain) confirmed that he had read a copy of the 1555Valladolid
edition of Cabeza de Vaca's epic report instead of the 1542Zamora
first edition. While crossing the Greater Southwest, the castaways
heard of the puebloans farther inland. In his report Cabeza de
Vaca wrote of"villages of many people and very large houses."
5A visitation in connection with normal duties; a routine visit,
inspection, or examination of a situation.
6The intrepid Estevan de Dorantes, the Afro-Iberian servant of
Andrs Dorantes de Carranza. His services were acquired by the
viceroy after the other three castaways refused to venture back
into the mysterious interior. A cautious Mendoza intended to wed
Estevan's proven skills in traversing the lands of wild interior
tribes together with Fray Marcos de Niza's literacy and Franciscan
values. Attached to Fray Marcos was another Franciscan, Fray
Onorato. These men would undertake Mendoza's reconnaissance
to verify the castaways' report of a civilization in the northern terra
incognita.
7Fray Marcos de Niza, a Provenc;;al-speakingFranciscan priest
from Nice in the Duchy of Savoy, arrived in the New World in
1531.Traveling with Captain Pedro de Alvarado to Peru, he met
Pizarro, saw Atahualpa murdered, and contemplated fabulous
quantities oflnca gold.
8They left Culiacn on 7 March 1539.Near the Sinaloa River,
Frar, Onorato took sick and turned back to Culiacn.
Near the Magdalena River, Estevan and his native retinue
broke away from Fray Marcos. They then traveled ahead on the
Turquoise Trail. Periodically Estevan sent a large wooden cross
rearward as a sign of encouragement to Fray Marcos.

30

31

32

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Sinaloa, el Fray Onorato se enferm y empez un viaje de regreso


hacia Culiacn.
9Cerca
del Ro Magdalena, Estevan y su squito nativo se separaron del Fray Marcos. Luego, estos siguieron el viaje por el ,
Sendero de la Turquesa. Peridicamente Estevan mandaba una
cruz grande hecha de madera hacia la retaguardia para animar al
Fray Marcos.

Maize, Hieronymus Bock, 1552


Maz, Hieronymus Bock, 1552

33

III

III

Captulo tercero cmo mataron los de Cbola a el


negro Estevan y Fray Marcos volvi huyendo.

J low they killed the negro Estevan at Cbola, and how


Fray Marcos returned in flight.

APARTADO QUE

se hubo el Estevan de los dichos

."\. frailes presumi ganar en todo reputacin y


honra y que se le atribuyese la osada y atrevimiento
de haber l solo descubierto aquellos poblados de
altos tan nombrados por aquella tierra y llevando consigo de aquellas gentes que le seguan procur de atravesar los despoblados que hay entre Cbola y lo
poblado que haba andado y se haba adelantado tanto
a los frailes que cuando ellos llegaron a Chicheticale1
que es principio del despoblado2 ya l estaba a Cbola que son ochenta leguas de despoblado que hay
desde Culiacn a el principio del despoblado doscientas y veinte leguas y en el despoblado ochenta que
son trescientas diez ms o menos[.]3
Digo as que llegado que fue el negro Estevan a Cbola lleg cargado de grande nmero de turquesas
que le haban dado y algunas mujeres hermosas que
le haban dado y llevaban los indios que le acompaaban y le seguan de todo lo poblado que haba
pasado los cuales en ir debajo de su amparo crean
34

Estevan got away from the said friars, he


craved to gain honor and fame in everything
and to be credited with the boldness and daring of
discovering, ali by himself, those terraced pueblos, so
famed throughout the land. Accompanied by the
people who followed him, he tried to cross the uninhabited regions between Cbola and the inhabited
area. He had traveled so far ahead of the friars that
when they reached Chichilticale, 1 which is the beginning of the despoblado, 2 he was already at Cbola, a
distance of eighty leagues of despoblado. From Culiacn to the beginning of the despoblado it is 220
leagues, and with eighty through the despoblado this
makes three hundred, perhaps ten more or less.'
I say, then, that when the negro Estevan reached
Cbola, he arrived there laden with a large number of
turquoises and with sorne pretty women, which the
natives had given him. The gifts were carried by Indians who accompanied and followed him through
every settlement he crossed, believing that, by going

HEN

35

36

Relacin de la Jornada de Cibola

poder atravesar toda la tierra sin riesgo ninguno pero


como aquellas gentes de aquella tierra fuesen de ms
razn que no los que seguan a el Estevan aposentronlo en una cierta ermita que tenan fuera del pueblo
y los ms viejos y los que gobernaban oyeron sus razones y procuraron saber la causa de su venida en
aquella tierra[.]
Y bien informados por espacio de tres das entraron en su consulta y por la noticia que el negro les dio
como atrs venan dos hombres blancos enviados por
un gran Seor que eran entendidos en las cosas del
cielo y que aquellos venan a industriar en las cosas divinas consideraron que deba ser espa o gua de algunas naciones que los queran ir a conquistar porque
les pareci desvaro decir que la tierra de donde venia
era la gente blanca siendo l negro y enviado por ellos
y fueron a l y como despus do otras razones le pidiese turquesas y mujeres les pareci cosa dura y se
determinaron a matarle y as lo hicieron4 sin quematasen a nadie de los que con l iban y tomaron algunos
muchachos y a los de ms que seran obra de sesenta
personas dejaron volver libres a sus tierras pues como
estos que volvan ya huyendo atemorizados llegasen a
se topar y ver con los frailes en el despoblado sesenta
leguas de Cbola5 y les diesen la triste nueva pusieron
los en tanto temor que an no se fiando de esta gente
con haber ido en compaa del negro abrieron las petacas que llevaban y les repartieron cuanto traan que
no les quedo salvo los ornamentos de decir misa y de
all dieron la vuelta sin ver la tierra ms de lo que los

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

37

under his protection, they could traverse the whole


country without any danger. But as the people of that
land were more intelligent than those who followed
Estevan, they lodged him at a lodging house which
they had outside of the pueblo, and the oldest and
those in authority listened to his words and tried to
learn the reason for his coming to that land.
When they were well informed, they held councils
for three days. As the negro had told them that farther
back two white men, sent by a great lord, were coming, that they were learned in the things of heaven,
and that they were coming to instruct them in divine
matters, the lndians thought he must have been a spy
or guide of sorne nations that wanted to come and
conquer them. They thought it was nonsense for him
to say that the people in the land whence he carne
were white, when he was black, and that he had been
sent by them. So they went to him, and because, after
sorne talk, he asked them for turquoises and women,
they considered this an affront and determined to kill
him. So they did,4 without killing any one of those
who carne with him. They took a few boys, and the
others, who must have been sorne sixty people, they
allowed to return to their lands unmolested. As these
who were now returning were fleeing in fright, they
chanced to see and meet the friars in the despoblado,
sixty leagues from Cbola,5 and gave them the sad
news. The friars were seized with such fear that, not
trusting these people who had accompanied the
negro, they opened their bags and distributed every-

11

Relacin de laJornada de Cibola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

indios les decan antes caminaban dobladas jornadas


haldas en cinta. 6

thing they had among them, keeping only the vestments for saying Mass. From there they turned back
without seeing more land than the Indians had told
them of. On the contrary,they were travelingby forced
marches, with their habits up to their waists.6

38

39

NOTAS
Estevan

fue el primero a llegar a Chichilticale, o "Casa Roja,"


una fortaleza abandonada hecha de barro ubicada en el sudeste de
Arizona, al Norte de la actual frontera entre los Estados Unidos y
Mxico. El Fray Marcos lleg a la Casa Roja a principios de mayo
de 1539.
2Una
regin desierta y desafiante que es casi desprovista de
cualquier presencia humana.
3De
esta manera, el viaje desde Culiacn, por la costa del Pacfico (por va del Vallede Sonora) hasta Chichilticale consista de
seiscientas millas, ms el paso de doscientas millas a travs de un
desierto, antes de llegar a Zui o los pueblos de Cbola. Por si
acaso, estas distancias son notablemente exactas.
4Los
ancianos consejeros de Zui, sospechosos de la presencia de Estevan y sus de mtodos avariciosos, lo declararon finalmente como espa luego lo persiguieron y acribillaron con flechas.
La tradicin de los Zuis indicaba que los ancianos consejeros del
pueblo de K'iakima tenan que hacer los arreglos para su ejecucin. Coronado y Juan dejaramillo afirmaron que Estevan haba
sido asesinado en el pueblo de Hawikuh.
5Ubicando
al Fray Marcos como a veinte leguas, o como a unas
cincuenta millas al norte, ms lejos que Chichilticale, en el despoblado situado en el sudeste de Arizona.
6Castaeda
y otros veteranos tenan una pobre opinin sobre
el Fray Marcos, creyendo que este franciscano era mendaz y que
nunca haba viajado las adicionales sesenta leguas hasta Cbola.
Los hombres de letras modernos estn ms dispuestos a dar crdito al relato del Fray Marcos, indicando que l haba viajado ms
lejos y tambin que haba podido ver a un pueblo distante (Hawikuh o K'iakima) destellando bajo el sol.

NOTES
1Estevan was first to reach Chichilticale, or "Red House," an
abandoned earthen fortress in southeastern Arizona, north of the
present U.S.-Mexico boundary. Fray Marcos reached Red House
in early May 1539.
2A challenging wilderness region almost devoid of human
presence.
"Thus, thejourney from Culiacn on the Pacific coast (via the
Sonora Valley) to Chichilticale was sorne six hundred miles, plus
a wilderness of two hundred miles, before reaching the Zui pueblos of Cbola. These distances are remarkably accurate.
4Zui elders, suspicious ofEstevan's presence and avaricious
ways, finallyjudged him a spy.He was chased and riddled with arrows. Zui tradition said the elders ofK'iakima pueblo arranged
his death. Coronado andJuan dejaramillo claimed Estevan was
killed at the pueblo ofHawikuh.
5Placing Fray Marcos twenty leagues, sorne fifty miles north,
beyond Chichilticale, in the despoblado of southeast Arizona.
6Castaeda and other veterans held a low opinion ofFray Marcos, believing that the Franciscan was mendacious and had never
traveled the sixty farther leagues to Cbola. Modern scholars are
more willing to credit Fray Marcos's own account, namely that he
had traveled farther, even espying a distant pueblo (Hawikuh or
K'iakima) glinting in the sun.

"'l~
1111
.11

11111

IV

IV

Captulo cuarto cmo el buen Don Antonio de


Mendofa hizo jornada para el descubrimiento de
Cbola.

How the good Don Antonio de Mendoza


organized the expedition for the discovery of
Cbola.

en la demanda ya dicha quedando l en Culiacn entendi en negocios que convenan a su gobernacin


tubo cierta relacin de una provincia que corra en la
travesa de la tierra de Culiacn a el norte que se deca
Topira y luego sali para la ir a descubrir con algunos
conquistadores y gente de amigos y su ida hizo poco
efecto porque haban de atravesar las cordilleras y fue
les muy dificultoso y la noticia no la hallaron tal ni
muestra de buena tierra y as dio la vuelta1 y llegado
que fue hall a los frailes que haban acabado de llegar2y fueron tantas las grandezas que les dijeron de lo
que l Estevan el negro haba descubierto y lo que
ellos oyeron a los indios y otras noticias de la mar del
sur" y de islas que oyeron decir y de otras riquezas
que el gobernador sin ms se detener se parti luego
para la ciudad de Mxico llevando al Fray Marcos
consigo para dar noticia de ello a el Virrey engrandeciendo las cosas con no las querer comunicar con

Fray Marcos de Niza and his party


the aforementioned exploration, Francisco
Vzquez Coronado remained in Culiacn attending
to matters pertaining to his government. He received
a reliable report of a province named Topia, which
touched Culiacn on the north, and he set forth at
once with a few conquistadores and sorne of his allies
to discover it. His trip produced few results because
it was extremely difficult to cross the mountain ranges,
and they soon found that the information they had received was untruthful; nor did they find any signs of
good lands. So he turned back.1
On his return he found the friars, who had just returned. 2 They told so many glowing tales of what the
negro Estevan had discovered and what they had
heard from the lndians, together with other news of
the South sea,' of islands of which they had heard,
and of other riches, that the governor, without further
delay,left at once for Mexico city,taking Fray Marcos
along to give a report of the matter to the viceroy.The

40

41

Francisco Vazques Coronado hubo


D enviado al Fray
Marcos de Niza y su compaa
ESPUS QUE

AFTER SENDING

.fi to

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nadie, sino de bajo de puridad y grande secreto a personas particulares[.]


Y llegados a Mxico y vistos con Don Antonio de
Mendoca luego se comenz a publicar como ya se haban descubierto las siete ciudades que Nuo de Guzman buscaba4 y hacer armada y portar gente para las
ir a conquistar el buen Virrey tuvo tal orden con los
frailes de la orden de San Francisco que hicieron al
Fray Marcos provincial que fue causa que anduviesen los plpitos de aquella orden llenos de tantas maravillas y tan grandes que en pocos das se juntaron
ms de trescientos hombres espaoles y obra de ochocientos indios naturales de la Nueva Espaa5 y entre
los espaoles hombres de gran calidad tantos y tales
que dudo en indias haber sejuntado tan noble gente
y tanta en tan pequeo nmero como fueron trescientos hombres y de todos ellos capitn general6
Francisco Vazques Coronado gobernador de la Nueva
Galicia por haber sido el autor de todo hizo todo
esto[.]7
El buen Virrey Don Antonio porque a la sazn era
Francisco Vazques la persona ms alegada a l por
privancia porque tena entendido era hombre sagaz
hbil y de buen consejo allende de ser caballeros como
lo era tenido tuviera ms atencin y respecto a el estado en que lo pona y cargo que llevaba que no a la
renta que dejaba en la Nueva Espaa o a lo menos a la
honra que ganaba y haba de ganar llevando tales
caballeros de bajo de su bando pero no le sali as
como a delante se vera en el fin de este tratado ni l

friar magnified things by refusing to talk to anyone, except under great mystery and secrecy, to sorne particular individuals.
As soon as they reached Mexico city and met Don
Antonio de Mendoza, it was at once publicized that
the Seven Cities, which Nuo de Guzmn had
sought, 4 had now been found, and they began to organize an expedition and to recruit people to go and
conquer them. The good viceroy managed everything
so well with the friars of the order of Saint Francis
that they appointed Fray Marcos to the office of
provincial. The result was that from the pulpits of this
order there emanated so many tales of great wonders
that in a fewdays there were recruited more than three
hundred Spaniards and sorne eight hundred lndians
ofNew Spain.5 Among the Spaniards there were men
of great distinction, such a large number that 1doubt
whether there were ever assembled in the lndies so
many noble people in such a small group of three hundred men. The captain-general6 of them all was Francisco Vzquez Coronado, governor of New Galicia,
as he had been the author of it all.7
The good viceroy, Don Antonio, did all this because at that time Francisco Vzquez was the person
closest to him at court and he considered him clearminded, able, and of good judgment, in addition to
being the caballeros that he was. He should have paid
more attention and regard to the rank to which he had
been elevated and to the commission entrusted him
than to the estate he was leaving in New Spain, or at

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supo conservar aquel estado ni la gobernacin que


tena.

least to the honor he had won and was to win by having such caballeros under his command. However, it
did not turn out that way for him, as will he seen further on at the end of this work. Neither did he know
how to preserve his position nor the government he
held.

44

45

NOTAS
1Los tributarios superiores del Ro Culiacn llegaban hasta
Topia, un territorio escabroso al norte en las laderas del lado occidental de la Sierra Madre Occidental. Profundas quebradas, o
caones erodidos, que hacan el paso dificultoso inclusive para los
aborgenes granjeros y cazadores como los Acaxees. Ms tarde
los destacamentos espaoles en efecto descubrieron ricas minas
de plata cerca de la Sierra Madre.
2El Fray Marcos lleg a Culiacn en junio de 1539, mientras
Coronado haba viajado hasta Compostela. En Culiacn, el Fray
Marcos se volvi ajuntar con el Fray Onorato y juntos viajaron
hasta Compostela para dar su reporte a Vzquez de Coronado.
Alegre por sus noticias, Coronado se uni con ellos en agosto de
1539en su viaje hasta la Ciudad de Mxico, donde el Fray Marcos
present un reporte en persona ante el Virrey.
3El
Ocano Pacfico.
4Guzmn nunca haba buscado las Siete Ciudades. Pero en
1540, el recuerdo del reporte que los nativos le haban hecho
acerca de las colonias de las gentes Pueblo se confabul con la leyenda de las Siete Ciudades Cristianas que se haban perdido, y
crearon un excelente concepto de mercadeo para organizar una
nueva expedicin.
5Es posible que los franciscanos haban visto la utilidad general de una expedicin que no solo poda juntar a varios hombres
desocupados sino tambien dirigir sus energas para descubrir nuevas tierras donde, sin duda, existan nativos que esperaban lapalabra de Dios. Los misioneros exploradores franciscanos eran un
componente crucial de los descubrimientos y de la colonizacin
espaola del Gran Sudoeste.
6El nombramiento de Vzquez de Coronado como coman-

NOTES
1The upper tributaries ofthe Culiacn River reached Topia, a
rugged land north on the Pacific slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental. Deep quebradas, or eroded canyons, made travel difficult, even for the Acaxees, aboriginal farmer-hunters. Later
Spanish parties <lid discover silver ores nearby in the Sierra
Madre.
2Fray Marcos arrived in Culiacn in June of 1539. Coronado
had meanwhile traveled to Compostela. At Culiacn, Fray Marcos
rejoined Fray Onorato, and together they traveled to Compostela
to report to Vzquez de Coronado. Elated over their news, Coronado joined them on the August 1539journey to Mexico City,
where Fray Marcos reported in person to the viceroy.
3Pacific
Ocean.
4Guzmn had never sought the Seven Cities. But by 1540, the
recollected native report to him of puebloan settlements, confabulated with the legend of the seven lost Christian cities, created
among the credulous in New Spain an excellent marketing concept for a new expedition.
5The Franciscans likely saw general utility in an expedition
that gathered idle men and directed these energies toward unknown lands, where doubtless many natives awaited the word of
God. Franciscan missionary-explorers were a crucial component
in the Spanish discovery and settlement of the Greater Southwest.

46

Relacin de laJornada de Cibola

dante del ejrcito de la expedicin y capitn general de las tierras


recin descubiertas fue emitido el 6 de enero de 1540, relativamente tarde en el proceso de organizacin de la expedicin, posiblemente debido a que Mendoza al principio, haba contemplado
ser lder de la expedicin.
7Siendo
bastante acaudalado debido al dote de su esposa, Coronado hipotec algunas de las tierras de Doa Beatriz y tambin
invirti cincuenta mil ducados en esta intrpida nueva aventura.
Mendoza invirti an ms, pero Coronado administr activamente la aventura.
8Un
caballero de gentil nacimiento y de familia noble, consecuentemente privilegiado para ir a caballo.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

47

6Vzquez de Coronado's commission appointing him army


commander of the expedition and captain-general of the newly
discovered lands, was issued 6January 1540, relatively late in the
organization of the expedition, likely because Mendoza had contemplated leading the expedition himself.
7Wealthy through his wife's dowry, Coronado mortgaged sorne
ofDoa Beatriz's lands and invested fifty thousand ducats in the
bold new enterprise. Mendoza invested even more, but Coronado
actively managed the venture.
8A gentleman of noble birth and good breeding, therefore one
privileged to go by horseback.

IX

IX

Captulo nueve cmo el campo sali de Culiacn y


lleg el general a Cbola y el campo a Seora y lo que
ms acaeci.

H ow the army set out from Culiacn; how the


general reached Cbola, and the army Seora;
and what else took place.

L GENERAL

como est dicho sali del valle de Cu-

E liacn en seguimiento de su viaje algo a la ligera


llevando consigo a los frailes que ninguno quiso que-

As HAS been stated, the general set out from the val.fi ley of Culiacn on hisjourney, lightly equipped.

dar con el campo y a tres jornadas un fraile llamado


Fray Antonio Victoria1 se quebr un pierna y este
fraile era de misa y para que se curase lo volvieron del
camino y despus fue con el campo que no fue poca
consolacin para todos el general y su gente atravesaron la tierra sin contraste que todo lo que hallaron de
paz porque los indios conocan a Fray Marcos y algunos de los que haban ido con el capitn Melchior
Das cuando haba ido l y Juan de Saldivar a descubrir[.]
Como el general hubo atravesado lo poblado y llegado a Chichilticale2 principio del despoblado y no
vio cosa buena no dej de sentir alguna tristeza porque aunque la noticia de lo de adelante era grande no
haba quien lo hubiese visto sino los indios que fueron
con el negro que ya los haban tomado en algunas
mentiras por todos se sinti mucho ver que la fama de

He took along the friars, since none of them wished to


remain with the army. On the third day a friar named
Fray Antonio Victoria1 broke a leg. This friar, one ordained to officiate at Mass, was taken back to be attended to; later he accompanied the army,which was
of no slight consolation to all. The general and his
men crossed the land without encountering any opposition. They found everything peaceful, because
the lndians knew Fray Marcos and sorne of those who
had accompanied Captain Melchior Daz when he
andJuan de Zaldvar had gone out to explore.
When the general crossed the settled region and
reached Chichilticale,2 where the despoblado began,
and they could not see anything of any account, he
could not help but feel sorne disappointment, because, although the reports of what lay ahead were alluring, no one had seen it except the lndians who had
accompanied the negro, and they had already been

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Chichilticale se resuma en una casa sin cubierta arruinada puesto que pareca en otro tiempo haber sido
casa fuerte en tiempo que fue poblada y bien se conoca ser hecha por gentes extranjeras polticas y guerras venidas de lejos era esta casa de tierra bermeja[. ]3
Desde all prosiguieron el despoblado y llegaron
en quince das a ocho leguas de Cbola a un ro que
por ir el agua turbia y bermeja le llamaron el ro bermejo" en este ro se hallaron barbos5 como en Espaa
aqu fue adonde se vieron los primeros indios de
aquella tierra que fueron dos que huyeron y fueron a
dar mandado y otro da a dos leguas del pueblo
siendo de noche algunos indios en parte segura dieron una grita que aunque la gente estaba apercibida se
alteraron algunos en tanta manera que hubo quien
ech la silla al revs y estos fueron gente nueva que los
diestros luego cabalgaron y corrieron el campo los indios huyeron como quien saba la tierra que ninguno
pudo ser habido.
Otro da bien en orden entraron por la tierra poblada y como vieron el primer pueblo que fue Cbola
fueron tantas las maldiciones que algunos echaron a
Fray Marcos cuales Dios no permita le comprendan.
El es un pueblo pequeo arriscado" y apeascado
que de lejos hay estancias en la Nueva Espaa que tienen mejor apariencia es pueblo de hasta doscientos
hombres de guerra de tres y de cuatro altos y las casas
chicas y poco espaciosas no tienen patios un patio
sirve a un barrio se haba juntado all la gente de la
comarca porque es una provincia de siete pueblos7

caught in several lies. The men were all disillusioned


to see that the famous Chichilticale turned out to be a
roofless ruined house, although it appeared that formerly, at the time when it was inhabited, it must have
been a fortress. One could easily tell that it had been
built by strange people, orderly and warlike, from afar.
This house was built of red mud.3
From here they proceeded over the despoblado
and after fifteen days, at a distance of eight leagues
from Cbola, arrived ata river which, because its water
was muddy and red, they called Red River.4 In this
stream they found barbels5 like those in Spain. Here it
was that they saw the first lndians in that land-two of
them-who fled and went to warn the others. On the
night of the following day, two leagues from the
pueblo, the Indians began shouting from a safe place,
and although the men were forewarned, sorne were
so confused that more than one put his saddle on
backward. This happened only to beginners, as the
veterans quickly mounted their horses and rode out
over the field. The Indians, well acquainted with the
land, fled, for none could be found.
On the following day, in good formation, the soldiers entered the inhabited land. When they got
within sight of the first pueblo, which was Cbola, the
curses that sorne hurled at Fray Marcos were such that
God forbid they may befall him.
It is a small, rocky pueblo," all crumpled up, there
being many farm settlements in New Spain that look
better from afar. It is a pueblo of three or four stories

76

77

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1

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

donde hay otros harto mayores y ms fuertes pueblos


que no Cbola estas gentes esperaron en el campo ordenados con sus escuadrones a vista del pueblo y
como a los requerimientos que le hicieron con las lenguas no quisieron dar la paz antes se mostraban bravos diese santiago en ellos y fueron desbaratados8
luego y despus fueron a tomar el pueblo que no fue
poco dificultoso que como tenan la entrada angosta y
torneada a l entrar derribaron a el general con una
gran piedra9 tendido y as le matarn sino fuera por
Don Garcia Lopes de Cardenas y Hernando de Alvarado que se derribaron sobre l y le sacaron recibiendo ellos los golpes de piedras que no fueron
pocos pero como a la primera furia de los espaoles
no hay resistencia en menos de una hora se entr y
gan el pueblo y se descubrieron los abastecimientos
que era de lo que ms necesidad haba y de all adelante toda la provincia vino de paz.
El campo que haba quedado a Don Tristan de
Arellano parti en seguimiento del general cargados
todos de abastecimientos las lanzas en los hombros
todos a pie por sacar cargados los caballos y no con
pequeo trabajo de jornadas en jornadas llegaron a
una provincia que Cabeza de Vaca puso por nombre
Corazones'? a causa que all les ofrecieron muchos
corazones de animales y luego la comenz a poblar
una villa y poner el nombre San Hieronimo de los
Corazones y luego la comenz a poblar y visto que
no se poda sustentar la paso despus a un valle que
llaman persona digo Seora11 y los espaoles le lla-

and has sorne two hundred warriors. The houses are


small, have little space and no patios, for one patio
serves a whole section. The people of the district had
gathered there, for this is a province comprising seven
pueblos," sorne of which are by far larger and stronger
pueblos than Cbola. These people waited in the open
within sight of the pueblo, drawn up in squadrons.
As they refused to accept peace in response to the requisitions which the Spaniards made through interpreters, but, on the contrary appeared warlike, the
Spaniards gave the "Santiago, after them,"8 and they
were quickly routed. Then the soldiers proceeded to
take the pueblo, which was no easy task; for, as the
entrance was narrow and winding, the general was
struck to the ground by a large stone as they were entering, 9 and he would have been killed had it not been
for Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas and Hernando de
Alvarado, who threw themselves upon him and carried him away,receiving a good many blows from the
stones. However, as nothing could resist the first onrush of the Spaniards, in less than one hour they entered and conquered the pueblo. Here they found
provisions, of which there was the greatest need. After
that the whole province submitted peacefully.
The army, which had remained in charge of Don
Tristn de Arellano, set out following the route of the
general. They were all burdened with provisions, their
lances on their shoulders, and all on foot in order that
the horses could be loaded. After considerable labor,
they reached, by stages, a province which Cabeza de

80

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maron Seora y as le llamar de aqu adelante desde


all se fue a buscar el puerto el ro abajo a la costa de
la mar por saber de los navos y no los hallaron[.]
Don Rodrigo Maldonado que iba por caudillo en
busca de los navos de vuelta trajo consigo un indio
tan grande y tan alto que el mayor hombre y tan alto
que el mayor hombre del campo no le llegaba a el
pecho12 deciase que en aquella costa haban otros indios ms altos all reposaron las aguas y despus paso
el campo y la villa Seora porque haba en aquella
comarca abastecimientos para poder aguardar mandado del general.
A mediados del mes de octubre Melchior Dias y
Juan Gallego capitanes vinieron de Cbola elJuan Gallego para Nueva Espaa y Melchior Dias para quedar
por capitn en la nueva villa de los Corazones con la
gente que all quedase y para que fuese a descubrir
los navos por aquella costa.

Vaca had named Corazones, 10 because there the natives had offered him many hearts of animals. Without
delay Arellano proceeded to establish a town there,
naming it San Hiernimo de los Corazones, and
began at once to settle it. Later, seeing that it could
not be maintained, he moved it to a valley called Persona-! mean Seora-and the Spaniards called it
Seora, 11 and so 1 shall call it from now on. From
there he marched clown the river to the seacoast in
search of the harbor in order to find out about the
ships, but he did not find them.
Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who was in charge of the
search for the boats, brought along back an ludian so
large and tall that the biggest man in the army did not
come up to his chest.12 It was said that, on the coast,
there were other Indians still taller. There the army
rested during the rainy season, and afterward it went
to the town of Seora, for in that locality there were
provisions that would enable them to wait for orders
from the general.
During the middle of October, Captains Melchior
Daz andJuan Gallego arrived from Cbola.Juan Gallego was going to New Spain and Melchior Daz was
to remain in the new town ofCorazones, as captain of
the people who should stay there, in order that he
might go in search of the boats along that coast.

