Insurgent Public Space

Guerrilla urbanism and the remaking

of contemporary cities

Edited by Jeffrey Hou

I o;!n:up
LONDON AND NEW YORK

Notes on contributors

Sawako Ono is P rofessor of La ndscape Arch itecture at Chiba U niversity. Her

research field is the cu ltu ra l history of g a rdens. She is especi a l ly i nterested i n

Preface

the open i n g mecha nisms o f g a rdens, which a re p ri m a ri ly enclosed . Her p rincip a l

p u b licatio ns include Flower-viewing in Edo a n d We Want a Park Like This.

Andrew Pask is D i recto r of the Va ncouver P u b l ic Spa ce Network (VPSN), a no n

p rofit o rg a n izatio n based i n British Co l u m bia. Tra i ned as an a nt h ropologist a nd
u rba n p l a n n er, Pask has wo rked on u rb a n iss u es, co m m u nity-based resea rch ,
d esign a n d p l a n n i ng p rojects i n cities across Ca n a d a . Informatio n o n the VPS N

This book ca me to bei ng in a way that was not u n li ke the stories of ad-hoc, i nformal,

ca n be fo u n d at http ://www.vpsn.ca .

Peria is P rofesso r of Anthropo logy a nd America n Eth nic Studies at the

i ncrementa l, and yet p u rposefu l actio ns that yo u a re a bout to read. In 2007, Isa mi
Ki noshita a n d I p ut tog ether a p a nel, titled "Va riatio ns on the P u bl ic Rea l m , " at the

U n iversity of Wash i ngto n , and is Fo u n d er/P resident of the Aceq u i a I nstitute. He

6th Conference of the Pacific Rim Co m m u n ity Desig n N etwo rk, which p ro d uced

Devon

G.

is the a uthor of severa l books, the most recent being Mexican Americans and the
Environment: Tierra y Vida, p u blished by the U niversity of Arizo n a P ress.

the i nitial set of wo rki n g p apers. The Pacific Rim Co m m u n ity Desig n Netwo rk is
a loosely co n nected g roup of co m m u n ity-based a ctivists a nd scho l a rs a ro u n d the

Jeannene Przyblyski is Associ ate Professo r of I nterdiscip l i n a ry Stud ies at the San

Pacific Ri m who meet every two yea rs o r so to exchange a n d d ebate the p ractice of

Fra ncisco Art I nstitute a n d Executive Di recto r of the Sa n F ra ncisco B u reau of

co m m u nity desig n . Conceived by Taichi Goto, with support fro m Ra ndy Hester, the

U rb a n Secrets, a p u bl i c a rt stu d io a n d thi n k ta n k d ed i cated to exp lo ri n g the

netwo rk was fo rma l ly l a u n ched in 1998 at a wo rki n g co nference at the U niversity

m u ltip l icity of u rba n pasts a nd c h a rting the m a n ifold futu res of cities (http ://

of Ca lifornia, Berkeley, fo l lowed by co nseq u ent m eetings in Japan, Ta iwa n , Ho n g

www. b u rea uofu rba nsecrets.org).

Ko ng, Seattle, a nd Ch i n a . I a m i nd ebted to my co l leag u es fro m t h e network fo r

Michael Rios is Assista nt P rofessor in the Dep a rtment of E nvi ro n mental Des i g n
at t h e U n iversity of Ca lifornia, Davis. P revio usly, he ta u g ht i n the Schoo l o f

the i n spi ratio ns a n d lesso n s over the yea rs in engagi n g citizens a n d co m m u nities i n
g rassroots p l a n n i ng a n d d es i g n. The d i sco u rse of insurgent p u b lic space co u l d not

Architecture a n d La n d scape Architecture at The Pen nsylva n i a State U niversity,

have emerg ed witho ut the generou s sha ri n g a n d excha n g es of ideas a mong those

where he was i n a u g u ra l director of the H a m er Center fo r Co m m u n ity Desi g n

wit h in the network. Specific thanks go to Dan Abra mso n fo r spea rhea d i ng the

fro m 1999 to 2 007 .

org a nizatio n of the 2 007 co nference i n Q u a nzhou t hat snowba l led i nto this p roject.

James Rojas is a natio n a l ly reco g n ized u rba n p l a n ner who exa m i nes Latino c u ltu ra l

Fo l lowing the 2 007 co nferen ce, I was i nvited by M i n Jay Ka n g a nd other

i nfl u ences o n u rban d esig n . His i nfl uentia l Massach u setts I nstitute o f Tech nology

co l l eag ues at the Org a nization fo r U rba n Re-s (OU Rs) to lead a worki ng g ro up as

thesis o n the Lati no b u i lt envi ro n m ent has been widely cited. Fo r the past

p a rt of the "Do-It-You rself, Desig n in Ya n g m i nsh a n Charrette" in Taipei, Taiwa n .

eig hteen years M r. Rojas has l ectu red extensively a n d written on this su bject.

The desi g n cha rrette bro u g ht together ten facu lty mem bers a n d over fifty students

Ryoko Sato is Associate P rofessor at Ehi me U niversity in J apa n . She teaches

from d ifferent u niversities in Ta iwa n a n d the U niversity of Wash ington. Th e five

to u rism a nd co m m u nity develop m ent i n the facu lty of law a n d l iteratu re. Her

d ay-workshop exa m i n ed ways to tra nsfo rm the fo rmer America n mi l ita ry hou si n g

main research i nterests include p a rtners h ips between u rb a n a nd ru ra l a reas and

q u a rters i n Sa nziho u, one o f t h e l ast g reen spaces i n the dense metropo l is, i nto a

co m m u n ity d evelop ment with fa rmers' ma rkets. She worked as a jo u rna list u ntil
sp ri n g 2009.

Janni Sorensen is Assista nt Professo r i n the Depa rtment of G eography a n d E a rth

Sciences at the U niversity of No rth Ca ro lina, Cha rlotte. She received h er P hD i n

space fo r co m m u nities a n d citizens. The experimentation a nd d iscussio n d u ri ng the

charrette that centered o n the making of Do-It-You rself (DIY) u rba n spaces so lid ified
the co ncept of i nsurgent p u bl i c space and the motivatio n to turn the i nitial set of
2 007 conference papers i nto a boo k.

U rb a n a n d Reg io n a l P la n n i ng from t h e U n iversity o f I l li no is, U rba na-Ch a mpa i g n.

To exp a n d the scope of the book, I i nitiated a ca l l fo r papers to those o utside

She worked with the East st. Lo u is Action Resea rch P roject at the U niversity of

the network, severa l of who m i n turn i ntroduced others to jo i n this co l l a borative

I l l i nois.

effo rt. My sincere tha n ks go to B l a i n e Merker a n d David Hohenscha u , whom I got to

Erick Villagomez is a fo u nd i n g ed ito r at re:place magazi ne. H e i s a n educator,

know respectively at the Desi g n Activism symposi u m at Berkeley o rga n ized by Ra ndy

independent resea rcher, a n d designer with interests in h u m a n settlements at a l l

Hester and the 5th Conference of the Pacific Rim Co m m u nity D esig n N etwo rk that

sca les. His private p ractice, M etis Desi g n Bui l d , is d edicated to a co l l a bo rative

I o rg a n ized in Seattle. Both p u t me i n to u ch with thei r respective co l l ea g u es in Sa n

a n d ecolog ica l ly responsible app roach to the d esign a n d co nstructio n of p laces.

Fra n cisco a nd Va nco uver. The a d d itio n a l contributors have i m mensely widened the

Pina Wu g ra d uated fro m the G ra d uate Institute of B uildi n g and P la n n i ng, N atio n a l
Tai wa n U n iversity. She a lso received a master's d eg ree i n P u b l i c Po l i cy a nd U rban

breadth and perspectives of this p roject. With each new a utho r and new chapter
that tells a story fro m a d ifferent socia l a n d cu ltu ra l context, we fu rther a rticu late

P l a n n i n g at H a rva rd U niversity. She likes to wa l k a ro u n d i n the city, observe, and

a n d captu re the wide-ra n g i ng i n sta nces of i nsu rgent pu blic space in the increasi n g ly

enjoy life i n the p u bl ic spaces.

i nterco n nected g lobal vil l ag es. I a m g ratefu l to the co ntri buti n g a uthors, whose

xii

Preface

i ntense passion a n d i nterest i n the wo rk of i ns u rgent p u b lic space has kept this
p roject goi n g . I hope this book is o n ly the beg i n n i n g of o u r col l a bo ration .
There a re m a ny other i n dividua ls a n d i n stitutio ns that were a l so c ritica l i n m a ki n
g
this book a rea l ity. Specifica l ly, t h e book co u l d not have been co mp leted witho
ut
the Jo h nston/Hasti n gs P u b l icatio n Support from the Col lege of B u i l t E nviro n ments
at the U niversity of Was h i n gton in Seattle. I tha n k Dea n D a n iel Fried m a
n fo r his
generosity a n d support of this p roject. I am a lso i n debted to M a rk Fra ncis
and
Serg io Pa llero n i who a ssisted me ea rly o n i n seeki n g fundi n g support for this p roject.
D u ri n g the m a ny years of teac h i n g at the U niversity of Was h i n gto n , my co l leag
u es
i n the D epartment of La ndscape Architectu re have p rovided me with a n engag
ing
a n d supportive envi ro n ment t h a t enabl es me to p u rsue thi s work. Tha n k
yo u ,

JoAn ne Edwa rds, K risti n a H i ll, J u lie Jo h nso n , Lyn n e M a n zo, Kel l ey Paga no,
Vicky
Reyes, l a i n Ro bertso n , Na ncy Rottle, Lua n ne S mith, Ben Spencer, David Streatfield
,
N ho n Tro u n g , Fritz Wag ner, Tha i sa Way, D a n iel Wi nterbotto m , a n d Ken Yocom
.
The i n itial m a n u sc ript o f this book was co mp l eted d u ri n g m y sa b batic a l leave
in
Taiwa n i n fa l l 2008. I a m g ratefu l to P rofessor ChaO-Ch i n g Yu fo r hosting m e
i n the
Dep a rtment of La ndscape Arch itecture at the Ch u n g-Yua n U niversity. Specia l tha
n ks

a lso go to Shen g l i n E lija h Chang a nd Jin gyo n g Wu at Natio n a l Ta iwa n U niversity

fo r
shari n g with me their office (a nd h u mo r) where I ed ited many of the chapters
-a
m uch n eeded rel i ef from havi n g to wo rk on c rowded p l a n es, tra i ns, buses, su bways,
a n d other forms of true a n d pseudo p u b l ic spaces d u ri n g my travel . I m mense
tha n ks
go to Alex Ho l l i ngswo rth, my editor at Ro utledge, a n d the a nony mo u s reviewers
for
recognizi ng the va l u e of this wo rk. Upo n retu rn i n g to Seattle, my research
assista nt
Sa ra h Ferreter was i nstru menta l in assem bli n g the fi n a l m a n u sc ript a nd in bri n
gi n g
t h e p roject to t h e fi n ish li ne. Fo r m y o w n c hapter i n this book, I a m
g ratefu l to
Stella Chao a n d Joyce Pisnanon t fo r the oppo rtu n ity a n d rewa rdi n g experienc
e of
wo rki n g with the youths of the WILD p rogra m i n Seattle's I nternatio nal District
a nd
in m a ki n g me a part of the co m m u n ity.

