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Postcolonial Studies
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To cite this article: Lucia Sorbera (2014) Challenges of thinking feminism and revolution in Egypt
between 2011 and 2014, Postcolonial Studies, 17:1, 63-75, DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2014.912193
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2014.912193
LUCIA SORBERA
LUCIA SORBERA
schools.15 History demonstrates that Egypt did not want to be left under
protection. Specifically, the Egyptian nationalists early last century were
opposing the Protectorate status the British had imposed on them. Within this
context, Egyptian women challenged the patriarchal discourse on protection
(both the nationalist and the colonial): they were ready to join the revolution,
and in March 1919 they took to the streets alongside men, demanding the
liberation of their nation.
Among the numerous graffiti which were painted in Cairo in 2012, there is a
stencil representing a woman who protects a revolutionary man from teargas,
suggesting that women are not in need of protection, but they are actually
protecting the revolution against patriarchal violence.
The revolution is affecting the way women and men in Egypt perceive the
meaning of words. Revolution is producing a continuous re-semantization of the
political lexicon. This leads us to a further question: what does protection mean
in the context of the continuing revolution?
On the eve of 25 January 2011, a member of the April 6 movement,27
Asma Mahfouz, launched a call to demonstration to Egyptian people, in
which she appropriates the words of patriarchal culturehonour, manhood,
protectionand she re-invents them to claim her right, as a young Egyptian
woman, to join the protests: If you consider yourselves a man, come with me on
January 25. Instead of saying that women should not come, because they will be
beaten, lets show a bit of honour, be men, come with me on January 25.28 This
action of appropriation and re-invention of the words of the oppressorin this
case, patriarchal authoritarianismby the dissident is part of Egyptian feminist
heritage. The re-appropriation of the public space by Egyptian women is also in
continuity with their participation in the workers movement for labour rights in
the early 2000s, where, as highlighted by Tara Povey in her recent study, women
challenged the governments propaganda that stated that it was shameful for
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LUCIA SORBERA
Muslim women strikers to sleep in the streets.29 The main contribution of feminism to Egyptian culture has been the effort to challenge patriarchal institutions,
and to promote womens emancipation. This is a legacy of anti-patriarchal
struggle which today can be vital to real democratic change. Nawal El Saadawi
relates this art to creativity, and she explains that the creative word is intrinsically
dissident. Dissident authors can use the languages of imperialism and oppression,
forging them into instruments of liberation.30
Young women activists are articulating new approaches to feminism, and the
experience of the 18 days in Tahrir Square has been crucial in developing a new
awareness, and experiencing what they call a personal revolution (thawra
insaniyya):
I used to have very bad fights with them, my brother and my dad. I got back home at
9 am and there was no mobile phone, they couldnt reach me anywhere during the
day, and they just saw on TV the army was in the street and this had never
happened before, because during the revolution they lost the control on me totally for
the first time. It was a kind of personal revolution as well.31
For this activist, the Tahrir experience was also a liberation from a gender issue
which under the regime was manipulated by the authoritarian state and by
international actors. It is true that gender was not an issue in the 18 days of Tahrir,
but it became an issue soon after, when verbal and physical attacks against
women became recurrent. For growing numbers, the revolution increased the
awareness of gender as a political problem, both in the institutional sphere, where
the gender gap is immense, and in the public space, where sexual assaults are
becoming a tool to intimidate women (at least half of the protesters) to take part in
demonstrations.33 Since 8 March 2011 women have been under ferocious assault
by gangs of harassers and by the police, but neither street aggression, nor the socalled virginity tests intimidated them. Rather, these experiences again
positioned gender justice at the centre of the revolutionary agenda. A programme
director from the non-governmental organization Nazra for Feminist Studies
makes very clear that, in the view of her organization, gender issues are political
issues:
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When I talk about political participation, I am talking about a more democratic political
environment, when I talk about violence against women, I talk about womens existence
and participation in the public and political sphere. [] If you talk about freedom,
dignity and social justice, well, these are also womens demands, if you think of what
women are demanding, they are demanding freedom, they are demanding social justice,
because a lot of them, you know that have you heard about the feminization of
poverty in Egypt? This is the consequence of what we have been dealing since the
1980s, so I mean all these demands are integrated in women issues. You cannot
segregate womens issues on the other political priorities, this is not true.34
The emerging new wave of the Egyptian feminist movement is trying to break the
representation of women as victims to be protected, focusing on sexual violence
as a political weapon which is used by patriarchal power. In this respect, even
denouncing sexual violence is a political act. In 2011 Samira Ibrahim denounced
the military who forced her and 16 other women who were arrested on 9 March
2011 to undergo an alleged virginity test. The patriarchal state institutions
acquitted the military and continue to violate women and male political prisoners.