82

NOTAS
1
El historiador catlico llamado Fray Anglico Chavez not la
confusin que haba aqu entre un fraile de jalisco, Francisco de
Victoria y el actual sacerdote de la expedicin llamado Antonio de
Castilblanco. Es el padre Castilblanco l que lleg tarde, para
unirse con el ejrcito principal y servir como un sacerdote.
2A pesar de que el sitio de Chichilticale ("Casa Roja") es algo
crtico en el seguimiento cartogrfico de la ruta de la expedicin
de Coronado sobre el terreno moderno, todava no existe un con-

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senso escolar acerca de la ubicacin de estas misteriosas ruinas. Se


cree que el nombre de Chichilticale pertenece a un resto de los sitios arqueolgicos del periodo Salado en el sudeste de Arizona,
rudamente basado en los sitios conocidos (como la Ruina del
Rancho 76, excavada en 1936) dentro y alrededor del rea del
valle de Sulphur Springs. Este valle se encuentra al este del Ro
San Pedro en la esquina sudeste de Arizona, y consecuentemente
est de acuerdo con la ruta aceptada de la expedicin desde la
parte superior del Ro Sonora en Mxico al otro lado de una baja
divisoria que da acceso al Ro San Pedro en Arizona. Investigadores discuten indicando que la "Casa Roja" se encontraba ms
cerca del Ro Gila.
3Los
comentarios de Castaeda acerca de Chichilticale estn
de acuerdo con los datos de la arqueologa moderna. La expansin de los Anasazi y los Tusayan (Hopi) en las dcadas de 1200
se muestra en varias colonias de la periferia de las gentes Pueblo
en el sur de Arizona. Es posible que la Casa Roja era una de esas
mencionadas fortalezas de adobes en la periferia de los Anasazi.
Aunque abandonada, la "Casa Roja" probablemente haba tenido
alguna ocupacin residual en el subsiguiente siglo como una parada y lugar de descanso. Este nombre implica una notable coloracin, ya sea por la tierra roja usada en sus paredes como el
narrador sugiere, o por la persistencia del ocre rojo usado como
pintura en las paredes de adobe del exterior.
4El
Ro Bermejo (Rio Vermejo) ha sido tradicionalmente interpretado como una referencia ambiental debido a las aguas de
color rojo llenas de sedimentos del Ro Little Colorado, cerca del
pueblo de San Juan en Arizona. Desafortunadamente, Castaeda
no provee un relato del viaje pico del destacamento avanzado
espaol que cruz las tierras despobladas del sudeste de Arizona.
En este particular se encuentra una gran dificultad cuando se trata
de seguir exactamente la ruta de la expedicin desde Chichilticale
hasta Cbola. Muchos historiadores favorecen la ruta que va por
el valle de Sulphur Springs hasta el Ro Gila, luego cruza la escabrosa y llena de arboles tierra salvajede la actual reservacin de los
indios Apache llamada San Carlos, para lograr acceso a lo tributario superiore del Ro Little Colorado. Cerca de San Juan los espaoles podan llegar al tributario del Ro Zuni, el cual va hacia el
noreste en direccin a los pueblos Zui de Cbola. Sin duda exis-

The Catholic historian Fray Angelico Chavez noted the confusion here between ajalisco friar, Francisco de Victoria, and the
actual expedition priest Antonio de Castilblanco. It is Father
Castilblanco who will tarry, rejoining the main army and serving
them as a priest.
2Although the site ofChichilticale ("Red House") is critica! to
mapping the Coronado expedition route against the modern landscape, there is as yet no scholarly consensus for the exact location
of these mysterious ruins. It is thought that the name Chichilticale
belongs to one of the remnant Salado period archeological sites in
southeast Arizona, roughly centering on the known sites (such as
the 76 Ranch Ruin, excavated in 1936)within and around the Sulphur Springs valley area. This valley lies east of the San Pedro
River in the southeastern comer of Arizona, and therefore agrees
with the accepted routing of the expedition from the upper
Sonora River of Mexico across a low divide to access the San
Pedro River of Arizona. Other researchers argue that Red House
was closer to the Gila River.
3Castaeda's
rernarks on Chichilticale accord with modern
archeology. Expansion by Anasazi and Tusayan (Hopi) peoples of
the 1200s shows up in various outlier puebloan settlements in
southern Arizona. It is likely that Red House was one such earthern fortress on the Anasazi periphery. Although abandoned, Red
House probably had sorne residual occupation over the following
century as a strategic trade stop and layover. The name implies a
notable coloration, either the red earth used for walls as the narrator suggests, or the persistence of red ochre used to paint exterior adobe walls,
4The
Red River (Ro Vermejo) traditionally has been interpreted as an environmental reference to the reddish, sedimentladen waters of the Little Colorado River, near the town of St.
Johns, Arizona. Unfortunately, Castaeda provides no narration
for the epicjourney by the Spanish advance guard across the despoblado of southeast Arizona. Therein lies a major difficulty for
tracing accurately the expedition route from Chichilticale to
Cbola. Many historians favor a route via the Sulphur Springs valley to the Gila River, then crossing the rough and forested wilder-

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ten otras rutas, pero estas hubieran dirigido a la expedicin hacia


el este siguiendo los limites entre los estados de Arizona y Nuevo
Mexico.
5Pez
llamado Siluro "con barba" debido a los filamentos carnosos que cuelgan alrededor de su boca.
6Llegando
al Ro Zui, la vanguardia del destacamento de Coronado se encontr primero con Hawikuh, uno de los pueblos
Zui de Cbola. Las poco impresionantes ruinas de Hawikuh se
encuentran en un baluarte bajo corno a doce millas hacia el sudoeste del actual pueblo de Zui en el oeste del estado de New Mexico.
7Solarnente
existan seis pueblos de los Zuis en Cbola y no
siete. Pero las durables leyendas acerca de las Siete Ciudades de
las Antillas-el resultado de una antigua leyenda ibrica acerca
de los Siete Obispos Cristianos que se escaparon de los ejrcitos
musulmanes navegando hacia el oeste desde el Portugal y que
atravesando el Ocano Atlntico luego establecieron ricas ciudades-fue la causa de los persistentes reportes acerca de las "Siete
Ciudades de Cbola.''
8La
historia de la Era de Contactos con Nuevo Mexico empieza con esta famosa batalla. Ambos lados realizaron demostraciones rituales en el preludio de la actual batalla. Los espaoles
leyeron documentos a voz alta, y los sacerdotes Zuis dibujaron
lneas en la tierra usando su sagrado maz molido, irnicamente
mutuamente incomprensibles. Es posible que los espaoles confundieron los costumbres de los Zuis con un comportamiento
guerrero y que respondieron de acuerdo a eso, atacando con sus
(amedrentadores ) caballos para causar un gran efecto, con la
ayuda del grito de batalla tradicional de los conquistadores: "Santiago! Cierra Espaa!"
9
Al estar subiendo por una escalera para llegar a la terraza superior de Hawikuh, Coronado fue visto e identificado corno el
lder por los guerreros Zu y escogido as para ser el blanco de
una lluvia de rocas y flechas.
10Los
Corazones era una importante villa de los pata en el
medio del Sonora Valley,ubicada corno a ocho millas ms o menos
de la moderna ciudad de Ures, Sonora. En realidad, los cuatro
naufragados pasaron por el "Pueblo de los Corazones," donde
corno reverenciados curanderos ellos haban recibido los corazo-

ness of the current Apache San Carlos Reservation to access the


upper branch of the Little Colorado River. Near St. Johns the
Spanish could access the Zui River tributary, which pointed
thern northeast toward the Zui pueblos of Cbola. There are
other routes, however, which shift the expedition eastward along
the Arizona-New Mexico border.
5Catfish, "bearded" by virtue of the fleshy filarnents hanging
frorn their rnouths.
6Corning up the Zui River, Coronado's advance guard first
encountered Hawikuh, the westernrnost of the Zui pueblos of
Cbola. The unirnpressive ruins ofHawikuh are on a low rnound
sorne twelve miles to the southwest of the present-day Zui Pueblo
in western New Mexico.
7There were only six rnain Zui pueblos at Cbola not seven.
But the lingering legends of the Seven Cities of the Antilles-the
result of an ancient lberian legend about seven Christian bishops
who escaped Muslim arrnies by sailing westward frorn Portugal
across the Atlantic Ocean, establishing rich cities-led to persistent reports about the "Seven Cities of Cbola,"
8The contact-era history ofNew Mexico begins with this farnous battle. Both sides displayed rituals in the prelude to actual
battle. The Spanish read docurnents aloud, and Zui priests drew
lines on the ground with sacred cornmeal, rnutually unintelligible.
It is possible that the Spanish rnistook ordinary Zui custorns for
warlike behavior and responded accordingly. Using their (frightening) horses to good effect, the conquistadors charged with their
traditional battlecry of "Santiago! Cierra Espana!"-"St. James!
Close on them, Spain!"
9While clirnbing a scaling ladder onto the upper terrace of
Hawikuh, Coronado was spotted as a leader by Zui warriors and
singled out for a shower of rocks and arrows.
10Corazones was the irnportant pata village in the rniddle
Sonora Valley,sorne eight miles or so frorn rnodern Ures, Sonora.
The four castaways had indeed passed through the "Town of
Hearts," where as revered healers they had received the hearts of
six hundred <leer as an offering. Corazones was an irnportant
source of fresh provisions for the expeditioners. After following
the foothills along the coast, the rnain arrny had crossed the rniddle Ro Yaqui near Sayopa and had turned northward, bound for

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nes de seiscientos venados como una oferta ritual. Corazones resulto siendo una fuente muy importante de provisiones frescas
para los expedicionarios. Despus de haber seguido las faldas de
la montaa a lo largo de la costa, el ejrcito principal cruz el
medio del Ro Yaqui cerca de Sayopa y continu en direccin a las
rancheras nativas y a las granjas irrigadas a lo largo del Ro Sonora. Alcanzando a Los Corazones en la cuenca superior de Ures,
el Capitn Luna y Arellano estableci muy cerca un campamento
espaol de corta vida llamado San Jernimo de los Corazones.
ll Los historiadores se refieren a los Corazones r, Corazones n,
y Corazones m. El primero fue el campamento base espaol (que
fue efmero) en la cuenca superior de Ures mencionado por Cabeza de Vaca. Corazones n era el campamento espaol que fue
movido a una nueva ubicacin, muchas veces referido por Castaeda como "Seora" o "San Hiernimo" (Sanjernimo). Seora
se encontraba como a diez leguas o treinta millas ms lejos siguiendo la ruta de la marcha, esto es, fuera de la cuenca de Ures
y ro arriba en la ms grande cuenca del Ro Sonora. Seora sirvi como un campamento base estratgico para toda la expedicin
para proteger la lnea de comunicaciones de Coronado y tambin
facilit la adquisicin de cosechas abundantes de la grande cuenca
Opata. Desde el punto de vista de Castaeda, la cercana cuenca
del Ro Sonora era el "Valle de la Seora." Las hostilidades eventuales los fines de 1541 forzaron a la guarnicin de los Corazones
rrpara que se traslade a una tercera ubicacin, llamada Corazones
m en el Valle de Suya.
12Maldonado
se maravill de la notable estatura de la tribus
Yuman que vivan a lo largo de costa del mar y del Ro Colorado.

the native rancheras and irrigated farms along the Ro Sonora.


Reaching Corazones in the upper Ures basin, Captain Luna y
Arellano established a nearby, short-lived Spanish camp named
San Gernimo de los Corazones.
11
Historians refer to Corazones r, Corazones rr, and Corazones
m. The formerwas the first-mentioned (and ephemeral) Spanish
base camp in the upper Ures basin ofCabeza de Vaca. Corazones
u was the relocated Spanish camp, often called "Seora" by Castaeda or "San Hiernimo" (San Gernimo). Seora was sorne
ten leagues or thirty miles farther along the line of march, that is,
out of the Ures basin and upstream into the larger Ro Sonora
basin proper. Seora served as a strategic base camp for the entire
expedition. It protected Coronado's line of communications and
it drew heavily on the more abundant resources of a larger Opata
farming basin. From Castaeda's point of view, the surrounding
Ro Sonora basin was the "Seora Valley."Eventual hostilities in
late 1541 forced the garrison of Corazones n to a third locale,
namely Corazones m in the Suya valley.
12Maldonado
marveled over the notable stature of the Yuman
tribes living along the seacoast and Colorado River.

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89

Captulo dcimo cmo el campo sali de la villa de


Seora quedando la villa poblada y cmo lleg a
Cbola y lo qu le a vino en el camino a el capitn
Melchior Dias yendo en demanda de los navos y
cmo descubri el ro del Tizn.

H ow the army set out from the town of Seora,


leaving it settled, and how it reached Cbola, and
what happened on the way to Melchior Daz while he
was in search of the ships, and how he discovered the
Tizn [Firebrand] river.

fue llegado en la villa de Seora MelLchior Dias y Juan Gallego se public la partida
del campo para Cbola y como haba de quedar en
aquella villa Melchior Dias por capitn con ochenta
hombres y como Juan Gallego iba con mensaje para la
Nueva Espaa a el Virrey1 y llevaba en su compaa a
Fray Marcos que no se tuvo por seguro quedar en Cbola viendo que haba salido su relacin falsa en todo2
porque ni se hallaron los reinos que deca ni ciudades
populosas ni riquezas de oro ni pedrera rica que se
public ni brocados ni otras cosas que se dijeron por
los plpitos pues luego que esto se public se reparti la gente que haba de quedar y los dems cargaron
de abastecimientos y por su orden a mediados de septiembre se partieron la va de Cbola siguiendo su general" Don Tristan de Arellano qued en esta nueva
villa con la gente de menos estofa y as nunca dej de
haber de all adelante motines y contrastes porque
como fue partido el campo el capitn Melchior Dias
tom veinte y cinco hombres de los ms escogidos

IJuan Gallego at the town of Seora, the departure


of the army for Cbola was announced, and also that
Melchior Daz was to remain as captain in the town of
Seora with eighty men, and that Juan Gallego was
going to New Spain with a message for the viceroy.1
He was accompanied by Fray Marcos, who did not
consider it safe to remain at Cbola, seeing that his report had proved false in every respect.2 For they had
not found the kingdoms he had told about, neither
populous cities, nor the riches of gold and precious
stones that had been broadcast, nor brocades, nor
other things that were mentioned from the pulpits.
After this announcement was made, the people
who were to remain were named, the others loaded up
with provisions, and in proper order they were on
their way to Cbola by the middle of September to
jo in their general. 3 Don Tristn de Arellano remained
in this new town ofSeora with the least reliable people, and thus, from that time on, riots and distur-

go

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COMO

MMEDIATELY

upon the arrival ofMelchior Daz and

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dejando en su lugar a un Diego de Alcaraz hombre


no bien acondicionado para tener gente debajo de su
mando4 y l sali en demanda de la costa de la mar
entre norte y poniente con guas y habiendo caminado obra de ciento y cincuenta leguas dieron en una
provincia de gentes demasiadamente altas y membrudos as como gigantes[.]
Aunque gente desnuda y que haca su habitacin
en chozas de paja largas a manera de sahurdas metidas
debajo de tierra que no sala sobre la tierra ms de la
paja entraban por la una parte de largo y salan por la
otra dorman en una choza ms de cien personas chicos y grandes llevaban de peso sobre las cabezas
cuando se cargaban ms de tres y de cuatro quintales
vose querer los nuestros traer un madero para el
fuego y no lo poder traer seis hombres y llegar uno de
aquellos y levantarlo en los brazos y ponrselo l solo
en la cabeza y llevarlo muy livianamente.
Comen pan de maz cocido en el rescoldo de la ceniza tan grandes como hogazas de Castilla grandes.
Para caminar de unas partes a otras por el gran fro
sacan un tizn en una mano con que se van calentando la otra y el cuerpo y as lo van trocando a trechos y por esto a un gran ro que va por aquella tierra
lo nombran el ro del Tizn es poderoso ro y tiene de
boca5 ms de dos leguas por all tena meda legua de
travesa all tomo lengua el capitn como los navos
haban estado tres jornadas de all" por bajo hacia la
mar y llegados adonde los navos estuvieron que era
ms de quince leguas el ro arriba de la boca del

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93

bances were never lacking. For as soon as the army


had left, Captain Melchior Daz took twenty-five
picked men and set out with guides in search of the
seacoast between north and west, leaving as his lieutenant a certain Diego de Alcarz, a man unfit to have
people under his command.4 After traveling sorne 150
leagues, Daz carne to a province inhabited by people
like giants, exceedingly tall and muscular. They were,
however, naked and lived in huts of long straw built
underground like caves, with only the straw rising
above the ground. They entered these at one end,
without stooping, and carne out at the opposite end.
More than one hundred persons, large and small, slept
in one hut. When transporting burdens, they carried
on their heads more than three and four hundred
pounds. It once happened that when our men wanted
to bring a log for the fire and six of them could not
carry it, one of the lndians picked it up in his arms,
put it on his head all by himself, and carried it quite
easily.
These Indians eat corn bread, as large as the big
loaves of Castile, baked by the heat of ashes. When
they travel about from place to place, they carry,on account of the intense cold, a firebrand with which they
warm their hands and body by changing it from one
hand to another from time to time. For this reason the
large river that flows through that land is called Tizn
[Firebrand] river.It is a mighty stream, more than two
leagues across at the mouth. 5 At that place it was half
a league across. There the captain learned, through

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puerto y hallaron en un rbol escrito aqu lleg Alarcon a el pie de este rbol hay cartas sacaron las cartas
y por ellas vieron el tiempo que estuvieron aguardando nuevas del campo y como Alarcon haba dado
la vuelta desde all para la Nueva Espaa con los navos porque no poda correr adelante porque aquel
mar era ancn que tornaba a volver sobre la isla del
Marques que dicen California y dieron relacin como
la California no era isla sino punto de tierra firme de
la vuelta de aquel ancn.
Visto esto por el capitn torn a volver el ro arriba
sin ver la mar por buscar vado para pasar a la otra
banda para seguir la otra costa y como anduvieron
cinco o seis jornadas les pareci podran pasar con
balsas y para esto llamaron mucha gente de los de la
tierra los cuales queran ordenar de hacer salto en los
nuestros y andaban buscando ocasin oportuna y
como vieron que queran pasar acudieron a hacer las
balsas con toda presteza y diligencia por tomar los as
en el agua y ahogarlos o debidos de suerte que no se
pudiesen favorecer ni ayudar[.]
Y en este comedio que las balsas se hacan un soldado que haba ido a campear vio en un monte atravesar gran nmero de gente armada que aguardaban
a que pasase la gente dio de ello noticia y secretamente
se encerr un indio para saber de l la verdad y como
le apretasen dijo toda la orden que tenan ordenada
para cuando pasasen que era que como hubiesen pasado parte de los nuestros y parte fuesen por el ro y
parte quedasen por pasar que los de las balsas procu-

the interpreter, that the ships of Alarcn had come up


the river from the sea to a point within three days'
travel from there.6 When Daz's party reached the
place where the boats had come, which was more than
fifteen leagues up the river from the mouth of the hay,
they found written on a tree: "Alarcn carne this far;
there are letters at the foot of this tree." They dug up
the letters, and from them they learned how long the
ships had waited for news from the army and that
Alarcn had returned to New Spain from there with
the boats because he could not proceed any farther,
for that sea was a gulfwhich extends toward the Island
of the Marquis, which is called California. They reported that California was notan island, but a point of
the mainland on the other side of that gulf.
In view of this, Captain Daz returned up the river
without seeing the sea. He wanted to find a fording
place in order to cross to the other shore and follow it.
After marching fiveor six days, they thought that they
could cross it on rafts. For this purpose they called
together many natives of the land. These natives were
planning to attack our men and were looking for an
opportune occasion. When they saw that our men
wanted to cross the river,they rushed to build the rafts
with much diligence and speed. Thus they hoped to
catch them on the water and drown them, or find
them divided so that they could not support and aid
one another.
During this time, while the rafts were being built, a
soldier who had gone foraging in the country saw a

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rasen a hogar los que llevaban y las dems gente saliese a dar en ambas partes de la tierra y si como tenan
cuerpos y fuerzas tuvieran discrecin y esfuerzo ellos
salieran con su empresa visto su intento el capitn
hizo matar secretamente el indio que confes el
hecho[.] Y aquella noche se ech en el ro con una
pesca porque los indios no sintiesen que eran sentidos
y como otra disintieron el recelo de los nuestros mostraronse de guerra echando rociadas de flechas pero
como los caballos los comenzaron a alcanzar y las lanzas los lastimaban sin piedad y los arcabuceros tambin hacan buenos tiros tuvieron de dejar el campo y
tomar el monte hasta que no pareci hombre de ellos
vino por all y as pas la gente a buen recado siendo
los amigos balseadores y espaoles a las vueltas pasando los caballos a la par de las balsas donde los dejaremos caminando.
Por contar como fue el campo que caminaba para
Cbola7 que como iba caminando por su orden y el general lo haba dejado todo de paz por donde quiera
hallaban la gente de la tierra alegre sin temer y que se
dejaban bien mandar y en una provincia que se dice
Vacapan haba gra~ cantidad de tunas8 que los naturales hacen conserva de ellas en cantidad y de esta
conserva presentaron mucha y como la gente del
campo comi de ella todos cayeron como amodorrados con dolor de cabeza y fiebre de suerte que si los
naturales quisieran hicieran gran dao en la gente
dur esto veinte y cuatro horas naturales despus que
salieron de all caminando llegaron a Chichilticale

large number of armed men cross a mountain. They


were waiting for our men to cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian was locked up secretly in
order to learn the truth from him. As they tortured
him, he told of the whole plan the Indians had
arranged for the moment when the soldiers should
cross. Their plan was that when sorne had crossed
the river, others being on the river, and while others
were waiting to cross over,the natives on the rafts were
to try to drown those they were taking across and the
other Indians were to attack on both banks. If they
had had as much discretion and courage as they had
power and strength, they would have succeeded in
their scheme. After learning of their plans, the captain ordered that the Indian who had confessed the
plot should be killed in secret, and they tossed him
into the river that night with a heavy weight in order
that the Indians should not know that they were suspected. The next day,sensing that our men suspected
them, they carne in a warlike mood, shooting showers
of arrows. However, as the horsemen began to overtake them and the lances cut them clown mercilessly
and the harquebusiers also were taking fine shots, they
had to abandon the field and take to the mountains,
until nota man was to be seen. The captain carne back
there and the men crossed safely,the lndian allies and
the Spaniards crossing on the rafts by turns, and the
horses swimming alongside.
We shall leave them here on their journey and tell
of the army that was traveling to Cbola. 7 As it was

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despus que salieron de all un da los de la guardia


vieron pasar una manada de carneros9 y yo los vi y los
segueran de grande cuerpo en demasa el pelo largo
los cuernos muy gruesos y grandes para correr enhiestan el rostro y echan los cuernos sobre el lomo
corren mucho por tierra agra que no los pudimos alcanzar y los tuvimos de dejar.
Entrando tres jornadas por el despoblado en la rivera de un ro que est en unas grandes honduras de
barrancas se hall un cuerno que el general despus
de haber lo visto lo dejo all para que los de su campo
le viesen que tena de largo una braza y tan gordo por
el nacimiento como el muslo de un hombre en la faieron pareca ms ser de cabrn que de otro animal fue
cosa de ver[.]
Pasando adelante y aquel campo iba unajornada de
Cbola comenz sobre tarde un gran torbellino de aire
frigidsimo y luego se sigui una gran lluvia de nieve
que fue harta con friccin para la gente de servicio!" el
campo camin hasta llegar a unos peascos de socarrenas donde se lleg bien noche y con harto riesgo de
los amigos que como eran de la Nueva Espaa y la
mayor parte de tierras calientes sintieron mucho la
frialdad de aquel da tanto que hubo harto que hacer
otro da en los reparar y llevar a caballo yendo los soldados a pie y con este trabajo lleg el campo a Cbola
donde los aguardaba su general hecho el aposento y
all se torn ajuntar aunque algunos capitanes y gente
faltaba que haban salido a descubrir otras provincias.

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99

marching in orderly manner and the general had left


everything at peace, they found the natives cheerful
and submissive everywhere, and without fear. In a
province named Vacapan there were large quantities
of prickly pears, of which the natives made large
amounts of preserves. 8 They brought much of this
preserve as a present, and when the people of the
army ate ofit, they all became drowsy with headaches
and fever, so that the Indians could have done great
harm to them if they had wished. This illness lasted
intermittently for twenty-four hours. Then marching
from there they reached Chichilticale. One day's travel
from there, the advance guard saw a flock of sheep
pass by.9 1 saw them and followed them. They were
large of body, had abundant, long hair, and had very
thick long horns. When they run, they raise their
heads and rest their horns on their backs. They are
fleet in rough country, so we could not overtake them
and had to let them go.
After going through the despoblado for three days,
the army found, at the bank of a river clown in sorne
deep canyons, a horn, which the general, after examining it, had left there in order that those in the army
might see it. It was a fathom long and as thick at the
base as a man's thigh. By its shape it looked more like
the horn of a buck than of any other animal. It was
worth seeing.
Proceeding ahead, when the army was already a
day's journey from Cbola, there arose in the afternoon a bitter cold whirlwind, followed by a heavy

'/

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11'

'1
11

11

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100

NOTAS
Gallego volvi con varios regalos como turquesas, un manto
de bison, tejidos nativos, y una carta de Coronado fechada el 3 de
agosto de 1540 para el Virrey Mendoza. Esta informativa carta,
fue impresa ms tarde por el compilador ingls Richard Hakluyt.
En sta, Coronado escribi acerca del viaje a Cbola, sus descubrimientos y desilusiones, costumbres de los nativos, la geografa
y tambin sus intenciones futuras.
2Como
parte del ejrcito principal estacionado en Seora, es
posible que Castaeda haya escuchado murmuraciones poco halageas relativas al fraile que estaba regresando. An el mismo
Coronado, en su carta fechada el mes de agosto, not que Fray
Marcos haba magnificado los eventos.
3Melchior
Daz haba trado ordenes emitidas por el capitn
general indicando que el ejrcito principal debera avanzar hasta
Cbola, mientras el resto del ejrcito se dedicaba al sondeo exploratorio o a deberes en el campamento base en Seora.
4El
encontrar las naves de Alarcn era ahora un asunto urgente. De esta manera, Melchior Daz sali para hacer otro pico
reconocimiento. Su viaje deja al incompetente Diego de Alcarz
en cargo de SanJernimo en Seora.
5El
Ro Colorado como flua entre California y Arizona entrando en Mxico para formar el delta de la cabecera del Golfo de
California.
6La
flota de Alarcn lleg al delta del Ro Colorado, luego intrpidamente navego siguiendo el ro arriba en bsqueda de los
hombres de Coronado. A mediados de octubre 1540, como a
medio camino o quizs menos, de la presente bifurcacin de Yuma
con el Ro Gila, las naves hicieron una parada para poder enterrar
en las cercanas cartas de indagacin y luego empezaron el largo
viaje de retorno. Melchior Daz lleg varios das despus, pero
era muy tarde para efectuar una reunin. En vez, l encontr un
mensaje espaol quemado en un rbol indicando que haba cartas enterradas a su pie.
7Segua
senderos usados por el destacamento avanzado del
ejrcito de Coronado, desde el campamento de Seora hasta la
vertiente del Ro Sonora, cruzando el Ro San Pedro de Arizona,
luego bifurcndose hacia el norte-nordeste hacia el Ro Gila.
1

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Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

101

snowfall,which brought considerable hardship to the


ludian servants.!" The arrny rnarched until it carne to
sorne rocky caves, which were reached well in the
night. Great fear was feltfor the welfare of the allies,for
as they were frorn New Spain and rnost of thern frorn
warrn lands, they felt that day's cold very rnuch, so
rnuch in fact that on the followingday there was plenty
to do taking care of thern and carrying thern on horseback while the soldiers walked. With this labor the
arrny reached Cbola, where the general awaited thern
with lodgings. There the arrny was again brought together, although sorne captains and rnen who had
gone to explore other provinces were rnissing.

