Tola Oh Pearce

This paper focuses on the social construction of infertility and childlessness in women among the
Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria, based on two empirical studies conducted in ljero-Ekiti and
lbadan. Childless women have historically been held in great contempt in Yorubaland. Today, as
in the past, children ensure the status and future of the patrilineage; a wifes infertility remains the
concern of the whole group, becoming both a personal and a public issue. Changes in the social
construction of infertility include growing awareness that multiple partners and illegal abortion,
as well as gynaecological and other infections, are a major source of infertility. There is
widespread use of clinics, and demands for-premarital proof offertility are now common. The
Charismatic Christian movement teaches that infertility is a misfortune which God can redress.
They encourage couples to be patient and seek biomedical help, and shelter women from the
harsh accusations of extended family members. Beyond endorsing biomedical treatment, this
group draws attention to the need to challenge cultural constructions that impact the social
position ofboth the infertile and women in general.

HIS paper explores the social meaning of

infertility in women among the Yoruba, a
large ethnic group residing
in Southwestern Nigeria, who have been important
players politically in the development of modern
Nigeria. It focuses on the impact of social structure, from the household to the State, on the
construction of childlessness rather than on the
health-related problems or personal experiences
of infertile women, including
changing constructs and the social groups responsible for
these developments.
Data used in this study were drawn from a
variety of sources, including empirical research
and secondary sources. The empirical data come
from two studies. The first was a study on
attitudes toward infertility
conducted between
May and June 1992,j among 104 men and women
in Ijero-Ekiti (Eastern Yoruba) in Ekiti State. All
respondents were over 15, and most (95 per cent)
were between 15 and 50. Only 10 per cent had
never married, and all but one of these were

students. The level of education appears to be

higher than the national average. Only 17.6 per
cent had no formal education, compared to 42.9
per cent of adults in Nigeria in 1995,2 while 25 per
cent had primary
education,
30 per cent
secondary education and 10 per cent university
or polytechnic education. Others had attended
teacher training, vocational and adult education
programmes.
Many were traders (36 per cent);
there were also teachers (10 per cent), tailors and
dressmakers (9 per cent), farmers (9 per cent), as
well as hairdressers,
nurses, clerical staff and
unemployed. Respondents were asked about the
number
of children
a woman
is general11
expected to have, the causes and social consequences of infertility, and the advice one might
give to a woman with fertility problems. Questions
also covered
respondents
attitudes
towards the efficacy of both indigenous
and
Western fertility treatment. Three Ijero-speaking
women research assistants were trained and
employed to conduct structured interviews.

In addition to the study in Ijero-Ekiti, material

has been drawn from interviews and participant
observation of a study of the Charismatic movement in Yorubaland. The study examined various
dimensions of family life including attitudes on
infertility.
The movement is an endogenous
Christian formation which took off in the early
1970s among students at the University
of
lbadan and has since spread to other regions of
Nigeria and other social classes. The information
for this second study was collected in Ibadan
over a lo-month period beginning in November
1996. Fieldwork was conducted by the author
and a woman research assistant and consisted of
semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, participant
observation,
and published
material. Christian fellowship meetings, sermons
and public lectures were also taped.
This study was more ethnographic in nature.
Interviews and conversations were held with
church leaders and members
of the congregation in two churches into which the author
gained entry with the help of the research
assistant. The first, Grace Family International
Church (GFIC), has about 100 core members in
the main church although four branches exist in
other locations in lbadan, and another has been
church,
established
in Kenya. The second
Rhema Chapel, has about 900 members. The
congregation
of the two churches are young
adults mostly between 18 and 35, and highly
educated. Mingling
with congregations
after
Sunday services confirmed information
from
church leaders on the educational level of the
laity. In his work on the Charismatics, Ojo also
notes that the autonomous churches within this
movement are generally founded by and attract
members
of the educated elite.4 Services,
fellowships
and meetings are conducted
in
English and the written text (in English) is a
hallmark of the movement. The two focus group
discussions,
conducted
in English,
were
composed of secondary and university educated
women between 20 and 30 years of age. Other
informants were generally young professionals:
lawyers, engineers, teachers, dentists, bankers
and students.
Charistmatics
are the
fastest
growing
Christian group in the nation, now almost 10 per
cent of all Christians2 who are 50 to 60 per cent
of the general population. The churches altract
visitors from outside the movement because they
70