CHAPTER 1

(Not) your everyday public space

Jeffrey Hou

With a sixteen-foot statue of Vla d i m i r Leni n sta n d i n g i n a street co rner, a sa lva g ed

rocket sitting on top of a bui l d i n g , a c a r-eating tro l l c rawli n g u nder a b ridge,
Fremo nt is u ndo u bted ly o n e of the most eccentric n eig h bo rhoods i n Seattle. O ne
day i n 2 00 1 , the neig h bo rhood (a.k.a. the Center of the U niverse) welco med yet
a nother a d d itio n to its treasu red co l l ection - a n eig ht-foot-Io ng meta l pig that was
a no nymously p l a nted o n a sidewa l k overnight.
The pig beca m e a n i n sta nt celebrity. N ei g h bo rs wo nd ered who left it there. The
local p ress fo l lowed the news fo r mo nths - tryi ng to identify the i nstigator(s), how
the pig was erected without permission , a n d then why it mysteriously va nished two
mo nths later, j u st one d ay before it was to be moved to a new locatio n fo l lowi ng
co mpl ai nts by several b u si n ess owners . It tu rned out that the p i g was the work of
two a no nymous a rtists . The a rtwork was m ea nt as an a nti-consu merism statement,
mocking the officia l "Pigs o n Para d e, " a n a rt a n d fu n d ra ising event that featu red
decorated pig scu lptu res in m a l l s a nd streets of Seattle.
Pla nted on a p u b lic sidewa l k, Fremo nt's pig was not o n ly a socia l and a rtistic
statement, but a l so an attack on the offic i a l p u b lic sp here in the contempora ry
city. Altho u g h the pig d id not physic a l ly a lter the space except fo r its footpri nts, its
u n a utho rized p resence chal lenged the norms of p u b l ic space by defyi ng the city's

This book is a col l ective effo rt. It is a space fo r us to share o u r stories, lesso
ns,
ideas, and critical perspecti ves. With this book and its m a ny na rratives, we
i ntend to
inform, i n stigate, a n d enable other i nsta nces of i nsu rgent p lacema ki n g .

the med ia a n d everyday co nversation. Th ro u g h the space it occupied a n d t h e

Jeffrey Hou , Seattle

debates i t engend ered a mo n g nei g h bo rs, citizens, a n d the media, the p i g renewed

req uirement fo r a deposit to p u t a rt on a sidewa l k. Altho u g h its act u a l p rod uctio n

d i d not i nvolve the so-cal l ed p u b l ic p rocess, the work engaged the p u b l ic th ro u g h

the d i sc u rsive i nstru m enta l ity of p u b l ic space as a fo ru m fo r open disc ussio n . It gives
mea n i n gs to the fu l l notion of pU b licity i n a p u b lic space.
In cities a ro u n d the wo rld, acts such as the pig i n sta l lation in Fremo nt rep resent
sma l l yet persistent c h a l lenges a g a i nst the i nc reasi n g ly reg u lated, p rivatized , a n d
di mi nishing fo rms o f p u b lic space. I n Portla n d , Orego n , activists fro m t h e g ro up
City Repai r pai nted street i ntersectio ns i n bright co lo rs a nd patterns, a nd i nvolved
nei g h bo rs i n co nverti n g them i nto nei g h bo rhood gatheri ng places. In Taipei,
citizens frustrated with rocketi ng housi n g costs staged a "sleep-i n " in the streets
of the most expensive d istrict in the city to p rotest the government i nactio n . I n
Lo ndo n , Space Hijackers, a g roup o f self-proc l ai med " a n a rchitects, " has perfo rm ed
n u mero u s acts of "space hijacki n g , " fro m " G u erri l la Benc hi n g " - i nsta l l i ng benc h es
in empty p u b l ic space - to the "Ci rcle Li n e Pa rty" i n- Lo ndo n 's U nd erg ro u nd (ti l l they
were stopped by the po l ice) .
Rather than iso l ated i n sta nces, these acts of i ns u rgency tra n scend geographic

your

Hou

bou nd a ri es a n d reflect the respective socia l settings a n d issues . In cities from

space

specia l i nterests" (Henaff a nd Stron g 2 00 1 : 3 5) . La ndsca pe a rch itecture schol a r

E u rope to Asia, resid u a l u rba n sites a nd i n d u stri a l l a n d s have been occu pied a n d

M a rk Fra ncis ( 1 989: 1 49) writes, "Pu blic space i s t h e com mon g ro u n d where civi l ity

converted i nto new uses b y citizens a n d com m u n ities. From coast t o coast i n North

a nd ou r collective sense of what may be cal led ' pu blicness' a re d eveloped a n d

America , u rba n a n d su b u rban l a n d sca pes have been a d a pted a n d tra nsformed by

expressed ." Fraser ( 1 990) a rg u es that, a s a pu bli c sphere, p u bl i c space is a n a rena

new i m m ig ra nt g ro u ps to su pport n ew fu nctions a n d activities. In Japan, su burban

of citizen d i scou rse and associati on . Fu rthermore, I. M. You n g (2 002) sees publi c

p rivate homes have been tra nsfo rmed i nto "th i rd places" for com m u n ity activities.1

space i n a city as accessi ble t o everyon e a n d thus reflecti ng a n d em bodyi n g the

From Seattle to S h a n g h a i , citizen actions ra n g i n g from g a rden i n g to da ncing h ave

d iversity i n the city.

perma n ently a n d tem pora rily ta ken over existi ng u rba n sites a n d i njected them with
new fu nctions and mea n ings.

However, contra ry to the rhetoric of open ness a n d i ncl usiveness, the actua l
maki ng a n d practice o f publi c space often reflect a d ifferent politica l rea lity a n d

T hese i n sta nces of self-made u rba n spaces, reclai med a n d a p p ropriated sites,

social biases. Agaci nski (200 1 : 1 33) notes that, before t h e French Revo l ution, "the

tempora ry events, a n d flash mobs, as wel l as i n fo rma l g atheri n g places created by

p u bl ic" i n the Western tra d ition referred to the "literate and ed u cated" a nd "was

p red o m i n a ntly m a rg i n a l ized com m u n ities, have p rovided n ew expressions of the

never thought to be the sa me as the people." Even in recent Western h istory, some

col l ective rea l m s i n the contempora ry city. N o l o n ger confi ned to the a rchetypal

have a rgued that, "despite the rhetoric of p u b l icity a nd accessi bility," the offici a l

categ o ries of nei g h borhood pa rks, p u blic plaza, a n d civic a rch itecture, these

public sphere rests on a n u m ber of sig n ifica nt exclu sions, based on g ender, class,

insurgent public spaces chal lenge the convention a l , cod ified n otion of p u blic a nd

a nd race (Fraser 1 990: 59). The gender d ivision of p u blic a nd private, i n particu l a r,

the making of spa ce.

What ca n we lea rn from these acts of everyday and not-so-everyday resista n ce?

has been a powerfu l i nstru ment of exclusion as it relegates women to the private
sphere a nd prevents them from fu l ly partici pati n g in the publi c rea l m (Drucker

What do they reveal a bout the l i m itations and possibil ities of p u b l i c rea l m i n o u r

a n d G u m pert 1 997) . By deli neati ng what constitutes pub l ic a n d private and by

contem pora ry city? H o w d o these i n sta nces o f i n s u rgency chal lenge the conventional

desig nating members h i p to specific socia l g rou ps, the official p u b l i c space has

u n dersta n d i n g a n d m a ki n g of p u blic s pace? How a re these spaces a nd activities

long been excl u siona ry, contra ry to You ng's (2002) notion of a public space that

redefi n i n g a n d expa n d i n g the roles, fu nctions, a nd mea n i ngs of the p u b l i c a nd the

em bod i es d ifferences a nd diversity.

p roduction of space? These a re the q u estio ns we i ntend to add ress i n this book.

Aside from the practice of exc l usion, pu blic space has a lso been both a n
expression o f power a n d a su bject of politica l contro l . U nder med i eva l monarchy

Public space: democracy, exclusion, and

political control
P u blic space has been a n i m porta nt facet of cities a n d u rb a n cu ltu re. I n cities
a ro u n d the wo rld , u rban spaces such as plazas, m a rkets, streets, tem ples, a nd
u rba n parks have long been the centers of civic l ife fo r urban dwel lers. They provide
opportunities for gatheri n g , soci a l izing, recreation, festiva ls, as wel l as protests
a n d d emonstrations. As pa rks a nd plazas, u rban open spaces provide rel i ef from
dense u rba n districts a n d structu red everyday l ife. As civic a rch itectu re, they becom e
collective expressions o f a city a s wel l as d epositories o f person a l memories. As
places where i m porta nt h isto rica l events tend to u nfol d , p u b l i c spaces a re i m b u ed
with i m porta nt, collective mea n i n gs - both offici a l a n d u noffici a l .
Servi n g as a veh icle o f socia l relation s h i ps, p u blic d iscou rses, a n d politica l
expressions, pu blic space is not o n ly a p hysica l bou nd a ry a n d material setti n g . Henaff
a n d Strong (2 00 1 : 3 5) note that pu blic space "desig nates an ensem ble of socia l
con n ections, pol itica l i n stitutions, a nd j u d icia l p ractices." Bri l l ( 1 989: 8) writes that
p u b l i c space com es to represent the p u b l i c sphere a n d p u blic l ife, "a foru m , a g ro u p
action, school for socia l lea rn i n g , a n d common g ro u n d ." I n t h e Western tra d itio n ,
public space has had a positive con notation t h a t evokes the practice of democra cy,
open n ess, a n d p u b l i city of debate since the time of the G reek a gora . H enaff a nd
Strong (200 1 ) fu rther a rg u e that the very idea of democracy is i nsepara ble fro m
that of p u blic space. "P u blic space mea n s simu lta neously: open to a l l, wel l known
by a l l , and acknowled g ed by a l l . . . . It sta nds in opposition to p rivate spa ce of

i n the West, publi c space was where politica l power was staged, d isplayed, a n d
leg iti m ized (Henaff a n d Strong 2 00 1 ) . I n t h e tota lita ria n societies o f recent ti mes,
l a rge p u b l ic spaces serve as m i l itary pa rade g ro u n d s - a raw d isplay of power to
i m p ress citizens as wel l as enem i es. In modern democracies, as the power ha s
shifted t o the peo ple, publi c spaces have at l ast provid ed a l egitimate space for
protests a n d demonstrations - a n expression of the freed om of speech . But such
freedom has never come without considera ble strug g l es a nd vig i la nce. In the
post-9/1 1 world of hyper-security a nd su rvei l l a n ce, new fo rms of control i n public
space have curta iled freedom of movement and expression a n d g reatly l i m ited the
activities a n d mea n i ngs of contem porary publi c space (see Low a n d S m ith 2 005).
Across the d ifferent c ultura l trad itions, the fu nctions a n d mea n i ngs of publi c
space h ave va ried sig n ifica ntly, i l l u strati n g the varyi ng mea n s a n d deg rees of socia l
a n d pol itica l contro l . I n recent Western democracies, pu blic space a n d t h e formation
of publi c opi ni on have been i m porta nt components of the d emocratic process.
Through opportu n ities of assembly a n d p u b l i c d i scou rses, pol itica l expressions i n
t h e pu blic space a re i m porta nt i n holding t h e state accou nta ble t o its citizens. This
d isti nction between the public a n d the state has been a n i m po rta nt i n g red ient in
democratic pol itics. By contrast, i n cou ntries i nfl uenced by Confucia nism i n the East,
social a nd i n d ivid u a l life is dictated predomi na ntly by obligations to state a nd fa m i ly,
with little in between . T he officia l pu blic space is tra d ition a l ly either non-existent o r
tig htly controlled b y the state.
A u sefu l i l l u stration is Edo-era Tokyo . U nder the ru le of the Tokugawa shog u nate,
the city was spatia l ly d ivided between Yamanote (consisti n g of l a rge private estates

Hem

space

occu pied by ra n king officia l s in the u pl a nd) a n d Shitamachi (the com pact a nd tig htly
regu lated q u a rters for the com moners in the flatland). In S h ita machi, gated streets
a nd waterfront ma rkets served as the o n ly recog n iza ble form of public gatheri n g
space . T o esca pe from t h e gated q u a rters a n d regi mented pattern o f everyday l ife,
one had to go to the p leas u re g ro u n d s that lay outside the offici a l q u a rters of the
city (Fi g u re 1 . 1 ) .
I n many Asian cities, p u b l ic space has been synonymous with spaces that
a re representi ng a nd control l ed by the state. In contrast the everyday and more
vibra nt u rban life tends to occ u r i n the back streets a n d a l l eyways, away from the
official public doma i n . Seou l 's Pimago/ CAvoid-Horse-Streer), na rrow a l l eys that
para l lel the citls historic main road Jong-ro, serve a s a n exa m ple (Fig u re 1 .2 ) . To
avoid repeated ly bowi ng to the noble-class people rid i n g on ho rses on Jong-ro, a
req u i rement back in the days of feu d a l power, the com moners tu rned to the back
a l leys, away from the m a i n road . Over ti me, resta u ra nts and shops beg a n to occupy
the back a l leys, wh ich beca me a para l l el u niverse a n d a n i m porta nt pa rt of the
vi bra nt everyday l ife i n the city.
The development a n d d esign of public pa rks i n America provid es yet a noth er
i l l ustration, showi ng how p u blic space has long been a n ideolog ica l ly biased a nd
reg u lated enterprise contra ry to the rhetoric of open n ess. I n the U n ited States, Cra nz

( 1 982 : 3 , 5) a rg u es that ea rly pa rks were b u i lt from lI a n anti:-u rban i d ea l that dwelt
on the tra d itional prescription for relief from the evils of the city-to the cou ntry.1I
T he emergence of reform pa rks in the U n ited States fu rther demonstrated this bias.
Located i n mostly dense, i m m i g ra nt a n d worki ng class nei g hborhoods, they were
designed to move c h i l d ren a n d a d u lts from the streets (Cra nz 1 982) . With the goa l
of socia l a nd cultura l i nteg ration, a n d provisions for o rg a n ized play, the pa rks a nd

Figure 1.1 Popular

Figure 1.2 Seoul's

with tourists today, the

disappearing Pimagol

Asakusa temple district

was once an important

was once one of Edo-era

passage and gathering

Tokyo's pleasure grounds

space for commoners

that lay outside the city

and the city's

quarters. Photograph by

unofficial public space.