NOTES
Gallego carried back gifts of turquoises, a bison robe, native
textiles, and Coronado's letter of 3 August 1540 to Viceroy Mendoza. In this informative letter, printed later by the English compiler Richard Hakluyt, Coronado wrote of the journey to Cbola,
their discoveries and disappointments, the native ways and geography, and his further intentions.
2As part of the main army stationed at Seora, Castaeda likely
heard unflattering camp gossip attached to the returning friar.
Even Coronado's August letter noted that Fray Marcos had magnified things.
.
3Melchior Daz had brought orders from the captain-general
that most of the main army should advance to Cbola, with the remainder devoted to scouting probes or designated for base camp
duties at Seora.
4Finding Alarcn's ships was now an urgent matter. Melchior
1

lf 1!
l,,

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Vacapan era posiblemente un territorio Pima entre los ros


San Pedro y Gila en Arizona. Es posible que Castaeda haya observado las mujeres Pima recogiendo las frutas maduras del otoo,
o las tunas, de la abundante Opuntia. Estas eran luego preparadas
para el almacenaje para proveer la nutricin critica necesaria durante los meses duros del invierno.
9Estas
son ovejas de montaa que no se deben confundir con
las ovejas de cuernos grandes importadas que existen en el presente.
10La
mayora de los aliados nativos eran de Mesoamrica, o
del sur del Trpico de Capricornio, y no estaban preparados para
las masas de aire rticas que soplaban hacia abajo en el interior de
la Amrica del Norte.

Daz thus sets out on another epic reconnaissance. His removal


leaves the incompetent Diego de Alcarz in charge ofSan Gernimo at Seora.
5The Colorado Riveras it tlowed between California and Arizona into Mexico to form the delta at the head of the Gulf of California.
6Alarcn's tleet reached the delta of the Colorado River, then
boldly sailed up the river in search of Coronado's men. In midOctober of1540, about halfway or even closer to the present-day
Yumajunction with the Gila River, his ships paused, buried letters
ofinquiry nearby, and then set out on the long return voyage. Melchior Daz arrived days later, but it was too late to effect a rendezvous. He found instead a Spanish message blazed on a tree
that letters were buried beneath.
7The main army followed trails used by Coronado's advance
guard, from the Seora camp up the Sonora River watershed,
crossing over to Arizona's San Pedro River, then branching off
north-northeast toward the Gila River.
8Vacapan was likely a Piman territory between the San Pedro
River and Gila River in Arizona. Castaeda may have observed
Pima women gathering the fall-ripening fruits, or tunas, of the
abundant local Opuntia genus. Prepared for storage, tuna preserves provided critica! nutrition during hard winters.
9Mountain sheep, not to be confused with the imported
bighorn sheep of today.
"Most native allieswere from Mesoamerica, south ofthe tropic
of Capricorn, and were unprepared for the fierce arctic air masses
sweeping down the interior ofNorth America.

102
8

103
11

11

111

ll

i:
ll,

,1

XI

XI

Captulo oncecmoDon Pedro de Tovar descubria


Tusayan1 o Tutahaco2 y Don Garci Lepes de
Cardenas vio el ro del Tizny lo que ms acaeci.

How Don Pedro de Tovar discoveredTusayn, 1 or


Tutahaco,2 and Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas saw
the Tizn river, and what elsetranspired.

entretanto que las cosas ya dichas pasaron el


general Francisco Vazques como estaba en Cbola de paz procur saber de los de la tierra que provincias le caan en comarca y que ellos diesen noticia
a sus amigos y vecinos como eran venidos a su tierra
cristianos y que no queran otra cosa salvoser sus amigos y haber noticia de buenas tierras que poblar y que
los viniesen a ver y comunicar y as lo hicieron luego
saber en aquellas partes que se comunicaban y trataban con ellos y dieron noticia de una provincia de
siete pueblos de su misma calidad aunque estaban
algo discordes que no se trataban con ellos esta provincia se dice Tusayan est de Cbola veinte y cinco
leguas son pueblos de altos y gente belicosa entre
ellos.
El general haba enviado a ellos a Don Pedro de
Tovar con diecisiete hombres de a caballo y tres o cuatro peones fue con ellos un FrayJuan de Padilla fraile
franciscano que en su mocedad haba sido hombre
belicoso llegados que fueron entraron por la tierra tan

aforesaid events were taking place,


General Francisco Vzquez, who was resting
peacefully at Cbola, tried to learn from the natives
what provinces belonged to that district. He also
wanted them to tell their friends and neighbors about
the coming of the Christians to their land, to inform
them that they wanted nothing from them except to be
their friends and to learn of good lands where to settle, and that the Indians should come to see them and
communicate with them. The natives immediately
carried this message to those localities that had communication and commerce with them. They also told
of a province composed of seven pueblos of the same
quality as their own, although they had sorne disagreement with them and were not on good terms
with them. This province is called Tusayn, distant
twenty-fiveleagues from Cbola. The pueblos are built
in terraces, and there are war-like people among the
inhabitants.
The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar with sev-

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HILE THE

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secretamente que no fueron sentidos de ningn hombre la causa fue que entre provincia y provincia no
hay poblados ni caserias ni las gentes salen de sus pueblos ms de hasta sus heredades en especial en aquel
tiempo que tenan noticia de que Chola era ganada
por gentes ferosisims que andaban en unos animales
que coman gentes3 y entre los que no haban visto
caballos era esta noticia tan grande que les pona admiracin y tanto que la gente de los nuestros lleg
sobre noche y pudieron llegar a encubrirse se debajo
de la barranca del pueblo y estar all oyendo hablar los
naturales en sus casas4 pero como fue de maana fueron descubiertos y se pusieron en orden los de la tierra salieron a ellos bien ordenados de arcos y rodelas
y porras de madera en ala sin se desconcierta y hubo
lugar que las lenguas hablasen con ellos y se les hiciese
requerimientos por ser gente bien entendida pero con
todo esto hacan rayas5 requiriendo que no pasasen
los nuestros aquellas rayas hacia sus pueblos que fuesen porte pasaronse algunas rayas andando hablando
con ellos vino a tanto que uno de ellos de desmesuro
y con una porra dio un golpe a un caballo en las camas
del freno. El FrayJuan enojado del tiempo que se mal
gastaba con ellos dijo a el capitn en verdad yo no se
a que venimos ac visto esto dieron santiago y fue tan
sbito que derribaron muchos indios y luego fueron
desbaratados y huyeron a el pueblo y a otros no les
dieron ese lugar fue tanta la presteza con que del pueblo salieron de paz con presentes que luego se mand
recoger la gente y que no se hiciese ms dao el capi-

enteen mounted men and three or four footmen to


these towns. With them went Fray Juan de Padilla, a
Franciscan friar who had heen a warrior in his youth.
When they arrived, they entered the land so quietly
that they were not observed by anyone. The reason
was that there were no towns or settlements hetween
the various provinces, and the people did not leave
their pueblos beyond their estates, especially at that
time, for they had heard that Chola had heen conquered by very fierce men who rode animals that ate
people." To those who had never seen horses, this
news was so wonderful that it astonished them. Consequently our men, arrived at night, were able to conceal themselves at the hottom of the gully of the town
and remain there, listening to the natives talk in their
homes.4
When morning carne, however, they were discovered. The natives formed their ranks and set out after
them, well armed with arrows, shields, and wooden
maces. They carne in wing formation without confusion. There was opportunity for the interpreters to
talk to them and to make the requisition for peace
upon them, since they were an intelligent people; hut,
withal, they drew lines,5 requesting that our men
should not cross those lines toward their pueblos, hut
that they should he orderly, Sorne did cross these lines
in places while parleying with them. This lasted so
long that one of the lndians lost control of himself and
struck one of the horses a hlow with a mace over the
checks of the hridle. FrayJuan, angry at the time heing

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tn y los que con l se hallaron buscaron sitio para


asentar su real cerca del pueblo y all se hallaron digo
se apearon donde lleg la gente de paz" diciendo que
ellos venan a dar la obediencia por toda la provincia
y que los quera tener por amigos que recibiesen aquel
presente que les daban que era alguna ropa de algodn aunque poca por no lo haber por aquella tierra7
dieron algunos cueros adobados y mucha harina y
piol y maz y aves de la tierra despus dieron algunas
turquesas8 aunque pocas aquel da se recogi la gente
de la tierra y vinieron a dar la obediencia y dieron
abiertamente sus pueblos y que entrasen en ellos a
tratar comprar y vender y cambiar.
Rgese como Cbola por ayuntamiento de los ms
ancianos tenan sus gobernadores y capitanes sera
lados aqu se tubo noticia de un gran ro y que ro
abajo a algunasjornadas haba gentes muy grandes de
cuerpo grande. 9
Como Don Pedro de Tovar no llevo ms comisin
volvi de all y dio esta noticia al general que luego
despacho all a Don Garci Lopes de Cardenas con
hasta doce compaeros para ver este ro que como
llego a Tusayan siendo bien recibido y hospedado de
los naturales le dieron guas para proseguir susjornadas y salieron de all cargados de abastecimientos porque haban de ir por tierra despoblada hasta el
poblado que los indios decan que eran ms de veinte
jornadas pues como hubieron andado veinte jornadas llegaron a las barrancas del ro que puestos a el
vado de ellas pareca al otro bordo que haba ms de

wasted on them, said to the captain: "lndeed, 1do not


know what we have come here for." Seeing this, the
Spaniards gave the cry of"Santiago" and attacked so
suddenly that they knocked clownmany Indians, who
were soon routed and fleeing to the pueblo; sorne did
not have that chance, since the people rushed out of
their pueblos quickly, offering peace and presents. 6
Our men were ordered to fall back and not to do any
more harm. The captain and his men looked for a
place near the pueblo to establish their camp. There
they found-1 mean, they alighted-when the people
carne peacefully, saying that they carne to offer obedience for the whole province, that they wanted to be
friends, and that they should accept the gift they
brought. It consisted of sorne cotton cloth, although a
small quantity, since cotton was not found in that
land. 7 They presented a few dressed hides and quantities of flour, pion nuts, corn, and native fowl. Later
they brought a few turquoises, although not many.8
On that day the natives of the land assembled and
carne to offer their obedience. They offered their
towns openly, permitting the soldiers to go there in
order to huy, sell, and trade.
The province is governed like Cbola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They have their chosen governor and captains. Here information was obtained
of a large river and that several days clown the river
there were people with very large bodies.9
As Don Pedro de Tovar had no other commission,
he returned from Tusayn and gave his report to the

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tres o cuatro leguas por el aire!" esta tierra era alta y


llena de pinares bajos y encorbados!' frigidisima debajo .del norte que con ser en tiempo caliente no se
poda vivir de fro[.] En esta barranca estuvieron tres
das buscando la bajada para el ro que pareca de lo
alto tendra una braza de travesa el agua y por la noticia de los indios tendra meda legua de ancho fue la
bajada cosa imposible porque acabo de estos tres das
parecindoles una parte la menos dificultosa se pusieron a bajar por ms ligeros el capitn Melgosa y un
Juan Galeras y otro compaero y tardaron bajando12
a vista de ellos de los de arriba hasta que los perdieron
de vista los bultos que el viso no los alcanzaba a ver y
volvieron a hora de las cuatro de la tarde que no pudieron acabar de bajar por grandes dificultades que
hallaron porque lo que arriba pareca fcil no lo era
antes muy spero y agro dijeron que haban bajado la
tercia parte y que desde donde llegaron pareca el ro
muy grande y que conforme a lo que vieron era verdad
tener la anchura que los indios decan de lo alto determinaban unos peonsillos desgarrados de la barranca a el parecer de un estado de hombre juran los
que bajaron que llegaron a ellos que eran mayores que
la torre mayor de Sevilla[.]13 No caminaron ms arrimados a la barranca de el ro porque no haba agua y
hasta all cada da se desviaban sobre tarde una legua
o dos la tierra adentro en busca de las aguas y como
anduviesen otras cuatrojornadas las guas dijeron que
no era posible pasar adelante porque no haba agua en
tres ni cuatro jornadas porque ellos cuando camina-

general. The latter at once dispatched Don Garca


Lpez de Crdenas there with about twelve men to
explore this river. When he reached Tusayn, he was
well received and lodged by the natives. They provided him with guides to proceed on his journey.
They set out from there laden with provisions because
they had to travel over sorne uninhabited land before
coming to settlements, which the lndians said were
more than twenty days away.Accordingly when they
had marched for twenty days, they carne to the gorges
of the river, from the edge of which it looked as if the
opposite side must have been more than three or four
leagues away by air. 10 This region was high and covered with low and twisted pine trees;'! it was extremely cold, being open to the north, so that,
although this was the warm season, no one could live
in this canyon because of the cold.
The men spent three days looking for a way clown
to the river; from the top it looked as if the water were
a fathom across. But, according to the information
supplied by the Indians, it must have been half a
league wide. The descent was almost impossible, but,
after these three days, at a place which seemed less
difficult, Captain Melgosa, a certainjuan Galeras, and
another cornpanion, being the most agile, began to go
clown.12 They continued descending within view of
those on top until they lost sight of them, as they could
not be seen from the top. They returned about four
o'clock in the afternoon, as they could not reach the
bottom because of the many obstacles they met, for

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>

Primera copia existente de la narracin de Castaeda, 1596;


la seccin describe el descubrimiento del Gran Can

Earliest extant copy of Castaeda 's narrative, 1596;


section describesdiscovery of Grand Canyon

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han por all sacaban mujeres cargadas de agua en calabazos del agua para la vuelta y que lo que caminaban
los nuestros en dos das lo caminaban ellos en uno.
Este ro era el del Tizn mucho ms hacia los nacimientos del que no por donde lo haban pasado14
Melchior Dias y su gente estos indios eran de la misma
calidad segn despus pareci desde all dieron la
vuelta que no tubo ms efecto aquella jornada y de
camino vieron un descolgadero de aguas que bajaban
de una pea y supieron de las guas que unos racimos
que colgaban como sinos de cristal era sal y fueron
all y cogieron cantidad de ella que trajeron y repartieron cuando llegaron en Cbola donde por escrito
dieron cuenta a su general de lo que vieron porque
haba ido con Don Garci Lopes un Pedro de Sotomayor'" que iba por coronista del campo aquellos
pueblos de aquella provincia quedaron de paz que
nunca ms se visitaron ni se supo ni procuro buscar
otros poblados por aquella va.

what from the top seemed easy, was not so; on the
contrary, it was rough and difficult. They said that
they had gone clown one-third of the distance and
that, from the point they had reached, the river
seemed very large, and that, from what they saw, the
width given by the Indians was correct. From the top
they could make out, apart from the canyon, sorne
small boulders which seemed to be as high as a man.
Those who went clown and who reached them swore
that they were taller than the great tower of Seville.13
The party did not continue farther up the canyon
of the river because of the lack of water. Up to that
time they had gone one or two leagues inland in
search of water every afternoon. When they had traveled four additional days, the guides said that it was
impossible to go on because no water would be found
for three or four days, that when they themselves traveled through that land they took along women who
brought water in gourds, that in those trips they
buried the gourds of water for the return trip, and that
they traveled in one day a distance that took us two
days.
This was the Tizn river, much closer to its source
than where Melchior Daz and his men had crossed
it.14 These lndians were of the same type, as it appeared later. From there Crdenas and his men turned
back, as that trip brought no other results. On the way
they saw a waterfall which carne clown a rock. They
learned from the guides that sorne clusters which
hung like fine crystals were salt. They went thither

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NOTAS

'Los pueblos Hopi del este de Arizona, ubicados como a sesenta millas al oeste ms lejos que los hombres de Coronado que
estaban en Hawikuh en la parte occidental de Nuevo Mexico.
2Una
posible confusin, desde que las gentes nombradas Tusayn (Hopi) de Arizona tenan varias identidades locales y distintas de los Tutahaco, un grupo de pueblos en Nuevo Mexico a
lo largo del Ro Grande. En realidad los Tutahaco no son mencionados en este capitulo pero son mencionados ms tarde.
3Empezando
con Corts y Coronado los conquistadores propagaron el mito de que los caballos "coman a la gente" para desmoralizar y subyugar a los nativos.
4Posiblemente
elpueblo Hopi ubicado ms al este de Kawaika-a
en la MesaJeddito.
5Los
sacerdotes de los Hopi avanzaron y ritualmente dibujaron
lneas en la tierra usando su sagrado maz molido, quizs representando una accin diplomtica preliminar. El capitn Tovar y el
agresivo Fray Padilla pueden haber interpretado mal esta costumbre.
6Quizs
las mujeres Hopi; Cabeza de Vaca indic que las mujeres del sudoeste servan como intermediarias no amenazadoras
para hacer arreglos y para realizar encuentros pacficos y viajes
entre los diferentes grupos tnicos.
7Castaeda
haba errado, porque los Tusayn eran los principales cultivadores de algodn ( Gossypium hopi), y tejan telas finas
y traficaban sus productos de algodn extensamente.
8Las
ms importantes minas aborgenes de turquesas se encontraban en Cerrillos, al este del Ro Grande, y consecuentemente bastante distantes de los pueblos Hopi en Arizona.
90tra
vez, los Yuma, con quienes los Hopi de Tusayn tenan
relaciones de intercambio comercial.
10La
importante descripcin del Gran Can de Arizona hecha
por el Capitn Lpez de Crdenas y relatada por Castaeda. An
Castaeda no era un miembro de esta exploracin de reconocimiento, de todas maneras l transmiti el asombro que afecto a los
exploradores.
11La
meseta o altiplanicie de Coconino en Arizona.
12Los
primeros excursionistas europeos que bajaron dentro

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

117

and gathered quantities of it which they brought and


distributed when they returned to Cbola. Here they
rendered their general a written report of what they
had seen, since a certain Pedro de Sotomayor, who
was chronicler of the army, had accompanied Don
Garca Lpez, 15 They left the pueblos of that province
in peace and never visited them again, nor did they
seek or make attempts to locate other settlements in
that region.

NOTES
1The Hopi pueblos of eastern Arizona, sorne sixty-five miles
west ofCoronado's men at Hawikuh in western New Mexico.
2A possible confusion, as the named Tusayn (Hopi) people of
Arizona had separate identities and locales from the Tutahaco, a
New Mexican group of pueblos along the lower Rio Grande. Actually the Tutahaco are not mentioned in this chapter but do appear later.
3Conquistadors
from Corts to Coronado spread the myth
that horses "ate people" to demoralize and subjugate unfamiliar
natives.
4Likely the easternmost Hopi pueblo ofKawaika-a onJeddito
Mesa.
5Hopi priests advanced and ritually drew lines on the ground
with sacred cornmeal, perhaps a preliminary form of diplomacy.
Captain Tovar and an aggressive Fray Padilla may have misunderstood the custom.
6Perhaps the Hopi women; Cabeza de Vaca noted Southwestern women often served as nonthreatening intermediaries, arranging for peaceful encounters and travel between differing
ethnic groups.

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Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

del Gran Can. Hoy en da cinco millones de personas de los Estados Unidos y del extranjero visitan cada ao el Parque Nacional
del Gran Can.
13Castaeda
comunic creblemente el sentido espaol de
asombro o sorpresa-y el deformado sentido de percepcin de
profundidad-que afectaba a estos observadores. Dada su misin
de ponerse en contacto con las naves de Alarcn, sin embargo
Crdenas y sus exploradores vieron al Can como un tremendo
obstculo en su progreso. Despus de haber viajado siguiendo el
borde del sur del caon por tres das, ellos podan ver que el barranco era enorme (en realidad 277 millas de largo) y que el paso
hacia adelante era incierto a lo menos.
14El
liderazgo de la expedicin lleg a una misma conclusin:
que el Ro Tizn inferior de las tribus YuII!aestaba correlacionado
con el profundo barranco producido por un ro (Gran Can)
ms lejos que los Hopi. El reconocimiento que un enorme roel Ro Colorado-dominaba esta nueva regin, fue una aguda percepcin y una contribucin muy importante para la geografa y
cartografa del sudoeste.
15El
reporte de testigo presencial de Sotomayor en 1540 acerca
de las exploraciones y descubrimientos en el Gran Can es algo
bastante valioso, pero tambin algo perdido. Una copia de los extractos puede haber sido encontrada entre los papeles del Capitn Tovar, los cuales es posible que hayan sido examinados por
Castaeda en Culiacn cuando estaba escribiendo su propia narracin. Sin embargo el reporte perdido de Sotomayor es el primero documento escrito acerca de un viaje hasta el Gran Can.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition


7

119

Castaeda erred, as the Tusayn were major growers of cotton

(Gossypium hopi), weaving fine textiles and trading their cotton


goods extensively.
8The major aboriginal turquoise mines were at Cerrillos, east
of the Rio Grande, and thus rather distant from the Hopi pueblos
of Arizona.
9Again, the Yuma, with whom the Hopi ofTusayn had trade
relations.
10Castaeda's important description of the Grand Canyon of
Arizona by Captain Lpez de Crdenas. Although Castaeda was
not a member of this reconnaissance, he nevertheless conveyed
vividly the sense of wonder that affected the scouts.
11The Coconino Platean of Arizona.
12The first European day-hikers to descend into the Grand
Canyon. Currently fivemillion people from the United States and
abroad visit Grand Canyon National Park each year.
13Castaeda believably conveyed the Spanish awe-and
the
distorted sense of depth perception-that
affected these observers. Given their mission of making contact with Alarcn's
ships, however, Crdenas and his scouts logically saw the canyon
as a tremendous obstacle to their progress. After traveling along
the South Rim for three days, they could see the gorge was enormous (277 miles long in fact) and the way ahead uncertain.
14The expedition leadership drew one overlapping conclusion: The lower Tizn (Firebrand) River of the Yuma tribes correlated with the deep riverine gorge (Grand Canyon) beyond the
Hopi. This recognition, that one mighty river-the Colorado
River-dominated the new region, was a keen insight and a major
contribution to the geography and cartography of the Southwest.
"Sotomayor'a eyewitness 1540 report on the reconnaissance
and discovery of the Grand Canyon is quite invaluable, but also
quite lost. A copy or extracts could have been among Captain
Tovar's papers, which Castaeda may have examined in Culiacn
while writing his own narrative. Sotomayor's lost 1540 report was
still the first written travelogue on the Grand Canyon.

11

1
XII

XII

Captulo doce cmo vinieron a Cbola gentes de


Cicye1 a ver los cristianos y cmofue Hernando de
Alvarado a ver las vacas.

How people from Cicye1 came to Cbola to see the


Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to
see the cattle.

comedio que andaban en estos descubrimientos vinieron a Cbola ciertos indios de un


pueblo que est de all setenta leguas la tierra adentro
al oriente de aquella provincia a quien nombran Cicye vena entre ellos un capitn a quien los nuestros
pusieron por nombre Bigotes porque traa los mostachos largos era mancebo alto y bien dispuesto y robusto de rostro ste dijo al general como ellos venan
a servirle por la noticia que les haban dado para que
se les ofreciese por amigos y que si haban de ir por su
tierra los tuviesen por tales amigos hicieron cierto presente de cueros adobados y rodelas y capacetes fue
recibido con mucho amor y dio les el general bazos de
vidrio y cuentas margaritas y cascabeles que los tuvieron en mucho como cosa nunca por ellos vista dieron noticia de vacas2 que por una que uno de ellos
traa pintada en las carnes se saco ser vaca que por los
cueros no se poda entender a causa que el pelo era
merino y burilado tanto que no se poda saber de que
eran aquellos cueros[.]

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120

were engaged in these discoveries,


there carne to Cbola sorne Indians from a
pueblo of the province in the interior called Cicye,
distant seventy leagues to the east. Among them carne
a chieftain whom our men called "Bigotes," because
he had long mustaches. He was a young man, tall,well
built, and robust in appearance. He told the general
they carne to serve him in response to the appeal that
they should offer themselves as friends and that, if the
Spaniards planned to visit their land, they should
consider them as their friends. The lndians gavethem
sorne presents of dressed skins, shields, and headpieces. All this was accepted with much affection.The
general gave them glassware, pearl beads, and jingle
bells, which they prized very highly as something they
had never seen before.
The natives gave information of the cattle. 2 They
were made out to be cattle by the picture which one of
the Indians had painted on his body, since this could
not be determined from the skins, because the hair

HILE THEY

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Orden el general que fuese con ellos Hernando de


Alvarado con veinte compaeros y ochenta das de
comisin y quien volviese a dar relacin de lo que hallaban este capitn Alvarado prosigui sujornada y a
cincojornadas llegaron a un pueblo que estaba sobre
un peol decase cueo"era de obra de doscientos
hombres de guerra salteadores temidos por toda la
tierra y comarca el pueblo era fortsimo porque estaba sobre la entrada del peol que por todas partes
era de pea tajada en tan grande altura que tuviera un
arcabuz bien que hacer en echar una pelota en lo alto
del tena una sola subida de escalera hecha a mano
que comenzaba sobre un repecho que hacia aquella
parte hacia la tierra esta escalera era ancha de obra de
doscientos escalones hasta llegar a la pea haba otra
luego angosta arrimada a la pea de obra de cien escalones y en el remate de ella haban de subir por la
pea obra de tres estados por agujeros donde hincaban las puntas de los pies y se hacan con las manos en
lo alto haba una albarrada de piedra seca y grande
que sin se descubrir podan derribar tanta que no
fuese poderoso ningn ejercito a les entrar en lo alto
haba espacio para sembrar y coger gran cantidad de
maz y cisternas para recoger nieve y agua[.]
Esta gente sali de guerra abajo en lo llano y no
aprovechaba con ellos ninguna buena razn haciendo
rayas y queriendo defender que no las pasasen los
nuestros y como vieron que se les dio un apretn
luego dieron la plaza digo la paz antes que se les hiciese dao hicieron sus ceremonias de paz que llegar

was so woolly and tangled that one could not tell what
the animals were.
The general ordered Hernando de Alvarado and
twenty men to go with the Indians and gave him a
commission for eighty days, after which he was to
come back and report on what they had found. Captain Alvarado set out on the expedition and after five
days' travel he carne to a pueblo called Acuco, built on
a rock. 3 It contained sorne two hundred warriorsrobbers who were feared throughout the land. The
pueblo was extremely strong because it was built
above the entrance to the rock, which was hewn sheer
on all sides and so high that it would require a good
musket to land a hall on top. There was only one way
to go up, a stairway made by hand. This started at a
place where the path sloped into the ground. This
stairway was wide and had sorne two hundred steps
leading up to the top. Then there was another narrow one, built against the wall, with about one hundred steps. At the top of this it was necessary to climb
up the rocky stairway about three times the height of
a man by placing one's toes in the holes in the rock
and likewise the hands. At the top there was a protecting wall oflarge and small stones so that, without
exposing themselves, the inhabitants could hurl so
many clown that no army, however powerful, could
reach the top. At the top there was space for planting
and growing a large amount of maize. There were cisterns to store snow and water.
These people carne clown to the valley in a warlike

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123

IJ
1

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125
1

a los caballos y tomar del sudor y untarse con el y


hacer cruces con los dedos de las manos y an que la
paz ms fija es trabarse las manos una con otra y sta
guardan estos inviolablemente dieron gran cantidad
de gallos de papada muy grandes mucho pan y cueros
de venado adobados y piales y harina y maz.
De all en tres jornadas llegaron a una provincia
que se dice Tiguex4 sali toda de paz viendo que
iban con Bigotes hombre temido por todas aquellas
provincias de all envi Alvarado a dar aviso al general para que se viniese a invernar aquella tierra
que no poco se holg el general con la nueva que la
tierra iba mejorando [.] De all a cinco jornadas lleg
a Cicye un pueblo muy fuerte de cuatro altos los
del pueblo salieron a recibir a Hernando de Alvarado y a su capitn con muestras de alegra y lo metieron en el pueblo con tambores y gaitas que all
hay muchos a manera de pfanos y le hicieron
grande presente de ropa y turquesas que las hay en
aquella tierra en cantidad[.]5 All holgaron algunos
das y tomaron lengua de un indio esclavo natural de
la tierra de aquella parte que va hacia la Florida6 que
es la parte que Don Fernando de Soto descubri en
lo ltimo la tierra adentro ste dio noticia qe no
debiera de grandes poblados llvale Hernando de
Alvarado por gua para las vacas y fueron tantas y
tales cosas las que dijo de las riquezas de oro y plata
que haba en su tierra que no curaron de buscar las
vacas ms de cuanto vieron algunas pocas luego
volvieron por dar al general la rica noticia a el indio

mood, and no amount of entreaties was of any avail


with them. They drew lines and tried to prevent our
men from crossing them. But, as they saw that they
were pressed, they soon gave up the field, 1mean, they
accepted peace befare any harm was done them. They
made their peace ceremonies by approaching the
horses, taking their sweat, and anointing themselves
with it, making crosses with the fingers of their hands.
However, their most reliable peace pact consists in
crossing their hands, and this peace they keep inviolable. They presented a large number of turkey cocks
with very large wattles, much bread, dressed deerskins, pion nuts, flour, and maize.
Three days' travel farther on, Alvarado and his men
arrived at a province named Tiguex. 4 The Indians all
carne out peacefully,seeing that men who were feared
in all those provinces were coming with Bigotes. Alvarado sent word to the general from there, asking him
to come to spend the winter in that land. The general
was highly pleased to learn that the country was improvmg.
Five days farther on, Alvarado reached Cicye, a
very strong pueblo four stories high. The people carne
out to meet him and their captain with demonstrations ofjoy and took him into the pueblo with drums
and flageolets,similar to fifes,of which they had many.
They presented the Spaniards with quantities of
clothing and turquoises, which are found in abundance in that region.
Here the soldiers rested for a few days. They took

1111

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llamaron Turco porque lo pareca en el aspecto[.]7


Y a esta sazn el general haba enviado a Don Garcia Lopes de Cardenas a Tiguex con gente a hacer el
aposento para llevar all a invernar el campo que a la
sazn haba llegado de Seora8 y cuando Hernando
de Alvarado lleg a Tiguex de vuelta de Cicye hall
a Don Garcia Lopes de Cardenas y fue necesario que
no pasase adelante y como los naturales les importase
que viesen digo diesen a donde se aposentasen los espaoles fue les forzado desamparar un pueblo9 y recogerse ellos a los otros de sus amigos y no llevaron
ms que sus personas y ropas y all se descubri noticia de muchos pueblos debajo del norte que creo
fuera harto mejor seguir aquella va!" que no a el
Turco que fue causa de todo el mal suceso que hubo.

as interpreter an ludian slave, a native of the farthest


interior of the land extending from there to Florida,5
which is the region discovered by Don Hernando de
Soto. This ludian, whom they named the Turk6 because he looked like one, told oflarge towns, which he
should not have done. Hernando de Alvarado took
him along as a guide, to the cattle. The Turk told so
many and such great tales about the riches of gold
and silver found in his land that the Spaniards did
not care to look for the cattle, and as soon as they saw
a few,they turned back to report the rich news to the
general.7
In the meantime the general had sent Don Garci
Lpez de Crdenas with sorne men to Tiguex to prepare winter quarters and lodging there for the army
that had arrived from Seora. 8 When Hernando de
Alvarado arrived in Tiguex, on his return from Cicye, he found Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas, and it
was not necessary that he should proceed farther. And
as the natives had to provide quarters for the
Spaniards, they found themselves compelled to abandon a pueblo9 and seek lodging for themselves in the
other pueblos of their friends. They did not take along
any belongings but their persons and clothing.
In this locality information was obtained of numerous pueblos toward the north, and 1 believe it
would have been far better to travel in that direction'?
than to follow the Turk, who was the cause of a11the
misfortunes that ensued.