organise prayer fellowships, revival meetings or

retreats to discuss personal and social problems,
including infertility. Their books, pamphlets and
audio-tapes are widely distributed. In line with
the educational status of members, they also
and lectures
organise seminars, workshops
given by accountants, physicians, nurses, and
other experts, to which the public is invited.
One therefore assumes their impact reaches well
beyond the church itself. Inaugurated in Ibadan,
the movement has reached every state in the
nation, including Ekiti State.
On the issue of infertility, informants were
questioned on church doctrine and their own
attitudes regarding
polygyny,
gender roles
within marriage, family planning, abortion, the
signiIicance of children and the role of the
extended family. Two focus group discussions
dealt with
attitudes
toward
menstruation.
contraception, causes of infertility and the use of
biomedical health services.

Patterns of infertility
Infertility or involuntary childlessness, whether
primary or secondary, is first identified
in
women by the inability to get pregnant or to
carry a pregnancy to term. A womans inability
to conceive may be due to problems caused by
either partner, the couple as a unit or from
unknown causes. Nonetheless, in most developing societies women are more likely to be
blamed. What this means to a woman and her
family differs significantly by cultural context. To
understand the meaning of infertility, it is Ilrst
important
to distinguish
between the social
construction
of infertility
and reproductive
impairment. Greil points out that reproductive
impairment is a medically diagnosed physiological characteristic
of individuals, whereas
the socially constructed phenomenon of infertility involves a complex set of beliefs and values
within a specific social structure.
Infertility
has long been a reproductive
problem
and a social concern in Nigeria,
Historically, many of the first clients to embrace
the new medical service established by the British
colonial officers and missionaries at the turn of
the century were women with fertility problems.
Studies in the 1970s reveal that infertility was a
problem throughout
the colonial period. For
instance, Olusanya found that married women in

both urban (e.g. he-Ife, Ibadan, Oyo) and rural

communities
had high rates of pregnancy
wastage, reaching 17.3 per cent in Oyo township.
In rural communities: of those (women) who
have been married for thirty-one years or more,
almost one tenth are infertile, about one-fifth
have had only one or no child.8
More recent information shows that infertility
is still an important problem. In a comparative
study of 27 African countries published in 1996,
Ericksen and Brunette report an infertility range
between 10.5 per cent and 14.6 per cent for
Nigeria. The overall range for African countries
is 12.7-16.9 per cent. Within Nigeria, the Yoruba
infertility rate tends to be relatively high (14 per
cent), and is similar to rates found in the North
among the Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri (13.5-14.3
per cent). Lower rates have been found among
other ethnic groups, including the Tiv (10 per
cent), Nupe (10.5 per cent) and Chamba (6.9 per
cent).Y Infertility tends to be higher among those
who had sex before the age of 13, unmarried
women who are sexually active, and urban
residents.
The ease with which women can be labeled
infertile, or resist the label, the experiences of
childless women, and the process of seeking
solutions for infertility
all go beyond the
biological fact of reproductive impairment. Thus,
for instance, among the Nayars in South Indiala
womans
matrilinial
kin are charged with
protecting her from illness or any danger that
might affect her procreative capacity. This kin
group bears the brunt of the stigma attached to
childlessness, and their past behaviour comes
under scrutiny when it occurs. A daughters
reproductive impairment can destroy the status
and even the future prosperity of the entire kin
group.
In Nigeria, extensive government attention to
high fertility and population growth belies the
social concern that exists over childlessness, as
well as sub-fertility. In Yorubaland, for instance,
a young bride is expected to get pregnant within
months of her wedding, making women anxious
right from their wedding day.il Women still
spend an enormous amount seeking cures from a
variety of sources, including indigenous healers,
faith-healing
and biomedical
practitioners.
Regardless of their education or occupational
status, it is rare that \vomen will stick to only one
type of treatment. 1X