Jeffrey Hou.

Photograph by Jeffrey
Hou.

pa lyg rou nds were a lso d esig n ed to assi m i l ate i m m i g ra nts i nto th e mai nstr.ea m
America n cu ltu re (C ra nz 1 982) . Today, although m u lticu ltu ra l ism is more Widely
a cknowledg ed, the h i storic bias conti n u es, as Low, Ta p l i n, and Scheid (2 005: 4)
fou nd that II restrictive ma nagement of l a rg e parks has created an i ncreasi n g ly
i n hospita ble envi ro n ment for i m m i g ra nts, loca l eth nic g rou ps, a n d cultura lly d iverse

behaviors.1I Observi n g how different cultu ra l g ro u ps u se the nei g h borhood pa rks

i n Los Angel es, Lo u ka itou-Sid eris ( 1 99 5 : 90) wrtes that, contra ry to the notion
of inclusiveness, the "contem pora ry America n nei g h borhood pa rk does not a lways
I
meet the needs of a l l seg m ents of the p u blic.1

Jeffrey

Hou

Erosion of public space and public life

I n the literature on p u blic rea l m i n recent decad es, the erosion a n d d ec l i n e of p u blic
space and p u blic l ife have been a p red o m i n a nt theme. I n The Fall of Public Man,
Sennet (1992/197 8) a rg u es that p u b l i c l ife has becom e a m atter of formal o b l igation
i n modern times. M ore i m porta ntly, the private a nd person a l have ta ken precedence
over the pu blic a n d i m person a l, as society beca m e l ess i nterested i n pu blic matters
a n d more d riven by p rivate interests a n d person a l d es ires. He fu rther states,
the
" u n ba l a nced person a l l ife and em pty p u b l ic life" a re m a n ifested
i n the dead pu b l ic
space of modern a rchitectu re, with few opportu n ities for socia
l i nteractio ns (Sen net
1 992/ 1 978 : 1 6) . M o re recently, P utnam ( 1 995) uses the meta
phor of " bowl i n g
a lone" t o cha racterize t h e d ecl i n e o f civic engage ment
i n America n society.
Using evidences i n d ecreased voter turnout, attenda nce
i n p u b l i c meeting s, a n d
membe rs h i ps i n tra d itio n a l civic org a n izations, i n clu d i n g la bor
u nions a n d chu rch
g rou ps, he a rg ues that such decl i n e u nderm i n es the worki ng of
democr acy (P utn a m
1 995) .
I n the last few decades, a n u m ber of p ra ctices have fu rther
cha l l enged what is
left of p u b l i c space i n both its p hysica l and pol itica l d i mension
s. Most nota bly, the
g rowi ng p rivatizat ion of pu blic spa ce has becom e a commo n
pattern and experien ce
in ma ny pa rts of the world where d owntow n d i stricts as wel
l as s u b u rb a n l a n d s
a re tra nsformed i nto themed ma lls a n d so-ca l led festiva l m
a rketplaces. To e m u l ate
su ccessfu l u rba n spaces of the past, n eo-tra d ition a l streetsc
a pes a n d town sq u a res
a re rep rod u ced but seg regated fro m the rest of the city to
create a suppose d safe
have n for shopper s a n d business es. Wherea s the physica l
form a n d a p pea ra n ce of
the spaces may look fa m i l i a r to the tra d itio n a l p u bl i c space
in the past their p u b l ic
fu nctions a n d mea n i ngs have become h i g h ly l i m ited .
I n creasing ly, to s p u r econom ic develop ment, p u b l ic fu n d s a
re used to su bsidize
d evelopm ent of p rivate ven u es, while d evelopers a re generou
sly rewa rded for
provi d i n g spaces with l i m ited p u b l ic use. As streets, n eig
h borhoo ds, a n d pa rks
beco m e m a l ls, gated com m u n ities, a n d corpora te ven ues,
p u bl ic space becom es
su bjected to n ew forms of owners h i p, com mod ification, a n
d contro l . Davis ( 1 992:
1 5 5) observes, "The ' p u bl ic' space of the new megast ructu
res a n d su perma lls
have suppla nted tra d itio n a l streets a n d d isci p l i ned their sponta
neity." Lou ka itou
S ideris a n d Banerje e ( 1 998: 278) fu rther write, "Americ a n
d owntow n is a p rod u ct
of pu rposefu l d esign actions that have effective ly sou g ht to
mold space accord i n g
t o the needs of a corpo ratist econom y a n d t o su bord i nate
urba n form t o the log ic
of p rofit."
The control of p u b l ic spa ce is n ow a worldw ide phenom
enon that shows how
form fol l ows ca pita l . From Los Angeles 's B u n ker H il l to S a
n dton in Joha n n esbu rg,
private i nterests have created fortified downto wns a
n d u rb a n su b-centers,
protect i ng a n i ncreasin g a rray of pseudo -pu blic a n d p rivate
p ro perties a g a inst the
possi ble i ntrusion of the " u ndes i ra bl es" (Whyte 1 980) . In
a d d ition to the l i m ited
p u b l ic fu nctio ns, the p rivatizat ion of p u b l ic space has i m
porta nt i m p l ications for
the pol itica l sphere of contem pora ry cities. Koh n (2004:
2) writes, "When p rivate
spaces rep l a ce p u b l i c gatheri ng space, the opportu n ities
for pol itica l convers ation
a re d i m i n is hed." M itchel l (2 003: 34) a lso a rg u es that, " i n a world
defined by p rivate

your

p roperty, the formation of p u b l i c sphere that is at a l l robust a nd i nclusive of a variety

of different p u bl ics is exceed i n g ly d ifficu lt." Ba rber (200 1 : 203) notes that the
.
privatization a n d co m m erci a l ization of space h ave turned our "co m p l ex, u ltl use

':"

p u bli c space i nto a one-d i mension a l ven u e for consum tion." He fu rth er :Ites, h e
.
" mai l ing o f America has someti mes enta i l ed the m a u li n g o f America n Civi l society
a n d its p u b l ic" (Barber 2 00 1 : 2 0 1 ).

Insurgent public space: momentary ruptures and

everyday struggles
G iven a l l the h i storic l i m itations a n d contem pora ry setbacks, is it sti l l possible to
i ma g i n e a p u b l i c space that is open a n d i nc l usive? M itchel l (2003) offers an i m porta nt
a rg u ment that the m a ki ng of p u b l i c space and its a ssociated freedom and openness
a lways req u i res vig i la nce a nd actions. He writes, "[The idea of p u b l i c space] has
never been g u a ra nteed . It has o n ly been wo n t h ro u g h concerted stru g g l e" (M itchel l
2003 : 5). Si m i la rly, Watson (2 006: 7) a rg ues, " p u b l ic space is a lways i n some sense,
i n a state of emergence, never com p l ete a n d a lways contested ." M itch e l l (2003 : 5)
fu rther a rg u es that strug g l e "is the o n ly way that the rig ht to p u b l i c space ca n be
m a i ntai n ed and o n ly way that socia l justice ca n be adva nced ." To h i m, it is t h ro u g h
the actions a n d pu rposefu l occu pation o f a space t h a t it becomes p u blic.
Today, even as more and more pu blic spaces have become heavi ly reg u lated and

privatized, there a re attem pts by ind ivi d u a l s a n d com m u n ities at greater freed m .
These acts, despite their momenta ry natu re, d efy what Sorki n ( 1 992) cha racterizes
as the "end of p u b l ic space." In San Fra ncisco, throngs of cyclists form Critica l Mass
to recla i m p u b l i c streets from cars. The movement now has a presence in over 300
cities a round the world where cyclists engage in reg u l a r acts of civil d isru ption . I n
Beij i n g (where cyclists once i nspired their counterpa rts i n S a n Fra ncisco), even after
the crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in T ia n a n men Squa re, the sq u a re
rem a i ns a tense pol itica l stage, ru ptured periodica l ly by i n d ivid u a l acts of dissent
that reca l l the massacre of 1 989 and the conti n u ed pol itica l oppression. In Ta i pei,
students d emonstrating a g a i nst pol ice brutal ity u nd er the Kuo m i nta n g government
d u ring a recent protest ca m ped out i n the city's Liberty S q u a re i n 2008. To show
thei r d eterm i nation to stay a nd to demand a govern ment response, the stud ents
bega n b u i l d i n g a vi l lage on the sq u a re, com plete with a kitchen, classrooms, a
vegeta ble g a rd en, a webcast station, a n d tents for sleepi ng (Fi g u res 1 . 3 a n d 1 .4) .
I n Hong Kong, F i l i p i n a g u est workers occu py the g round floor of Norman Foster's

sig natu re HSBC b u i l d i n g (a n icon of g loba l ca pita l) every s u n ay, a n d ra nsform

it from an a n o nymous corporate entra nce to a l ively com m u nity g atheri ng spa ce
where m i g ra nt workers picnic, chat, a n d reu n ite (Fi g u re 1 . 5).

.
On a d ifferent front, while n ew technolog ies in telecom m u n ication a n d media

have u nd erm i n ed the i m porta nce of place- based p u b l ic space, they have a lso
ena bled n ew types of a ctions a n d mea ns of p u blic d issent. Si nce 1 994, the Za patista
Army of Nationa l L i beration has bui lt strong i nternati o n a l support for its strug g le
.
.
.
a ga i n st the M exica n state, using the I nternet as a mea n s of com m u nication. Sta rtl ng
.
with the a nti-WT O protest i n Seattle i n 2 000, a nti-globa l izati on activists have relied
on g loba l ized technology to com m u n icate with each other a ro u n d the world

Figure 1.3 Students of

the Wild Strawberries
Movement occupied
the Liberty Square in
Taipei to protest against

Half

a nd stage protests at the gatheri ngs of world leaders a n d i nternatio na l fi na ncial

i n stitutions. M o re recently, i n the coastal Chi n ese city of Xia men, text messa g i n g
enabled thousa nds o f citizens t o gather i n sta nta neously i n a street protest a ga i n st

police brutality and a

the b u i l d i n g of a chemica l com plex. The large t u rnout forced the loca l government

law that restricts the

to reject the d evelopment. Lately, social networki ng tools such as Twitter have

freedom of assembly
and demonstration.

been l i n ked to mass mobil izatio n a nd com m u n ication i n protest events in I ra n a nd

Photograph by Jeffrey

Moldova (Cohen 2 009). Tog ether, these exa m ples testify to M itchel l 's a rg u ment that

Hou.

the end of publi c spa ce a rg u ment i s "overly si mplistic i n that it does not necessa rily
a ppreciate how new ki nds of spaces h ave developed" (M itchell 2003 : 8) .
On a more everyday level, citizen i n itiatives a n d i nformal a ctivities h ave created
other n ew u ses a n d forms of p u blic space. They include sponta n eous events,
u n i ntended uses, a n d a va riety of a ctivities that d efy or esca pe existing ru les a n d
reg u lations. These everyday pra ctices tra nsform u rba n spaces i nto what Watson
(2006: 1 9) ca lls, "a site of potentia l ity, difference, a n d del i g htfu l encou nters." A
case in poi nt is the com m u n ity g a rden movement in North America a n d elsewhere
in which h u nd reds a n d thousa nds of vaca nt or a ba n doned sites (i n c l u d i n g both
publi c and private properties) have been tra nsfo rmed i nto prod uctive plots and as
places for cultivation, recreation, g atheri ng, and ed u cation by com m u n ities (Lawson
2005, Fra ncis et al. 1 984; Fig u re 1 . 6) . These a n d other forms of com m u n ity open

Figure 1.4 A temporary

memorial built by the
students to mourn
the loss of democracy,
mocking the memorial
of the former Nationalist
Chinese dictator
Chiang Kai-Shek in the
background. Photograph
by Jeffrey Hou.

spaces have emerged as an a lternative park system in cities a nd towns (Fra ncis

Figure 1.5 Every

Sunday, Filipina workers
transform the ground
floor of the HSBC
building in Hong Kong
into a community
gathering place.
Photograph by Jeffrey
Hou.