126

NOTAS
1Un
importante pueblo que hablaba el lenguaje Towa en las
orillas de la parte alta del Ro Pecos al oriente de Nuevo Mexico.
Cicye era como un embudo para el intercambio comercial entre
el Alto Llano y la cultura Pueblo. Ahora ruinas arqueolgicas del
Monumento Nacional de Pecos, Cicye era en los tiempos de la
llegada de Alvarado uno de los pueblos ms grandes en el interior
de la Amrica del Norte.
2Bisonte,
o bfalo.
3
coma, la impresionante colonia de las gentes Pueblo ubicada
en una meseta con una altura de 350 pies y situada a trece millas al
sur de Casa Blanca, Nuevo Mexico. Varios miles de Keresans vivieron aqu en 1540. Millones han pasado por la vieja Ruta 66,

127

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ahora la carretera interestatal 40. La "Ciudad en el Cielo" de


coma todava es famosa por los panoramas en su dramtica ubicacin, uso ceremonial y por la duracin de su colonia humana.
4Tiguex
era la provincia de la gente Tigua. Alvarado y Padilla
fueron los que vieron primero el centro de los pueblos civilizados
solamente rumorizados por Cabeza de Vaca. En contraste de los
campos humildes con escasas aguas de los Zui en Cbola, los
pueblos de los Tigua practicaban una agricultura extensa y bien
irrigada en el amplio valle del Ro Grande, aproximadamente en
el rea entre la moderna Albuquerque y Bernalillo, Nuevo Mexico.
Su enorme sistema de sembrados de maz, arboledas de lamos,
grandes colonias, atrajeron naturalmente la atencin estratgica de
los espaoles. El Capitn Alvarado, indic en sus reportes que
los Tigua tenan "ms devocin para la agricultura que para la
guerra," y recomend que Coronado mueva su ejrcito cerca de
ellos.
5"El
Turco" fue nombrado as por su imaginaria semejanza a
un turco otomano, quizs debido al gorro de tela que se parecia a
un turbante. Este se convirti en una figura principal de la expedicin de Coronado. Un nativo de Harahey (la distante regin
cultural de los Caddoa del oriente de Kansas ), este indio proto
Pawnee viva en Cicye despus de su desafortunada captura en
el Alto Llano. Como el narrador predijo, "El Turco" estaba destinado para cambiar el curso-si no el resultado-de toda la expedicin. An ms importante, los lideres de Cicye tambin
proveyeron un segundo gua para el "llano de los bisontes," llamado Ysopete, un nativo de Wichita que tambin hablaba el lenguaje de los Caddoa del centro del estado de Kansas.
6"La
Florida" mencionada por Castaeda consista en una amplia regin con mrgenes en el Ro Mississippi y la actual Pennsula de La Florida, correspondiendo aproximadamente a la regin
sudeste de los Estados Unidos.
7Con
el Turco y tambin Ysopete sirviendo como guas ese
otoo, el Capitn Alvarado y el Fray Padilla salieron de Cicye
con direccin hacia el este siguiendo los senderos del trafico de
comercio. A medida que el Ro Pecos empez a ir al sur, ellos cruzaron el mismo hasta llegar a los tributarios sureos del Ro Canadian. En algn lugar cerca de la frontera actual entre Texas y
Nuevo Mexico los exploradores por primera vez encontraron gru-

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129

NOTES
'An important Towa-speaking pueblo along the upper Pecos
River of eastern New Mexico. Cicye funneled the trade between
the Great Plains and the Pueblo cultures. Now the archeological
ruins of Pecos Nacional Monument, Cicye was at the time of Alvarado's arrival one of the largest towns in the interior ofNorth
America.
2Bison,
or buffalo.
3
Actually Acoma, the impressive puebloan settlement atop a
.350-foot high mesa. It lies thirteen miles south of Casa Blanca,
New Mexico. Upwards of severa! thousand Keresans lived there
in i540. Millions have passed by on old Route 66, now lnterstate
40. The "Sky City" of Acoma is still famed for its dramatic location, views, ceremonial usage, and longevity of human settlement.
4Tiguex
was the province of the Tigua people. Alvarado and
Padilla first saw the core of civilized towns only rumored by
Cabeza de Vaca. In contrast to the humble fields and scant waters
of the Zui at Cbola, the Tigua pueblos practiced extensive and
irrigated farming in the broad valley of the Rio Grande, roughly in
the area between modern Albuquerque and Bernalillo, New Mexico. Their large complex of maize fields, cottonwood groves, and
major settlements naturally attracted the strategic attention ofhungry Spanish. Captain Alvarado, reporting that the Tigua were
"more devoted to agriculture than war," recommended that Coronado relocate the army thither.
5Castaeda's
"Florida" was a broad region merging the Mississippi River and the actual Florida peninsula, roughly corresponding to the Southeast region of the United States.
6The
Turk ("El Turco") was named for his fancied resemblance toan Ottoman Turk, perhaps from a headcloth resembling
a turban. He became a pivota! figure for the Coronado expedition.
A native ofHarahay (the distant Caddoan cultural region of eastern Kansas), this proto-Pawnee lndian lived at Cicye following
an unlucky capture on the Great Plains. As the narrator foretold,
El Turco was destined to change the course-if not the outcomeof the entire expedition. lmportantly, the leaders of Cicye also
provided a second guide for the buffalo plains, namely Ysopete, a

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pos de ganado vacuno o "bisontes." Estos curiosos animales constituyeron la verdadera riqueza de este llano-ya que el flujo regular de mantas de bisonte, sombreros, escudos de cuero, carne y
pieles curadas hacia Cicye claramente sugera. Pero una ve~ que
llegaron a este llano, el Turco hizo un dramtico anuncio. El indic que exista una otra civilizacin en el interior, una con mucho
oro y plata. Esta vvida comunicacin captur la imaginacin de
los espaoles, aunque sus motivos personales podan haber sido
una pieza de astucia ste para atraer a Alvarado para que cambie
su ruta y lo mande a su tierra original. Sin embargo, Alvarado y Padilla regresaron inmediatamente, creyeado las noticias del Turco
acerca de fortunas que los estaban esperando un poco ms all del
horizonte.
8En respuesta al favorable reporte de Alvarado acerca de Tiguex, Coronado orden que su ejrcito proceda en etapas hasta
llegar a una regin con mejores provisiones. El Capitn Crdenas
y sus hombres marcharon a seguido desde Cbola hasta la moderna rea de Bernalillo. Con muy poca consideracin por los
sentimientos y el bienestar de los Tigua, los espaoles y sus aliados confiscaron toda clase de alimentos y pronto expulsaron el
pueblo intero.
9Los espaoles se apoderaron de un pueblo grande que ellos
llamaban de Alcanfor, o Coofor (derivado del Tiwa ghufoor, o
"maz seco,") y luego prepararon viviendas para pasar el invierno.
El lugar de Coofor es usualmente asociado con las ruinas arqueolgicas del Pueblo de Santiago, cerca del moderno pueblo de
Bernalillo, Nuevo Mexico.
10La intuicin de Castaeda acerca de tesoros escondidos en
el norte tenia validez, pero los descubrimientos ms ricos de oro
y plata en las Montaas Rocosas estaban como a ms de trescientos aos en el futuro.

Wichita native and fellow Caddoan-language speaker from central


Kansas.
7With the Turk and Ysopete to guide them that fall, Captain Alvarado and Fray Padilla departed Cicye and marched eastward
along trade trails. As the Pecos River turned southward, they
crossed over to the southern tributaries of the Canadian River.
Somewhere near the present Texas-New Mexico border the explorers first encountered stands of"cattle," or buffalo. These curious animals constituted the real wealth of the plains-as the
regular flow of bison robes, headpieces, rawhide shields, meat,
and dressed skins to Cicye clearly suggested. But once on the
plains, the Turk made a dramatic disclosure. He announced the
existence of another civilization in the interior, one with much
gold and silver. His vivid communications seized the Spanish
imagination, although his personal motive may have been a piece
of cunning-to lure Alvarado into accommodating his travel and
release to his former homeland. Alvarado and Padilla, however,
turned back at once, believing the Turk's tremendous news offortune looming beyond the flatland horizon.
8Acting
on Alvarado's favorable report about Tiguex, Coronado ordered his army to proceed in stages to this betterprovisioned region. Captain Crdenas and his men marched at
once from Cbola to the modern Bernalillo area. With scant regard
for local Tigua feelings and welfare, the incoming Spanish and
their allies requisitioned foodstuffs and soon evicted an entire
community.
9The
Spanish took over a large pueblo they called Alcanfor, or
Coofor (from Tiwa ghufoor, or "parched corn," pueblo). They
prepared for winter quarters. The site of Coofor is usually associated with the archeological remains at Santiago Pueblo, near
modern Bernalillo, New Mexico.
"Castaeda's intuition of hidden wealth to the north was
sound, but the richest gold and silver strikes in the Rocky Mountains lay over three hundred years into the future.

130

131

XIII

XIII

Captulo trececmo elgeneral llegconpoca gente


la va de Tutahacoy dej el campo a Don Tristan
que lo llevo a Tiguex.

H ow the general with afew men went to Tutahaco;


he left the army with Don Tristn,
who took it to Tiguex.

cosas ya dichas haban pasado


cuando Don Tristan de Arellano lleg de Seora
en Chola y como lleg luego el general por noticia
que tena de una provincia de ocho pueblos tomo
treinta hombres de los ms descansados y fue por la
ver y de all tomar la vuelta de Tiguex con buenas
guas que llevaba y dej ordenado que como descansase la gente veinte das Don Tristan de Arellano saliese con el campo la va derecha 1 de Tiguex y as
sigui su camino donde le aconteci que desde un
da que salieron de un aposento hasta tercer da a
medio da que vieron una sierra nevada donde fueron
a buscar agua no la bebieron ellos ni sus caballos ni el
servicio pudo soportarla por el gran fro an que con
gran trabajo en ocho jornadas llegaron a Tutahaco2 y
all se supo que aquel ro abajo haba otros pueblos
estos salieron de paz son pueblos de terrados como
los de Tiguex y del mismo traje[.]
Sali el general de allvisitando toda la provincia el
ro arriba hasta llegar a Tiguex donde hall a Her-

ALL THESE aforementioned events had taken place


.\. when Don Tristn de Arellano arrived at Chola
from Seora. lmmediately upon his arrival, the general, having received information of a province of eight
pueblos, took thirty of the most rested men and went
to see it, intending to come back by way ofTiguex. He
had experienced guides.
He left instructions that when the people had
rested for twenty days, Don Tristn de Arellano was to
leave with the army straight for Tiguex. Then he continued on his way.1 On one occasion it happened that,
from the time they left their stopping place until noon
of the third day when they carne within sight of a
snow-covered mountain where they had gone in
search of water, neither they nor their horses had had
anything to drink. The Indian servants likewise could
not stand it on account of the intense cold. After an
eight-days'journey, they reached Tutahaco,2 although
with difficulty,where they learned that clownthe river
were other pueblos. The people carne out peacefully.

132

133

ODAS ESTAS

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nando de Alvarado y a el Turco" que no pocas fueron


las alegras que hizo con tan buena nueva porque
deca que haba en su tierra un ro en tierra llana que
tena dos leguas de ancho a donde haba peces tan
grandes como caballos y gran nmero de canoas grandisimas de ms de veinte remeros4 por banda y que
llevaban velas y que los seores iban a popa sentados
debajo de toldos y en la proa una grande guila de
oro deca ms que el seor de aquella tierra dorma la
siesta debajo de un grande rbol donde estaban colgados gran cantidad de cascabeles de oro que con el
aire le daban solas deca ms que el comn servicio de
todos en general era plata labrada y losjarros platos y
escudillas eran de oro llamaba a el oro Acochis disele
a l presente crdito por la eficacia con que lo deca y
porque le ensearon joyas de alatn y cobre y deca
que no era oro y el oro y la plata conoca muy bien y
de los otros metales no hacia caso de ellos.
Envi el general a Hernando de Alvarado otra vez
a Cicye a pedir unos brazaletes de oro que deca este
Turco que le tomaron a el tiempo que lo prendieron
Alvarado fue y los del pueblo recibieron como amigo
y como pidi los brazaletes negaron los por todas vas
diciendo que el Turco los engaaba y que menta el
capitn Alvarado viendo que no haba remedio procuro que viniese a su tienda el capitn Bigotes y el gobernador y venidos prendi les en cadena5 los del
pueblo lo salieron de guerra echando flechas y denostando a Hernando de Alvarado dicindole de
hombre que quebrantaba la f y amistad Hernando

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

135

The pueblos are terraced like those of Tiguex, and


the people wore similar clothes.
The general went on from there, visiting the whole
province up the river until he reached Tiguex, where
he found Hernando de Alvarado and the Turk. 3 He
rejoiced greatly at the good tidings, for the Turk
claimed that in his land there was a river, flowing
through plains, which was two leagues wide, with fish
as large as horses and a great number of very large canoes with sails,carrying more than twenty oarsmen on
each side.4 The nobles, he said, traveled in the stern,
seated under canopies, and at the prow there was a
large golden eagle. He stated further that the lord of
that land took his siesta under a large tree from which
hung numerous golden jingle bells, and he was
pleased as they played in the wind. He added that the
common table service of all was generally of wrought
silver, and that the pitchers, dishes, and bowls were
made of gold. He called gold acochis. At first he was
believed on account of the directness with which he
told his story and also because, when they showed
him jewels made of tin, he smelled them and said that
it was not gold, that he knew gold and silver very well,
and that he cared little for other metals.
The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to
Cicye to demand sorne gold bracelets, which, the
Turk said, the natives had taken from him at the time
they had seized him. Alvarado went thither and the
people of the pueblo received him in a friendly way.
When he asked for the bracelets, they denied in all

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

de Alvarado parti con ellos a Tiguex al general


donde los tuvieron presos ms de seis meses despus
que fue el principio de desacreditar la palabra que de
all adelante se les daba de paz6como se vera por lo
que despus sucedi.

possible ways that they had them, saying that the Turk
was lying and deceiving them. When Captain Alvarado saw that there was no other recourse, he managed to get Captain Bigotes and the governor to come
to his tent. Upon their arrivalhe arrested them and put
them in chains. 5 The men in the pueblo carne out to
fight, shooting arrows and berating Hernando de Alvarado, saying that he had broken his word and
friendship. Hernando de Alvarado took them to the
general at Tiguex, where they were kept prisoners for
more than six months. This was the beginning of the
distrust the Indians had from then on for the word of
peace which was given them, 6 as will be seen, by what
happened next.

i36

NOTAS
1
Ellos siguieron un camino diferente en direccin al este. Cerca
de El Morro, (la famosa Roca de las Inscripciones de los exploradores siguientes) el ejrcito cambi de rumbo hacia el sudeste de
Acoma. Siguiendo una ruta en su mayora sin agua, quizs cruzando el llano de San Agustn, ellos finalmente se toparon con los
nativos Piro-Tompiro en los bordes del Ro Grande.
2El
grupo de pueblos Piro en el norte, ubicados en la vecindad
de la moderna ciudad de Socorro en Nuevo Mexico.
3Coronado
fue aguas arriba en el Ro Grande y se reuni con
sus capitanes en los pueblos de Coofor. Inmediatamente despus
de la llegada de Coronado, Alvarado en forma grandiosa present
el llamado "Turco" al capitn general.
4A
pesar de las exageraciones y las intenciones engaosas, es
posible que exista una realidad geogrfica detrs de las intrigantes
historias del Turco. Los antroplogos conjeturan que este gua bas
sus visiones (que son de otra manera extravagantes) en su conocimiento personal de la cultura del Rio Mississippi y los cacicazgos
del Siglo xvr. El Turco haba sido un residente del llano oriental de
Kansas. Aqu l haba viajado y traficado bienes, posiblemente haciendo viajes hasta algunos de los cacicazgos de la vasta cuenca del
Ro Mississippi, Percibiendo las obvias obsesiones de los espaoles por los metales preciosos, l combin lo que saba con fbulas.
Durante el invierno de 1540-41 el Turco fue trado muchas veces en
frente de Coronado y sus capitanes y l us lenguaje de seas y
tambin intrpretes para engaar a los lideres de la expedicin.
5Las
mentiras del Turco establecieron una fuerte cadena de

137

NOTES
1The
captain-general's party followed a different trail eastward.
Near El Morro (the famed lnscription Rock oflater explorers)
they branched off to the southeast of Acoma. Following a largely
waterless trail, perhaps across the eastern San Augustin Plains,
they finally intersected the Piro-Tompiro natives along the Rio
Grande.
2The
northern Piro group of pueblos, located in the vicinity of
modern Socorro, New Mexico.
"Coronado ascended the Rio Grande and rendezvoused with
his captains at Coofor Pueblo. lmmediately upon Coronado's arrival, Alvarado grandly presented the Turk to the captain-general.
4Despite
magnifications and deceptive intentions, there may
have been a geographic reality behind the Turk's intriguing tales.

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decepcin entre si mismo y los espaoles. As, cuando un jefe


llamado Bigotes neg haber tenido brazaletes de oro, esto fue
interpretado como una prueba ms de la existencia del mineral. La
contradiccin significaba una perfidia por parte de los nativos y
esa sospecha, plantada en la mente de Alvarado muy pronto justific el encarcelamiento del jefe Bigotes y del Cacique ("el gobernador" llamado as presumidamente por su dignificada presencia).
6El
cruel maltratamiento de Bigotes y del Cacique y las demostraciones pblicas imprudentes de los conquistadores de los
cautivos que fueron torturados y encadenados, volo la sensibilidad de los Tiguex. Ultrajados por el comportamiento barbrico
de los espaoles, los ancianos consejeros de los Tiguex contemplaron una resistencia ms activa.El secuestro de Bigotes y del Cacique consecuentemente abri el camino para una guerra entre los
espaoles y las fuerzas indgenas. En su turno, la aprobacin del
cautiverio de este par y su tortura volveran a perseguirlos durante la investigacin legal conducida acerca del funesto evento
que sigui despus de su retorno.

Mexican wolf, Francisco Hernndez, 1651


Lobo mejicano, Francisco Hernndez, 1651

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 139


Anthropologists conjecture that this guide grounded his (otherwise extravagant) visions upon personal knowledge about the
Mississippian-culture chiefdoms of the sixteenth century. The
Turk had been a resident of the eastern plains ofKansas. Here he
had traveled and traded goods, likely making trips to sorne populous chiefdoms of the vast Mississippi basin. Perceiving the obvious Spanish obsession for strange metals, he combined what he
knew with cleverly crafted fables. Often taken before Coronado
and his captains, the Turk used sign language and interpreters
during the winter ofi540-41 to deceive the expedition leaders.
5The
Turk's lies established a strong deception loop between
himself and the Spanish, Thus, the chieftan Bigotes's vehement
denial of possessing gold bracelets was taken as further proof of
their existence. Denial also implied native perfidy, and that suspicion planted in Alvarado's mind soonjustified the captain's enslavement of Bigotes and Cacique ("the governor," called thus
presumably after his dignified bearing).
6The
cruel mistreatment ofBigotes and Cacique, and the unwise public displays by conquistadors of these tortured and
chained captives, violated the sensibilities of the Tiguex as well.
Outraged at barbarie Spanish behavior, Tigua elders now contemplated active resistance. Alvarado's kidnapping ofBigotes and
Cacique thus paved the way for emergent warfare between Spanish and indigenous forces. In turn, Coronado's casual approval of
the pair's captivity and torture would return to haunt him during
the legal investigation into the dismal affair that followed his return.

XIV

XIV

Captulo catorce cmo el campo sali de Cbola para


Tig;uexy lo que les acaeci en el camino con nieve.

How the army left Cbolafor Tig;uex, and what


happened to it on the way on account of snow.

vio que la gente estaba ya descansada y provedos de


abastecimientos y gavosos de salir en busca de su
general sali con su gente la vuelta de Tiguex y el
primero da fueron a hacer aposento a un pueblo! de
aquella provincia el mejor mayor y ms hermoso
solo este pueblo tiene casas de siete altos que son
casas particulares que sirven en el pueblo como de
fortalezas que son superiores a las otras y salen por
encima como torres y en ellas hay troneras y saeteras para defender los altos porque como los pueblos no tienen calles y los terrados son parejos y
comunes hace de ganar primero los altos y estas
casas mayores es la defensa de ellos all nos comenz
a nevar y favorecindose la gente solas las aves digo
las alaves del pueblo que salen a fuera unos como
balcones con pilares de madera por bajo porque comnmente se mandan por escaleras que suben a

already related how, upon leaving


Cbola, the general instructed Don Tristn de
Arellano to follow him within twenty days. This he
did, seeing that his men were now rested and supplied with provisions and anxious to go in search of
their general. He set out with his army for Tiguex.
The first day they stopped at the largest and most
beautiful pueblo in that province.1 This pueblo alone
has houses seven stories high. These are private
houses which serve as fortresses in the pueblo. They
are superior to the others, and rise like towers at the
top, being provided with embrasures and loopholes
for defending the roofs, for as the pueblos have no
streets and the roofs are of the same height and cornmon to all, the terraces have to be conquered first, and
these larger houses are their protection.
It began to snow while we were there, and our people sought shelter under the pueblo's eaves, which
project like balconies, supported by wooden pillars
beneath. These balconies are often reached by climb-

140

141

HEMOS DICHO

como cuando el general sali de

Cbola dej mandado a Don Tristan de Arellano


Y
saliese desde a veinte das lo cual se hizo que como

E HAVE

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Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

aquellos balcones que por bajo no tienen puertas.


Como dej de nevar sali de all el campo su camino'' y como ya el tiempo lo llevaba que era entrada
de diciembre en diez das que tard el campo no dej
de nevar sobre tarde y casi todas las noches de suerte
que para hacer los aposentos donde llegaban haban
de apalancar un toldo" de nieve y ms no se vio camino empero las guas que a tino guiaban conociendo
la tierra hay por toda la tierra sabinas y pinos se hacan
de ello grandes hogueras que el humo y calor haca a
la nieve que caa que se desviase una braza y dos a la
redonda del fuego era nieve seca que aunque cae
medio estado4 sobre el fardaje no mojaba y con sacudida caa y quedaba el hato limpio como caa toda la
noche cubra de tal manera el fardaje y los soldados en
sus lechos que si de sbito alguien diera en el campo
no viera otra cosa que montones de nieve y los caballos aunque fuese medio estado se soportaba y antes
daba calor a los que estaban debajo.
Pas el campo por Acuco el gran peol y como estaban de paz hicieron buen hospedaje dando abastecimientos y aves aunque ellaes poca gente como tengo
dicho a lo alto subieron muchos compaeros por lo
ver y los pasos de la pea con gran dificultad por no
lo haber usado porque los naturales lo suben y bajan
tan liberalmente que van cargados de abastecimientos
y las mujeres con agua y parece que no tocan las
manos y los nuestros para subir haban de dar las
armas los unos a los otros por el paso arriba.
Desde all pasaron a Tiguex donde fueron bien re-

ing ladders to them, for there are no doors in the lower


part.
When it stopped snowing, the army continued on
its way from there. 2 As the season was well advanced,
for it was the beginning of December, in the ten days
that the army tarried there it snowed every afternoon
and nearly every night, so that, in order to prepare
lodging, wherever they camped they had to clear
away a cubit3 of snow. Moreover, no roads were visible, although the guides, knowing the land, led us by
their sense of direction. Throughout the land are junipers and pines with which we lighted big fires, succeeding, with the heat and smoke, in clearing a yard
or two of the ground around the fire. The snow that
was falling was a dry snow, for even ifhalf an estado4
fell, it did not wet the equipment, and by shaking the
latter, snow fell off and the bundles remained clean.
As the snow fell during the night, it covered the baggage and the soldiers in their beds, in such a way that,
if someone should come suddenly upon the camp,
he would see nothing but heaps of snow and the
horses. Even though the snow was half an estado
deep, one could stand it, and it rather warmed those
who were under it.
The army passed the great rock of Acoma. As it
was at peace, the people entertained us well, giving us
provisions and birds, although, as 1have already said,
the people there are few.Many soldiers climbed to the
top to see the pueblo. They found it very difficult to
climb the steps in the rock, not being used to them.

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cibidos y aposentados y la tan buena nueva del Turco


que no dio poca alegra segn aliviaba los trabajos
aunque cuando el campo lleg hallamos aleada aquella tierra o provincia por ocasin que para ello hubo
que no fue pequea como se dir y haban ya los nuestros quemado un pueblo un da antes que el campo
llegase y volvan al aposento.

The natives, on the contrary, go up and clownso freely


that they carry loads of provisions, and the women
carry water, and they do not seem to touch the walls
with their hands. Our men had to hand their weapons
to one another when they tried to make the climb.
From here they went to Tiguex, where they were
well received and lodged. There they leamed the good
news of the Turk, which brought no little rejoicing, as
it helped to lighten the hardships, although, when the
army arrived, we found that land or province up in
arms, for causes that were sufficient and not at all
slight, as will be told. Our men had already bumed a
pueblo the day before the army arrived and were returning to their quarters.

144

NOTAS
1Matsaki,
el pueblo Zuni ms al este, se encuentra al pie de la
Montaa de Maz, en el camino hacia Tiguex.
2El
ejrcito principal sigui la ruta del comercio hacia el este
desde Cbola hasta Tiguex, que pasaba por Acoma.
3La
longitud del antebrazo hasta el fin de los dedos de la mano,
como unas dieciocho o veinte pulgadas.
4Una
medida de longitud equivalente a dos varas o cerca de
i.83 yardas. "Mitad de un estado" de nieve significa como unas 33
pulagadas.

145

NOTES
1Matsaki at the foot of Corn Mountain, the easternmost Zui
pueblo on the trail to Tiguex.
2The main army followed the eastward trade road from Cbola
to Tiguex, which passed by Acoma.
3The length of a forearm to the end of the fingers, about eighteen to twenty-one inches.
4A measure oflength equivalent to two varas, or about i.83
yards. "Half an estado" of snow is about 33 inches.

XV

XV

Captulo quince cmo se alz Tiguex y


el castigo que en ellos hubo sin que lo hubiese
en el causador.