But Samira Ibrahims revolutionary experience is part of a broader movement
resisting this violence from below. The publication of the testimony by an activist
from the group Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment of the sexual assault that
happened to her is part of a broad campaign to change peoples mentalities, and it
continues the path set out by second-wave feminism, whose landmark, in Egypt,
was the publication of Nawal El Saadawis book Women and Sex (1972): The
attempt to terrorize us will not succeed; our anger and determination have
doubled. I am truly sorry for all the girls who have experienced anything like this;
I promise we will not be silent.35
Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment was founded in 2012 and it is composed of
both men and women as well. Its members underline that this is not a group of men
who are trying to protect women. It is a mixed revolutionary group who are trying to
intervene against sexual violence. They claim a feminist perspective in their work,
and they reject the protectionist approach.36 Young feminist activists criticize the
masculinization of the public space and the political discourse which, in their view,
is the result of the contraposition between two patriarchal conceptions of masculinity
and gender roles: the state (police) one and the revolutionary one.
We are not going to comply on this; we are not going along with the discourse of
protecting women. We are not going along with the discourse of the man, the brave
men, and this image of the brave revolutionary that protects everybody. No. We dont
want this, and this is not representative of us.37
The activists composing the revolutionary scenery reflect familiarity with feminist
theory, to which they refer during the interviews, and they also underline that, in
the last three years of political activism, they have made an empirical, and not just
intellectual experience of feminism: questions about feminism, which are
generally theoretical, became everyday stand.
And with staff operations like op-antish [Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment], things
became very clear. There was a huge fight within op-antish and within the revolutionary
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LUCIA SORBERA
circles, because, I mean, in the beginning, most people didnt want to admit that this
was happening, that sexual harassment was kind like sexual assaults happening in the
square, to protect the image of the square, and then a big fight happened to admit that
this was happening, and then a second fight to take responsibility and act on it, and then
for the women to be part of this action, and then another fight for the discourse not to be
about protection of women but basically allowing everybody to be safe in a space that
we think is a revolutionary space.38
The discourse about the political use of violence to undermine the revolution and
to legitimate the abuse of security policies is among the criticisms underlined by
young women revolutionaries, who reject the idea that the state authority is there
to protect people. This reflects common sense in the society. In addition, they
argue that older feminist organizations do not deal with these kinds of issues as
they should:
Their position for police brutality. They deal with this brutality They dont deal
with that at all. When they talk about the police, they talk they are not doing sexual
harassment, but they dont see how, for example, op-antish refuses to deal with the
police. Because we say that the police is the main oppressor we are all dealing with,
and there has been sexual harassment all along and the police is supporting that, and
we dont want to We are not going to ask them to protect us, because they cant
protect us, we need to protect each other.
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whove been steadfast for two years found themselves in uncomfortable company:
the previous head of state-security led his own march.40
As occurs at all the turning points in history, there are contentious narratives about
these days. According to mainstream nationalist accounts, which at the time of
writing seem to prevail, the army protected the revolutionaries against alleged
terrorists. This is a transverse, widespread perception among ordinary people, it is
supported by state media, and echoed in the chat of taxi drivers and middle-class
retailers. In August 2013, a dialectic formulation of the discourse about democracy
was embraced also by prominent dissident intellectuals, like Ala al-Aswani and
Sonallah Ibrahim, who switched from their previous views about the military. In
the aftermath of the Rabea al-Adawiyyas massacre (14 August 2013), the two
writers gave interviews in which they supported the armys intervention. AlAwsani described the crackdown on pro-Morsi protests as unavoidable: I believe
that the Egyptian state didnt have any other choice, and I believe that the Muslim
brothers hold responsibility for this drama.41 Sonallah Ibrahim commented that
the priority at that moment was to combat terrorism.42
On the ground, the brutal repression of Morsis supporters was only the first
step towards a wider operation of repression of all the dissident voices, including
journalists and academics. Egypt between 2013 and 2014 is a space where it is
possible to apply Michael Hardts criticism of the dialectical Leninist relationship
between democracy and revolution. People become capable of democracy not by
its opposite: It can only be done in a sort of positive development; you can only
learn democracy by doing it.43 I am suggesting that what has been called by the
patriarchal institutional authorities the Egyptian transition, is not a transition
towards democracy. However, I am also suggesting that new spaces for a renewed
conceptualization of democracy are emerging outside the institutional precincts,
and that the womens revolutionary movement is playing an important role in
shaping these spaces.