Position of Yoruba women within the

family
Although much has been made of the economic
independence of Yoruba women, their lives are
centred on the family, and their economic
responsibilities as adults emanate from their kinbased responsibilities
as mothers, wives and
daughters. I3 During the pre-colonial era, the core
kin group was the patrilineage (Idile). Family life
was structured in hierarchical layers in which the
lineage was the main corporate group. Below the
lineage were lineage segments, extended families
and households. Residential groupings were
ideally large and lineage segments resided in
patrilocal compounds (Agbo Ile). Household units
within these compounds were either monogamous or polygynous. In polygynous homes,
there was yet another subdivision within each
household ~ the hearthold. The hearthold was the
social unit of a mother and her children/
dependents in an otherwise patri-centred household. The hearthold was the basic unit of
production, consumption and socialisation.14
Nonetheless, traditionally
authority lay with
the patrilineage.
Thus, heartholds were subsumed under households, which were under the
authority of the extended family and lineage.
Ideally, the compound was headed by the eldest
male, who lived with his wives, adult male
offspring and their wives, any unmarried children and returning
(divorced
or separated)
daughters. Today, polygyny is still widespread in
Nigeria; 1990 data show that 41 per cent of
married women were polygynously married.lj
With the growth of single-family housing units,
social mobility and migration, however, many
couples no longer live in large compounds. FOI
example, a 1991 study of market women in Ile-Ife
lbund that only 5 per cent of respondents lived in
family compounds. Others were in femaleheaded, nuclear and polygynous
households
outside these compounds,
The traditional distinctions between lineage,
extended family, household and hearthold units
are still recognised. Migrants or family members
living outside big compounds still look to senior
members of their patrilineage for guidance and
decisions. For many people, family meetings,
reunions and consultations
remain common
decisions. Within the patrilineage, members are
distinguished
by their status, to which the
Yoruba remain highly sensitive. Status distinc71

Yoruba girls, Lagos state

tions include age, seniority and gender. For
instance, all children (both male and female)
born into a patrilineage are recognised as such
(omo i/c: children of the house), and any child
born before a woman marries into the family is
senior to her, regardless of the childs age at
the time of the wedding. Upon marriage, a
woman does not relinquish membership in her
own lineage or become a member of her
husbands, Throughout her life she remains an
omo i/c of her natal family and a visitor in her
husbands Within her own lineage, however,
male children (her brothers, cousins, etc) are not
only omo ile but also ortile (owner of the house),
a clear gender distinction which privileges male
children. In fact, a frequent question asked in the
past when a child was born, was:
Se alejo abi anile 17i? (Is the new arrival a visitor
[girl] or an owner ofthe house [boy]?)

appropriated the reproductive labour of women

marrying in. As far as the patrilineage was concerned, an incoming bride was valued, above all,
for childbearing. In the past, life for a new bride
was often difficult. She was expected to be quite
deferential to her seniors in her husbands
compound, accept drudgery, work hard and
produce many children.
Today, as in the past, children born to the
lineage ensure group immortality,
and hopefully, prosperity. A wifes reproductive impairment therefore
was and remains a group
concern, becoming both a personal and a public
issue. A new bride was, and still is, watched
closely and childbearing
problems
are not
allowed to be kept private, as is usually the case
for Western couples. Hallgren put it succinctly
when he wrote that:

lWOmi3fJ

infertile

In this type of family structure, mother and child

did not belong to the same patrilineage. Ultimately, it was the patrilineage, not husbands, who
72

and

is either- terri/e
afno

importance

and
important,
whatsoever.lx

or

In any marriage. the number of children the

husband wants is still expected to take prece-

dence over the wifes wishes. In addition, the

bond between extended family and lineage
members allows olhcrs to intrude freely into the
nuclear home. This means that it is not unusual
for a mans siblings to be quite vocal on these
matters, including his sister and his mother, who
are often important players in discussions about
family size. Hence, the structure of Yoruba
families imposes a deep division
between
women, in that diflcrent subsets of women have
distinct reproductive interests, and patriarchal
values and interests arc often wielded by one
subset of women against another. Technically, a
womans birth children belong more to her
sisters-in-law
than to herself, and this fact is
often manipulated to advantage by sisters-inlaw. For instance, female siblings frequently
serve as go-betweens to secure another wife for
their brother when the first fails to have children.
There is a strong undercurrent
of distrust
created between these two groups of women in a
society based on the ideology that a wife must
produce children, especially b0ys.l

