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"In 1917, the Bolshevik leaders were convinced that the fate of the new regime
in Russia depended on what kind of relations it succeeded in establishing with
Germany." After 1920, "to a politically isolated Germany, they offered a
common chance of 'rebuilding', and the first pact was signed in April, 1922, at
Rapallo ...
"The idea was to exploit the resentments and sufferings of a defeated Germany
and make her an ally in the struggle against the Western powers ... It was also
a question of jumping out of the straitjackets of the Versailles treaty ... When
the rise of the National Socialist movement became obvious and menacing after
1930, Stalin was not troubled at all; on the contrary, he rubbed his hands ...
And he squarely played the "Nazi card" ... the idea was to aggravate Hitler's
pressure and pit it against Western Europe. If the operation succeeded sooner
or later there would be a war, from which only Russia would be preserved.
"These perspectives and calculations were in no way changed when Hitler later
came into power."31
To provoke the war, the USSR had to come to an understanding with Germany.
"Stalin's international policy during these first ten years" wrote a high Soviet
official in 1939 "was nothing more than a series of maneuvers designed to
put him in a favorable position to deal with Hitler."32 In 1982, Heller and Nekrich
give numerous and solid proofs of this interpretation of Stalin's policy.33 Among
others, there is the following: when Germany, in 1935, broke the military
provisions of the Treaty of Versailles and restored compulsory military service,
"Stalin showed his understanding and even approved this new step towards war.
At the end of March, 1935, he said to Anthony Eden during the course of their
conversations in the Kremlin: 'Sooner or later the German people had to
liberate themselves from the chains of Versailles ... I repeat, a great people like
the German people had to cast away the chains of Versailles'."34
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Although publicly anti-Nazi, Stalin had continually been making secret advances
to Germany and looking for an alliance with her. The stages of
this rapprochement were outlined in 1933 and became very clear after
October, 1938: excellent accounts are found in Heller and Nekrich, or Rossi.
"The secret archives of the Wihelmstrasse" also testify to this process. 36
Stalin's cynical double-crossing is well known. On August 23, 1939, while the
English and French military delegations were still at Moscow, the GermanoSoviet non-aggression pact had been signed. Hitler had accepted all of Stalin's
demands. Stalin was to receive his share of the dismemberment of Poland,
along with the Baltic States in the north and Bessarabia in the south. With
reason do Heller and Nekrich write:
"The conclusion of the accords with Hitler's Germany crowned Stalin's efforts to
forge a Soviet-German alliance ... 'It is difficult to overestimate the international
importance of the Soviet-German pact,' Molotov declared on August 31, 1939.It
is a turning point in the history of Europe and not just of Europe.'"
Nekrich then comments, again with reason:
"It was true. A turning point really had taken place in the history of Europe and
the world: the Soviet Union had opened the door to a war by signing a
pact with Germany ... One week later, on September 1, Germany attacked
Poland. It was the beginning of the Second World War."37
To summarize: Stalin desired a war, the longest war possible, where his
adversaries would be mutually exhausted. Then late in the game, he would
intervene on the side of the victors, and walk away with all the fruits of the
victory.38 He was able to maneuver perfectly to achieve these ends:
1) By contributing to Germany's recovery.
2) By supporting since 1933, and especially since 1935, the warmongering
designs of Judeo-Masonry, which had decided on provoking a war against Hitler.
3) By continuing at the same time to let the Fuhrer know that he desired to
reach an understanding with him, and would not in any way oppose his
expansionist projects.
4) Finally, by concluding his famous pact with Ribbentrob in August, 1939, he
encouraged Hitler to attack Poland, certain that this offensive would definitely
provoke a declaration of war by France and England.
Since his rise to power, Stalin had made this horrible war the major objective of
his foreign policy. He was bold enough to say it publicly on May 22, 1939: "The
renewal of broad international action will not be possible unless we succeed in
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