Womens historical experience breaks the dialectical relationship between
democracy and dictatorship, and the political and cultural vanguard composed by
young radical women activists clearly challenges the institutional and maledominated polarization of the political discourse. In this respect, the words of a
young woman activist I met in Cairo in December 2013 are enlightening: Usually
things are presented as if resistance to the Muslim Brotherhood of June started on
that day. Its a joke! The revolution was fighting against the Muslim Brotherhood
all along, I mean for the last year.44 The interviewee carries on, mentioning a
long series of demonstrations and events taking place since Mohammed Morsis
election to the Presidency of the Republic (June 2012). She remembers that three
days after Morsi took power, someone had called for what she describes as a
joke/serious protest. People were marching carrying fake beards in their hands,
chanting we are not going to give up their beards [] which is a kind of a joke,
but at the same time people were like ready for the fight. She remembers that, a
few weeks later on, the assassination of 16-year-old Jeka engendered a popular
uprising and clashes: and clashes didnt stop for over three months, and then
there was Ittihadeya, and there were clashes in front of the headquarters of the
Muslim Brotherhood at the Moqattam all the time, people dying. In the narrative
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LUCIA SORBERA
of young women revolutionaries and many others, peoples resistance against the
government was taking place for more than a year, and the story of protection
does not reflect their personal and collective experience:
So the story that has been told about the 30th of June, actually, is completely false,
its a big lie, because actually, the people were the ones at some point protecting the
army from the Muslim Brotherhood, and the only organized violence that the army
did was in two events, but actually nobody was in harm, they just wanted to evacuate
the space, or they wanted to stop these protests to approach the buildings.
On 3 July, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi removed Mohammed Morsi from the presidency,
and in the next weeks a ferocious battle against the Muslim Brotherhood and their
supporters took place, reaching its peak in the dispersal of the sit-in in front of the
Rabea al-Adawiyya mosque.
So the story, of course, the amount of violence that there was in Rabea its something
unbelievable, it was insane. I was not there in Rabea when it happened, but I was
there a few days later in the hospital, and the mosque where they gathered all the
bodies, and these are not like people were shot on the sight, on the body Most
of the staff I saw, it was in this part of the body [she indicates the chest] If you
have an enemy and you want to stop him, you know where to shoot, and you just
shoot at the legs And everybody knows that. Its not just that. They came to kill. It
was randomly. They wanted to kill. They just went there, fighting the people.45
The rejection of patriarchal violence, whoever is the actor and whoever is the
opposition, is the main marker of feminist revolutionary activism today, as it has
been in the past, and it qualifies it as different from other forms of dissident
grassroots and intellectual activism.
Conclusions
Feminist activism in the Egyptian revolution is both part of a long historical
process, where women have developed a tradition of political participation, and
has new elements, whose study can allow understanding of the meaning of
revolution in Egypt today.
There is a clear shift from feminist activism before the 25 January revolution
and feminist activism after that. At the same time, this shift does not exclude
segments of continuity in feminist thinking and actions between the twentieth and
the twenty-first centuries. The most evident is, for example, the continuous
participation of women in Egyptian revolutions. The will to rebel against gender
violence is a leitmotif in Egyptian feminist history. Since the beginning, Egyptian
feminism has challenged both local and colonial patriarchal violence. Then, after
1956, when citizenship was granted to women, at least on paper, second-wave
feminists denounced the sexual violence suffered by women in the private and the
public sphere. A few months before the 25 January revolution, a successful
feature film, Cairo 678, explicitly addressed the issue of sexual harassment,
emphasizing womens agency to counteract it. Today, womens discourse against
violence is multi-levelled, and it includes all the new citizens of Egypt. This needs
72
The human revolution in Egypt continues, and feminism, with its long history, is
part of it.
Notes
1
Alain Roussillon, Republican Egypt Interpreted: Revolution and Beyond, in M W Daly (ed), The Cambridge
History of Egypt, 1st edn, vol 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp 334393, p 336.
Michael Hardt, Revolution, in Astra Taylor (ed), Examined Life, New York: New Press, 2009, pp 133154,
p 138.
This is a paraphrase of Ehud Toledano, Social and Economic Change in the Long Nineteenth Century, in
Daly (ed), The Cambridge History of Egypt, pp 252284.
Joan Scott Wallace, Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis, American Historical Review, 91(5),
1986, pp 10531075, p 1053.
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5
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
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25
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Edward Said, Travelling Theory, in The World, the Text, and the Critic, Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1983, pp 226247.
Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1995; Nadje Sadij al-Ali, Secularism, Gender and the State in the Modern Middle East: The
Egyptian Womens Movement, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Juan Cole defines it as The Long Revolution. J R Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East:
Social and Cultural Origins of Egypts Urabi Movement, Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1999,
pp 110132.
Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East, p 6.
Huda Sharawi, Harem Years: The Memoirs of an Egyptian Feminist (18791924), Margot Badran (trans and
ed), London: Virago, 1986, pp 29, 148152; Nabawiyya Musa, Tarikhi bi Qalami (published serialized in the
womens journal al-Fatah, edited by Nabawiyya Musa herself, from 1938 to 1943); reprinted with an
introduction by Rania Abd al-Rahman and Hala Kamal, Cairo: al-Maltaqa al-Mara wa al-Dhakira, 1999,
p 22.
Marilyn Booth, Biography and Feminist Rhetoric in Early Twentieth Century Egypt: May Ziyadas Studies
of Three Womens Lives, Journal of Womens History, 3(1), 1991, pp 3864.
Badran, Feminists, Islam and Nation.
Nawal El Saadawi, Dissidence and Creativity, in The Nawal El Saadawi Reader, London: Zed Books, 1997,
p 158.
Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
Musa, Tarikhi bi Qalami; Doria Shafik, La Femme Nouvelle, Cairo: E & R Shindler, 1944.
Shafik, La Femme Nouvelle, pp 5870.
Margot Badran and Miriam Cooke, Opening the Gates: An Anthology of Arab Feminist Writing,
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004; Beth Baron, The Womens Awakening in Egypt: Culture,
Society, and the Press, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994.
The first novel written by a woman to enter the Egyptian literary canon is Latifa al-Zayyat, The Open Door,
Marilyn Booth (trans), Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2002. It was published in 1960 in Arabic.
Latifa al-Zayyat was also a journalist and a literary critic. Her work inspired generations of activists and
scholars. Said al-Barawi (ed), Lafa al-Zayyat. Al-Adab wa al-Waan, Cairo: Dr al-mara al-arabiyya lilnashr, 1992.
I discuss this in An Invisible and Enduring Presence: Women in Egyptian Politics, in L Anceschi, A Teti,
and G Gervasio (eds), Informal Power in the Greater Middle East: Hidden Geographies, London: Routledge,
2014, pp 159174.
For an analysis of womens journals in this period, with a particular focus on the EFU journal LEgyptienne,
see Irene Fenoglio Abdel Aal, Defense et Illustration de lEgyptienne. Aux dbuts dune expression feminine,
Cairo: CEDEJ, 1988. For a broader study of genders representation in modern Egypt see Beth Baron, Egypt
as a Woman: Nationalism, Gender and Politics, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007.
Marilyn Booth, Biography and Gender Politics in Egypt, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001;
Marilyn Booth, Womens Biographies and Political Agendas: Whos Who in Islamic History, Gender and
History, 8(1), 1996, pp 133137.
Lucia Sorbera, Gli esordi del femminismo egiziano. Costruzione e superamento di uno spazio nazionale
femminile, Genesis. Rivista della Societ Italiana delle Storiche, 6(1), 2007, pp 115136.
See, for example, Intervista ad Huda Shaarawi, Il Giornale dItalia, 23 May 1923.
The pictures were published on the first page of the magazine al-La aif al-musawara, 28 May 1923.
Lucia Sorbera, Viaggiare e svelarsi alle origini del femminismo egiziano, in A R Scrittori (ed), Margini e
Confini. Studi sulla cultura delle donne nellet contemporanea, Venezia: Cafoscarina, 2006, pp 265294.
Authors interview with HK, Cairo, 9 December 2011. Given the current political circumstances in Egypt, I
dont publish the names of the interviewees, to protect their privacy. I collected interviews and fieldwork
notes in Cairo in November 2011, 2012 and 2013. Unless otherwise indicated, all the interviews and
translations from Arabic are mine.
Authors interview with HK, Cairo, 9 December 2011.
The April 6 movement was established in 2008 to support workers in the industrial town of Mahalla al-Kubra,
who were planning to strike on 6 April. It played a crucial role in the 2011 Egyptian revolution. See Gennaro
Gervasio, Egitto: una rivoluzione annunciata, in Francesca Maria Corrao (ed), Le Rivoluzioni arabe, Milano:
Mondadori, 2011, pp 134161.
www.youtube.com/watch?v=SgjIgMdsEuk (accessed 6 April 2013).
Tara Povey, Voices of Dissent: Social Movements and Political Change in Egypt, in Lily Zubaidah Rahim
(ed), Muslim Secular Democracy, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, pp 233252.
El Saadawi, The Nawal El Saadawi Reader, p 157.
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