Perspectives on infertility
childlessness

persist, but new ideas arc also developing and

people have begun to attribute infertility to other
causes they have learned aboul, e.g. from
Christianity
and Western medicine. Since the
19th century, and particularly
as a result of
colonisation, both Christian doctrine and biomedical information
have interacted with all
aspects of indigenous life, resulting in unique
configurations
in which the old and the new
have blended.l Traditional reproductive health
beliefs and practices have been integrated with
incoming reproductive technology and Western
beliefs. Also, Western-based marital laws now
exist alongside Islamic and indigenous marital
systems. All three are legal and people use them
simultaneously or consecutively.
However, the new laws have not dislodged the
power of lineages within communities; extended
families remain important social support systems
and lineages continue to be power brokers in
defining marital roles and expectations. Thus,
emphasis on the childbearing responsibilities of
incoming wives persists, and non-acceptance of
childlessness remains strong.
Table 1 shows the reasons given by respond-

and

Writing on the problem of childlessness, WolfP

notes the high degree of contempt in which
childless women have historically been held in
Yorubatand.
Infertile
women
are generally
referred to as agon, from the verb ,qon which
means to hold in contempt or despise. A childless
woman was often not given a proper burial after
her death, but thrown into the bush or the forest
for animals to devour. Given the belief in
reincarnation,
this sent a strong message to
those who were barren. Infertile women were
openly ridiculed and held in suspicion, since the
woman was generally thought to have transgressed some moral code. Infertility was often
attributed to immoral behaviour, or some activity
which had angered ancestors, the deities or
anyone in the community.
Furthermore,
an
infertile woman was often accused of witchcraft
and of having devoured her own children,
resulting
in avoidance and social isolation.
Sooner or later, a new wife Lvould be brought
home and tensions would escalale.
Many of these beliefs and practices remain
strong today. Nnt only do old beliefs aboul
witchcraft,
deities and supernatural
activities

Table 1. Reasons given by 104 respondents

from Ijero-Ekiti
as to why a woman might be
or become infertile (19921
Reasons

Number of
mentions
(n:154)

Percentage

Physical ailments (including

gynaecological problems)

16%

Promlscuityiprostitution

33%

Abortion

11%

Supernatural or ew
machinations of people

23%

Personal destiny

3%

Gods will or punishment

3%

Ew spirits

4%

Modern contraceptives

1%

No Idea/dont know

6%
73

ents from Ijero-Ekiti as to why a woman might be

or become infertile. Although each person could
give more than one reason, some mentioned only
one and nine said they had no idea. Many, however, attributed infertility to physical diseases in
the abdominal, reproductive or intestinal tracts.
For instance, some mentioned jedijedi, (haemorrhoids, itchy anus), a physical ailment believed to
be caused by abdominal or intestinal infections.
Gynaecological problems associated with menstruation or ovulation were also cited. The quality of a womans ova was thought to have an
impact on fertilisation. A tilted womb and other
structural problems within the reproductive tract
were also said to cause infertility, mentioned by
nurses or college educated respondents. In addition to the usual supernatural causes, members
of the Pentecostal churches felt that divine
retribution was a possible cause. Also, there was
fear that modern contraceptives
can cause
sterility.
Lastly, there was anxiety over the sexual conduct of young women. Rising rates of premarital
sexual activity have been documented across the
nation, Yorubaland included. In a 1991 study of
5,599 adolescents, 50 per cent of young boys and
40 per cent of young girls had become sexually
active by the age of 17.2 There is also a lot of
concern over multiple partners and illegal abortions, with promiscuity and abortion accounting
for almost half (44 per cent) of the reasons given
for infertility. The growth of rural-urban migration, educational opportunities
for girls and
fast city living are believed to have a negative
impact on womens fertility. Since the 1950s
educated women, particularly
university students, have been the target of many jokes and
popular songs.
Respondents were also asked to explain what
happens to a woman who is unable to give birth to
a child. Many responded in the extreme. For
instance, 18 felt that such a woman would be
treated like an outcast, and was likely to attempt
suicide as a result of the despair, shame and illtreatment received in her marital home and
outside. They said children of co-wives or friends
would often not be allowed to run errands for her
(this being an important privilege of elders).
indeed, one respondent noted that the children of
her peers could get away with calling her sister
I&bon) - an insult
since a mother is custom
arily referred to by the name of one of her children
74