Why Tiguex revolted, and the punishment


inflicted upon its people without any one of them
being to blame.

el general lleg a Tiguex donde


D hall a DoncomoGarcia
Lopes de Cardenas y a Her-

already told how the general arrived at


Tiguex, where he found Don Garca Lpez de
Crdenas and Hernando de Alvarado; how he sent
the latter back to Cicye, and how Alvarado brought
Captain Bigotes and the governor of the pueblo as
prisoners. The latter was an old man. The people at
Tiguex did not feel well about these arrests. This ill
feelingwas aggravated by the general's desire to gather
sorne clothing to distribute among the soldiers. For
this purpose he sent for an ludian chief of Tiguex
with whom we were already acquainted and with
whom we were on good terms. Our men named him
Juan Alemn1 because they said he had sorne resemblance to a certainJuan Alemn living in Mexico. The
general spoke with him, asking him to furnish three
hundred or more pieces of clothing which he needed
to distribute to his men. He replied that it was not in
his power to do this,butin that of the governors'; that
they had to discuss the matter among the pueblos;
and that the Spaniards had to ask this individually

ICHO SEA

nando de Alvarado y como lo torn a enviar a Cicye


y trajo preso a el capitn Bigotes y a el gobernador del
pueblo que era un hombre anciano de esta prisin los
Tiguex no sintieron bienjuntse con esto en que el
general quiso recoger alguna ropa para repartir a la
gente de guerra y para esto hizo llamar a un indio principal de Tiguex que ya se tena con el mucho conocimiento y conversacin a quien los nuestros llamaban
Juan Aleman1 por unJuan Aleman que estaba en Mxico a quien decan parecer a ste habl el general diciendo que le proveyese de trescientas piezas de ropa
o ms que haba menester para dar a su gente el dijo
que aquello no era a l hacerlo sino a los gobernadores y que sobre ello era menester entrar en consulta y
repartirse por los pueblos y que era menester pedirlo
particularmente a cada pueblo por si ordenlo as el
general y que lo fuesen a pedir ciertos hombres sealados de los que con l estaban y como eran doce pue146

E HAVE

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blos que fuesen unos por la una parte del ro y otros


por la otra y como fuese de manos aboca no les dieron
lugar de se consultar2 ni tratar sobre ello y como llegara a el pueblo luego se les peda y lo haban de dar
porque hubiese lugar de pasar adelante y con esto no
tenan ms lugar de quitarse los pellones de encima y
darlos hasta que llegase el nmero que se les peda y
algunos soldados de los que all iban que los cogedores les daban algunas mantas o pellones sino eran tales
y vean algn indio con otra mejor trocabanse la sin
tener ms respecto ni saber la calidad del que despojaban que no poco sintieron esto[.]3
Allende de lo dicho del pueblo del aposento sali
un sobre saliente que por su honra4 no le nombrare y
fue a otro pueblo una legua de all y viendo una mujer
hermosa llam a su marido que le tuviese el caballo de
rienda en lo bajo y l subi a lo alto y como el pueblo
se mandaba por lo alto crey el indio que iba a otra
parte y detenido all hubo cierto rumor y l bajo y
tom su caballo y fuese el indio subi y supo que
haba forzado o querido forzar a su mujer y juntamente con las personas de calidad del pueblo se vino
a quejar diciendo que un hombre le haba forzado a su
mujer y cont como haba pasado y como el general
hizo parecer todos los soldados y personas que con l
estaban y el indio no lo conoci o por haberse mudado la ropa o por alguna otra ocasin que para ello
hubo pero dijo que conocera el caballo porque lo
tuvo de rienda fue llevado por las caballerizas y hall
un caballo enmantado hovero y dijo que su dueo de

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 149


from each pueblo. The general ordered it thus and
provided that certain chosen men who were with him
should go to ask for it. As there were twelve pueblos,
sorne were to go on one side of the river and sorne on
the other. As all this was unexpected, the natives were
not given time to discuss or consult about the matter.2 As soon as a Spaniard carne to the pueblo, he demanded the supplies at once, and they had to give
them, because he had to go on to the next one. With
all this there was nothing the natives could do except
take offtheir own cloaks and hand them over until the
number that the Spaniards asked for was reached.
Sorne of the soldiers who went along with these collectors, when the latter gave them sorne blankets or
skins that they did not consider good enough, if they
saw an lndian with a better one, they exchanged it
with him without any consideration or respect, and
without inquiring about the importance of the person
they despoiled. The Indians resented this very much. 3
In addition to what has been narrated, an outstanding person, whose name 1shall omit to spare his
honor, 4 left the pueblo where the camp was and went
to another one a league distant, and on seeing a beautiful woman in the pueblo, he called her husband
clown below and asked him to hold his horse by the
bridle while he went up; and, as the pueblo was entered from the top, the lndian thought that he was
going to sorne other place. While the native was detained there, sorne commotion took place, 'the man
carne back, took his horse, and rode away.When the

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

aquel caballo era el dueo neg viendo que l no


haba conocido y pudo ser que se herr en el caballo
finalmente l se fue sin haber enmienda de lo que
peda[.]
Otro da vino un indio del campo que guardaba los
caballos herido y huyendo diciendo que le haban
muerto un compaero y que los indios de la tierra se
llevaran los caballos ante cogidos hacia sus pueblos
fueron a recoger los caballos y faltaron muchos y siete
mulas del general.
Otro da fue Don Garci Lopes de Cardenas a ver
los pueblos y tomar de ellos lengua y hall los pueblos
serrados con palenques y gran grita dentro corriendo
los caballos como en coso de toros y flechndolos y
todos de guerra no pudo hacer cosa porque no salieron a el campo que como son pueblos fuertes no les
pudieron enojar luego orden el general que Don
Garci Lopes de Cardenas fuese a cercar un pueblo
con toda la dems gente y este pueblo era donde se
hizo el mayor dao y es donde acaeci lo de la
india[.]5 Fueron muchos capitanes que haban ido delante con el general, como fuejuan de Saldivar y Barrio Nuevo y Diego Lopes y Melgosa tomaron a los
indios tan de sobresalto que luego les ganaron los
altos con mucho riesgo porque les hirieron muchos de
los nuestros por saeteras que hacan por de dentro de
las casas estuvieron los nuestros en lo alto a mucho
riesgo el da y la noche y parte de otro da haciendo
buenos tiros de ballestas y arcabuces la gente de a caballo en el campo con muchos amigos de la Nueva

ludian climbed to the upper part, he learned that he


had ravished or had attempted to ravish his wife. Accompanied by other prominent persons in the pueblo,
he carne to complain, saying a man had outraged his
wife, and told them how it had taken place. The general ordered all the soldiers and persons in his company to appear before him, but the Indian could not
identify the man, either because he had changed
clothes or for sorne other reason. But he said he would
recognize the horse because he had held it by the rein.
He was led through the stalls, and when he saw a
blossom-colored horse covered with a blanket, he said
that the owner of that horse was the man. The owner
denied it, saying that the Indian had not recognized
him, and perhaps he was mistaken also in the horse. In
the end he went away without getting any redress for
what he had demanded.
On another day an lndian from the army who was
guarding the horses carnebleeding and wounded, saying that the Indians of the land had killed one companion and were driving the horses before them to
their pueblos. The soldiers went to round up the
horses, many of which were found missing, including
seven mules belonging to the general.
One day Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas went to
visit the pueblos and to get an interpreter from them.
He found the pueblos enclosed by a palisade and
heard a great shouting inside, with horses running
around as in a bull ring and the lndians shooting arrows at them. The natives were all up in arms. Crde-

150

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Espaa y daban por los stanos que haban aportillado grandes humazos de suerte que pidieron la paz
hallronse aquella parte Pablo de Melgosa y Diego
Lopes Veinte Cuatro de Sevillay respondindoles con
las mismas seales que ellos hacan de paz que es
hacer la cruz y ellos luego soltaron las armas y se dieron a merced que los llev a la tienda de Don Garcia
el cual segn6 se dijo no supo de la paz y crey que de
su voluntad se daban como hombres vencidos y como
tena mandado del general que no los tmase a vida7
porque se hiciese castigo y los dems temiesen mando
que luego hincasen doscientos palos para los quemar
vivos no hubo quien le dijese de la paz que les haban
dado que los soldados tan poco lo saban y los que la
dieron se lo callaron que no hicieron caso de ello8
pues como los enemigos vieron que los iban atando y
los comenzaban a quemar obra de cien hombres que
estaban en la tienda se comenzaron a hacer fuertes y
defenderse con lo que estaba dentro y con palos que
salan a tomar la gente nuestra de a pie dan en la tienda
por todas partes estocadas que los hacan desamparar
la tienda y dio luego la gente de a caballo en ellos y
como la tierra era llana no les qued hombre a vida
sino fueron algunos que se haban quedado escondidos en el pueblo que huyeron aquella noche y dieron
mandado por toda la tierra como no les guardaron la
paz que les dieron que fue despus harto mal9 y como
esto fue hecho y luego les nevase desampararon el
pueblo y volvieron al aposento a el tiempo que llegaba el campo de Chola. 10

nas could do nothing hecause they refused to come


out into the field, and as the pueblos are strong, they
could not he harmed. The general ordered Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas to go at once with the rest of
the force and surround a pueblo. This was the pueblo
where the greatest damage had heen done and where
the incident of the lndian woman had taken place. 5
The general went ahead, accompanied by many
captains, such asJuan de Zaldvar,Barrionuevo, Diego
Lpez, and Melgosa. They caught the lndians so unawares that they soon took possession of the high terraces, hut at great risk hecause the defenders wounded
many of our men with arrows which they shot from
the inside of their houses. In much danger our men remained on the top during the day, the night, and part
of the followingday,taking good shots with erosshows
and harquehuses. Down on the ground the mounted
men, together with many lndian allies from New
Spain, huilt sorne heavy smudge fires in the hasements, into which they had hroken holes, so that the
lndians were forced to sue for peace. Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lpez, the alderman from Seville,
happened to he in that place, and they answered their
signs for peace by similar ones, which consisted of
making a cross. The natives soon laid clowntheir arms
and surrendered at their merey. They were taken to
the tent of Don Garca, who, as was affirmed, 6 did not
know of the peace and thought that they were surrendering of their own accord, as defeated men.
As the general had ordered them not to take anyone

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l,1

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 155


alive, in order to impose a punishment that would intimidate the others,? Don Garca at once ordered that
two hundred stakes be driven into the ground to bum
them alive. There was no one who could tell him of
the peace which had been agreed upon, as the soldiers did not know about it either, and those who had
arranged the terms of peace kept silent, believing it
was none of their business. 8 Thus when the enemies
saw that their comrades were being tied and that the
Spaniards had started to bum them, about one hundred who were in the tent began to offer resistance
and defend themselves with what they found about
them and with stakes which they rushed out to seize.
Our footmen rushed the tent on all sides with sword
thrusts that forced the natives to abandon it, and then
the mounted men fell upon them; as the ground was
level, none escaped alive except a few who had remained concealed in the pueblo and who fled that
night. These spread the news throughout the land,
telling how the peace that was granted them had not
been kept. This resulted in great harm later. 9 After
this incident, and as it snowed on them, the Spaniards
abandoned the pueblo and retumed to their quarters
at the time when the army arrived from Chola. 10

Prickfy pear, Francisco Hernndez,

1651

Higo chumbo, Francisco Hernndez, 1552

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Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola


NOTAS

1''.Juan
el Alemn" era actualmente Xauian, un ingenioso jefe
de la tribu Tigua.
2Estando acostumbrados a unas persistentes relaciones feudales en las cuales las ordenes son dadas y seguidas puntualmente,
los espaoles percibieron muy vagamente que los lideres de los
pueblo indios como ''.Juan al Alemn" gobernaban en una manera ms democrtica, muchas veces envolvindose en largas consultaciones tribales con el propsito de desarrollar una opinin
unnime antes de que el grupo anuncie una decisin.
3En
su prisa para obtener comida, mantas y abastecimientosy aguijoneados por un nervioso capitn general-los hombres de
Lpez de Crdenas y sus aliados muy pronto suscitaron la contumacia, luego el enojo, y finalmente la rebelin de un pueblo
Ti gua.
".Juande Villegas, cuya nica reclamacin en la historia es un
alegado rapto.
5El pueblo rebelde era Arenal, una colonia Tigua varias leguas
distante del pueblo Coofor ocupado por los espaoles.
"Las afirmaciones aludidas aqu fueron confirmadas por testigos de la conducta de Crdenas durante la guerra con los Tiguex. Un testimonio justificante fue labrado y prominentemente
utilizado en el juicio del jefe del campamento. Otros oficiales
implicados en la controversia y los desastres de la expedicin
tuvieron que testificar de la misma manera, proporcionando racionalizaciones y teniendo que presentar testigos de su conducta.
7Las magnificas noticias del Turco acerca del oro necesitaron
adicionalmente, en la mente del capitn general, una inhumana
subyugacin de Tiguex. Ahora haciendo planes para penetrar
ms al interior, Coronado tema dejar una provincia abiertamente
rebelde.
8Desafortunadamente,
la aplicacin de fuego y terror en Arenal a fines de diciembre de i540 y la masacre desenfrenada de las
vctimas que se haban rendido voluntariamente, desilusion completamente a los nativos de Tiguex. Las protestaciones espaolas
de amistad ahora sonaban vacas y sus aplicaciones de fuerza resultaron contraproductivas. Los otros dos pueblos-Mohi,
o
Moho, y un pequeo pueblo sin nombre-causaron una rebelin.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

157

NOTES
1"John the German" was actually Xauian, a resourceful Tigua
chieftain.
2Accustomed to persistent feudal relations themselves, where
orders from above were given and duly followed, the Spanish only
dimly perceived that puebloan leaders like ''.John the German"
governed in another, more democratic manner, often engaging in
lengthy tribal consultations and consensus-building before reaching a group decision.
"In haste to obtain food, warm cloaks, and supplies-and
goaded by a nervous captain-general-Lpez de Crdenas's men
and allies soon roused the recalcitrance, then anger, and finally the
revolt of a Tigua pueblo.
".Juan de Villegas, whose sole claim on history is an alleged
rape.
5The rebellious pueblo was Arenal, a Tigua settlement severa!
leagues away from Spanish-occupied Coofor.
"The affirmations alluded to here were later witness statements
about Crdenas's conduct during the Tiguex War. Exculpatory
testimony figured prominently in the campmaster's tria!. Other officers implicated in the controversies and disasters of the expedition likewise had to testify, furnish rationalizations, and find
witnesses for their conduct.
7The Turk's great news of gold further necessitated, in the
captain-general's mind, a ruthless subjugation of Tiguex. Now
planning to go even deeper into the interior, Coronado feared to
leave an openly rebellious province behind him.
8Unfortunately, the application of fire and terror to Arenal in late
December i540, and the wanton massacre ofits freely surrendered
victims, disillusioned completely the natives ofTiguex. Spanish
protestations offriendship now rang hollow, and their applications
offorce proved counterproductive. Two otherpueblos-Mohi, or
Moho, anda smaller unnamed pueblo-quickly erupted in revolt.
To reach the Turk's gold in spring or summer, Coronado now
needed to win the Tiguex War in winter. It would take the combined army many months ofbitter siege warfare to destroy diese
fortress-pueblos as well. By then most ofthe natives had run away,
leaving Coronado less a pacified province than a deserted one.

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

Para alcanzar al oro del Turco en la primavera o el verano, Coronado necesitaba ganar la guerra con los Tiguex en el invierno. El
ejrcito combinado necesit de muchos meses de una amarga guerra de asedio para destruir las fortalezas de esos pueblos. Para entonces la mayora de los nativos haban huido, dejando a
Coronado con una provincia pacificada, pero una que estaba desierta.
9La
accin espaola provoc indagaciones oficiales y caus
luengas revisiones por las cortes yjuicios. Incluso el narrador indic francamente que no se poda encontrar falta en el comportamiento forrajeador de los hombres de Crdenas, quienes
convirtieron una requisa apresurada en una de una injusticia rutinaria, y as precipitaron la rebelin de una gente civilizada. Castaeda tambin indic que la conducta espaola en la guerra y la
matanza de los prisioneros solo profundiz la abierta divisin.
Los tristes eventos del primer captulo de la Guerra de Tiguex han
reverberado a travs de toda la vida de sus participantes, y al fin
con consecuencias trgicas para los conquistadores y los conquistados.
"Castaeda lleg con las fuerzas de Arellano al campamento
de la expedicin a Coofor un poco despus de la quema del pueblo de Arenal.

9The Spanish action raised official questions and triggered


lengthy court reviews and trials. The narrator himself stated
frankly that there was much to fault in the foraging behavior of
Crdenas's men, which turned hasty requisition into routine injustice, and thereby precipitated the revolt of a civilized people.
Castaeda also noted that Spanish conduct of war and slaughter
of prisoners only deepened the yawning divide. The sad events of
the opening chapter of the Tiguex War reverberated through the
lifetimes of its participants, ultimately proving tragic for conquerors and conquered alike.
rncastaeda arrived with Arellano's force at the Coofor expedition camp shortly after the buming of Arenal pueblo.

158

Wild plum, Hieronymus Bock, 1552


Ciruela salvaje, Hieronymus Bock, 1552

159

XVI

XVI

Captulo diecisis cmo se puso cerco a Tig;uex y se


gan y lo qu ms aconteci mediante el cerco.

How Tiguex was besieged and token, and what else


happened during the siege.

he contado cuando acabaron de ganar


aquel pueblo comenz a nevar en aquella tierra y
nev de suerte que en aquellos dos meses no se pudo
hacer nada salvo ir por los caminos a les avisar que viniesen de paz y que seran perdonados dndoles todo
seguro a lo cual ellos respondieron que no se fiaran
de quien no saba guardar la f que daban que se acordasen que tenan preso a Bigotes y que en el pueblo
quemado no les guardaron la paz[.]
Fue uno de los que fueron a les hacer estos requerimientos Don Garcia Lopes de Cardenas que sali
con obra de treinta compaeros un da y fue a el pueblo de Tiguex y a hablar con Juan Aleman y aunque
estaban de guerra vinieron a hablarle y le dijeron que
si quera hablar con ellos que se apease y se llegaban
a l a hablar de paz y que se desviase la gente de a caballo y haran apartar su gente y llegaron a ljuan Aleman y otro capitn del pueblo y fue hecho as como lo
pedan y a que estaba cerca de ellos dijeron que ellos
no traan armas que se las quitase Don Garcia Lopes

OMO YA

160

As

1 HAVE

said already, when they had just con-

.f"\.. quered that pueblo, it began to snow in that land,


and it snowed so much for two months that the
Spaniards could do nothing except go over the trails
and tell the natives to come peacefully and that they
would be pardoned, giving them all sorts of assuranees. To this the lndians replied that they would not
trust those who did not know how to keep the word
they had pledged and reminded them that they were
still holding Bigotes a prisoner and that, at the burned
pueblo, they had not kept the peace.
One of those who went to make these requests was
Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas, who had set out with
sorne thirty men one day. He went to Tiguex to talk
withjuan Alemn, and although they were at war, the
Indians carne to talk with him. They told him that if he
wanted to talk with them, he should dismount and
they would approach him on foot to discuss peace.
They asked that the mounted men withdraw and said
that they would withdraw their people.Juan Alemn
f

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lo hizo por ms los asegurar con gana que tena de los


traer de paz y como llego a ellos el Juan Aleman lo
vino a abrazar en tanto los dos que con el venan sacaron dos macetas que secretamente traan a las espaldas y le dieron sobre la celada dos tales golpes que
casi lo aturdieron hallaron dos soldados de a caballo
cerca que no se haban querido apartar aunque les fue
mandado y arremetieron con tanta presteza que losacaron de entre sus manos aunque no pudieron enojar
a los enemigos por tener la acogida cerca y grandes rociadas de flechas que luego vinieron sobre ellos y a el
uno le atravesaron el caballo por las narices la gente de
a caballo lleg toda de tropel y sacaron a su capitn de
la prisa sin poder daar a los enemigos antes salieron
muchos de los nuestros mal heridos y as se retiraron
quedando algunos haciendo rostro[.] Don Garcia
Lopes de Cardenas con parte de la gente paso a otro
pueblo que estaba meda legua adelante porque en
estos dos lugares se haba recogido toda la ms gente
de aquellos pueblos y como de los requerimientos
que les hicieron no hicieron caso ni de dar la paz antes
con grandes gritos tiraban flechas de lo alto y se volvi a la compaa que haba quedado haciendo rostro
a el pueblo de Tiguex[.] Entonces salieron los del
pueblo en gran cantidad los nuestros a meda rienda
dieron muestra que huyan de suerte que sacaron los
enemigos a lo llano y revolvieron sobre ellos de manera que se tendieron algunos de los ms sealados
los dems se recogieron al pueblo y a lo alto y as se
volvi este capitn a el aposento.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 163


and another chieftain of the pueblo drew near the
Spaniard, and all was done as they requested. When
he was close to them, they said that they bore no
weapons and that he should remove his. Don Garca
Lpez did so in order to reassure them further, being
eager to make peace with them. When he carne close
to them,Juan Alemn embraced him while two other
Indians who accompanied him drew two maces,
which they had concealed behind their backs, and
struck him two blows over the helmet so that they
nearly stunned him. Two mounted soldiers who had
not withdrawn, although they had been ordered to do
so, were close at hand, and they attacked so quickly
that they wrested Crdenas from the hands of the natives, although they could not harm the enemy because they had shelter near at hand and because of
heavy showers of arrows that soon fell upon them.
The horse of one of them was pierced through the
nose. The other mounted men carne in a rush and got
their captain out of difficulty,but without being able
to do any harm to the enemy.On the other hand, many
of our men carne out badly wounded. Thus they withdrew, a few staying to give battle.
Don Garca Lpez de Crdenas went with a part of
the force to another pueblo located one-half league
farther on, because most of the people of these pueblos had taken refuge in these two places. But they paid
no attention to the requisitions for peace made upon
them, nor would they grant it; on the contrary, they
shot arrows from the tenaces with much shouting.

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

El general luego como esto paso orden de ellos ir


acercar y sali un da con su gente bien ordenada y
con algunas escalas llegado asent su real junto a el
pueblo y luego dieron el combate pero como los enemigos haba muchos das que se pertrechaban echaron tanta piedra sobre los nuestros que a muchos
tendieron en tierra y hirieron de flechas cerca de cien
hombres de que despus murieron algunos por mala
cura de un mal cirujano que iba en el campo el cerco
duro cincuenta das en los cuales algunas veces se les
dieron sobresaltos y lo que ms les aquex fue que no
tenan agua y hicieron dentro del pueblo un poso de
grandisima hondura y no pudieron sacar agua antes se
les derrumb a el tiempo que lo hacan y les mat
treinta personas murieron de los cercados doscientos
hombres de dentro en los combates y un da que se les
dio un combate recio mataron de los nuestros a Francisco de Obando capitn y maestro de campo que
haba sido todo el tiempo que Don Garca Lopes de
Cardenas anduvo en los descubrimientos ya dichos y
a un Francisco de Pobares buen hidalgo a Francisco
de Obando metieron en el pueblo que los nuestros
no lo pudieron defender aunque no poco se sinti por
ser como era persona sealada y por si tan honrado
afable y bien quisto que era maravilla[.]
Antes que se acabase de ganar un da llamaron a hablar y sabida su demanda fue decir que tenan conocido que las mujeres ni a los nios no hacamos mal
que queran dar sus mujeres e hijos porque les gastaban el agua no se pudo acabar con ellos que se diesen

Don Garca Lpez returned to the company that had


remained to oppose the pueblo ofTiguex.
Then the warriors of the pueblo carne out in large
numbers. Our men, half checking the horses, pretended that they were running away, and as a result
they drew the enemy into the plain, where they turned
upon them in such a way that they struck clown sorne
of the most prominent among them. The others took
shelter in the pueblo, at the top of it. Thus the captain
returned to quarters.
Immediately after this the general gave the order to
lay siege to the pueblo. He set out one day with his
men, in good array and with a few hand-ladders.
Upon his arrival he established camp close to the
pueblo, and shortly afterward attacked; but the enemy
had been getting ready for many days and had so
many stones to hurl on our men that they stretched
many on the ground. They wounded close to one
hundred men with arrows, of whom sorne died later
because of the inefficient care of a poor surgeon who
was with the army.The siege lasted fifty days. During
this time the Spaniards attacked several times. What
troubled the Indians most was their lack of water.
Within the pueblo they dug a very deep well, but they
were unable to obtain water; on the contrary, it caved
in while they were digging, killing thirty persons. Of
the besieged, two hundred men died in the various
attacks. One day when there was a vigorous fight, they
killed Francisco de Ovando on our side, captain and
maestre de campo during the time when Don Garca

164

i65

1111

166

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de paz diciendo que no les guardara la palabra y as


dieron obra de cien personas de nios y mujeres que
no quisieron salir ms y mientras las dieron estuvieron
los nuestros a caballo en ala delante del pueblo Don
Lope de Urrea1 a caballo y sin celada andaba recibiendo en los brazos los nios y nias y como ya no
quisieron dar ms el Don Lope les importunaba que
se diesen de paz haciendoles grandes promesas de
seguridad ellos le dijeron que se desviase que no era
su voluntad de se fiar de gente que no guardaba la
amistad ni palabra que daban y como no se quisiese
desviar sali uno con un arco a flechar y con una flecha y le amenaz con ella que se la tirara sino se iba
de all y por voces que le dieron que se pusiese la celada no quiso diciendo que mientras all estuviese no
le haran mal y como el indio vido que no.se quera ir
tir y le hinc la flecha por de las manos del caballo
y en arco luego otra y torn le a decir que se fuese
sino que le tiraran de veras el Don Lope se puso su
celada y paso ante paso se vino a meter entre los de a
caballo sin que recibiese enojo de ellos y como le vieron que ya estaba en salvo con gran grita y alarido
comenzaron a rociar flechera el general no quiso que
por aquel da se les diese batera por ver si los podan traer por alguna va de paz lo cual ellos jams
qms1eron.
Desde a quince das determinaron de salir una
noche y as lo hicieron2 y tomando en medio las mujeres salieron a el cuarto de la modorra velaban aquel
cuarto cuarenta de a caballo y dando aclamas los del

Lpez was away on his explorations, and a certain


Francisco de Pobares, a fine gentleman. They dragged
Francisco de Ovando into the pueblo, as our men
were unable to rescue him. This was very much regretted, as he was a distinguished person and besides
very honorable; gracious, and unusually well liked.
One day, befare the pueblo was finally taken, the
lndians asked far a conference. When their request
became known, they said that as they had learned that
we did not harm women and children, they wanted to
give us theirs, because they were exhausting their
water. We were unable to induce them to make peace.
They insisted that we would not keep our word. So
they delivered about one hundred persons, consisting of women and children, as no more would leave
the pueblo. While they delivered them, our men remained on their horses in formation befare the
pueblo. Don Lope de Urrea1 was on horseback, without helmet, receiving the boys and girls in his arms.
When they ceased bringing more, Don Lope urged
them to make peace, offeringthem all sorts of promises
of security. They warned him to draw back, far they
did not want to trust people who did not keep their
friendship or the word they gave. As he would not
withdraw, an ludian carne out armed with a bow and
arrow and threatened to kili him, saying that he would
shoot if he did not go away.However much the other
Spaniards shouted far Don Lope to put on his head
armor, he refused, saying that the natives would not
harm him while he remained there. When the ludian

,_,
l

167

168

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

cuartel de Don Rodrigo Maldonado dieron en ellos


los enemigos derribaron un espaol muerto y un caballo y hirieron a otros pero vironlos de romper y
hacer matanza en ellos hasta que retirndose dieron
consigo en el ro que iba corriente y frigidisimo y
como la gente del real acudi presto fueron pocos los
que escaparon de muertos o heridos otro da pasaron
el ro la gente del real y hallaron muchos heridos que
la gran frialdad los haba derribado en el campo y los
traan para curar y sirvirse de ellos y as se acabo aquel
cerco y se gan el pueblo an que algunos que quedaron en el pueblo se recibieron en un barrio y fueron
tomados en pocos das.
El otro pueblo grande3 mediante de cerco le haban ganado dos capitanes que fueron Don Diego de
Guevara y Juan de Saldivar que yendo les una madrugada a echar una celada para coger en ella cierta
gente de guerra que acostumbraba a salir cada maana a hacer muestra por poner algn temor en nuestro real las espas que tenan puestas para cuando los
viesen venir vieron como salan gentes y caminaban
hacia la tierra salieron de la celada y fueron para el
pueblo y vieron huir la gente y siguieron la haciendo
en ellos matanza como de esto se dio mandado sali
gente del real que fueron sobre el pueblo y lo saquearon prendiendo toda la gente que en el hallaron en
que hubo obra de cien mujeres y nios acabose este
cerco en fin de marzo del ao de cuarenta y dos en el
cual tiempo acaecieron otras cosas de que podra dar
noticia que por no cortar el hilo las he dejado pero

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 169


saw that he would not go away,he shot an arrow,which
landed at the foot of Don Lope's horse. Putting another arrow in his bow, he told him to leave him or he
would shoot to kili. Don Lope put on his helmet and
slowlyrejoined the other riders without being harmed
by the Indians. When they saw he was in a safe place,
they began to shout and howl and to send a shower of
arrows. The general did not wish to fight them on that
day because he wanted to see if he could find a way to
make peace with them, to which they never consented.
Fifteen days later the Indians decided to abandon
the pueblo during the night, and they did so. 2 Placing
their women in the middle, they set out during the first
quarter of the watch. During that quarter, forty
mounted men were on guard. When the men in the
barracks of Don Rodrigo Maldonado sounded the
alarm, the enemy fell upon them, killing a Spaniard
anda horse and wounding others. However, they were
repulsed, a good many of them being killed. They fell
back to the river,which was high and extremely cold,
andas the men from the camp quickly rushed to attack,
few of the enemy escaped death or injury.In the morning the army crossed the river and found many
wounded lndians who had collapsed because of the intense cold. They brought them back to heal them and
make servants of them. Thus ended the siege, and the
pueblo was conquered, although there were a fewwho
had remained in the pueblo and who resisted in one of
the sections, but they were overcome in a few days.
The other large pueblo" had been conquered in a

Relacin de laJornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

decir sean ahora porque conviene que sepan para entender lo de adelante.

siege by the two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and


Juan de Zaldvar. Early one morning when the
Spaniards were going to make an ambush in order to
apprehend certain warriors who used to come out
every morning to make a display to frighten our army
in sorne way,the spies who were on duty to watch the
approach of the lndians saw that the nativeswere leaving and going to the country. The soldiers left the ambush and went to the pueblo and, seeing the lndians
in flight, they pursued and killed many of them. As
news of this was sent back, sorne of the men in the
army carne and sacked the pueblo. They apprehended all the people found there, comprising about
one hundred women and children. This siege was
completed by the end of March 1542 [1541]. Other
things happened during this time, which 1could have
related, but which 1 have omitted so as not to break
the thread of the narrative, but we must tell them now,
as it is fitting that they should be known in order to
understand what follows.