10

et al. 1984). Thro u g h person a l a nd col lective u ses that provide both p rivate a n d
p u b l i c benefits, these co m m u n ity g a rdens fu nction a s " hybrid p u b l ic spaces" that
a re d isti nct from their convention a l and officia l cou nterpart (Ho u et al. 2 009).
Alth o u g h these everyday expressions of p u b l i c space activism m ight not have the
a p pea ra n ce of rad ica l i n s u rgency, it should be n oted that m a ny of the outcom es
wou l d n ot have been possi ble without extensive g rassroots strug g le. For i nstance, in
the M o u nt Ba ker neigh borhood of Seattle, g a rdeners a n d com m u nity a ctivists joined,
to d efend a wel l-used com m u n ity g a rden from bei ng sold by the city for p rivate rea l
estate development. Tea m i n g u p with s u p porters a n d open space advocates a ro u n d
the city, they petitioned the City Cou n ci l t o pass a n o rd i n a nce t h a t req u i res the city
to com pensate sa le of p a rk property with an eq u iva lent a mo u nt of open space i n

11

your

Hou

the sa me n ei g h borhood. The o rd i n a nce effectively saved n ot o n ly their g a rden plots

but also a l l other s i m i l a r park p roperties in the city (Ho u et at. 2 009). Across the
Pacific, i n the S h i l i n N ig ht M a rket i n Ta i pei, o n e of the la rgest a nd most pop u l a r
even i n g ma rkets i n t h e city, i l l eg a l vendors fi nd ways every night t o esca pe police
enforcement. The vendors d evelop their own m o n itori ng protocols, ma ke-shift
a ppa ratus, a nd tem pora ry storage sites so that, when the pol icemen a pproach the
ma rket from a dista nce, they ca n easily d etect them, signal each other, d isa p pea r i n
a matter o f seconds, a nd then converge a g a i n once t h e cops go away (F ig u re 1 .7).
The i nforma l mecha nism a n d the d ra ma that u nfolds severa l times i n a n i g ht enable
the vendors to create one of the l ivel i est a n d m ost dyn a m i c ma rketplaces i n the city,
bypassing reg u lations a n d enforcement.
Figure 1.7 Vendors

Figure 1.6 Community

in Taipei's Shilin Night

gardens such as the

Market can disappear

Danny Woo Garden in

Seattle's International

with their merchandise

in a matter of seconds to

District were created

escape law enforcement,

by residents and
community organizers

adding drama to the

already colorful night

and are distinct formally

market. Photograph by

and socially from the

Jeffrey Hou.

typical public open

space. Photograph by
Jeffrey Hou.

12

Hem

This book
This book is a n attem pt to better u ndersta n d such everyday a n d not-so-everyday
m a ki n g of p u b lic spa ce that d efies the conventional ru les, reg u la tions, a n d
wisdo m . I t focuses o n a lternative spaces, activities, expressions, a n d relationships
that have emerged i n response to opportu nities, constraints, and tra nsformatio n
i n contempora ry society. The ru b ric o f "i n s u rgent pu blic space" provides a way
for us to define a nd a rticu late these expressions of a lternative soci a l a n d spati a l
relationships. Rather than bemoa ni n g the erosion o f p u b lic rea l m , this col lective
body of work focuses on the n ew possibilities of p u b lic space a n d p u b lic real m i n
support of a more diverse, j u st, a n d democratic society.
This edited vol u m e represents the voices of i n dividua ls who h ave been a ctive
in realizi n g such possibi lities t h ro u g h thei r p ractice, resea rch, teaching, a n d civic

your

space

spaces for com m u nity a n d p u b lic u se. I n Design for Ecological Democracy, Hester
(2006) envisions the h u m a n stewa rdship of an even g reater p u b lic space - the p l a n et
a n d its socia l a n d eco l ogica l systems. Fin a l ly o u r conceptua lization of insu rgent
public space is indebted to the n otion of "i nsu rgent citizenship" o r "in s u rgent
space of citizenshi p" f rom J o h n H olston ( 1 998: 3 9). Simil a r to the opposition to the
state's legiti mization of the n otion of citizenship, the i nsu rgent p u b lic space is in
opposition to the ki nd of p u b lic space that is regu lated, contro l l ed , and maintai n ed
solely by the state.
This vol u m e seeks to build u po n these i n vestigations a n d i nterp retations of
a lternative u rba n p ractices a n d forms of activism to i magi n e a different mode
of prod uction in the m a ki ng of p u b lic space, a p u b lic and a space that a re
heterogeneous, f l uid, a nd dyn a mic.

i nvolvement. They a re a nt h ropologists, com m u nication schol a rs, a n d geo g ra p hers,

as wel l as a rchitects, a rtists, com m u nity o rg a nizers, l a n d scape a rchitects, a n d
p l a n n ers. A l l of t h e essays focus o n a ctu a l struggles a n d exa m p l es. They offer
lessons a n d explore f u rther possibi lities based on experiences a n d encou nters o n
the g ro u n d . To provide a comparison o f the p a ra l lel a n d wid espread occu rrences
a ro u n d the wo rld, t his book ta kes on a deliberately cross-cu ltu ra l a pp roach a n d
i ncl udes diverse cases from t he different g eo g ra p hic regions a n d soci a l contexts.
Some recent p u b lications have a d d ressed or i nform ed aspects of o u r investigation .
The p henomenon of u ni nten d ed u ses of u rb a n p u b lic space in particu l a r is a su bject
of growi n g academic interest represented by the pUblication of Loose Space
(Fra n ck a n d Stevens 2 006) a n d Everyday Urbanism (Cha se et al. 1 999) . Fra nck a n d
Stevens (2006: 4 ) a rg u e that u ni ntended u ses " have t h e a bi lity t o l oosen u p the
d o mi n a nt meanings of s pecific sites that give rise to n ew percepti ons, attitudes,
a n d behaviors." They d efine loose spa ce as "a space a pa rt f ro m the a esthetica l ly
a n d behaviora l ly control led a n d homogenous 'theme' environ ment of l eisu re a n d
consum ption where nothi n g u n p redicta ble m u st occur" (Fra n ck a n d Stevens 2006:
3). I n Everyday Urbanism, Crawford ( 1 999) p resents a simil a r concept. S h e writes,
"everyday space sta nds in contrast to the ca ref u l ly p l a n n ed, officia lly d esig nated a n d
often u nd erused p u b lic space that ca n be f o u n d i n most America n cities" (Crawford
1 999: 9) . It represents "a zone of socia l tra nsition a n d possibility in the potentia l for
n ew soci a l a rra ngement and forms of imagi nation" (Crawford 1 999: 9) .
I n The Ludic City Stevens (2 007: 1 96) explores the playf u l u ses of u rba n spaces
that a re often " n on-instru m enta l , active, u n expected, a n d risky." Yet they p rovide

The stories
The book is orga nized a ro u n d a typology of actions a n d p ractices that shape
the different stories of resista nce. This typology is n ot m ea nt to be exhaustive o r
categorica l b u t rather is a way t o hig h light t h e specific cha racters a n d pu rposef u ln ess
of the a ctions.
Appropriating represents a ctions and ma n n ers thro u g h which the meaning,
ownershi p, a n d structure of officia l p u b lic space can be tempora ri ly or perm a nently
suspended . Here, th ree case stu dies exa min e ways t h ro u g h whic h citizens tra n sform
the p u b lic rea l m by repu rposing the existi ng u rb a n l a ndscapes. From Beijin g ,
Caroli n e C h e n exami nes how loca l residents c o p e with rapid u rba nization a n d m a ke
use of existi n g u rba n i nfrastructu re a nd resi d u a l spaces for thei r everyday recreation
a nd socialization. From Los Angeles, J a m es Rojas exa min es how Latino i m migra nts
improvise a n d reinvent the n otion a nd p ractice of p u blic space in the city throug h
new use of streets, sidewa l ks, vaca nt l ots, a n d other spaces. From San Fra ncisco,
Blaine Merker describes how the a rtist a nd d esig ner g ro u p Rebar h as identified
" niche spaces" within the fra m ework of p u blic a n d q uasi-pu b lic spaces a n d claimed
them as sites for soci a l a n d a rtistic discou rses.
Reclaiming d escribes the ada ptation a n d reuse of a ba ndoned or u n derutilized
u rba n spaces for n ew a n d col lective f u nctions a n d i n stru menta lity. Fro m Berlin ,
Michael L a Fond describes t h e work of eXperi mentcity, which tu rns vaca nt lots i n
t h e city i nto ven ues f o r cooperative, ecologica l housing, a n d youth projects. From

new experiences a n d p rod uce n ew soci a l relations (Stevens 2007: 1 96) . Simi la rly,

Tokyo, S hi n Ai ba a n d Osa m u Nishida present work f rom thei r Re-city p roject which

in City Publics, Watson (2 006: 7) focuses on " m a rgin a l , u np retentious, hidden a n d

sym bolic spaces" a n d "often forgotten s u bjects. II I n The Informal City, Laguerre

i nto new n ei g h borhood p u b lic spaces. From Va ncouver, E rick Vil lagomez exa mines

( 1 994: 2) explores u rba n i nforma lity lias site of power in relation to externa l
disci p line a n d contro l power. II I n contrast to the forma lized spaces a n d p ractices,

t h e exploitation o f resi d u a l a n d n eg l ected spaces.

" u rb a n i nform a lity is the expression of the f reedom of the su bject" (La g uerre 1 994:
2 4) . In the field of desi g n a nd p la n ni n g , a n u m be r of recent p u b lications reflect the
resu rgi ng p ractice of d esi g n activism (see Architect u re for H u m a nity 2 006, Bel l 2 003,
Bel l a n d Wakeford 2 008, Bloom a n d B rom berg 2 004, Pa l l eroni 2 004) . The work
often i nvolves professionals worki n g with citizens a n d com m u nities in tra nsformi n g

reutilizes the existin g buildi ng stocks in the Ka n d a district a n d tra n sforms them
strategies to i ncrementa l ly enha nce and diversify the existi ng u rb a n fa bric thro u g h
Pluralizing refers to how specific eth nic g ro u ps tra n sform the m ea nin g and
f u n ctions of p u b lic space, which resu lts in a more heterog eneous p u b lic s phere.
Michael Rios considers the p rospects for a distinctive Lati n o U rb a nism in the United

States a n d the different ways Lati nos m a ke claim s to p u b li c spaces in the city.
Jeffrey Hou examin es h ow the m a king of a Nig ht M a rket i n Seattle's Chinatown
I nternational District has engendered a physica l, social, a n d cultu ra l reconstruction

13

14

Jeffrey

your

Hall

spaCE?

of the pu blic realm in the n ei g h borhood . From Ta iwa n, H u n g-Yi n g Chen a n d Jia-He

g raffiti a rtists, homeowners, i m m ig ra nts, parents, p l a n n ers, sex workers, sq u atters,

Li n exa mi n e h ow Southeast Asi a n i m m i g ra nts n egotiate their identities a n d place

students, teachers, a n d u rba n fa rmers. The list goes o n . As the va riety of cases i n

t h rough the m a ki n g of thei r own col l ective space. Using C h u n g S h a n as a case stu dy,

t h i s col lection suggests, there a re d iverse mea ns throu g h which i n d ivid u a l s a n d

Pi na Wu exa mi n es how Fili p i no g u est workers i n Tai pei f i n d ref u g e in the streets,

gro u ps ca n engage a ctively i n t h e contestation a nd rem a king of publi c space, a n d

alleys, shops, resta u ra nts, a n d offices of a n a l ienati ng city.