(e.g. Mama ToJa). In the same vein, her in-laws

might continue calling her Jyawo (wife), a term of
endearment for a young bride, which becomes an
insult when hurled at an older but childless wife.
Adulthood in Africa is not attained by mere
physical maturity:
it is achieved in stages
through human relationships.
Important
prerequisites are marriage and parenthood.23 Sterile
individuals (both male and female) are thus not
respected as responsible adults. One frequent
comment in this study was that a married woman
with this kind of blemish (one with no name)
could not be expected to be taken seriously in
public. Her opinions could be safely ignored. For
example, one 40-year-old nonliterate woman
farmer argued that:
Ko ni ni anfani Jati sore bi o ti wu 1ax-in awujo
(She wont have the privilege of voicing her
opinion in public, as she might wish.)
Respondents also argued that infertile women
try to avoid situations where others are celebrating their childrens
accomplishments
or
marking birthdays. Often within a monogamous home, a wife is told that another woman,
residing elsewhere, has had a child with her
husband. A lot of pressure is usually put on the
woman, even by her own kin, to visit and
congratulate the new mother.
Every stage of life brings some reminder of her
lack of children; perhaps the most painful is the
death of a husband. The existence of offspring is
central to lineage calculations of inheritance. In
some places, the eldest son (regardless of the
seniority of his mother) is allocated certain items
(e.g. the house in which the man was living at the
time of his death). Also, a mans property is
usually divided according to the number of heartholds within the household, and then distributed
among the children. Traditionally, children - not
spouses - inherited property. Therefore, any wife
without children could not claim to have established a hearthold and would not have to be
considered for inheritance. It was also pointed
out that childless women had additional anxieties
over the distribution of their own property after
their deaths.
Sometimes a relatives child is given to a
childless woman to foster, especially ifthe latter is
well-to-do. This often solves financial, emotional
and educational
problems
within
extended

lamilies. [he woman can lhen be addressed like

other mothers - by the childs name. Often,
however, there are people who continue to make
fun of the woman by reminding everyone that
hers is not a birth child. Respondents pointed out
that under these conditions, it is understandable
that most childless women sooner or later leave
their marriages.

Social significance of children

Like many other groups in Africa, the Yoruba
put a premium on social relationships and the
collectivity.24 There is immense pressure to
belong, and to identify with recognised groups
within the community. An isolated individual is
not a person, and anyone who defies categorisation is viewed with suspicion as a solitary
person, a non-person. Attachment to appropriate groups is obtained in a variety of ways, but
none is more significant, especially for women,
than the birth of a child. Children
enable
individuals, extended families and lineages to be
taken seriously, and achieve required status. An
individual gains the right to be counted as a
parent (whether mother or father), perceived
as a responsible person, and perhaps become
an ancestor after death. The extended family
grows with the birth of children, is guaranteed
future membership in the human race, and thus
cannot be marginalised
in the community.
Towns and villages have many local festivals
which emphasise motherhood.
One ceremony
is the Odun Oba (festival of kingship) in Ondo,
where the kings wives and children are part of
which
symbolise
processions
and rituals,
prosperity. Childless wives are banned from the
ceremony. All mothers must strap their babies
on lheir backs and lhose with older children
substitute
dolls.2J There is thus a constant
reminder of the differences between women.
Ota agon, abiyamo. (Who is the enemy of the
barren rvnman? A woman with a small babp.)
Since women are the ones who give birth, female
infertility threatens to disrupt the construction of
both personal and lineage identities within a town
or village. A childless woman within this context
becomes a nuisance in the patrilineage. Male
infertility is acknowledged but is viewed as less of
a problem. Traditionally,
clandestine arrange-