170

NOTAS
Urrea era un juvenil-y muy cordial-caballero de Aragn.
Cerca de los fines de marzo de 1541. El asedio de Mohi dur
como ocho das.
3Un
pueblo sin nombre ubicado varias millas de Mohi.
1

171

NOTES
1Urrea was a youthful-and
chivalrous-caballero
from
Aragon.
2Near the end ofMarch 1541. The siege ofMohi had, in fact,
!asted sorne eighty days.
3An unnamed pueblo located severa! miles from Mohi.

XVII

XVII

Captulo diecisietecmo vinieron a el campo


mensajeros del valle de Seoray cmo muri el
capitn Melchior Dias en lajornada de Tizn.

H ow the messengersfrom the valley of Seora reached


the army, and how Captain Melchior Daz died on
the expedition to the Tizn river.

como Melchior Dias el capitn haba

tiempo que se acab de collegar mensajeros a el


campo de la villa de San Hiernimo con cartas de
Diego de Alarcon1 que haba quedado all en lugar
del Melchior Dias traan nuevas como Melchior Dias
haba muerto en la demanda que llevaba y la gente se
haba vuelto sin ver cosa de lo que deseaban y pas el
caso de esta manera.
Como hubieron pasado el ro caminaron en demanda de la costa que por all ya daba la vuelta sobre
el sur o entre sur y oriente porque aquel ancn de mar
entra derecho al norte y este ro entre en el remate del
ancn trayendo sus corrientes debajo del norte y corre
a el sur yendo como iban caminando dieron en unos
medaos de ceniza ferviente que no poda nadie entrar a ellos porque fuera entrarse a hogar en la mar la
tierra que hollaban temblaba como tmpano que pareca que estaban debajo algunos lagos pareci cosa

already told how Captain Melchior Daz


had crossed the Tizn river on rafts in order to
continue the exploration of that coast. Well, shortly
after the siege ended, sorne messengers arrived at the
camp from the town of''San Hiernimo with letters
from Diego de Alarcn, 1 who had remained there to
replace Melchior Daz. They brought information that
Melchior Daz had died while carrying out the mission
entrusted to him, and his men had returned without
finding what they had gone to look for. It happened in
the following manner.
After they had crossed the river,they went ahead in
search of the coast, which in that region turned south
or southeast, for that arm of the sea extends straight to
the north, and the river, flowing from north to south,
empties into the head of the gulf. While they were
traveling in this direction, they encountered sorne
beds of burning lava. No one could cross them, as it
would be like going into the sea to drown. The ground
which the Spaniards walked on resounded like a ket-

172

173

A DIJIMOS

pasado en balsas el ro del Tizn para proseguir


Y
adelante el descubrimiento de aquella costa pues a el

E HAVE

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admirable que as herva la ceniza en algunas partes


que pareca cosa infernal2 y desvindose de aqu por
el peligro que pareca que llevaban y por la falta del
agua[.]
Un da un lebrel que llevaba un soldado antojo de
darse tras de unos carneros que llevaban para abastecimiento y como el capitn lo vio arrojndole la lanza
de encuentro yendo corriendo y la hinc en tierra y no
pudiendo detener el caballo fue sobre la lanza y enclavsela por el muslo que le sali el hierro a la ingle
y le rompi la vejiga visto esto los soldados dieron la
vuelta con su capitn siendo teniendo cada da refriegas con los indios que haban quedado rebelados
vivi obra de veinte das que por el traer pasaron gran
trabajo y as volvieron? hasta que muri con buena
orden sin perder un hombre ya iban saliendo de lo
ms trabajoso llegados a Seora hizo alczar los mensajeros ya dichos hacindolo saber y como algunos
soldados estaban mal asentados y procuraban algunos motines y como haba sentenciado a la horca a
dos que despus se le haban hudo de la prisin.4
El general visto esto envi aquella villa a Don Pedro
de Tovar para que se entregase alguna gente y para
que llevaseconsigo mensajeros que enviaba a el Virrey
Don Antonio de Mendoca con recaudos de lo acontecido y la buena nueva del Turco.
Don Pedro de Tovar fue y llegado all hall que haban los naturales de aquella provincia muerto con
una flecha de yerba a un soldado de una muy pequea
herida en una mano sobre esto haban ido all algunos

tledrum, as if there were lakes underneath. It was


amazing to see the cinders boil in sorne places, for it
looked like something infernal. 2 They turned away
from this place because it seemed to be dangerous,
and also because of the lack of water.
One day a greyhound belonging to a soldier took
a notion to chase sorne sheep, which they had
brought along for food, and as Melchior Daz saw it,
he started in pursuit, throwing his lance at the dog
on the run. The lance stuck in the ground, and not
being able to stop his horse, the rider ran upon it in
such a way that the lance pierced his groin, tearing
his bladder. In view of this the soldiers turned back,
carrying their captain. In addition to this, they had
to fight daily skirmishes with the lndians, who were
in revolt. Daz lived about twenty days. His menendured many hardships, until he died, in their desire
to bring him back. 3 They returned in good order
without losing a man. When they were through the
most difficult part and had reached Seora, Alcarz
dispatched the messengers already mentioned. He
informed the general of the outcome of the exploration and how sorne soldiers had become restless and had tried to cause sorne disturbances. He
had sentenced two of them to be hanged, but they
escaped.4
Because of this, the general sent Don Pedro de
Tovar to that town to select a few people and also to
accompany the messengers he was sending to the
viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, with reports of

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175

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soldados y no fueron bien recibidos Don Pedro de


Tovar envi a Diego de Alcaraz con gente aprender a
los principales y seores de un pueblo que llaman el
valle de los Bellacos5 que est en alto llegado all los
prendieron y presos parecile a Diego de Alcaraz de
los soltar a trueque de que diesen algn hilo y ropa y
otras cosas de que los soldados tenan necesidad vindose sueltos se alzaron de guerra y subieron a ellos y
como estaban fuertes y tenan yerha6 mataron algunos espaoles e hirieron otros que despus murieron
en el camino volvindose retirndose para su villa y
sino llevarn consigo amigos de los Corazones lo pasaron peor volvieron a la villa dejando muertos diecisiete soldados de la yerba que con pequea herida
moran rabiando rompindose las carnes con un pestilencial hedor inconportahle visto por Don Pedro de
Tovar el dao parecindoles que no quedaban seguros en aquella villa la pas cuarenta leguas ms hacia
Chola al valle del Suya donde los dejaremos por contar lo que a vino a el general con el campo despus del
cerco de Tiguex.

what had transpired and of the promising information furnished by the Turk.
Don Pedro de Tovar left, and upon his arrival there
he found that the natives of the province had killed a
soldier with a poisoned arrow. He had only a small
wound on one hand. On account of this, several soldiers had gone out and had heen ill received by the lndians. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcarzwith
a small force to apprehend the native leaders and principal men of a pueblo called Valle de los Vellacos,located on a prominence.5 Opon arriving there, Diego
de Alcarz arrested them. Holding them prisoners, he
deemed it appropriate to release them if they furnished sorne thread, clothing, and other things which
the soldiers needed. When the lndians found thernselves free, they rose in arms. The soldiers attacked
them, hut as they were fortified and had poison, 6 they
killed sorne Spaniards and wounded others, who died
later as they were retreating to the town. If the soldiers had not taken along allies from Corazones, they
would have fared still worse. They retreated to the
town, leaving hehind seventeen soldiers dead from
the poison. They died in terrible agony from small
wounds, their flesh rotting in an unhearahle stench.
When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the result of the skirmish, thinking they would not he safe in that town, he
moved [the town] forty leagues farther toward Chola,
to the Valle del Suya. We shall leave them there in
order to relate what happened to the general with the
army after the siege of Tiguex.

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NOTES

NOTAS
En realidad fue Diego de Alcarz que despach estas cartas.
En su bsqueda de las naves perdidas de Alarcn, Melchior
Daz cruz el Ro Colorado y luego se volvi hacia el sudoeste
hacia Baja California. Al sur del moderno Calexico, y cerca del
volcn durmiente del Cierro Prieto, Daz y sus hombres encontraron una rea llena de potes de barro geotrmico. Llamado
"Lago del Volcn" en el Siglo xtx, esta curiosa forma de tierra ha
sido afectada en grande por la reciente agricultura y la estacin de
poder geotrmico.
3Llevando
a su capitn en una litera, los hombres de Daz volvieron sobre sus pasos del viaje. Por supuesto, ahora las tribus
Yuma estaban hostiles. Despus de haber cruzado el Ro Colorado (Tizn) ellos viajaron a travs de las dunas y las lavas de Pinacate. A pesar de los grandes esfuerzos, Melchior Daz falleci el
18 de enero de 1541y fue enterrado en algn lugar en el camino de
regreso.
4El
uso del terror por Alcarz, muy comn en las campaas de
Guzmn, estaba iniciando el desastre en Sanjernimo.
5Las
ruinas arqueolgicas en el alto Valle Sonora sugieren que
los pueblos fortalezas, como lo del Valle de los Bellacos, haban
sido edificados para la defensa, amurallados, y posiblemente bien
aprovisionados para resistir a una pelea prolongada. Castaeda
tom nota de la naturaleza guerrera de esta gente en general.
6Las
tribus en la regin general de Serrana recogan la savia virulenta del arbusto llamado Euphor (Euphorbiaceae)-el "rbol
venenoso." Ellos untaban una mixtura txica en la punta de las flechas, de esta manera preparando las armas para que maten con
solo una herida. Los espaoles teman encuentros hostiles con
los nativos as armados.
1

lt was actually Diego de Alcarz who dispatched the letters.


2ln his search for Alarcn's missing ships, Melchior Daz
crossed the Colorado River and turned southwest toward Baja
California. South of modern Calexico, and near the dormant volcano of Cerro Prieto, Daz and his men encountered an area of
geothermal mud pots. Called "Volcano Lake" in the nineteenth
century, the curious landform has been heavily impacted by recent
farming and a geothermal power station.
3Carrying their captain in a litter, Daz's men retraced their
journey. The Yuma tribes were now hostile of course. Once across
the Colorado River (Tizn) they journeyed through the desolate
Gran Desierto <lunes and Pinacate lavas. Despite great efforts,
Melchior Daz died on 18 January 1541. He was buried along the
return way.
4Alcarz's use of terror, common in the Guzmn campaigns,
was leading to disaster at San Gernimo.
5Archeological remains in the upper Sonora Valley suggest
that fortress pueblos, such as Valle de los Vellacos, were sited for
defense, walled, and likely stocked with provisions to withstand a
protracted fight. Castaeda noted the warlike nature ofthe people
in general.
6Tribes in the general Serrana region collected the virulent sap
of a local shrub-like Euphor (Euphorbiaceae)-the"H<>isontree."
They smeared an extremely toxic concoction on arrow points,
thereby preparing weapons that could kili with a wound. The
Spanish dreaded hostile encounters with natives so armed.
1

XVIII

XVIII

Captulo dieciochocmoelgeneral procur dejar


asentada la tierra para ir en demanda de Quivira1
donde deca el Turcohaba elprincipio de la riqueza.

How the general tried to leave the land pacified in


order to go in search of Quivira, 1 where, the Turk
said, the real riches began.

cerco de Tiguex el general quiso ir a


MCicye llevando
consigo a el gobernador para lo

D to go to Cicye. He took along the governor to


set him free, promising that when he went to Quivira

EDIANTE EL

poner en libertad con promesas que cuando saliese


para Quivira dara libertad a Bigotes y lo dejara en su
pueblo y como lleg a Cicye fue recibido de paz y
entr en el pueblo con algunos soldados ellos recibieron a su gobernador con mucho amor y fiesta visto
que hubo el pueblo y hablado a los naturales dio la
vuelta para su campo quedando Cicye de paz con
esperanza de cobrar su capitn Bigotes.
Acabado que fue el cerco como ya habemos dicho
envi un capitn a Cha2 un buen pueblo y de mucha
gente que haba enviado a dar la obediencia que estaba desviado del ro al poniente cuatro leguas y hallaronle de paz a que se dieron aguardar cuatro tiros
de bronce que estaban mal acondicionados tambin
fueron a Quirix3 provincia de siete pueblos seis compaeros y en el primer pueblo que sera de cien vecinos huyeron que no osaron a esperar a los nuestros y
los fueron atajar a rienda suelta y los volvieron a el
180

URING

the siege of Tiguex, the general decided

he would free Bigotes and leave him in his pueblo.


When the general reached Cicye, he was peacefully
received and entered the pueblo with a few soldiers.
The natives welcomed their governor with much affection and rejoicing. After visiting the pueblo and
talking to the natives, the general returned to his army,
leaving Cicye pacified and in hopes of recovering
Bigotes, their captain.
At the end of the siege, as we have already stated,
the general sent a captain to Chia, 2 a fine pueblo with
a large population, which had sent messages offering
submission. It was situated four leagues west of the
river. They found the pueblo quiet and left in its care
four bronze cannons which were in bad condition. In
addition six men went to Quirix, a province containing seven pueblos.3 At the first pueblo, which must
have contained one hundred residents, the people ran
181

182

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

pueblo a sus casas con toda seguridad y de all avisaron a los dems pueblos y los aseguraron y as poco a
poco se fue asegurando toda la comarca en tanto que
el ro se deshelaba y se dejaba vadear para dar lugar a
lajornada aunque los doce pueblos de Tiguex nunca
en todo el tiempo que por all estuvo el campo se
pobl ninguno por seguridad ninguna que se les
diese.4
Y como el ro fue deshelado que lo haba estado
casi cuatro meses que se pasaba por encima del hielo
a caballo ordense la partida para Quivira donde
deca el Turco que haba algn oro y plata aunque no
tanto como en Arehe y los Guaes5 ya haba algunos del
campo sospechosos del Turco porque mediante el
cerco tena cargo de un espaol que se llamaba Cervantes y este espaol jur con solemnidad que haba
visto a el Turco hablar en una olla6 de agua con el demonio y que tenindolo l debajo de llave que nadie
poda hablar con l le haba preguntado el Turco a l
que a quien haban muerto de los cristianos los de Tiguex y l le dijo que a no nadie y el Turco le respondi mientes que cinco cristianos han muerto y a un
capitn y que el Cervantes viendo que deca verdad se
lo concedi por saber del quien se lo haba dicho y el
Turco le dijo que l lo saba por si y que para aquello
no haba necesidad que nadie se lo dijese y por esto lo
espo y vio hablar con el demonio en la olla como
haba dicho.
Con todo esto se hizo alarde para salir de Tiguex a
este tiempo llegaron gentes de Cbola a ver a el gene-

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 183


away,not daring to wait for our men. The latter ran to
intercept them and brought them back, fully protected, to their pueblo and homes. From there the
Spaniards sent word to the other pueblos in order to
restore their confidence. Thus the whole region was
gradually reassured.
Meanwhile the river was thawing and it became
possible to cross it to facilitate the journey. However,
the twelve pueblos ofTiguex were never resettled as
long as the army remained in that region, no matter
what assurances were given them. 4
As the ice in the river was thawing, after being
frozen for almost four months, during which it was
possible to cross over the ice on horseback, the departure for Quivira was arranged. There, the Turk
said, gold and silver would be found, but not so much
as at Arehe and Los Guaes. 5 There were already sorne
men in the army who distrusted the Turk, because a
Spaniard named Cervantes, assigned to guard him
during the siege, swore under oath that he had seen
the Turk talk to the devil in an olla6 filled with water,
and that, held under lock and key without being able
to communicate with anyone, the Turk had asked the
guard what Christians had been killed by the people
of Tiguex. He replied that they had not killed anyone, but the Turk retorted: "You are lying, for they
have killed five Christians, including a captain." And
Cervantes, seeing that he was telling the truth, admitted it in order to find out who had told him. The Turk
said that he knew it already and that he needed no

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Historlcal stte
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d
present- ay
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rolmble Conjecture

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U

50

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Miles

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Coronado's own "central" r~utcs (wherever he journeXed)


Route of Alarcn into the Gulf of California
}
Route of Melchor Dfaz to th~ver
Colorado Rver.iirea
Route ofTovar and Crdenas to the"''bran_g[;anyop_.~ea
COAl-IUILA
Barrionuevo's route "P (northward) the Rio.9rande
Mondragn's route down (southward) the Rio:Crande

i84

185

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

ral y el general les encarg el buen tratamiento de los


espaoles que viniesen de Seora con Don Pedro de
Tovar y les dio cartas que le diesen a Don Pedro en
que le daba aviso de lo que deba de hacer y como
haba de ir en busca del campo y que hallara cartas
debajo de las cruces en las jornadas que el campo
haba de hacer[. J
Sali el campo de Tiguex a cinco de mayo7 la vuelta
de Cicye que como tengo dicho son veinticinco jornadas digo leguas de all llevando de all a Bigotes llegado all les dio a su capitn que ya andaba suelto con
guardia el pueblo se holg mucho con el y estuvieron
de paz y dieron abastecimentos y Bigotes y el gobernador dieron a el general un mancebete que se deca
Xabe natural de Quivira para que del se informasen de
la tierra este deca que haba oro y plata pero no tanto
como deca el Turco8 todava el Turco se afirmaba y
fue por gua y as sali el campo de all.

one to tell it to him. For this reason Cervantes spied on


him and found him talking to the devil in the olla, as
1have stated.
In the meantime a review was held before leaving
Tiguex. At this time Indians arrived from Cbola to
see the general. The latter ordered that they be well
treated by the Spaniards who might return from
Seora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters for Don Pedro in which he instructed him as to
what he was to do and how he was to join the army,
and that he would find letters under the crosses on
the route which the army was to follow.
The army left Tiguex on 5 May,7 going by way of
Cicye, which, as 1 have told, is twenty-five days-1
mean leagues-distant from there. They took Bigotes
along, and when they reached Cicye, Francisco
Vzquez gave the lndians back their captain, who was
already free under guard. The pueblo rejoiced very
much at his return. The inhabitants were friendly and
furnished provisions. Bigotes and the governor gave
the general a young hoy named Xabe, a native of
Quivira, so that he might get information from him
about the land. This hoy said that there was gold and
silver there but not in the quantities stated by the
Turk. 8 On the way the Turk, who went along as guide,
reaffirmed what he had said, and thus they set out
from there.

186

i87

1111,1

188

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola


NOTAS

1Quivira,
o el famoso reino del Turco, supuestamente lleno de
oro en el llano del actual estado de Kansas.
2El pueblo Zia, una villa principal en la rivera oriental del Ro
Jemez. Sus residentes Keresanos la llamaban Tsiya en la provincia
de Puname ("Gente del oeste"). Ambos estos pueblos, y ms tarde
Zia, demostrarn una propensin para respetar el poder espaol.
3Quirix,
una provincia de pueblos Keresanos (Santo Domingo,
San Felipe, Cochiti y otros) ms lejos arriba del Ro Grande.
4Con
grandes sufrimientos los refugiados languidecieron en
sus escondites en las montaas durante el invierno y la primavera.
El hambre y la exposicin a la intemperie posiblemente mataron
a muchos de sus miembros.
"Los Arehe (o Harahey) eran los primeros indios Pawnee del
Alto Llano. Los Guaes eran una de las primeras tribus en la antigua Kansas.
6Un
artefacto echo con barro de tierra que se parece a una
jarra.
7Una
fecha ms exacta es el 23 de abril de 1541, como se ve en
la carta del 20 de octubre de 1541 enviada al Rey.
8Xabe,
otro cautivo, puede haber estado bajo instrucciones de
las gentes Pueblo para confirmar que el oro y la plata existan en
su tierra nativa, de esta manera haciendo que los espaoles se
marchen, pero prudentemente l escogi no aceptar todas las
mentiras del Turco.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 189


NOTES
1Quivira, the Turk's reputed kingdom of gold on the plains of
modern-day Kansas.
2Zia Pueblo, a chief village on the east bank of the J emez River.
lts Keresan residents called it Tsiya in the province of Puname
("People of the West"). Both then and later Zia showed a propensity for respect for Spanish power.
3Quirix,
a province ofKeresan pueblos (Santo Domingo, San
Felipe, Cochiti, and others) farther up the Rio Grande.
4At
great suffering, the refugees ofTiguex languished in mountain hideaways through the winter and spring. Hunger and exposure likely killed many of their number.
"Arehe (or Harahay) were the proto-Pawnee of the Great
Plains; Los Guaes were the proto-Kansas tribe.
6
An earthenware pot or jar.
7
A more accurate date is 23 April 1541, as given by Coronado
in his 20 October 1541 letter to the king.
8Xabe,
another captive, may have been under puebloan instructions to confirm gold and silver in his homeland, thus leading the Spanish away, but he wisely chose not to embrace ali the
Turk's lies.

IJ
1111

il

'I

XIX

XIX

Captulo diecinueve cmosalieron en demanda de


Quivira y lo qu acontecien el camino.

How they set out in search of Quivira, and what


befellthem on the way.

de Cicye dejando el pueblo de


S paz y a locampo
que pareci contento y obligado a mantener la amistad por les haber restituido su gobernador y capitn y caminando para salir a lo llano que
est pasada toda la cordillera1 a cuatro das andados
de camino dieron en un ro de gran corriente hondo
que bajaba de hacia Cicye y a questo se puso nombre el ro de Cicye2 detuvieron se aqu por hacer
puente para le pasar acabose en cuatro das con toda
diligencia y presteza hecha paso" todo el campo y ganados por ella y a otras diez4jornadas dieron en unas
rancheras de gente alarabe que por all son llamados
Querechos5 y haba dos das que se haban visto
vacas[.]
Esta gente viven en tiendas de cueros de vacas adobados andan tras las vacas haciendo carne estos an
que vieron nuestro campo no hicieron mudamiento ni
se alteraron antes salieron de sus tiendas a ver esentamente y luego vinieron a hablar con la vanguardia y dijeron que se a el campo y el general habl con ellos y

departed from Cicye, leaving the


pueblo at peace and to all appearances pleased
and under obligation to maintain their friendship, as
the Spaniards had returned their governor and captain to them. They traveled in the direction of the
plains, which are on the other side of the mountain
range.1 After four days' march they carne to a deep
river carrying a large volume of water flowing from
the direction ofCicye. The general named it the Cicye river.2 They stopped here in order to build a
bridge for crossing it. This was completed in four days
with all diligence and quickness. Once finished, the
entire army and livestock crossed over the bridge.3
Ten days later4 they carne to sorne rancheras of a nomadic people called Querechos5 around there. Cattle
had been sighted two days before.
These people live in tents made of dressed skins of
the cattle. They follow the cattle to provision themselves with meat. Although they saw our army, they
did not move way or disturb themselves in the least.