Transgressing represents th e i nf ri n g ement o r crossing of officia l bou n d a ries

t h e city b y extension . From conversion of private homes i nto com m u n ity third places

between the private and p u b l i c d o m a i n s thro u g h tem pora ry occu pation as wel l as

a nd insig n ifica nt. But, precisely beca use these acts d o n o t req u ire overbu rden i n g

prod u ction of n ew mea n i n gs a nd relati o ns h i ps . H ere, three case stud ies f rom Japan

i nvestment or i nf rastructu re, they enable i n d ivid u a l s a n d often s m a l l g ro u ps t o effect

explore the potenti a l ity of a n ew p u bl ic space that stra d d les the p u b l i c a n d p rivate

cha nges in the otherwise h egemonic u rba n la ndsca pes. Although the actions may

real ms. Using cases in the Setagaya Ward of Tokyo, Yasuyosh i H aya s h i considers
the network of com m u n ity-based non-profit orga n izations as the basis of a "new

be i nformal and erratic, they have hel ped desta b i l ize the structu re a nd relationships
in the official publi c space a nd release possi bil ities for n ew i nteractio ns, f u n ctions,

p u b l i c" i n J a pa n . Isa m i Ki nosh ita exa m i n es how the concept of niwa-roju (Ga rden

a nd mea n i ngs.

to the occu pati on of streets for a lternative uses, each of these acts may seem sma l l

Street Trees) tra nsforms the bou n d a ri es between private p roperties and the p u b l i c

Beca use of the sca le a n d mode of prod uction, the m a ki n g of this a lternative

streets a n d the soci a l relati o ns h i ps inside the com m u n ity. Sawa ko O n o, Ryoko Sato,

publi c space is more partici patory a n d sponta n eous, a nd therefore more open a n d

a n d M i m a N is h iya ma describe the conversion of p rivate farmhouses both for n ew

i nclusive. T h e i nsurgent publi c space that they have created is therefore both a

q uasi-publi c uses a n d as a n i ntermedi a ry between city a n d cou ntry.

smal ler a nd a g ra nder publi c space. These sma ller yet g ra nd er pu blic spaces reflect

Uncovering refers to the making a n d red iscovery of p u b l i c space t h ro u g h active

the su bjectivity of its m u lti ple actors a n d the broader i nstru m enta l ity of space a s

reinterpretation of h idden or l atent m ea ni n g s a n d memories in the u rba n l a n d sca pes.

a veh icle f o r a wider va riety o f i n d ivid u a l a n d col lective actions. Althoug h these

From Seattle, Irina Gendel m a n, To m Dobrowolsky, and G iorgia Aiel l o of U rba n

i n d ivi d u a ls and g ro u ps do not all f it the l i kely d escri ptions of what Fraser (1 990: 67)

Arch ives present how their project u ses the city as a l a boratory to research d iverse

ca l ls the "su ba ltern cou nterpu blics," by resisting a ga i nst the hegemon i c reg u lations

a n d ofte u nconventi o n a l forms of u rba n expression that add ress the com plex
.
relationshi
ps of power. Jea n nene P rzyblyski p resents th ree projects by the Sa n

of the contem pora ry publi c space a nd the noti on of an u nd ifferentiated publi c they

Fra ncisco B u reau of U rb a n Secrets that engage citizens to experience cities as "sites

spa ce a nd pu blic sphere of the conte m pora ry society.

become active partici pa nts in "a widening of d iscu rsive contestation" in the publi c

of recovered memory and a repository of co m peti ng h i stories ." From Ta i pei, An nie

The m a king of insu rgent publi c space suggests a mode of city m a king that is

C h i u exa m i nes how a movement to p reserve a b rothel as a city h istoric l a n d m a rk

d ifferent f rom the i n stituti ona l ized notion of u rb a n ism a nd its association with

challenges the m a i n strea m h istoric preservati o n d iscou rse a n d conservative soci a l

master p l a n n i n g a nd policy m a ki n g . U n l i ke the conventional practice of urban

val u es, as wel l as the bou nd a ries between private sites/bod ies a n d p u blic memories.

p l a n n i ng, which tends to be domi nated by professionals a nd experts, the i nsta nces

Also f rom Ta i pei, M i n Jay Ka n g investigates the potenti a lity of fal low o r u nderused

of i nsurgent pu blic space as presented in this book suggest the a bi l ity of citizen

spaces for a d ifferent i m a g ination in the maki n g of an u rb a n l a nd sca pe.

g roups and i n d ivid ua ls to play a d i sti nct role in sha pi ng the co ntem pora ry u rba n

Fi a l ly, with Contesting, the book returns to the theme of strug g le over rights,

envi ronment i n defia n ce of the offici a l ru les a n d reg ulations. Rather tha n bei ng

m ea nings, a n d identities i n the p u blic rea l m . From Ca nada, And rew Pask looks at

su bjected to planning reg u lations or the often l i m ited partici patory opportu n ities,

how g rowth of p u b l i c space activism has u nfolded in Va n couver a nd Toronto to

citizens a n d citizen g ro u ps can u ndertake i n itiatives on their own to effect changes.

chal lenge the p rivatization and su rvei l l a nce of p u blic spa ce. Teresa M a res a nd Devon

The i n sta n ces of self-help and defia nce a re best chara cterized as a practice of

Pena exa m i n e two cases of u rba n farm s in the U n ited States, as i l l u strations of the

g uerri lla u rba nism that reco g n izes both the a bi lity of citizens a nd opportu n ities i n

i n s u rgent uses of p u b l i c space for food p rod u ction a n d com m u n ity org a n iz i n g . I n

the existi ng u rba n con d itions for rad ica l a nd everyday chang es a ga i nst t h e d o m i n a nt

E ast S t . Lou is, L a u ra Lawson a nd Ja n n i Sorensen describe t h e long-term strug g les

forces in the society.

that the com m u n ity has to end u re to reuti l ize a ba nd oned vaca nt l a nd to a d d ress
floodi n g, expa n d com m u n ity services, a n d s p u r economic development.

As cities a n d their socia l, economic a n d pol itica l d i mensions have conti n ued to
change, the f u n ctions, mea n i ngs, a n d prod uction of publi c space have a lso evolved
over time. As u rban popu lations a nd cu ltu res become more heterogeneous, a

Guerrilla urbanism: towards smaller yet grander

urban public space
The stories in this book represent stru gg les by com m u n ities a nd i n d ivid ua ls to find
their place a n d expressions i n the contem pora ry city a n d i n d o i n g so redefine the
bou nda ries, m ea n ings, a n d i n stru menta l ity of p u blic sphere. The i n d ivid u a ls a n d
g ro u ps i n c l u d e a ctivists, a rch itects a n d l a ndsca pe a rchitects, com m u n ity o rg a n izers,

g rowi ng p resence a n d recog n ition of c ultu ra l a n d socia l differences have made

the prod uction a n d u se of publi c space a h i g h ly contested process. Reflecting the
cu rrent cu ltu ra l, eco nomic, and spati a l chang es of cities, i ns u rgent public space
represents a g rowi n g variety of actions a nd practices that enable and e m power such
co ntestation . If publ ic space is where identities, mea n ings, and socia l relationships
i n cities a re prod u ced, cod if i ed, a n d m a i nta i ned, it i s thro u g h i nsu rgent public space
that a lternative identities, mea n i ngs, and relatio n s h i ps ca n be n u rtu red, a rticulated,

15

a n d enacted . Thro u g h the va riety of actions a n d p ractices, i ns u rgent p u blic s pace

enables the pa rticipation a n d actions of i ndivid uals a n d g ro u ps in renewi n g the
city as an a rena of civic exch a ng es and d ebates. Th ro u g h conti nued expressio ns
a n d contestation, the presence a n d m a ki n g of i ns u rgent p u blic s pace serves as
barometer of the democ ratic well-bei n g a n d inclusiveness of o u r p resent society.

Note
The concept of "third place" was introduced by Ray Oldenburg (1 989) to describe
the places that anchor com m u nity life between home and work place.

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Public Space and Democracy, Min n ea polis: U niversity of Min n esota P ress .
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Responses to Humanitarian Crisis, N ew York: M etropolis Books.
Ba rber, B. R. (2 00 1 ) ' Mailed, M a uled, a nd Overha uled : Arresti n g S u b u rb a n S prawl
by Tra nsformi ng S u b u rb a n Malls i nto Usa ble Civic Space', in H enaff, M . a n d
Strong, T. B. (eds . ) Public Space and Democracy, Min n ea polis: U niversity of
Mi n nesota P ress .
Bell, B. (ed .) (2003) Good Deeds, Good Design: Community Service through
Architecture, N ew York: P ri nceton Architectu ral P ress .
Bell, B. a n d Wakeford, K. (eds . ) (2008) Expanding Architecture: Design as Activism,
N ew York: M etropolis Books .
Bloom, B . a n d B ro m berg, A. (eds .) (2 004) Making Their Own Plans/Belltown
Paradise, Chicago: WhiteWalls .
B rill, M . ( 1 989) 'Tra nsformation, N ostalgia, a n d Ill usio n in P u blic Life a n d P u blic
Place', i n Altma n, I rwin a nd Z u be, E rvin H . (eds .) Public Places and Spaces, N ew
York: Ple n u m P ress .
Chase, J ., Crawford, M ., a n d Kalis ki, J. (eds . ) ( 1 999) Everyday Urbanism, N ew York:
Monacelli P ress .
Cohen, N . (2 009) 'Twitter o n the Ba rricades ', NewYork Times, 2 1 J u ne. O nline. Availa ble
HTTP: http://www. nyti m es .com/2009/06/2 1 /weekin review/ 2 1 co h enwe b . html?
r= 1 &sq=ira n%20twitter&st=cse&scp= 1 &pagewa nted=p ri nt (accessed 2 2
J u n e 2 009).
Cra nz, G . ( 1 982) Politics of Park Design: A History of Urban Parks in America,
Ca m b ridge, MA: M I T P ress .
Crawford, M . ( 1 999) ' I n trod uction ', i n Chase, J ., Crawford, M., a n d Kalis ki, J. (eds .)
Everyday Urbanism, N ew York: M on acelli P ress .
Davis, M. ( 1 992) 'Fortress Los Angeles: The Militarization of U rb a n Space', i n Sorkin,
Michael (ed .), Variations on a Theme Park, N ew York: Hill a n d Wan g .
D rucker, S . J . a n d G u m pert, G . (eds .) ( 1 997) Voices i n the Street: Explorations in
Gender, Media, and Public Space, Cresskill, NJ: H a m pton P ress.
F ra ncis, M . ( 1 989) 'Control as a Dim ension of P u blic S pace Q uality', in Altman, I .,
a nd Z u be, E . H. (eds.) Public Places and Spaces, N ew York: Plenu m P ress .
F ra ncis, M ., Cas h d a n, L., a n d Paxson, L. ( 1 984) Community Open Space: Greening
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DC: Isla n d P ress .
F ra nck, K. A. a n d Stevens, Q . (eds .) (2 007) Loose Space: Possibility and Diversity in
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8
Democracy, 6 ( 1 ): 65-7
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Sen nett, R. ( 1 992/ 1 978) The Fall o f Public Man,
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.
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You ng, I. M . (2002 ) 'The Ideal of Com mu nity
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44

James

Com m u n ity g a rdens create stron g social networks a nd rei nforce f a mi ly va l u es by

a l lowin g m u ltigenerat ion a l g a rd e n i n g between pa rents/ g ra n d pa rents a n d t heir
c h i l d ren a n d g ra ndchi l d ren .
The fourteen-acre Sout h Cent ral Fa rm, which is now closed, was a model for
t h e type of open g reen s pa ce t h at Los Angeles n eeds to meet t h e demands of LAs
g rowi n g Latino pop u l at i o n . P rojecto Jard i n is a med ici ne com m u nity g a rden located

CHAPTER 4

Taking place
Rebar's absurd tactics in generous urbanism

in a very u rba n neigh borhood . The g a rden a lso serves as an o pen-a i r classroom for
users and n ea rby residents.

Blaine Merker

Conclusion
The M a rch 2 5, 2 006, G ra n M a rcha i m m ig ra nt ral ly i n downtown Los Angeles d rew
more t h a n h a lf a mi l lion i m m i g ra nts a n d their a l l ies to p rotest agai nst legislation
t h at wou ld h ave i ncreased pen a lt i es for entering t h e U S i ll eg a l ly and for assist i n g
o r h i ri n g u ndocumented workers. Whereas for years people have l a mented how LA
lacks a center or pu blic space, wit hi n a few h o u rs p u b lic space was created o ut of
asphalt streets of downtown Los A ngeles. People and ven d o rs were roa m i n g freely
in the streets. In a city t h at is i n creas i n g ly dense a nd i ncreasi n g ly Latino, downtown
remains the center for t his com m u n ity. The G ra n M a rcha i l l ust rates how Lati nos a re
retrofitti ng t h e u rba n/su b u rba n form of LA on both a micro a nd macro level.
Los Angeles's growi ng Lati no popu lation is t ra n sformi n g t he a uto-oriented built
form into pedest ria n-oriented places. F rom wa l ki n g, bi ki n g, ridi ng t ra n sit, street
ven d i ng, a nd h a ngi n g out in t h e streets, Lat i nos retrofit t h e b u i lt envi ronment to
promote t h ese activities. Wit hout t h e help of govern ment or form a l a rchitect u ra l
i nterventio ns, t h e do-it-you rself u rba n d esig ners const ru ct front ya rd fences,
pai nt mu ra ls, a nd add porches to ho mes. Al l t h ese i nterventions t u rn streets i nto
plazas rich i n soci a l nei g h borhood activity. Latino g rowt h is occu rri n g at a t i m e
w h e n Ca lifornia is conflicted between two u rba n development models: developi n g
com pact cities a n d preserving u nd eveloped spaces, or i n creasing u rban sprawl a nd
s l u ms. Lat ino u rbanism offers a model for u rba n i m p rovisat ion a n d rei nvention t h at
add resses t h e issues of sustai n a bi lity, pu blic life, socia l j u st ice, a n d t h e economic
needs of t h e diverse u rban dwellers a n d em braces t h e everyday a cts of i n dividua ls,
f a mi l ies, and co m m u nities . It suggests i n novative ways for sustai n a bly retrofitti n g
o u r cities a n d s u b u rbs f ro m t h e g round u p .