ments were easily made [or a sibling lo

impregnate the mans wife. This practice is an
open secret among adultszfi For the lineage,
blood ties were what mattered and any subsequent offspring was automatically a member of
the extended family and patrilineage. To the
public at large, a womans pregnancy is sufficient
evidence of her husbands procreative abilities. A
childless woman, however, threatens to condemn
all interested parties, including the woman herself, lo the margins of group/community
life. She
disturbs the very foundation of the good life and
the right to a place in important group networks.
A fertile woman facilitates membership.
Children are therefore vital for connections,
for linking adults to groups important to the life
cycle and for facilitating the good life. To be on
the fringes of group life is unacceptable, and
childlessness makes a couple particularly vulnerable. One might say that in addition to the often
cited economic and old age security functions,
children further the collectivist interests of individuals, families and communities. Children are
not the only ones placed at birth, adults are also
placed.

Fertile women as facilitators

community life

in

The role of facilitator is quite pronounced in

Yoruba society and is recognised as essential for
oiling the wheels of community living. In everyday life, a facilitator, or mediator, is sought in
many transactions: for initiating apologies or
bringing two parties back together, when one
individual is seeking assistance from another, or
even when someone wishes to show gratitude for
some help in the past. The Yoruba constantly
operate through facilitators, deeply convinced
that a facilitator whom the other cannot refuse
emotionally cements social relationships. Women
serve as facilitators in many instances, and the
procreative
role is the prototype
for other
situations.
While shuttling
between lineages women
simultaneously become insiders and outsiders in
these core groups. As visitors in their husbands family, women generally serve as consultants and mediators, given the amount of
knowledge
and experience they accumulate
overtime. It is significant that Osun, a goddess of
fertility, is perceived as a great mediator. It has
75

been said that lhe goddess mediates positive

and negative forces in both worlds;
(i.e. lhe
physical and ~he supernatural). Osun assisls her
devotees by securing knowledge about good
and evil forces in both ivorlds. Yet il a childless
\voman does not have the pri\ ilege of voicing
her opinion in public and is not taken seriously.
\vhich is imperative lhr anyone \vho serves as a
facilitator, it becomes difficult for her to assume
this role.

New developments and the influence

of Charismatic Christians
rhere is a greal deal of anxiet) over inlertilit~,
much of it due to the increase in early adolescent
sexual activity, sexually lransmitted diseases and
illegal abortions. With limiled data, il is difficult
to say whether or not infertility is actually on the
increase among the young. Studies reveal that
throughout Africa, information regarding rates
of infertility gathered from older women is not
reliable and infertility among women in older
cohorts has probably been under-estimated,
f-or example, many who have never given birth
to their own children often say that fostered
children are birth children. Whatever lhe situation, however, the perception is that things are
currently getting worse. This has led lo men
requiring pre-marital pregnancy as proof of a
womans fertility, sanctioned by lineage menbers. In many cases, premarital pregnancy is no
longer frowned upon, as it was three or four
decades ago.
Al the same time, indigenous institutions and
services have flourished, as many women seek
help for infertility. Patrilineages have remained
powerbrokers in detining many aspects of everyday lile. Also, it has been noted that: . ..no
other institution
in the village, including the
government clinic, possesses the authority of the
possession religions.. over behaviour aimed at
improving female fecundity and Ihe reproduction of households.
Economic development has proved elusive in
Nigeria. Instead, mililarg dictatorship,
corruption, economic mismanagement,
falling per
capita income,:31 soaring food prices, a rise in
among women
and children,
malnulrilion
disconlinued free primary, education and ethnic
rivalry for po~er betlveen lhe three major ethnic
groups (Yoruba, tgbo, Hausa) have all cm76