190

191

ALI EL

HE ARMY

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

como ya ellos haban hablado con el Turco que iba en


la vanguardia conformaron con el en quanto deca era
gente muy entendida por seas que parecan que lo
decan y lo daban tan bien a entender que no haba
ms necesidad de interprete estos dijeron que bajando
hacia donde sale el sol haba un ro muy grande6 y
que ira por la rivera del por poblados noventa das sin
quebrar de poblado en poblado decan que se deca lo
primero del poblado Haxa7 y que el ro era de ms de
una legua de ancho y que haba muchas canoas estos
salieron de all otro da con jauras de perros en que
llevaban sus haberes[.] Desde a dos das que todava
caminaba el campo a el rumbo que haban salido de lo
poblado que era entre norte y oriente ms hacia el
norte8 se vieron otros Querechos rancheados y grande
nmero de vacas que ya pareca cosa increble estos
dieron grandisima noticia de poblados todo a el
oriente de donde nos hallamos[.] Aqu que se quebr
Don Garca un brazo y se perdi un espaol que sali
a caza y no asert a volver al real por ser la tierra muy
llana9 deca el Turco que haba a Haya una o dos jornadas[.]
El general envi adelante a el capitn Diego Lopes
a la ligera con diez compaeros dndole rumbo por
una gua de mar'? hacia adonde sala el sol que caminase dos das a toda prisa y descubriese a Haxa y volviese a se topar con el campo otro da sali por el
mismo rumbo y fue tanto el ganado que se top que
los que iban en la vanguardia cogieron por delante un
gran nmero de toros y como huyan y unos a otros se

On the contrary, they carne out of their tents to scrutinize us. Then they spoke to the advance guard and
asked what the army was. The general spoke to them,
but the Indians had already spoken to the Turk, who
carne with the advance guard; they agreed with him in
everything he said. These people were so skillful in
the use of signs that it seemed as if they spoke. They
made everything so clear that an interpreter was not
necessary. They said that by going clown in the direction in which the sun rises, there was a very large river6
that the army could travel along its bank through continuous settlements for ninety days, going from one
settlement to another. They said that the first settlement was called Haxa, 7 that the river was more than
one league wide, and that there were many canoes.
These lndians left this place the following day, with
droves of dogs carrying their belongings.
Two days later when the army was still traveling in
the direction it had taken when it left the settlement,
which was between north and east, rather toward the
north, 8 other Querechos were seen on their ranches.
There were seen also such large numbers of cattle that
it now seems incredible. These lndians gavelavish reports of settlements, all east of our present location.
Here Don Garca Lpez broke an arm, and a man
got lost. He went out hunting and could not find his
way back to the camp, because this land is very level.9
The Turk said that Haxa was one or two days away.
The general sent Captain Diego Lpez ahead with
ten companions, lightly equipped. He traced his di-

192

193

1111

194

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

repugnaban dieron en una barranca 11 y cay tanto ganado dentro que la emparejaron y el dems ganado
paso por encima le gente de a caballo que iba en pos
de ellos cayeron sobre el ganado sin saber lo que hacan tres caballos de los que cayeron ensillados y enfrenados se fueron entre las vacas que no pudieron
ms ser habidos.
Como a el general le pareci que sera ya de vuelta
Diego Lopes hizo que seis compaeros siguiesen una
rivera arriba de un pequeo ro12 y otros tantos la rivera abajo y que se mirase por el rastro de los caballos
en las entradas o las salidas del ro porque por la tierra no es posible hallarse rastro porque la yerba en pisndola se torna a levantar hallose por donde haban
ido y fue ventura que a las vueltas haban ido indios
del campo en busca de fruta una gran legua de donde
se hall rastro y toparon con ellos y as bajaron el ro
abajo a el real y dieron por nueva a el general que en
veinte leguas que haban andado no haban visto otra
cosa sino vacas y cielo[.]
Iba en el campo otro indio pintado natural de Quivira que se deca Sopete este indio siempre dijo que el
Turco menta y por esto no hacan caso del y aunque
en esta sazn tambin lo deca como los Querechos
haban informado con el y el y Sopete'" no era credo.
Desde aqu envi el general delante a Don Rodrigo
Maldonado con su compaa el cual camin cuatro
das y lleg a una barranca grande como las de Colima 14 y hall en lo bajo de ella gran ranchera de
gente15 por aqu haba atravesado Cabeza de Vaca y

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 195


rection toward the rising sun by means of a seacompass, 10 for he instructed him to travel with all
speed for two days, to find Haxa, and to rejoin the
army.On the following day Lpez and his men set out
in this direction, and they carne upon so many cattle
that those who went in the advance guard found a
large number of bulls in front of them. As the animals
were running away and jostling against one another,
they carne to a barranca, 11 and so many cattle fell into
it that it was filled and the other cattle crossed over
them. The men on horseback who followed them fell
on top of the cattle, not knowing what had happened.
Three of the horses that fell disappeared, with their
saddles and bridles, among the cattle, and were never
recovered.
The general, believing Diego Lpez should be back
by now, sent six men to go up a small river,12 and an
equal number to go downstream, to look for traces of
his horses at the source and mouth of the river. No
tracks could be found on the fields because the grass
rises up again after being trampled on. They found
by chance the tracks, showing which way the party
had gone. On the way back sorne Indians from the
army who had gone out in search of fruit a good
league from the place where the tracks were found
discovered Lpez and his men, and thus they
marched clown the river to the camp. They told the
general that in the twenty leagues they had marched
they saw nothing but cattle and sky.
There was in the army another painted Indian, a

ig6

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

Dorantes aqu'" presentaron a Don Rodrigo un montn de cueros adobados y otras cosas y una tienda tan
grande como una casa en alto lo cual mand que asla
guardasen hasta que el campo llegase y envi compaeros que guiasen el campo hacia aquella parte porque no se perdiesen aunque haban ido haciendo
mojones de huesos y boigas para que el campo se siguiese y de esta manera se guiaba ya el campo tras la
vanguardia.
Lleg el general con su campo y como vio tan gran
multitud de cueros pens los repartir con la gente y
hizo poner guardas para que mirasen por ellos pero
como la gente lleg y vieron los compaeros que el general enviaba algunos hombres particulares con seas
para que les diesen las guardas algunos cueros y los
andaban a escoger enojados de que no se reparta con
orden dan saco mano y en menos de cuarto de hora
no dejaron sino el suelo limpio.
Los naturales que vieron aquello tambin pusieron
las manos en la obra las mujeres y algunos otros quedaron llorando porque creyeron que no les haban de
tomar nada sino bendecirselo como haban hecho Cabeza de Vacay Dorantes cuando por all pasaron aqu
se hall una india tan blanca como mujer de Castilla
salvo que tena labrada la barba como morisca de berbera que todas se labran en general de aquella manera
por all se adornan los ojos.17

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

197

native of Quivira, named Ysopete (Sopete ). This Indian persisted in saying that the Turk was lying, and
for this reason no one paid any attention to the former.
And although on this occasion he also said that the
Querechos had talked with him, Ysopete was not believed. 13 From here the general sent Don Rodrigo
Maldonado ahead with his company; he traveled four
days and carne to a large barranca like those of Colima.'" At its bottom he found a large ranchera with
people.15 Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed
this way.16 Here the natives presented Don Rodrigo
with a heap of dressed skins and other things, and a
tent as big and tall as a house. He ordered that it be
kept as it was until the army carne. He sent sorne men
to go and guide the army there so that it would not get
lost, although the men had already been placing markers of bones and cow-dung, and by these means the
army was already following the advance guard.
The general arrived with his army, and on seeing
such a quantity of skins, he thought he would distribute them among his people, and he ordered that
guards be placed to watch them. But as the men arrived and saw that the general was sending sorne particular individuals to the guards with instructions to
give them sorne skins, and they were selecting them,
angered at this unjust distribution, the soldiers laid
hands on the hides and in less than a quarter of an
hour there was nothing left but the bare ground.
The natives who saw what was going on also lent a
hand to the job. The women and sorne men who re-

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NOTAS

1
La congregada expedicin contaba con mil ochocientos
miembros, incluyendo recientes esclavos capturados en Tiguex.
Esta impresionante fuerza sali de Cicye, viaj hacia el sur hasta
la Mesa Glorieta y luego fueron hacia el este con rumbo hacia el
rea del Can Blanco. Desde aqu el sendero aborigen se diriga
hacia el este y hacia el Alto Llano.
2El Ro Pecos.
'Loshistoriadores modernos piensan que los hombres de Coronado cortaron rboles para construir un "puente flotante" con
los troncos con el propsito de cruzar el Ro Pecos en un lugar
desconocido debajo de la confluencia con el Ro Gallinas, posib!emente cerca de la moderna ciudad de La Junta, Nuevo Mexico,
4Una
vez al otro lado del Ro Pecos, la expedicin viaj hacia
el este a travs de matorrales de enebro y llanos con creciente
pasto. Es posible que ellos haban visto los contornos de la mesa
pensando que eran las Montaas Tucumcari, una seal del vasto
Alto Llano del Sur en frente de ellos. El sendero indgeno pronto
cruz una baja lnea divisoria entre el Ro Pecos y el cercano Ro
Canadian-un antiguo corredor de trfico de comercio y viaje
entre los pueblos y el llano. Una semana o menos de viaje hacia el
este siguiendo los tributarios alimentados por manantiales del Ro
Canadian, trajo a los exploradores en contacto con las manadas de
bisontes cerca de la frontera entre Texas y Nuevo Mexico. En
algn punto, posiblemente debido a las artimaas instigacin del
Turco, ellos subieron esta baja escarpa y as entraron a la parte sur
del Alto Llano, el histrico Llano Estacado del Siglo XIX.
5Explorando
a travs de una niebla matutina que cubra el
suelo del Alto Llano, como explic ms tarde el cronista Mota
Padilla, los exploradores de punta descubrieron unas largas y extraas marcas de arrastre en la tierra. Estas marcas (hechas por los
palos largos de los trineos nativos) mostraron la ruta a lo grupo
montado hasta un campamento Querecho de los Apaches del
Oriente, posiblemente cerca de la Tierra Blanca o Fro Draw en
Texas. Estas eran gentes distintas, nomdicas y de cara plana de
la tribu Nadene del sudeste. Los hombres de Coronado usaron el
trmino de "Querechos" para describir a cualquiera de las bandas

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 199


mained cried because they thought the army would
not take anything but would merely saya blessing over
the goods as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done
when they passed that way. At this place there was
seen an Indian woman as white as if she were from
Castile, except that her chin was painted like that of a
Barbary Moorish woman. In general they all adorn
themselves in that fashion there and they decorate
their eyes. 17

NOTES
1The assembled expedition numbered sorne eighteen hundred
members, including recent slaves captured at Tiguex. This impressive force left Cicye, traveled south to access Glorieta Mesa,
then turned eastward into the Caon Blanco area. From here the
aboriginal trail led eastward to the plains.
2The Pecos River.
3Modern historians believe Coronado's men cut trees and built
a wooden-log "floating bridge" (puenteflotante) across the Pecos
at an unknown site below the confluence with the Gallinas River,
possibly near present-day La Junta, New Mexico.
40nce across the Pecos River, the expedition traveled eastward
through scrub juniper and increasingly grassy plains. They likely
saw mesa outliers like Tucumcari Mountain, a sign of the vast
Southern High Plains in front of them. The aboriginal trail soon
crossed a low divide from the Pecos River to the nearby Canadian
River-an ancient corridor of trade and travel between the pueblos and plains. A week or less of eastward travel along the springfed tributaries of the Canadian Valley brought the explorers into
contact with bison herds near the Texas-New Mexico border. At
sorne point, likely with the devious urging of the Turk, they as-

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de Nadene, antepasados de ambos los modernos indios Navajo y


Apache. Una muy adaptable rama de los descendientes sali de
estos bosques y se dirigi hacia el Alto Llano del Norte. Alrededor de 1250,estas bandas de cazadores de bufalo emigraron dentro del sudoeste. Las rancheras Querecho de este llano eran
campamentos de nmadas llenos de tepees y equipaje.
6Una
posible referencia al Ro Mississippi.
7Una
ciudad que se supone estaba despus del llano.
8La
recoleccin de Castaeda indicando que iban "hacia el
norte" ha causado bastante confusin en los eruditos acerca de la
ruta ms all de Cicye. No obstante, la expedicin estaba viajando hacia el este, an quizs hacia el sudeste dentro de la enormidad del Alto Llano Meridional-siguiendo "las aguas," como
not Juan de Jaramillo, de las corrientes que fluan hacia el
sudeste.
9El
Llano del Sur es una de las regiones ms planas de la Amrica del Norte y es una parte de la ms grande tierra de pasto en
del mundo. Un descenso en la elevacin de solo ocho pies por
cada milla y un ocano de pasto sin facciones hacen que la regin
sea profundamente desconcertante para las inexpertas mentes europeas.
10El
llano sin facciones y las disputas de los guas inspiraron a
los espaoles cierta incertidumbre acerca de su curso en los fines
del mes de mayo en 154i. Lpez y su delantera de exploradores
pueden haber salido con rumbo hacia la salida del sol o una lnea
de rumbo directo de la brjula. Usando una brjula de mar y navegando el llano como un ocano permiti que Lpez salga afuera,
pero que todava no pueda encontrar su camino de vuelta hasta
Coronado, tambin viajando el mismo curso de la salida del sol.
A los fines de mayo de 1541el sol sala a los 61 grados y 36 minutos. Si es verdad, como se cree ahora, que los espaoles estaban
perdidos en el medio del Alto Llano del Sur, esta salida del sol debera haberlos dirigido hacia los campamentos del nordeste.
nuna profunda caada con los lados erodidos, en este caso
dentro del llano.
12Posiblemente
el moderno riachuelo, Running Water Draw,
que Coronado y Lpez estaban tratando de encontrar usando sus
brjulas y las orientaciones de la salida del sol, pero pequeos
errores y un llano sin facciones hicieron que un contacto directo

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

201

cended the low escarpment before them and entered the Southern High Plains, the historie "Llano Estacado," or Staked Plain of
the nineteenth century.
5Scouting through a morning ground-fog on the High Plains,
as the later chronicler Mota Padilla explained, expedition outriders discovered strange and continuous drag marks on the ground.
These markings (made by tent poles of native travois) led the riders to a Querecho camp ofEastern Apaches, possibly near Tierra
Blanca or Frio Draw in Texas. These were the distinctive, nomadic, and flat-faced Nadene people of the Southwest. Coronado's men used the term "Querechos" to describe any of the
Nadene bands, ancestors ofboth the modern Navajo and Apache
peoples. Around 1250,these buffalo-hunting bands migrated into
the Southwest. Querecho rancheras of the plains were nomadic
encampments of tepees and equipage.
6Possible reference to the Mississippi River.
7A city reputed to be beyond the Llano.
8Castaeda's
recollected bearing "toward the north" has
caused sorne scholarly confusion on the route beyond Cicye.
Nevertheless, the expedition was traveling eastward, even southeastward into the leve! vastness of the Southern High Plains-following "the waters" as Juan de Jaramillo noted, the southeast
flowing streams.
9The Llano (Southern High Plains) is one of the flattest regions of North America and part of the largest grassland in the
world. An elevation drop of only eight feet to the mile and a featureless ocean of grass made the region profoundly disorienting to
the uninitiated European mind.
IOThefeatureless Llano and quarreling guides inspired Spanish uncertainty about their course in late May of 154i. Lpez and
his outriders may have departed on a sunrise rumbo, or compass
rhumb line. Using a sea-compass and navigating the plains asan
ocean would enable Lpez to go out, yet find his way back to
Coronado, also traveling the same sunrise course. For late May of
1541the sun rises at 61 degrees 36 minutes. If, as now believed, the
Spanish were then lost in the middle of the Southern High Plains,
such a sunrise course would point them toward the northeastern
escarpments.
11A steep-sided erosion ravine, in this case within the plains.

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sea imposible. Coronado, al llegar a una de las pocas corrientes de


agua en el Llano del Sur, vi la oportunidad para detectar el regreso de Lpez.
13Un
miembro de la tribu Wichita llevado desde Quivira aos
antes. Ysopete fue "pintado" o tatuado alrededor de los ojos en la
manera acostumbrada por su tribu ("Mapache"). Cansado del
errante modo de viaje en el llano, un da Ysopete se arroj dramticamente en frente de los pies del capitn general, declarando
(correctamente) que Quivira estaba ubicada en una otra direccin.
14Las
escabrosas barrancas con sus lados empinados en el estado de Colima en Mxico se parecen a los vertiginosos caones
de la escarpa del Llano Oriental. Historiadores antiguos como
H.E. Bolton escogieron el Caon Palo Duro Superior. Recientes
historiadores notan que las descripciones de Castaeda pueden
referirse al Can Tule en la proxima regin de Quitaque. Hoy to
dava no existe un sitio arqueolgico definitivo para la ubicacin
del primer campamento de la expedicin en los caones en el
este. La Gran Barranca todava espera su descubrimiento.
15Es
posible que los hombres de Maldonado hayan descubierto un nuevo grupo de cazadores nativos en el medio del llano,
cazadores de bisontes que quizs guiaron a los exploradores fuera
del Alto Llano hacia un sendero que los llev hasta su ranchera
en el fondo de una caada profunda.
16Un
posible efecto literario de Castaeda puesto que no es
probable que los cuatro nufragos hayan pasado en realidad a travs de este misterioso campamento en un escarpado can, o barranca.
17Distintivos
tatuajes caractersticos de ciertas bandas, a menudo tribus que hablaban Cadoano.

Possibly the present-day Running Water Draw. Coronado


and Lpez wanted to converge using compasses and sunrise bearings, but small errors and featureless plains made a direct en
counter difficult. Coronado, arriving at one of the few
watercourses of the Southern High Plains, saw the opportunity to
detect Lpez's return.
13A Wichita tribesman taken from Quivira years before.
Ysopete was "painted," or tattooed, around the eyes in the manner of his tribe ("Raccoon Eyes"). Tired of wandering on the
Llano, one day Ysopete dramatically threw himself clown in front
of the captain-general, declaring (correctly) that Quivira lay in another direction.
14The rugged and steep-sided barrancas ofthe state ofColima
in Mexico resemble the dizzying canyons of the eastern Llano escarpment. Earlier historians like H.E. Bolton pointed to upper
Palo Duro Canyon. Recent historians note that Castaeda's description may point to Tule Canyon and the adjacent Quitaque
country. As yet there is no definitive archeological site for the expedition's first camp in the eastern canyons. The Grand Barranca
still awaits discovery.
15Maldonado's men likely discovered a new group of native
hunters out on the plains, bison-hunters who led the scouts off the
High Plains and clown a trail into their settlement at the bottom of
a deep ravine.
16A possible literary effect by Castaeda, as it is unlikely that
the four castaways actually passed through this mysterious es
carpment canyon settlement.
17Distinctive tattoos characteristic
to certain bands, often
Caddoan-speaking tribes.

202

203

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12

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111

11

XX

XX

Captulo veinte cmo cayeron g;randes piedras en el


campo y cmo se descubri otra barranca donde se
dividi el campo en dos partes.

How large hailstonesfell on the army; how another


barranca was discovered, and how the army was
divided there into two parts.

pacio vino tan grande multitud de piedra tan grandes


como escudillas y mayores y tan espesas como lluvia
que en parte cubrieron dos y tres palmos y ms de
tierra y uno dej el caballo digo que ningn caballo
hubo que no se solt sino fueron dos o tres 'que acudieron a los tener negros empavesados y conseladas y
rodelas que todos los dems llev por delante hasta
pegallos con la barranca y algunos subi donde con
gran trabajo se tornaron a bajar y si como los tom all
dentro fuera en lo llano de arriba quedar el campo a
gran riesgo sin caballos que muchos no se pudieran
cobrar rompi la piedra muchas tiendas y aboll muchas celadas y lastim muchos caballos y quebr toda
la losa del campo y calabazos que no puso poca necesidad porque por all no hay losa ni se hace ni calabazos ni se siembra maz ni comen pan salvocarne cruda
o mal asada y frutas.

army was resting, in this ravine we


have mentioned, a violent whirlwind arose one
afternoon. It began to hail, and in a short time such an
amount of hailstones fell, as large as bowls and even
larger, and as thick as rain drops, that in places they
covered the ground to a depth of two and three and
even more spans. One abandoned his horse, what 1
mean is that there was not a horse that did not get
loose except two or three which were held by negroes
covered with helmets and shields. All the others were
swept away until they ran into the barranca. Sorne
climbed to places from which they were brought
clown with great difficulty.If the storm which caught
them in the barranca had found them on the level
plain, the army would have been in great danger of
losing its horses, for many would never have been recovered. The hailstones destroyed many tents and
dented many headpieces. Many horses were bruised,
and all the pottery and gourds of the army were broken. This caused great inconvenience, because pot-

204

205

STANDO DESCANSANDO

el campo en esta barranca

E que hemos dicho una tarde comenz un torbellino con grandisimo aire y granizo y en pequeo es-

HILE THE

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Desde all envi el general a descubrir y dieron en


otras rancheras a cuatro jornadas a manera de alixares' era tierra muy poblada adonde haba muchos frisoles y sruelas como las de Castilla y parrales duraban
estos pueblos de rancheras tres jornadas deciase
Cona2 desde aqu salieron con el campo algunos
Teyas" porque as se decan aquellas gentes y caminaron con susjauras de perros y mujeres y hijos hasta la
prosterna jornada de las otras donde dieron guas para
pasar adelante a donde fue el campo a una barranca
grande estas guas no las dejaban hablar con el Turco
y no hallaban las noticias que de antes decan que
Quivira era hacia el Norte y que no hallbamos buena
derrota con esto se comenz a dar crdito a Ysopete[.]
Y as lleg el campo a la prosterna barranca que era
una legua de bordo a bordo y un pequeo ro en lo
bajo y un llano lleno de arboleda con mucha uva morales y rosales4 que es fruta que la hay en Francia y
sirve de agraz en esta barranca la haba madura haba
nueces y gallinas de la calidad de las de la Nueva Espaa y sruelas como las de Castilla5 y en cantidad en
este camino se vio a un Teya de un tiro pasar un toro
por ambas espaldas que un arcabuz tiene bien que
hacer es gente bien entendida y las mujeres bien tratadas y de vergenza cubren todas sus carnes traen
zapatos y borseguiez de cuero adobado traen mantas
las mujeres sobre sus faldellinesy mangas cogidas por
las espaldas todo de cuero y unos como sanbenitillos
con rapasejos que llegan a medio muslo sobre los faldellines.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 207


tery is not made in that locality, nor are gourds found
there. They do not cultivate maize either, nor do they
eat bread, but they eat either raw or badly roasted
meat and fruits.
The general sent out exploring parties from there.
After four days they carne to other rancheras resembling alixares. 1 This was a densely populated country.
It produced abundant frijoles, plums like those of
Castile, and wild grapes. These pueblos of rancheras
extended for a three days'journey. It was called Cona. 2
From this place a few Teyas,3 for so those people were
called, accompanied the army. They traveled with
packs of dogs, their women and children, to the last of
the rancheras, where they furnished guides to proceed beyond. From here the army went to a deep barranca. They did not let these guides talk to the Turk,
as the former did not corroborate the information that
the Spaniards had heard before, to the effect that
Quivira was to the north; the guides said that we
would not find a good route; accordingly we began to
believe Ysopete.
Thus the army reached the last barranca, which extended a league from bank to bank. A small river
flowed at the bottom, and there was a small valley covered with trees, and with plenty of grapes, mulberries, and rose bushes.4 This is a fruit found in France
and which is used to make verjuice. In this barranca
we found it ripe. There were nuts, and also chickens
of the variety found in New Spain, and quantities of
plums like those ofCastile.5 During this trip, we saw

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En esta barranca holg el campo muchos das por


buscar comarca hicieronse hasta aqu treinta y siete
jornadas de camino de a seis y de a siete leguas porque
se daba cargo a quien fuese pasando y an contando
por pasos decan que haban a el poblado de doscientas y cincuenta leguas[.] Visto ya y conocido por
el general Francisco Vazques como hasta all haban
andado engaados por el Turco y que faltaban los
abastecimientos a el campo y que por all no haba tierra donde se pudiesen proveer llam a los capitanes y
alfrez ajunta para acordar lo que les pareciese se debiese hacer y de acuerdo de todos fue que el general
con treinta de a caballo y meda docena de peones y
fuese en demanda de Quivira y que Don Tristan de
Arellano volviese con todo el campo la vuelta de Tiguex sabido esto por la gente del campo y como ya se
saba lo acordado suplicaron de ello a su general y
que no los dejase de llevar adelante quetodos queran
morir con l y no volver atrs esto no aprovech aunque el general les concedi que les enviara mensajeros dentro de ocho das si conviniese seguirle o no y
con esto se parti con las guas que llevaba y con Ysopete" el Turco iba arrancando en cadena.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 209


a Teya shoot an arrow through both shoulders of a
bull. It would have been a good feat for a harquebus.
These natives are intelligent people. The women are
well treated, and through modesty they cover their
whole body. They wear shoes and buskins of dressed
skins. The women wear blankets over their short underskirts, all of skins, with sleeves tied at the shoulders. They wear a sort of short tunic over their
underskirts, with small fringes reaching to the middle
of the thigh.
The army rested many days at this barranca in
order to explore the country. They had traveled thirtyseven days of from six to seven leagues each to this
point. A man had been detailed to make the calculations and even to count the steps. They said that the
distance to the settlements was 250 leagues.
General Francisco Vzquez realized, and now felt
sure, that until this time they had been deceived in
their travels by the Turk, and knew that the army
lacked provisions, and that there was no place in that
region where they could be procured. He called a
meeting of all the captains and ensigns to decide what
they thought should be done. The agreement reached
by all was that the general, with thirty mounted men
and half a dozen footmen, should go in search of
Quivira, and that Don de Tristn de Arellano should
take the army back to Tiguex. When the people in the
army heard of this, knowing now the decision
reached, they begged the general not to leave them,
but to take them along, for they all wanted to die with

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NOTAS

1
La referencia que hace Castaeda acerca de alixares ha preocupado a los traductores (en el margen del documento mismo
esta escrito "alexeres.") Es posible que la palabra fue pasada de los
moros arbicos hasta los espaoles cristianos como un forma de
expresin refirindose a un paisaje, quizs indicando un claro
grande o un lugar lleno de piedras similar a un campamento beduino o "alijar" en el Norte de Africa.
2Cona estaba destinado a salvar la expedicin. Con varios
miles de bocas para alimentar, Coronado necesitaba urgentemente
un lugar rico en comida para poder recuperarse de esta larga marcha a travs del Alto Llano. La memoria del narrador se acord de
las comidas hechas con plantas de Cona, sugiriendo que los expedicionarios estaban deseando vegetales frescos y frutas parabalancear su dieta de carne de bisonte. Mientras que Cona no era un
gran centro de agricultura, este can tenia una abundancia de comida, un abastecimiento de madera para los fuegos, y tambin estaba adyacente a grandes manadas de bisontes en los planos del
Alto Llano.
"Los Teyas de Cona eran una nueva nacin distinta de las bandas de los Querecho-Apache de caras planas que recorran este
llano. Una gente fuerte, bien parecida y llena de tatuajes, los Teya
habitaron los caones en el este durante el verano. Ellos haban
aparentemente practicado alguna forma de cultivacin combinada
con la audaz cacera de bisontes. La mera palabra Teyas es algo
misterioso, pero se puede argir que es tambin posiblemente el
origen fontico de la palabra "Texas." El gegrafo nombrado Car!
Sauer coment que el uso de esta palabra por Castaeda marc "la
primera aparicin del nombre de Texas." Sin embargo, la historia
convencional indica que el nombre de Texas, viene de una colonia espaola en las ultimas dcadas de 1600 en el este de Texas,
donde se haban asentado las tribus Caddo y que estas respondan
a los misioneros y soldados exclamando una declaracin de paz
que sonaba como "Tayshas" o "Amigos!" Los Teyas en la narracin de Castaeda son muchas veces asociados con las ms recientes tribus histricas de losjumano del Siglo XVII.
4La
descripcin de Castaeda de los Cona ha intrigado por
mucho tiempo a los historiadores y detectives de las expediciones.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

211

him rather than go back. This was of no avail, although the general promised them that he would send
them messengers within a week to say whether or not
it was advisahle to follow him. Thus he set out, taking
along the guides and Ysopete. 6 The Turk went along
in chains.

NOTES
1Castaeda's reference to alixares has troubled translators. (In
the margin of the manuscript itself is written "alexeres.") The
word likely passed from Arabic Moors to Spanish Christians as a
form oflandscape expression, indicating a large cleared ground or
stony area, for instance. It may have been used here to denote similarities to a Bedouin encampment, or alijar, ofNorth Africa.
2Cona was destined to save the expedition. With several thousand mouths to feed, Coronado urgently needed a food-rich locale
to recover from the lengthy march across the High Plains. The
narrator's memory recalled the plant foods ofCona, suggesting an
expedition craving for fresh vegetables and fruits to balance a buffalo meat diet. While Cona was not a great center of agriculture,
the canyon had abundant wild foods and supplies of firewood,
and it was adjacent to great bison herds on the leve! High Plains.
"The Teyas ofCona were a new people, separate from the flatfaced Querecho-Apache bands that roved the plains. A strong,
handsome, and tattooed people, the Teya inhabited the eastern
canyons in summer. They apparently practiced sorne cultivation
combined with fearless bison-hunting. The very word Teyas is
mysterious but arguably suggestive of the phonetics leading to
"Texas." The geographer Car! Sauer commented that Castaeda's
usage was "the first appearance of the name of Texas." Conventional history says, however, the name of Texas comes from the
ifioos Spanish settlement of East Texas, where settled Caddo

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Quizs la "zona de la mayor duda" en toda la expedicin estaconectada con la ubicacin de esta segunda Barranca. Varios candidatos serios para los honores histricos han incluido casi cada
can y valle desde el Ro Canadian en el norte hasta el distante
Ro Concho en el sur. Ms de un siglo de teoras opuestas y conjeturas han llevado a los europeos al interior de la parte oeste de
Texas y an ms lejos. Sin embargo, al "barrer" el Can Blanco
con un detector de metales a mediados de i990, el pasadojimmy
Owens encontr unos artefactos que eran fuera de lo comnen particular cabezas de pernos de ballestas. El Can Blanco ya
habia atrado la atencin de historiadores regionales, por algo que
pocos saben, cuando, en ig6o, un granjero que estaba arando encontr un antiguo guante de malla de metal cerca de este can.
Subsecuentes trabajos arqueolgico en el sitio dejimmy Owens
ahora paracen conectar el Can Blanco con la expedicin de
Coronado, quizs con la primera barranca, pero an ms probablemente con la segunda barranca de Cona. El estado de Texas recientemente dedic un marcador histrico cerca de este sitio.
5El
catalogo de comidas tiene correlacin con el del Can
Blanco, que incluye ciruelas, bayas de bisonte, extensas parras de
uvas y pavos silvestres. La mencin de "nueces" una vez llev a los
detectives de la ruta de la expedicin hacia los abundantes arboles de pacanas del sur de Texas.
6
Al darse cuenta de su error por no haber verificado el reino de
Quivira antes de haber trado a un ejrcito en el medio de este
llano, Coronado y sus capitanes se idearon un plan prudente pero
quizs impopular. El cuerpo principal del ejrcito bajo el comando de Arellano fue mandado descansar en Cona y prepararse
para un retorno desilusionado hasta Tiguex; Coronado, en su
tumo, dirigi un destacamento de fuerzas seleccionadas hacia el
norte, "yendo por la aguja" o la brjula, para explorar Quivira en
el estado moderno de Kansas. La estrella de Ysopete estaba brillando, mientras que la perteneciente al Turco se haba apagado.

tribes responded to missionaries and soldiers with peaceful declarations of "Tayshas," or "Friends!" The Teyas of Castaeda's
narrative are often associated with the later historicjumano tribes
of the seventeenth century.
4Castaeda's
description ofCona has long intrigued historians
and trail detectives. Perhaps the greatest "zone of uncertainty" for
the entire expedition is connected to the location of this second
barranca. Serious candidates for the historie honors have included
almost every canyon and valley from the Canadian River in the
north to the distant Concho River in the south. Well over a century of conflicting theories and conjectures had taken the Europeans into much ofWest Texas and even beyond. However, while
sweeping Blanco Canyon with a metal detector in the mid-iqqos,
the late Jimmy Owens found sorne unusual artifacts-crossbow
bolt heads in particular. Blanco Canyon had already attracted the
attention of regional historians, and known to a few,a local farmer
had plowed upan ancient chainmail glove near the canyon in the
ig6os. Subsequent archeological work at thejimmy Owens site
now appears to link Blanco Canyon to the Coronado expedition,
perhaps as the first barranca but much more likely as the second
barrancaofCona. The State ofTexas recently dedicated a historie
marker near the site.
5The
catalog of foods correlates well with Blanco Canyon's
wild stands of Chickasaw plums, bison berries, sprawling
grapevines, and wild turkeys. The mention of "nuts" once led
trail detectives to the more plentiful pecan trees ofTexas rivers farther south.
6Realizing
their error in not verifying the kingdom of Quivira
before taking the army into the plains, Coronado and his captains
now devised a prudent if unpopular plan. The main army under
Arellano would rest in Cona and prepare for a disillusioned return
to Tiguex; Coronado in turn would lead a select force northward,
"by the needle," or compass, it is said, to explore Quivira in
present-day Kansas. Ysopete's star shone while the Turk's faded
away.