Bibliography
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York: Ra ndom
House.
Rojas, J . T. (1991) 'The E nacted E nvi ro n ment: The Creat ion of Place by M ex ica n s a n d
M exica ns/Am erica ns', u n pu blished master's t hesis, Dep a rt ment of Architect u re
a n d P l a n n i n g, M IT.

On a s u n ny October day i n 2005, Reb a r, t h e Sa n F ra ncisco-based col lective of

a rtists, activists, a nd d esigners, paid a cu rbside pa rki n g meter i n downtown S a n
F ra ncisco a n d b u i lt a tempora ry pa rk wit h i n t h e white l i nes o f t h e parki n g space
- com plete wit h lawn, a l a rge shade t ree, and a park bench (Fi g u re 4.1). For t h e
l eg a l d u ration o f o u r "Iease," w e reprog ra mmed t h e p u b lic rig ht-of-way: no longer
a space d ed i cated to t h e movement a nd storage of private a utomobi l es, for two
hours t his seven by twenty-two feet of street beca me a place for rest, relaxation, a n d
socializi ng i n a n area of downtown San F ra ncisco previously u n derserved b y pu blic
open space.1 At fi rst, passersby reacted wit h a mix of i ndifference and c u riosity.
Event u a l ly several people vent u red -i nto t h e " pa rk," found a place to sit a nd took
advantage of t h e novelty of cool g rass and shade. Some of t h e st ra n gers enjoyed

Figure 4.1 This

image of Rebar's first
experiment in Park(ing)
quickly circulated
through the blogosphere
and became a readily
transmittable meme.
Source: Rebar.

46

47

B l a i n e M erker
Figure 4.2 Early

some u np l a n ned social i nteraction by exc h a n g i n g a few words with eac h other;

grassroots Park(ing)

others took the occas ion to rest or read. After two h o u rs a n d having generated

installations explored
creative new uses of

24,000 "sq u a re foot- m i n u tes" of p u b l ic open space, Reba r d isma ntled the pa rk a nd

spaces previously given

returned the s pace to its normative fu nction. All that rem a i ned of the i ncid ent were

over to the doxa of

the photos a n d video footage s hot. We posted these on o u r website as a record of

automobile use. T his

park from 2006 offered

the experiment.

lemon trees and presses

Within severa l weeks a sem i n a l p hoto had a ppea red i n dozens of references

for do-it-yourself

on the I nternet a n d news stories. Withi n s ix months Reba r had received h u n d reds

lemonade. Source:

of i n q u i ries a bout the project, whic h we d u bbed Park(ing), from ind ivid u a ls a nd

Rebar.

g ro u ps a rou nd the wo rld. The combi n ation of the ico n ic image of pa rki ng-s pace-as
park a nd its accompa nyi ng d esc ri ptive n a m e c reated a "sticky" idea that tra ns m itted
read ily across electro n ic media. Without m uc h exp l a nation, other g ro u ps d isposed
to g uerri l l a intervention q uic kly g ras ped the basic tactic. Sti l l, the a mo u nt of i nterest
Rebar received wa rra nted some codification of the idea, so we posted a short " h ow
to" m a n u a l on o u r website to help others get sta rted. The essence of the tactic was
to l eg a l ly c lai m a pa rki n g space us i n g m ateri a ls that were sym bolic a l ly associated
with pa rks : trees, lawn, a n d a benc h. Reba r treated the idea itself as o pen source
a nd a ppl ied a Creative Com mo ns l icense: as l o n g as it was n ot used for profi( we
encou ra ged people to replicate a n d rei nterpret iU
The fol lowi n g yea r, Reba r org a n ized a one-day, g loba l event in whic h pa rtici pa nts
- mostly i n Sa n Fra ncisco but n ow joined by g ro u ps in other cities a ro u nd the U nited
States a n d E u rope - b u i lt tem po ra ry pa rks in parki n g s paces, in a coord i nated effort
to p roduce a g reater c ritica l mass a nd to demonstrate soli d a rity with the effort to
reprogra m u rba n pa rki n g spaces . In eac h of the forty-seven cities where Park(ing) Day
took place in 2 006, d ifferent leg a l codes had to be negotiated by the participa nts :
t h e traffic codes i n San Fra nc isco were different from those i n Lon d o n, N ew York,
or E a u Clai re, Wisconsin. Nowhere, however, d id pa rtici pa nts meet with sig nifica nt
o ppos ition to their i nsta l lations, whic h ra nged from a do-it-you rself lemonade sta nd
thro u g h sto rmwater demonstration g a rd ens to a seed giveaway (Fi g u re 4. 2).
The event effectively operated withi n an u nderva l ued nic he space a n d successfu l ly
ex ploited a leg a l loophole -

tactic at o nce rad ical but s u perfici a l ly u nth reaten i n g

t o the system o f spatial commodification i t c riti q ued.3 Altho u g h the space we

sess ions i n Sa n Fra ncisco a n d d istributi ng how-to i nfo rmation o n the web. Reba r
itself b u i lt the Parkcyc/e (Fi g u re 4. 3), a h u ma n-powered "pa rk" that could deploy
2 50 s q u a re feet of g reen open space at the whi m of its pi lots, a n d we took the day
to vis it some of the fifty-eight pa rking space pa rks built a ro u n d San Fra ncisco.
In a l l, more than 2 0 0 pa rks were co nstructed on Septem ber 21, 2007

enti rely

by vol u nteers - in over fifty cities worldwide. The i nsta l lations ra nged from d i n ner
pa rties to croquet courses, d og pa rks to massage parlors, com m u nity h ea lth c l i nics
to u rban micro-farms. Some pa rticipants d i d i ns i nuate advertising a nd b us i n ess
p romotion i nto thei r i nsta l lations (i n Florida, for exa m p l e, a Sta rbucks set u p a park).
But what most of the Park(ing) i nsta l lations had in common was a sense of h u mor

collectively a l locate to pa rki n g - how m uch, where, for whom, a n d at what cost

a nd the p romotion of some kin d of a rtistic, ecologica l, social, or c u ltural ag enda

- is us u a l ly h otly contested, Park(ing) Day operated wit h i n a discrete u nit of that

contested terra i n, neutra l izi n g potenti a l backl as h with a sense of h u mor and the

to resonate eac h yea r.

honest a pp lication of a si m ple a nd u nco ntested m a rket ru le: j ust as it is completely

withi n the rig hts of i n d ivid u a ls to buy up s h a res of a p u b lic ly tra d ed compa ny,
Park(ing) Day pa rtici pants paid meters a nd exercised their o ptio n to do somethi ng
other tha n pa rk c a rs i n rea l estate that they, for the momen( owned .
I n 2007, ongoing widespread i nterest in Park(ing), concentrated in S a n Fra ncisco
but a lso n ow coming from E u rope a n d other American c ities, led us to o rg a n ize
an even l a rger sca l e event when people a ro u n d the world wou l d tem pora rily turn
pa rki n g spaces i nto pa rks. With help from pa rtner org a n izatio ns s uc h as The Trust
for P u blic La nd a n d P u bl ic Arc h itectu re, Rebar set a d ate for the event a n d facilitated
the partic i pation of h u n d reds of vol u nteers by holding c o m m u nity orga nizi ng

(Fi g u re 4.4). The playfu l yet passionate tone of the event fi rst set in 2005 conti n u es
What, exactly, had taken p l ace in these p l ayfu l acts of tra nsg ression i n the b roader
context and constructio n of u rba n la ndscape a nd the so-cal led p u b lic rea l m ? H ow
can we beg i n to a rticu late these actions a n d events as ways a nd m a neuvers fo r
rep u rposi ng the la ndscapes of o u r contempora ry city? Ca n the tactica l m a n euver
o n the pa rt of Rebar a n d the specific i nsta nces possi bly becoming a t u rning poi nt
that could lead to l a rger cha n g es i n the way p u b l ic spaces a re used and perceived ?
This c h a pter exp l ores these q u estions by exa m i ning some core themes i n Reba r's
projects, i ncl u d i n g Park(ing) a nd other a rtistic wo rk. Specifical ly, the cha pter
add resses these q u estio ns by relating the projects to the p roblems we have g ra p p led
with i n o u r own u nd ersta n ding of p u b l ic space a n d o u r ag ency withi n it.

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49

Niche spaces
The evolvi n g Park(ing) project is typical of the med i u m in whic h Rebar works :
" n iche spaces" a re u nd erva l u ed, or va l u ed i na ppropriately for t h e ra nge o f potentia l
activities wit hi n them. We bel ieve that suc h n iches - once identified - ca n be
opened up to reva l u ation t h ro u g h creative acts. Park(ing) identified the metered
pa rki ng s pace as j ust s uc h a n iche with i n the u rba n landsca pe, a nd redefi n ed it as
a ferti le terra i n fo r c reative socia l, pol itical, a nd a rtistic experi mentati o n . It was o n ly
throu g h the replication of this tactic a n d its adoption by others that a new ki nd of
u rban s pace was measu ra bly prod uced, as it was in the two years fol lowing Rebar's
fi rst Park(ing) experi ment. With Rebar provi d i n g others with " permiss ion" to act,
new users rus hed i nto this n iche, c h a l l e n g i n g the existing va l u e system encoded
with i n this h u m ble, everyday space. The pa rki n g space became a zone of potentia l,
a s u rface onto which the i ntentions of a ny n u m ber of pol itica l, soc i a l or c u lt u ra l
agendas could be projected . B y provi di ng a n ew ven u e for any ki nd o f u n met need,
reva l u ed parki ng s paces became i nstru mental in redefi n i n g " n ecessity." Thus the
creative act l itera l ly "ta kes" place - that is, it c l a i ms a n ew p hys ic a l a nd c u lt u ra l
territory for the social a n d a rtistic rea l m .
As a rtists, t h e Park(ing) p henomenon i g n ited o u r cu riosity a bout t h e street. We
saw that the street cou ld be d efi ned as a territory i nscri bed by a g reater n u m ber
of i nterests than the l a n dsca pe has room to accom modate. It is o n ly by the tac it
undervaluing of certa i n activities (such as, say, p l ay or eati n g or soc ia l iz i n g) that other
activities (s uc h as pa rki ng and d rivi n g) ca n th rive. Park(ing) set up an operation a l
Figure 4.3 T he
Parkcyc/e incorporated
a water-storing skin

preced ent for i nterve n i n g i n suc h a contested, va l u e-laden space a n d propos i n g a

new system of va l u atio n . E m bedd ed wit h i n this a pp roac h a re what h ave e merged
as th ree core stra nds of our practice so fa r: tactics, g enerosity, a n d a bs u rd ity.

and solar panels to

power the brakes and
lights, and used almost
all recycled materials.