tributcd to insecurity, and a declining quality 01

lile. In this context, ethnic, religious and secret
associalions and other community-based organisations have grown in their capacity to explain
experience and compete with the state [or the
loyalty
and SuppOrlOlpeopte.~
The rise of new religious doctrines among
C,harismatic Christians has been significant in
changing social constructions
of infertility
in
\\omen. Although it may be loo c,arly lo assess
the long-term impact of the movements doctrines and instilutions,
research suggests that
there are ne\v developments in the perception 01
infertility among its members.
Regarding Ia~nil) life and the place ul the
children within it, Charismatic Christians rejecl
all forms of polygyny. A man cannot marry a
second \vife once he has joined a Charismatic
church, although one who is already polygynous
is not required to divorce any of his wives when
he converts. These churches also oppose the
authority
of the extended family and patrilineage. Authority is said to reside in God and the
conjugal unit takes priority over the extended
family and the mother/child
bonds of the
hearthold. The nuclear family is perceived as the
ideal structure and the building block of the
church.3i Young couples are advised to extricate
themselves from the grip of the traditional
extended family, and to learn to work as a team.
As one female pastor counselled: Husbands
should love their wives and should let them knom
ever,y:ything they are doing.j Similarly a male
pastor noted: There is no relationship that can
be compared to ones relationship with the Lord
JESUS, except that of husband and wife... You
must break away emotionally and geographical!\
[from extended family membersl. in thal you
must not stay too close to them.
Such teachings are significant in a cultural
setting where lineage obligations and ideology
place a wedge between husband and wife in
fhvour of exlended
kin. Infertility
also is
reframed as a private matter between a couple
and God, and not an issue over which extended
family members should have authority. The
churches back these teachings with prayer
(special prayer meetings), biomedical advice and
encouragemenl lo use hospitals and laith clinics.
The use of indigenous
healers, however, is
strictly Ihrbidden.
Infertility itself is perceived as a misforlune

\\,hich God can redress. It is said to be a

temporar) problem, and converts are persuaded
to wait on the Lord and be hopeful. The
misfortune is expected to he reversed through
Iaith and the healing po\ver of God. Miracle
healing and the new biomedical reproductiLe
technology are both accepted:; The belief that
infertility is teniporarg encourages couples to
\vait patiently for as long as 12 to 18 years and
thq are less likely lo accept fostering as ;I
solution.
Surrounded
b\j support
systems
lvithin
the church, a couple is some\\,hat
protected fi-om outside interference
and the
harsh accusations of extended lamily members.
Husbdncls arc encouraged to shield tllcir \\i\eh
from the pressures ol extended kin.:?!A cvoman
becomes less of an outcast
under these
conditions, and childlessness is more bearable.
Through the process of resocialisation, those in
the movement arc learning different views 01
\vhat is expected of family life, the place or
children, the meaning of infertility and the fate of
childless women. The movement blends ne\\
Christian doctrines with concern for education,
professional life and acceptance of biomedicine.
In this, it differs from most earlier syncretic
movements. Thus, Charismatics may well have a
social impact that extends beyond religion.

on the grounds of high cosls, lo\\. Iwcls of

cfficacy and patient safet). The high standards
rt~quirecl for tic applicntioii of in \ Iti fertili+
ation and other procedures ~2ill be difficult to
maintain in Nigeria for a \,arietg 01reasons, but
mainly because ot chronic shortages in basic
supplies and the inndequac? of vital supporting
services such as bxater and clectricity.4 11~
observes that a lot can still be done bg allocating
iu pie\
enti\ Chealth sw\,ices iii~cl
iilorc t~tw)~~rci'~
Yocial amenities.
This point is \\ cll taken, but it does not adtIres\
the problem oi mcanitig.i N~v cultural mean
ings and the social position oi inlcrtile \\omcn
:nust be rcllcg~,tiatccl, 3s the ClmrismC~tics arc
attempting tcr do. Without an) redefinition of the
Gtuation, the co-existence of old perspectives
alongside ne\\ reproductive technology \\,hich
will cure a fe\v \\onicn might onI), \vorsen the
Tituatinn fnr those \j,ho remain infertile. lhus;.
groups like the Charismatics
are important
precisely for their bid to re\\.ork cultural dcfinitions and construct infertile bodies as people
who have a \,aluc in the Lvorld.