212

213

XXI

XXI

Captulo veintiuno cmoel campo volvi a Tig;uexy


elgeneral llega Quivira.

How the army returned to Tig;uex,and how the


general reached Quivira.

general de la barranca con las guas que

campo a el Veinte y Cuatro Diego Lopes y llev de la


gente que le pareci ms escogida y de mejores caballos el campo qued con alguna esperanza que enviara por el general y tornaron se lo a enviar a suplicar a
el general con dos hombres de a caballo a la ligera y
por la posta. El general lleg digo que se le huyeron las
guas en las primeras jornadas y hubo de volver Diego
Lopes por guas a el campo y con mandado que el
campo volviese a Tiguex a buscar abastecimientos y a
aguardar a el general dironle otras guas que les dieron los Teyas de voluntad aguard el campo sus mensajeros y estuvo all quince das haciendo carnaje de
vacas para llevar tuvo por cuenta que se mataron en
estos quince das quinientos toros era cosa increble el
nmero de los que haba sin vacas[.]
Perdise en este comedio mucha gente de los que
salan a caza y en dos ni tres das no tornaban a volver
a el campo andando desatinados a una parte y a otra

set out from the barranca, led by the


guides furnished him by the Teyas. He appointed the alderman of Seville, Diego Lpez, as his
maestre de campo and took along the people who
seemed to him the most reliable and who possessed
the best horses. The array remained behind with
sorne hope that perhaps the general would send for
them. They once more sent a petition to him by two
horsemen traveling lightly and in relays.
The general arrived-1 mean his guides ran away in
the first days' travel-and Diego Lpez had to return
to the army for guides and with orders for the army to
return to Tiguex to seek provisions and to wait for
the general. Lpez was given other guides by the
Teyas, furnished voluntarily. The army waited for its
messengers and remained at that place for fifteendays,
getting provisions of dried cattle meat to take along. It
was reckoned that they had killed five hundred bulls
in these fifteen days. It was unbelievable that there
were so many of them there without cows.

214

215

ARTI EL

P los Teyas le haban dado hizo su maestre de

HE GENERAL

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sin saber volver por donde haban ido y con haber


aquella barranca que arriba o ahajo haban de atinar1
y como cada noche se tena cuenta con quien faltaba
tiraban artillera y tocaban trompetas y a tambores y
hacan grandes hogaredas y algunos se hallaron tan
desviados y haban desatinado tanto que todo esto no
les aprovechaba nada aunque a otros les vali el remedio era tornar adonde mataban el ganado y hacer
una va a una parte y a otra hasta que daban con la barranca o topaban con quien los encaminaba es cosa de
notar que como la tierra es tan llana en siendo medio
da como han andado desatinados en pos de la caza a
una parte y a otra se han de estar cabe la caza quedos
hasta que decline el sol para ver a que rumbo han de
volvera donde salieron y an stos haban de ser hombres entendidos y los que no lo eran se haban de encomendar a otros.
El general sigui sus guas hasta llegar a Quivira en
que gast cuarenta y ocho das de camino por la
grande cada que haban hecho sobre la Florida2 y fue
recibido de paz por las guas que llevaba preguntaron
a el Turco que porque haba mentido y los haba
guiado tan avieso dijo que su tierra era hacia aquella
parte y que allende de aquello los de Cicye le haban
rogado que los trajese perdidos por los llanos porque
faltndoles el abastecimiento se muriesen los caballos
y ellos flacos cuando volviesen los podran matar sin
trabajo y vengarse de lo que haban hecho" y que por
esto los haba desrumhado creyendo que no supieran
cazar ni mantenerse sin maz y que lo del oro que no

During this time, many of the men who went hunting got lost and were unahle to return to the camp for
two or three days. They wandered from place to place
without knowing how to find their way hack, even
though they could hardly miss the lower or upper
ends of the barranca in which the camp was located. 1
Every night upon making the check to find if anyone
was missing, the soldiers fired their artillery,hlew their
horns, heat their drums, and lit great honfires. Sorne
of the hunters were so far away and had strayed so
much that all these things profited them little, although they helped others. The hest method for them
to find their way was to go hack to the place where
they had slaughtered the cattle and to march in one direction and then in another until they carne to the barranca or until they met someone who could direct
them. It must he remarked that since the land is so
level, when they had wandered aimlessly until noon,
following the game, they had to remain by their kill,
without straying, until the sun hegan to go clown in
order to learn which direction they then had to take to
get hack to their starting point. This could he done
only by experienced men; those who were not so had
to put themselves under the guidance of others.
The general followed his guides until he reached
Quivira. This journey required forty-eight days hecause of the great deviation toward Florida which they
had made. 2 Francisco Vzquez and his men were
peacefully received. They asked the Turk through the
guides why he had lied to them and guided them so

216

217

11;

il!

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saba adonde lo haba esto dijo ya como desesperado


y que se hallaba corrido que haban dado crdito a el
Ysopete y los haba guiado mejor que no l y temindose los que all iban que no diese algn aviso por
donde les viniese algn dao le dieron garrote4 de que
el Ysopete se holg porque siempre sola decir que el
Ysopete era un bellaco y que no saba lo que se deca
y siempre le estorbaban que no hablase con nadie no
se vio entre aquella gente oro ni plata ni noticia de
ello el seor traa al cuello una patena de cobre y no la
tena en poca.
Los mensajeros que el campo envi en pos del general volvieron como dije y luego como no trajeron
otro recaudo que el que el Veinte Cuatro haba dicho
el campo sali de la barranca5 la vuelta de los Teyas a
donde tomaron guas que los volviesen por ms derecho camino ellos las dieron de voluntad porque como
es gente que no para por aquellas tierras en pos delganado todo lo saben guiaban de esta manera luego por
la maana miraban a donde sala el sol y tomaban el
rumbo que haban de tomar y tiraban una flecha y
antes de llegar a ella tiraban otra por encima y de esta
manera iban todo el da hasta las aguas adonde se
haba de hacer jornada y por este orden lo que se
haba andado a la ida en treinta y sietejornadas se volvi en veinte y cinco cazado en el camino vacas hallronse en este camino muchas lagunas de sal6 que la
haba en gran cantidad haba sobre el agua tablones
della mayores que mesas de cuatro y de cinco dedos
de grueso debajo del agua a dos y tres palmos sal en

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 219


perversely. He replied that his country was in that region, that the people of Cicye had asked him to take
the Spaniards out there and lead them astray on the
plains. Thus, through lack of provisions, their horses
would die and they themselves would become so feeble that, upon their return, the people of Cicye could
kill them easily and so obtain revenge for what the
Spaniards had done to them. 3 This, the Turk said, was
the reason that he had misdirected them, believing that
they would not know how to hunt or survive without
maize. As to gold, he declared that he did not know
where there was any. He said this like one in despair,
feelingangry that they had believed Ysopeteand that he
had guided them better than himself. The men, fearing
that he might give sorne information that would bring
harm to them, garrotted him.4 Ysopete was pleased at
this, because the Turk had alwayssaid that Ysopetewas
a scoundrel who did not know what he was talking
about. They had alwaysprevented him from talking to
anyone. No gold or silver was found among these
people, nor information of any. The chieftain wore a
copper plate about his neck and he esteemed it highly.
The messengers that the army had sent to the general carne back, as 1have said. And as they brought no
other word than what the alderman of Seville had
said, the army was soon on its way back to the Teyas
from the barranca.5 Here they sought guides to take
them overa more direct route. The lndians furnished
them willingly.Being people who travel continuously
in that land, following the cattle, they are very familiar

!:11

111

220

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grano ms sabrosa que la de los tablones porque sta


amargaba un poco era cristalina haba por aquellos
llanos unos animales como ardillas en gran nmero y
mucha suma de cuevas7 de ellas vino en esta vuelta a
tomar el campo el ro de Cicye ms de treinta leguas
por bajo de ella digo de la puente que se haba hecho8
a la ida y se subi por el arriba que en general casi
todas sus riveras tenan rosales que son como uvas
moscateles en el comer nacen en unas varas delgadas
de un estado tiene la hoja como perejil haba uvas en
agraz y mucho vino y organo decan las guas que se
juntaba este ro con el de Tiguex ms deveintejornadas de ally que volvan sus corrientes a el oriente crese que van a el poderoso ro del Espritu Santo que
los de Don Hernando de Soto descubrieron en la Florida[. ]9 En estajornada ala ida se hundi una india labrada a el capitn Juan de Saldivary fue las barrancas
abajo huyendo que reconoci la tierra porque en Tiguex donde se hubo era esclava esta india hubieron a
las manos ciertos espaoles de los de la Florida que
haban entrado descubriendo hacia aquella parte yo
les o decir cuando volvieron a la Nueva Espaa que
les haba dicho la india que haba nueve das que se
haba hudo de otros y que nombr capitanes por
donde se debe creer que no llegamos lejos de lo que
ellos descubrieron aunque dicen que estaban entonces ms de doscientas leguas la tierra adentro crese
que tiene la tierra de travesa por aquella parte ms
de seiscientas leguas de mar a mar.
Pues como digo el ro arriba fue el campo hasta lle-

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

221

with it. Their method of guiding was as follows: Early


in the morning they watched where the sun rose, then,
going on in the direction they wanted to take, they
shot an arrow, and befare coming to it they shot another over it, and in this manner they traveled the
whole day until they reached sorne water where they
were to stop for the night. By this method, what had
taken them thirty-seven days to travel they now covered on their return in twenty-five, hunting cattle on
their way. Along this route they found many salt
lakes,6 for salt abounds there. One could see salt slabs
on the water larger than tables and four or fivefingers
thick. Two or three spans under the water there was
granulated salt more tasty than that of the slabs, which
was somewhat bitter. It was crystalline salt.
In those plains there were large numbers of sorne
animals resembling squirrels, and many of their
hales. 7 On its return the army arrived at the Cicye
river more than thirty leagues below the town-1 mean
below the bridge which had been built on the trip
out.8 We marched upstream along its bank; almost
everywhere it contained bushes with fruit which
tasted like muscatel grapes. They grow on light
branches an estado high and have leaves resembling
parsley. There were unripe grapes, much wine and
marjoram. The guides said that this river joins the
Tiguex more than twenty days' travel from there, and
that it flows to the east again. It is believed that it empties into the mighty Espritu Santo which Don Hernando de Soto's men discovered in Florida.9

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Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

gar a el pueblo de Cicye el cual se hall de guerra que


no quisieron mostrarse de paz ni dar ningn socorro
de abastecimiento de all fueron a Tiguex que ya algunos pueblos se haban tornado a poblar que luego
se tornaban a despoblar de temor.

During this trip, a painted Indian woman ran away


from Juan de Zaldvar. She fled clown the barrancas
when she recognized the land, for she was a slave at
Tiguex, where they had obtained her. This lndian
woman had come into the possession of sorne
Spaniards from Florida who had penetrated as far as
that region in their explorations. 1heard our men say
when they returned to New Spain that the lndian
woman told them that she had fled from others nine
days before, and that she named the captains. Thus
we are led to believe that we were not far from the region they discovered, although it was affirmed that we
were more than two hundred leagues inland at that
time. It is calculated that the land at that place must be
more than six hundred leagues across from sea to sea.
Thus, as 1 have said, the army went up the river
until it reached the pueblo of Cicye. They found it
unfriendly, for the inhabitants would not come out
peacefully or furnish any aid in provisions. From there
the Spaniards continued to Tiguex, where sorne natives had gone back to settle and had then fled again
on account of fear.

222

NOTAS
1Como
Castaeda indic en su relato, la extremada planicie de
las llanuras alrededor del Caon Blanco haba confundido a muchos cazadores. Errante y lleno de pnico, un europeo corra el
riesgo de volverse completamente desatinado, un estado de mente
enloquecido que lo derrotara.
2Coronado
y su destacamento avanzado fueron a caballo hacia
el norte desde Cona, a travs del Texas Panhandle y del Oklahoma Panhandle, y luego dentro del moderno estado de Kansas,
alcanzando la Gran Curvatura del Ro Arkansas. Las anotaciones
de Castaeda acerca de la "gran desviacin" que sigui la expedicin con rumbo hacia La Florida, el sudeste, sugiere decepcin
por parte del Turco.
3La
llamada "intriga de Pecos," o la teora de conspiracin (que
les encanta a muchos historiadores y escritores) sugiere que los
ancianos consejeros del Pueblo Cicye haban conspirado con el
Turco con el propsito de dirigir mal y debilitar a la expedicin
en el Alto Llano.
4Con
todos los sueos de riquezas reducidos a unas indistinguibles chozas de yierba de las villas de los Wichita, Coronado orden a su patrn de campamento que se diera fin al cautiverio,
tortura y a la interrogacin del Turco. Ciertos testimonios ofrecidos ms tarde estaban en conflicto con los detalles, pero confirmaban las ordenes dadas a un subordinado, quizs el carnicero del
campamento, para que estrangule al Turco en secreto y para que
se deshaga del cuerpo. El garrote era una forma tradicional como
una pena por la traicin.

223

NOTES
1

As Castaeda related, the extreme levelness of the plains surrounding Blanco Canyon did confuse many hunters. Wandering
and panicking, a lost European risked becoming desatinado, a
crazed and self-defeating state of mind.

224

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

5La traduccin en ingls de Hammond y Rey no est muy clara


en este punto. Una lectura diferente del espaol sugiere que el
cuerpo principal del ejrcito march desde la barranca de Cona
siguiendo "el camino de regreso de los Teyas," o sea cruzando el
llano hasta Tiguex, con los guas nativos guindolos por ese camino ms directo. Los estudios arqueolgicos sugieren que los nativos del "complejo de Garza" del Can Blanco haban efectuado
intercambio comercial con las gentes Pueblo de Tiguex.
6Viajando hacia el oeste desde Cona, los guas peridicamente
llevaron los espaoles a travs de unos curiosos lagos de sal. En
efecto, unos cuarenta lagos salinizados salpican el interior del
llano. Estos lagos son los saldos restantes de lagos de la era glacial
que se encogieron debido al calentamiento climtico reciente y
que son alimentados por manantiales salinos. Al oeste del Can
Blanco y de la moderna ciudad de Lubbock, el valle de Portales
tiene un notable arco de lagos salinos que convenientemente se extienden desde Texas hasta Nuevo Mexico.
7Perritos de Pradera.
8Siguiendo el corredor de Teyas para viajar, un sendero usado
como un atajo entre las playas y los lagos salinizados al norte del
Alto Llano del Sur, el ejrcito principal de Arellano pudo regresar sin contratiempos al Ro Pecos, pero mucho ms al sur o cerca
de su puente flotante.
9El Ro Cicye (Pecos) en realidad fluye dentro del Ro Tiguex (Ro Grande), pero no dentro del Ro Espritu Santo (Mississippi) de Hernando de Soto, como estaba especulando el
narrador.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition

225

2Coronado and his advance guard rode northward from Cona,


through the Texas Panhandle, across the Oklahoma Panhandle,
and into modern Kansas, reaching the Great Bend of the Arkansas
River. Castaeda's notation ofthe expedition's "great detour" toward Florida, that is to the southeast, suggests deception on the
part of the Turk.
3The so-called "Pecos Plot," the conspiracy theory (much
beloved by historians and writers) that suggests elders of Cicye
Pueblo conspired with the Turk in order to misdirect and enervate
the expedition on the Southern High Plains.
4With ali dreams of wealth reduced to the undistinguished
grass-hut villages of the Wichita, Coronado ordered his campmaster to conclude the captivity, torture, and questioning of the
Turk. Later testimony conflicted in details but confirmed orders
from above given to a subordinate, such as the camp butcher, to
strangle the Turk in secret and dispose of the body. The garrote
was a traditional punishment for treachery.
5The English translation ofHammond and Rey is a little unclear here. A different reading of the Spanish suggests the main
army marched from the barranca of Cona along "the return way
of the Teyas" across the plains to Tiguex, the native guides taking
them by this more direct road. Archeology suggests the "Garza
Complex" natives ofBlanco Canyon traded with the puebloans of
Tiguex.
6Traveling west from Cona, guides periodically brought the
Spanish to campsites among curious salt lakes. About forty salinized lakes dot the interior of the Llano, remnants of ice-age lakes
shrunk by Holocene climatic warming and fed by saline springs.
West ofBlanco Canyon and modern Lubbock, the low-relief Portales valley has a notable are of saline lakes conveniently stretching from Texas into New Mexico.
7Prairie
dogs.
8Following the Teyas corridor of travel, a shortcut trail among
the playas and northern salt lakes of the Southern High Plains,
brought Arellano's main army safely back to the Pecos River, but
well south, or below, their floating bridge.
9The Cicye (Pecos) River indeed flows into the Tiguex (Rio
Grande) River, but not into Hernando de Soto's Espritu Santo
(Mississippi River) as speculated by the narrator.

XXII

XXII

Captulo veintidos cmo el general volvi de Quivira


y se hicieron otras entradas debajo del norte.

How the general returnedfrom Quivira, and how


other explorations were made to the north.

Don Tristan de Arellano lleg en TiL guex a mediados del mes dejulio del ao de cuarenta y dos hizo recoger abastecimientos para el invierno venidero y envi a el capitn Francisco de
Barrio Nuevo con alguna gente el ro arriba debajo
del norte en que vio dos provincias que la una se deca
Hemes de siete pueblos y la otra Yuqueyunque los
pueblos de Hemes1 salieron de paz y dieron abastecimientos los de Yuqueyunque2 en tanto que el real se
asentaba despoblaron dos muy hermosos pueblos que
tenan el ro en medio y se fueron a la sierra a donde
tenan cuatro pueblos muy fuertes en tierra spera que
no se poda ir a ellos a caballo en estos dos pueblos se
hubo mucho abastecimiento y loca muy hermosa y
bedriada y de muchas labores y hechuras tambin se
hallaron muchas ollas llenas de metal" escogido reluciente con que bedriaban la losa era seal que por
aquella tierra haba minas de plata si se buscarn.
Veinte leguas adelante el ro arriba haba un poderoso y grande ro digo pueblo que se deca Brava a

Don Tristn de Arellano reached


Tiguex in the middle of July 1542 [1541], he ordered that provisions be gathered for the approaching
winter. He sent Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo
with sorne men up the river toward the north. He
found two provinces, one of which was called
Hemes, 1 containing seven pueblos, and the other
Yuque-Yunque. 2 The pueblos of Hemes carne out
peacefully and furnished provisions. Those ofYuqueYunque abandoned two very beautiful pueblos which
were on opposite sides of the river, while the army
was establishing camp, and went to the sierra, where
they had four very strong pueblos which could not
be reached by the horses because of the craggy land.
In these two pueblos were found abundant provisions
and beautiful glazed pottery of many decorations and
shapes. Our men also found many ollas filled with a
select shiny metal3 with which the Indians glazed their
pottery. This was an indication that silver mines
would be found in that land if they were sought.

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TUEGO

QUE

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quien los nuestros pusieron Valladolid4 tomaba el ro


por medio pasbase por puentes de madera de muy
largos y grandes pinos cuadrados y en este pueblo se
vieron las ms grandes y bravas estufas5 que en toda
aquella tierra porque eran de doce pilares que cada
uno tena dos brazas de ruedo de altura de dos estados
este pueblo haba visitado Hernando de Alvarado
cuando descubri a Cicye es tierra muy alta y frigidsima el ro iba hondo y de gran corriente sin ningn
vado dio la vuelta el capitn Barrio Nuevo dejando de
paz aquellas provincias.
Otro capitn fue el ro abajo en busca de los poblados que decan los de Tutahaco haba algunas jornadas de all este capitn baj ochenta leguas y hall
cuatro pueblos grandes que dej de paz y anduvo
hasta que hall que el ro se suma debajo de tierra
como Guadiana en Extremadura6 no pas adelante
donde los indios decan que sala muy poderoso por
no llevar ms comisin de ochenta leguas de camino
y como volvi este capitn y se llegaba el plazo en que
el capitn haba de volver de Quivira y no volva Don
Tristan seal cuarenta compaeros y dejando el
campo a Francisco de Barrio Nuevo sali con ellos a
buscar el general y como lleg a Cicye los del pueblo
salieron de guerra que fue causa que se detuviesen all
cuatro das por les hacer algn dao como se les hizo
que con tiros que se asentaron a el pueblo les mataron
alguna gente porque no salan a el campo a causa que
el primer da les mataron dos hombres sealados.
En este comedio llegaron nuevas [nieves?) [lapa-

Twenty leagues farther up the river there was a


large and powerful river-1 mean pueblo-called
Brava, and which our .men named Valladolid. 4 The
river flowed through the center of it, and the river was
spanned by wooden bridges built with very large and
heavy square pine timbers. At this pueblo there were
seen the largest and finest estufas5 that had been found
in all that land. They had twelvepillars, each one two
arms' length around and two estados high. This
pueblo had been visited by Hernando de Alvarado
when he discovered Cicye. This land is very high
and extremely cold. The river was deep and had a
swift current, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo
turned back from here, leaving all those provinces at
peace.
Another captain marched clown the river in search
of those settlements which the people of Tutahaco
said were located a few days' journeys from there.
This captain went clown eighty leagues and found
four pueblos, which he left in peace. Then he traveled until he found that the river disappeared underground like the Guadiana in Extremadura. 6 He did
not go farther on, where the Indians said it reappeared
as a large stream, because his commission was limited
to eighty leagues.
When this captain got back-and the time when
the captain-general was to return from Quivira was
about to expire andas he had not come-Don Tristn
chose forty men, and, leaving the army in the care of
Francisco Barrionuevo, he set out in search of the gen-

228

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labra nievesfue introducida ms tarde probablemente


por la persona que hizo la transcripcin] como el general vena y por esto tambin hubo de aguardar all
Don Tristan para asegurar aquel paso llegado el general fue bien recibido de todos con grande alegra el
indio Xabe que era el mancebo que haban dado los
de Cicye a el general cuando iba en demanda de Quivira estaba con Don Tristan de Arellano y como supo
que el general venia dando muestras que se holgaba
dijo ahora que viene el general veris como hay oro y
plata en Quivira aunque no tanta como deca el Turco
y como el general lleg y vio como no haban hallado
nada qued triste y pasmado y afirmando que la haba
hizo creer a muchos que era as porque el general no
entr la tierra adentro que no os por ser muy poblado y no se hallar poderoso y dio la vuelta por llevar sus gentes pasadas las aguas porque ya por all
llova que era entrada de agosto cuando sali tard en
la vuelta cuarenta das con buenas guas con venir a la
ligera como volvieron deca el Turco cuando sali de
Tiguex el campo que para que cargaban los caballos
tanto de abastecimientos que se cansaran y no podran despus traer el oro y la plata donde parece bien
andaba con engao.
Llegado el general con su gente a Cicye luego se
parti para Tiguex dejando ms asentado el pueblo
porque a l luego salieron de paz y le hablaron llegado a Tiguex procur de invernar all para dar la
vuelta7 con todo el campo porque deca traan noticia
de grandes poblaciones y ros poderossimos y que la

eral. When he arrived at Cicye, the people of the


pueblo carne out to fight. This caused the Spaniards
to tarry four days to inflict sorne punishment on them,
as was done, because a few shots fired into the pueblo
killed sorne of their people. They would not come out
into the open because, on the first day, two of their
prominent men were killed.
In the meantime, news arrived announcing the
coming of the general. For this reason, too, Don
Tristn had to wait there to protect that pass. When
the general arrived, he was received with great rejoicing by all. Xabe, the young Indian furnished to the
general by the people of Cicye when he set out in
search of Quivira, was with Don Tristn de Arellano.
When he learned that the general was coming back,
making demonstrations ofjoy, he exclaimed, "Now
that the general is coming back, you will see that there
is gold and silver in Quivira, although not so much as
the Turk pretended." But when the general arrived
and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, he
was sad and dejected, claiming that there was sorne.
He made many believe :fatit was so, since the general
had not gone inland. He had not dared to do so because it was densely populated and he did not feel
that his force was strong enough. He turned back with
the intention ofleading his men there after the rainy
season, for it was raining already, it being the early
part of August. With good guides and travelinglightly,
it took him forty days to make his way back. When
the army left Tiguex, the Turk asked why they loaded

230

231

232

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola

tierra era muy parecida a la de Espaa en las frutas y


yerbas y temporales y que no venan satisfechos de
creer que no haba oro antes traan sospecha que lo
haba la tierra adentro porque puesto que lo negaban
entendan qu cosa era y tena nombre entre ellos que
se deca acochis con lo cual daremos fin a esta primera parte y trataremos en dar relacin de las provincas.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 233


their horses with so much provisions, saying that they
would get tired and not be able to load so much gold
and silver later, which showed plainly the deceit.
After the general arrived at Cicye with his men, he
set out, at once, for Tiguex, leaving the pueblo much
more calm, since the people carne readily to speak to
him in a peaceful way.Arriving at Tiguex, he tried to
establish winter quarters there, planning to go back7
with the whole army. He said he had reports oflarge
settlements and mighty rivers, and that the country
was very much like Spain in fruits, vegetation, and climate. They were not satisfied to think that there was
no gold; on the contrary, they were of the belief that it
was to be found inland, because, although the natives
said there was none, they knew what it was and they
had a name for it, calling it acochis. With this we bring
to a close this first part, and we shall try to give a description of the provinces.

234

Relacin de la Jornada de Cbola


NOTAS

'Los pueblos del valle dejemez, las colonias Towa situadas al


noroeste de Tiguex.
2Los pueblos Tewa ubicados en el empalme del Ro Chama
con el Ro Grande. La expresin en espaol "Yuque-Yunque" posiblemente proviene de la expresin de los Tewa, "Yungueingge,"
o pueblo del "lugar del pjaro sinsonte." En 1598, Juan de Oate
estableci la primera capital de Nuevo Mexico (San Gabriel) destinada a ser una base para la colonizacin espaola.
3Mica.
4El Capitn Barrio Nuevo fue el primer europeo que visito el
Pueblo de Taos, la colonia Tiwa del Norte, que estaba ubicada
contra un fondo lleno de enormes montaas.
5Un cuarto o habitacin para calentarse en realidad, las salas
para ceremonias bajo tierra, o "kivas" de las gentes Pueblo.
6El Ro Guadiana del sudoeste de Espaa es un ro de meseta,
muchas veces con un flujo reducido, pero que se llena rpido despus de una tormenta de lluvia. El Ro Grande en la referencia no
"desapareci," pero como a 120 millas al sur de Tiguex, este ro
entra una larga y amenazadora parte del ro con un flujo muy reducido. Un poco ms de cuatro siglos despus del viaje del Capitn de Coronado en el interior de esta rea desolada, conocida
despus como lajornada del Muerto, los cientficos detonaron la
primera bomba atmica en el sitio llamado Trinidad.
7Hacia
Quivira.

Narrative of the CoronadoExpedition 235


NOTES
1Jemez
valley pueblos, the Towa settlements northwest of
Tiguex.
2Tewa
pueblos located at thejunction of the Chama River with
the Rio Grande. The Spanish Yuque-Yunque possibly derived
from the Tewa expression Yung;ueingge, or "mockingbird place"
pueblo. In 1598,juan de Oate established the first capital ofNew
Mexico (San Gabriel) here as a base for Spanish colonization.
3Mica.
4Captain
Barrionuevo was the first European to visit Taos
Pueblo, the northern Tiwa settlement set against a backdrop of
towering mountains.
5
A warming room or oven; estufas refers to the underground
ceremonial rooms, or kivas, of the puebloans.
6The
Guadiana River of southwest Spain is a tableland river,
often dwindling to low flows but rapidly filled by a storm. The referenced Rio Grande did not "disappear," but 120 miles south of
Tiguex it entered a long, forbidding, and dry stretch that greatly
reduced river flow. A little over four centuries after Coronado's
captain traveled into this desola te area, known later as the J ornada del Muerto ("Dead Man's Route"), scientists tested the
world's first atomic bomb at the Trinity site here.
7To
Quivira.