Tactical urbanism

Although pedal

Rebar d efi n es tactic a l u rba n is m as the use of modest or tem pora ry revis i ons to

powered, it used no

urban s pace to seed structura l envi ron menta l c h a nge. O u r use of tactics is based

bicycle parts. Source:

Rebar.

on a bel ief that d eep orga nizing structu res (soci a l, c u ltu ra l, economic, a nd other)
have a two-way relati ons h i p with the phys ical envi ro n ment: they both prod uce the
envi ron ment a nd a re reprod uced by it. Rebar has been cons istently i nterested i n the
sociolog ist Pierre Bou rd ieu's notion of the doxa and habitus as ways of exp l a i n i n g
how w e perceive this hig h ly coded la ndscape. Accord i n g to Bou rd i eu, "every
esta blis h ed order tends to prod uce (to very d ifferent deg rees a nd with very d ifferent
mea ns) the natural ization of its own a rbitrariness" (Bou rd ieu 1 977 : 1 64) . These

Figure 4.4 T his park

built by volunteers/

doxa a re d eep, self-evid ent bel i efs that n ot o n ly exp l a i n the way the world works
but a re rei nforced by the p hysic a l envi ro n ment a nd o u r ways of operati ng wit hi n

participants in San

i t - t ha t is, h a bitus . "Th e ha bitus i s t he u n iversalizing mediation whic h ca uses a n

Francisco in 2007

i n d ivid u a l agent's practices, without either exp l icit reason o r s i g n ifyi ng i ntent, t o be

explored a theme
common to many

nonetheless 'sens i ble' a n d 'reason ab le' " (Bourd ieu 1 977 : 79) . Doxa favor the power

installations: an

relations h i ps of the status q u o because it is those rel ations h i ps that h ave prod uced

interactive element

the la ndsca pe itself. The l a n dsca pe's a ppa rent neutra lity req u i res j ustificatio n :

(in this case, a library)

to encourage social
exchange. Source: Rebar.

t h e dox a . Th us, when Reba r considers a parki ng space, the a l l ocation o f s pace to
sidewa l k or util ities, an enclosed corporate atri u m, or the voc a b u l a ry of materi a ls

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Blaine Merker

a n d sym bols in the c ity, we t h i n k of these thi ngs as engaging in a d ia logue with
the doxa. The envi ro n ment and ha bitus a re locked i n a mutu a l ly rei nforc i n g a n d
self-referentia l cycle. This i s t h e field i n which tactica l u rba n is m, a s a n i nterru ption
of h a bitus, operates.
There a re a lso ways i n whic h i nstitutions a nd other actors, s uc h as government
and corporations, actively reinforce the dox a . M ichel de Certea u contrasts two ways
that power is exercised i n s pace: strategies a n d tactics. Strateg ies "concea l beneath
their objective c a lc u lations thei r con nection with the power that s usta i ns them fro m
with i n t h e strong hold of its own ' proper' place or i nstituti o n " (de Certea u 1 984:
xix) . Artifacts of strateg ies, for exa m p l e, a re the pai nted m a rki ngs i n the roadway,
the i nvisible bou n d a ries of p roperty, or the zon i n g laws that control whethe a

neig h borhood is made u p of houses, factories, or b rothels . I n other words, strategy

is power worki n g at a d ista nce u po n the l a n dsca pe. Th is power in turn s h a pes
the d oxa a n d reinforces o u r perceptio n of the " n eutra l l a n dsca pe." Beca use it
both projects power and o bscu res its sou rce, strategy depends o n contrivi ng a
convinc i n g ly self-evid ent envi ro n ment.
In contrast, tactics " a re iso lated actio ns or events that ta ke adva ntage of
opport u n ities offered by the g a ps wit h i n a g iven strategic system . . . Tactics
cut across a strategic f ield, exploitin g g a ps i n it to generate n ovel a n d i nventive
outcomes " (Wiki ped ia 2 009b). A tactic (d eployed, for i nsta nce, in an u rba n n iche
space) " i ns i n uates itself i nto the [strategy's] p lace, f rag mentari ly, without taking it
over i n its entirety, without bei ng a b l e to keep it at a d ista nce" (de Certeau 1 984:
x ix). Dep loying a tactic m ea ns one "m ust vig i la ntly m a ke use of the crac ks that . . .
open i n the s u rvei l l a nce of the proprietary powers. It poac hes i n them. It c reates
s u rp rises in them " (de Certea u 1 984: 37) . I n doing so, the tactic d is ru pts the doxa
a n d tem pora rily projects a n ew set of va l u es o nto a space. R eba r's choice tactic has
been to remix envi ron menta l s i g ns a nd sym bols, often wit h i n the offic ia l voc a b u l a ry
that g ives doxa its force a n d m ea n in g .

Generous urbanism
Contem pora ry i n d ustria l ized societies have genera l ly accepted the ba n ish ment of
u nsc ripted, generous exc h a n g e i n the p u b l ic rea l m i n favor of a hyper-com mercial
a lternative. I n this preferred mode of relations h i p-bu i l d i n g between stra ngers
in pu blic space, generos ity's converse is o m n i p resent in the s i g ns a n d a rtifacts
of economic tra nsactio n . When the tra nsaction is complete, the vol u nta ry bond
between buyer and seller is severed; both go their sepa rate ways without obligation.
I n the North Americ a n city, p u b l ic behaviors u n related to commercial exc h a n g e or
economic prod uction fa l l i nto two bas ic categories : loiteri n g o r other i l leg a l a nd
d is ru ptive activity; a n d assem bly, celebration, a n d c u ltura l spectacle, whic h a re
heavi ly scri pted a n d conta i ned by perm its a n d other officia l permiss ions. ("Leisu re"
p u rsu its a re a nother poss i b l e exception, but d o not necess a rily i nvolve relations h i p:"
b u i l d i n g between stra ngers .) When a n u n reg u l ated act of generosity is i nterjected
i nto this envi ro n ment of com mercial consensus, the res u lt is a cogn itive d isruption
- a " blow a g a i nst the empire" (Pu rves 2005: 2 2-44). Offeri n g the p u b l ic somet h i ng

without exp ectation of a nyth i n g i n return is at o nce s u bversive, sus picious - a nd

p ote nti a l ly p rofound a n d tra nsformative. Stri p ped of commerci a l adornment, the
"generous " p u bl ic act foreg rou n ds its own ass u m ptions : it says, this is possible, and
it need not be bought or sold.
Rebar def i nes generous urbanism as the creatio n of p u blic s ituatio ns between
stra ngers that prod uce n ew c u ltu ra l val u e, without commercia l tra nsaction. This
is n't to say that money d oes n 't p l ay a rol e i n the exec ution, s i nce materia ls may sti l l
be boug ht, a n d g ra nts or commissi o ns d istri buted . However, t h e . u lti m ate va l u e is
produced i n d ependently of commerce. It's poss i bl e to c a l l this activity a rt p rod uction
("art" bei ng a convenient catego ry for c u lt u ra l goods that a re ends in themselves),
but there a re no a bsol ute "co ns u mers " or "producers " for this type of a rt, o n ly
pa rticipants with varyi n g levels of res po ns i bi lity for i nstigating the situation. Th is
ki nd of c u ltu ra l practice has a n esta b l ished ped i g ree i n Sa n Fra nc isco, a n d i nc l u d es
activities of g ro u ps s uc h as the Diggers, the F ree Sto res m ovement, a n d even the
more recent free s u m mer bl u eg rass festiva l in Golden Gate Pa rk. A n ota ble exa m p l e
of generous u rb a n is m i s Critic a l M ass, wh ic h beg a n a s a spo nta n eous g ro u p b i ke
ride a n d h as swelled, i n the last fifteen yea rs, to a month ly global event. There is
a lways the danger a mong the more successfu l forms of genero us situ ations that
they wi l l be a bsorbed by the d o m i n a nt c u ltura l m i l ieu a nd, o nce a bsorbed, thei r
critica l d i mension d i m i n is h ed as they j o i n f a m i l i a r, accepta ble, a n d potentia l ly
com mercial categories of festival a nd spectac le.
Reba r's second m ajor u rba n project, Commonspace, employed a generous
u rba n is m by crafti ng eig ht experi m enta l interventions in Sa n Fra ncisco's p rivately
owned p u b l ic open spaces (or "POPOS"). With s l i g ht pres u m ption, we g u essed that
a certa i n tolera nce for generous u rba n is m was the acid test for true p u blic space,
a nd set forth to d iscover just how public POPOS were (F i g u re 4 . 5). The eig hteen
mo nth project beg a n with a physical and social m a p p i n g of the s paces p rod uced
as a res u lt of Secti o n 1 3 8 of the S a n F ra ncisco P l a n n i n g Code. The code req u i res
that new downtown d evelopments make 2 percent of their a rea ava i l a ble " i n order
to meet the p u b l ic need for open space a n d recreati o n a l uses" (Sa n Fra ncisco
M u n icipal Code Sec . 1 38). The spaces ta ke the form of rooftop terraces, corporate
atri u ms, plazas a nd b reezeways, a n d even some oddly s h a ped s n i p pets connected
to pu b l ic streets where the "pu b l ic " seems to be n either awa re of POPOS n o r i n
g reat n eed of them . W e loosely positioned o u r a p p roac h wit h i n t h e Situation ist
tra d ition of detournment, the creative repu rpos i n g of f a m i l i a r elements to p rod uce
n ew m ea n i ng (wh ic h is n ot that d ifferent f ro m the rem ix i n g we'd been d o i ng to
date) .
Working from o u r web-based s u rvey of the p hys ica l a n d psyc h ogeo g ra p h ic
terra i n of the spaces, we la u nched a series of events in them : p u b l ic tou rs, rooftop
kite f lyi n g, an i nteractive g a me of "Assass i n, " a " N a p pen i n g " for u nd erslept office
workers a n d other accid enta l pa rticipa nts (F ig u re 4.6), a g a m e of "co u ntervei l l a nce"
i n response to secu rity ca m eras, and a pu blic wo rks h o p for teac h i n g Ba l i nese
monkey cha nt, or Kecak (F ig u re 4 .7). In each insta nce, p u b l ic partic i pation was
encou raged thro u g h o utreac h before a n d d u ri ng- the event. We saw the events
as opportu n ities to recast s paces that had often become, by virtue of thei r l iteral

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53

B l a i n e M erker

Figure 4.7 Rebar held

Figure 4.5 This papas

Kecak workshops in

in the headquarters

papas where the public

of the C-Net building

had been discouraged

provides indoor seating

from lingering by private

in a corporate lobby. T he

security. Legal observers

privilege of public use

from the American Civil

comes with a caveat,

Liberties Union also

though: Big Brother is

watched the event.

watching. Source: Rebar.

Source: Rebar.

Figure 4.6 Rebar

advertised the
Nappening on the

The plaza a n d i nside seati n g a rea of this bui l di n g is provided a n d mai ntai ned

street and by flyering

for the enjoyment of the p u b lic . The i nterior seating a rea is open to the p u b lic

the offices of the law

Monday-F riday 8am-6 p m . Wa rni n g . This b uildi n g uti lizes video s u rvei l l a nce.

firms above the pOPOS.

Any person enteri n g the premises is s u bject to bei ng monitored a nd recorded .

The free event quickly

"sold out," and many
participants inquired if

We discovered that some POPOS i n d eed wa rra nted recent c riti q u es of

it could be a permanent

"institutiona lized generosity on an u n precedented sca l e" that " revea l [s] that when

service. Source: Rebar.

the act of givi n g is not o n ly enforced but completely rationa lized, the res u l t is
nothi ng more than a representation of the p u b lic sphere." All a re hig h ly socia l ly
codified s paces, a nd many seemed steeped i n doxic expectation that " nothi n g
i s s u pposed t o ha ppen, a pa rt from perh a ps ponderi ng the phi losophy o f a l l the
contortionist fo rmats mod ern life ma kes us fit into" (Fowle and Larsen 2 00 5 : 23).
However, we eventua l ly fou nd the soci a l dyna mics of POPOS to be as complex
a nd varied as the governa nce structu res a n d p u b lics that operated i n eac h of them.4
Most a re overseen by private secu rity employed by the buildi n g ma na gement, a n d
i t was with these actors that w e most often ca me i nto contact when tryi n g t o reach
enclosu re in corporate space, d e facto p rivate rea l ms . By d e ployi n g generous acts
that fu lfi l led va rious u n met n eeds we had identified in o u r m a p ping (s uch as the
n eed for rest, play o r c o m m u nity), we created a "ru ptu re between the expected a nd
the u n ex pected" where pa rtici pa nts mig ht experience " not j ust the s u bject of the
dissent, but a lso the structu re that s u p ports the world and worldview that contai ns
both the dissent a n d the status q u o" (P u rves 2005 : 2 8) .
This active, generous a pp roac h to u rb a nis m contrasts with t h e paterna listic
"generosity" i m p li ed in the wordi n g of the p l a q u e posted outsid e the POPOS at 2 3 5
Second Street:

out to the " p u b lic." We rea lized that they i n d eed were a part of the p u b lic we were
tryi n g to engage. Whereas some were suspicious of o u r activities a nd even u nawa re
of thei r obli gation to provide a n open space to the p u blic, others responded
positively to the generous spi rit of the activities we i nitiated . I n fact, it seemed that
fra mi ng ou r activities as a "free" gift was so u nexpected that it g ra d u a l ly overcame
the i nstituti o n a l resista nce by the management overseers to non-c o m merci a l acts
in commerci a l space.

Reba r has benefited from the level of a uthe nticity and street c red that the

fra mework of generous u rba nism i m pa rts on a creative act, but to be motivated
by the knowledge that generosity is a powerfu l a nd tra nsformative tactic is not to

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54

Blaine M erker

say that we use it cynical ly. M ost of what Rebar d oes ta kes p l ace outside g a l l eries
a n d outside tra d itional va l uation system s for a rt, d esign, a n d u rb a n i nf ra structu re.