Acknowledgments

Conclusion
For the majority of infertile \\omen in Nigeria,
life is grim. One well-known
Nigerian gynaecologist
believes that a realistic approach to
reducing infertility is to focus on the prevention
or infections Irom sexually transmitted diseases,
unsafe abortions and local harmful practices
such aq fcmale genital mutilation
and child
marriages. These problems are exacerbated b>
the lo~v socio-economic status of the population
and by inadequate health services. He argues
against the temptation to import Ned reproductive technology as developed in the West -

References and Notes

Correspondence

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78

15. Nigeria Demr,graphic and

Health Surwy, 1.)90.Lago?:
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special case of barrenness.
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Stockholm Almquist and

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26 I-his practice \2as aI50
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attended at the University ollfe.

Ile-lfe in 1981, given by a
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behaviour for all parties are
now sometimes modified.
Demographers in Nigeria habe
begun to refer to the newer
structures as modified
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Chapel, Ibndnn.
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Institute for Development
Economics Research, Helsinki.

R&urn6

Resumen

Cet article Porte sur la construction sociale de

la sterilite et de Iabsence denfants chez les
femmes yoruba au sud-ouest du Nigeria, en
sinspirant de deux etudes empiriques menees a
Ijero-Ekiti et Ibadan. Les femmes saris enfant ant
toujours et6 profondement
meprisees chez les
Yoruba. Aujourdhui,
comme dans le passe, les
enfants assurent le statut et Iavenir de la lignee
paternelle; la sterilite dune epouse demeure la
preoccupation du groupe tout entier, devenant
une question a la fois personnelle et publique.
Les changements dans la construction sociale de
la sterilite/infertilite
comprennent une prise de
conscience du fait que des partenaires multiples
et les avortements clandestins, ainsi que les infections gynecologiques
et autres, sont une
source majeure de sterilite. Les couples ont
largement recours aux dispensaires et demandent frequemment des tests de fecondite avant le
mariage. Le Mouvement charismatique chretien
enseigne que la sterilite est une malchance que
Dieu peut corriger. I1 encourage les couples a
Otre patients et a chercher une aide biomkdicale,
et protege les femmes des violents reproches
adresses par les membres de la famille elargie.
Outre quil approuve le traitement biomedical, ce
groupe attire lattention
sur la necessite de
remettre en question les constructions culturelles
qui affectent la position sociale des femmes,
steriles ou non.

Este trabajo examina la construction social de la

infecundidad y las mujeres sin hijos entre 10s
Yoruba de1 sudoeste de Nigeria. Esta basado en
dos estudios empiricos realizados en Ijero-Ekiti e
Ibadan. Historicamente, las mujeres sin hijos son
muy despreciadas en tierra yoruba. Hoy coma en
el pasado, 10s hijos aseguran el nivel y el futuro
de1 linaje paterno; la infecundidad de una esposa
incumbe al grupo entero, convirtiendose en un
asunto tanto personal coma publico. Los cambios en la construction social de la infecundidad
incluyen la conciencia
creciente de que las
parejas multiples y el abort0 ilegal, tanto coma
infecciones ginecologicas y otras, son las causas
primarias de la infecundidad. Las consultas en
clinicas son generalizadas actualmente, y son
comunes las exigencias de pruebas de infecundidad previos al matrimonio. El movimiento carismatico cristiano ensefia que la infecundidad es
una desgracia que Dios puede reparar. Animan a
las parejas a tener paciencia y buscar asistencia
biomedica, y amparan a las mujeres de las duras
acusacioncs
de 10s parientes de la familia
extendida. Mas alla de sancionar el tratamiento
biomedico, este grupo llama la atencion a la
necesidad

de

cuestionar

las

construcciones

culturales que inciden en la position social de las

mujeres infecundas tanto coma las mujeres en
general.

79