Matthew Passmore
inspects the contents
of the Cabinet National
Library, which includes
a guest book, snack
bar, and all back issues
of Cabinet magazine.
Source: Rebar.

Absurd urbanism

We "give away" ou r work (that is, set up situations for people to use a n d enjoy, or

Rebar holds that deep wit h i n every ration a l system hold i ng societies together a re

to f u lfil l an u n m et n eed) for a nyo ne nea rby enough to experience it because that

assu m ptions that, if ta ken to their logical conc l u si on, tend toward a bsu rdity. As

is the o n ly way we ca n d o ou r work. The p ri m a ry recipients a re the i n h a bita nts of

suc h, they a re h ig h ly ferti le terra i n for a rtistic ex ploration . P roperty ownershi p,

the p u b lic rea l m, b ut there a re m a ny more who wi l l experience this non-co m merc i a l

Figure 4.8 Rebar's

55

a rgua bly the mother of a bsurd ideas, served as the j u m p i ng-off poi nt for Reba r's

tra nsaction t h ro u g h i m ages a nd d esc riptions of the work. This seconda ry, m ediated

first project, the Cabinet National Library. For its Spri n g 2 003 issue on "Property, "

ex perience is p robably more i m porta nt to the goa ls we a re tryi n g to achieve. Si m ply

Cabinet magazin e, a non-profit a rt a n d c u ltu re q u a rterly, p u rchased a ha lf-acre of

by com m u nicati n g that suc h an exc h a n g e took place, the work i nfluences people's

land site u nseen for $300 o n eBay. The land was part of a fai l ed 1 960s residentia l

notions of what is possible and accepta b l e i n p u blic space, f a r beyond what was

development cal led the S u n s h i n e Va lley Ra nc hettes, now a desolate tract of desert

commu nicated at the moment the work is made. If generosity is the med i u m of

scru bland outside Deming, New M exico. Cabinet d u b bed their new p u rchase

this ki nd of work, then the m edi u m d oes become the message. Recently, oth er

Ca bi netla ndia a nd d ivid ed it i nto manageable sectors: Readerl a nd ia, E d itorla n d i a,

actors have ta ken u p thei r own explorations of papas based on the g ro u n dwork

Nepotismia, a n d so fort h. Magazi n e-sized pa rcels were offered to readers for a

laid by Rebar: the Sa n Fra nc isco U rb a n Research Associatio n (SP U R) is engaged i n

a n extensive eva l u ation of t h e spaces a n d is h osti n g p u b lic foru ms o n their place

pen ny for a 99-year lease.

U pon ou r read i n g the Ca binetla ndi a a rticle, it occu rred to us that Cabinetla n d ia

in the downtown p u b l ic space network, a n d severa l other i n dividuals and g ro u ps

would obviou sly req u i re a Cabinet National Library (i . e., a li bra ry contai ni ng a l l a n d

have l a u nched their own generous rep u rpos i n g of pa pas, ra n g i n g from l u nch-ho u r

o n ly bac k issues of Cabinet). What better way t o esta blish a c ivilization t h a n t o create

pic n ics t o free fig u re-d rawi n g classes.

a repository for its orga nizing doc u m ents (Fig u re 4.8) 7 Fortu nately, we were the first
to propose the idea to the magazine. The ed itors p u b l ished o u r l i bra ry proposa l a nd
a sketc h in I ssue 1 2 (Wi nter 2003-2 004) . From the outset, it was pa ra mount to u s
that t h e project be a n actua l, usa ble li bra ry, a s i d e f ro m (o r i n a d d ition to) bei n g a n
odd spectac le a n d a p lay on words. M oreover, it was c rucial t h a t t h e p roject express
its li bra ry-ness down to the last m i n ute d eta i l; this idea g uided the project at every
sta ge of its development. The Cabinet National Library is built f rom a th ree-d rawer
file cabi net a n d is laid out thus:
top d rawer - the Card Cata log, G u estboo k, a n d Guest Services.
middle d rawer - the Col lection : bac k issues of Cabinet.
bottom d rawer - the Snack Ba r.
Among the stra nds of Reba r's practice, a bs u rdism often acts as the l i g htning
rod; since its construction, the Library has attracted its sha re of pi lgrims, detractors
a n d even pi llagers. 5
I n the su mmer of 2006 Rebar made its first foray onto the ra rified world of the
i n stitutional a rt ga l lery with its EnCanment project. EnCanment was a perform a nce
i nsta llation i l')c l uded i n the "Between the Wa lls" exh i bition at Sa n Fra ncisco's
Southern Exposu re a rt ga l lery, a non-profit a rt space with a thi rty-fo u r-year h i story
a n d reputation as a pere nni a l ma i nstay on the cutti n g edg e of the Sa n F ra ncisco a rt
scene. " Between the Wa lls" was the fin a l show in 2006 before the g a l l ery c losed for
seismic retrofitti ng a nd, given th is, the g a l l ery a d mi n i stration put the entire i nterior
structu re of the g a l lery up for g ra bs: the wa l ls, the f loor, the very space itself was
offered up as an a rtistic med i u m . Pa rtici pati ng a rtists were encoura ged to consider
ideas of mig ration, tra nsition, i m p rovisation, and commu nity.
I n response to the concept of the exh i bition, . a nd i n celebration of Southern
Exposu re's ric h history i n this space, Reba r c reated a tem pora ry i n d u stria l
ca n ni n g operation that ha rvested, processed, a n d c a n ned t h e g a l lery itself. Reba r
systematic a l ly ma pped a nd cored sections of the ga l lery wa l l a nd, utilizi n g traditional

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B l a i n e Merker

assem bly- l i n e technology, ca n n ed the cores in meta l cans o n site d u ri n g the openi n g
a n d closing n i g ht events. Ca ns were t h e n la beled a nd sold t o support SoEx a n d

57

Notes

Reba r. (EnCanment i s situated i n the h i storica l context o f the g a l lery, which occu pies
a former i n d u stria l site that o nce hou sed the America n Ca n Com pa ny. The ea rl iest
i n ca rnation of SoEx ca l l ed itself the IIAm erica n Ca n Col l ective. II )
I n extend i n g the com mod itization of a rt objects to its logica l ly a bs u rd conclusion,

Reba r sou g ht to i n d ustrialize the p rod u ction of g a llery a rt, a n d sim u lta neously to
i nvert the tra d itional com m ercia l a rt-world exchange: in EnCanment, . the cultura l
va l u e em bedded i n t h e g a l lery itself was offered as a co m mercia l a rt object, d ra ped
though it was in the ba n a l tra d e d ress of a mass-prod u ced , ca n ned good . And,
sta n d i n g i n open revolt to a system that prizes mystiq u e, u n moored va l uati o n , a nd ,
above a l l , u n restra i n ed co nsu m ption, EnCanment w a s desig ned t o red uce the a rt
g a l lery, qua i n stitutio n , to a fu n g i ble u n it of g enera l co m merce.
And here one may fi n d traces of a n a scent i ns u rgency. EnCanment soug ht,
playfu l ly and a bsurd ly, to i n sert a sl iver of democracy i nto an otherwise d eeply
hegemonic system . Rebar h a rvested the g a l lery wa l l together with its associated
cu ltu ra l va l u e (a nd the i n s u l a r space it encloses), a n d d istributed the wa l l to the
public in a n easily tra nsporta b l e, afford ab l e package: the ti n ca n . As one pu rch aser
rema rked, II l've a lways wa nted a show at Southern Exposu re. I ' m hosting a n
open stu d io this weekend a n d o n e o f m y p hotog ra phs wi l l b e h u ng o n a piece of
Southern Exposu re p rocu red from the EnCanment project. My fi rst solo show i n a n

a rt g a l lery ! II

Conclusion
Although we've identified some of the key them es i n o u r work to d ate h ere, this
is done wi n ki n g ly ex post facto. We ca n 't p retend to h ave had a ny of this in mind
d u ri n g the work itself, except at the i ntu itive level fostered by the ki nd of l ate-night
d iscu ssions that ta ke place at Reba r's choice m eeti ng s pot, a pu b i n Sa n Fra ncisco's
M issio n District. Absu rd ity, generosity, and a tactica l a pp roach have been the
h a l l m a rks of our projects thus fa r but h a rd ly the test of an idea's valid ity prior to

The San Francisco Pla nning Department's Downtown Plan, Recreation and Open
Space, Map 3 Major Open Spaces i ndicates which areas of the city are considered
deficient in open space. Rebar chose one of these areas in a hig hly visi ble part of
downtown as an ideal test site for its first Park(ing) i nterventio n .
Accord ing t o Wikipedia (2009a), "Creative Com mons h a s been described as bei ng
at the forefront of the 'copyleft' movement, which seeks to su pport the building of
a richer public domai n . . . [some] have credited Creative Commons with generati ng
interest in the issue of i ntel lectual property a nd contri buti ng to the re-thinking of
the role of the 'com mons' in the 'i nformation age'. Beyond that Creative Commons
has provided 'i nstitutional, practical and legal su pport for i ndivid uals and g roups
wishi ng to experi ment and com m u nicate with cu ltu re more freely' . Creative
Commo ns works to cou nter what the organization considers to be a domi nant and
increasingly restrictive permission cultu re. According to Lawrence Lessig , fou nder
of Creative Commons, it is 'a cu lture in which creators get to create only with
the perm ission of the powerfu l, or of creators from the past' . Lessig maintains
that modern cu lture is dominated by traditional content distributors in order to
mainta i n and strengthen thei r monopolies on cu ltu ral products such as popu lar
music and popu lar ci nema, and that Creative Com mons can provide a lternatives to
these restrictions. II
In this and many other endeavors, we have been i nspi red by other artists whose
work engages interstitia l urba n space, in particular Gordon Matta-Clark's "Fa ke
Estates" project.
In other words, each papas has its own unique governing ecology to be uncovered ,
unlike a "properly public" city park in which the ru les are publ ic, codified, and
relatively consistent (see Amoss 2007) .
In spring 2007, art students from a joint progra m of the U niversity of New Mexico
and the U niversity of Texas launched an attack on the Cabinet National Library i n
order t o erect thei r own archive ato p the site. They were repelled b y a sudden storm,
common in the area at that ti me of year. See Taylor (2007). In J uly 2009 Rebar
retu rned to Ca binetlandia to repa i r and expa nd the Library, which itself had suffered
from storm damage, a nd added a drawer-sized white-wa l l a rt gal lery (for itinerant
exh ibitions) . Rebar's 2009 exped ition to Ca binetlandia also i ncluded an experiment
in projecting the dreamworld of the Library onto the upward-blown dust of the
New Mexican desert at night: using a high-powered projector, fractured i mages
of a rchitectu ral specu lation were cast onto/into a churning miasma of wi nd-borne
sa nd, evoki ng the eerie specter of weig htless and ephemeral l ibraries of fantasy.

4
5

its executi o n . In fact, what seems to have d riven our th i n ki ng as m uch as a nyth i n g

Bibliography

else h a s been t h e sense o f niche, loophole, a n d opportunity. These ta nta lizi ng g a ps

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Breed of U rb a n Pu blic Space in S a n Fra ncisco', The Next American City, 1 6 (Fa ll):
1 1 -1 2 .
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Ca m b ridge U n iversity Press.
de Certea u , M . ( 1 984) The Practice of Everyday Life, Berkeley: U n iversity of Ca lifornia
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in the u rban structure - these necessary pieces of the u rba n stru ctu re, as long as
that structu re is generated by strateg ic forces seated i n power and a uth ority - a re
what feed o u r practice. As long as we have the rig ht eyes to see them, the cracks
in the system wil l conti n u e to elicit o u r cu riosity. The l a ndsca pe itself is a field for
experi mentation a n d play a bout spa ce but a lso a bout stru ctu re, one where the fin a l
resu lts o f t h a t experi ment can lead t o b roader concl u sions.
To conclude then, we co me back to one of ou r ea rly q u estions i n this chapter:
ca n the res u lt of this play become a tactica l tu rn i ng point in the structu re itself,
more than a specific insta n ce of a bsu rd ity in p u b l i c space? We cou l d j u d g e this not
by h ow many others engage in repeati ng a spati a l meme, but by h ow possible it
becomes for a nyon e to use the public l a ndsca pe as a field of experi m entation a nd
play. The ru les of that game a re a n open secret.

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Blaine Merker

Roach, C. (2008) ' U rb a n G u erillas: Streets a n d the Sociopol itica l Architectu re of the
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PART TWO
RE CLAI M I N G