Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
in Yugoslavia, 19801991
JAMES W. TOLLEFSON
Abstract
Sociolinguists and other social scientists often play an inuential role in
determining the symbolic value of language and in shaping public attitudes
toward language. In the decade prior to the civil wars in Yugoslavia, social
scientists were prominent in the public discussion of nationalism, national
identity, state formation, and political options for the future such as
confederation and dissolution. Linguists were especially inuential in public
debates in Slovenia and Serbia. In Slovenia, independence was a major
theme of linguistic analysis, with linguists arguing in both scholarly and
popular publications that independence from Yugoslavia most eectively
protected the Slovene language. In Serbia, Serb nationalists argued in the
Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts that crucial
sociolinguistic and ethnocultural issues divided Serbs from other nationalities in Yugoslavia. In examining the deep personal involvement of linguists
and other social scientists in the politics of dissolution in Yugoslavia, this
article argues that the technical work of social scientists often has broad
sociopolitical aims that must be critically examined.
Introduction
Many language-policy specialists who adopt a language-rights perspective
(Ru z 1988; also see Kontra et al. 1999) argue persuasively that mothertongue education is often a crucial component of eective educational
programs for linguistic minorities and broader social policies designed
to reduce economic and political inequalities based on language (for
example, see Phillipson 1992; Skutnabb-Kangas 1984; Skutnabb-Kangas
and Phillipson 1989; Tollefson 1991). Moreover, when language rights
are protected by national language policies, such as in Australia during
the 1980s and in post-apartheid South Africa, mother-tongue promotion
01652516/02/01540065
# Walter de Gruyter
66 J.W. Tollefson
is often central to those policies (see Kamwangamalu 1997, on South
Africa; Lo Bianco 1987, on Australia; also see Skutnabb-Kangas and
Phillipson 1994; Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). Yet as research on language
policy in apartheid South Africa has shown, mother-tongue education
and use can at times be part of a broad strategy for maintaining the
linguistic advantages of dominant groups (Cluver 1992). Thus it is widely
acknowledged that sociolinguists should be cautious about generalizations regarding the impact of mother-tongue promotion policies. In
some instances, such policies are part of social and political agendas that
have little to do with human rights and instead are central to struggles
for political power.
This article will examine Yugoslavia, where, before its recent dissolution, advocates of mother-tongue use in broad areas of social life
eectively used public sympathy for mother-tongue promotion as part
of larger political strategies. Particularly interesting is the role of linguists
in the public debates about nationalism, national identity, and state
formation in the years immediately preceding the wars in Yugoslavia.
What were the broader social and political aims of proposals for mothertongue promotion? How were technical linguistic arguments about
language planning linked with the deepening political conict? Through
examining the discussion of mother-tongue policies advocated by leading linguists in Slovenia, where the wars began in June, 1991, and in
Serbia, the center of Serb nationalism, we will see that the debate over
mother-tongue policies was shaped by broader social and political
agendas. The article ends with an analysis of the importance of the
language debates in Yugoslavia for central issues in sociolinguistics and
language-policy studies.
8136
1320
20
532
45
42
4861
1107
210
4428
758
8
3454
3
56
31
109
8
Croat
2000
1629
78
24
39
13
151
5
59
Moslem
1754
3
1
25
1
1712
8
3
0
Slovene
1731
4
37
6
378
2
72
4
1277
Albanian
Yugoslavia
Bosnia
Montenegro
Croatia
Macedonia
Slovenia
Serbia
Vojvodina
Kosovo
Serb
1341
2
1
5
1281
3
29
19
1
Macedonian
577
14
399
10
4
3
77
43
27
Montenegrin
427
1
0
25
0
9
5
385
0
Hungarian
1216
326
31
379
14
26
271
167
1
Yugoslav
68 J.W. Tollefson
south were under Turkish rule. The northern populations of Slovenes and
Croats are largely Roman Catholic, while Serbs are mainly Orthodox, and
nearly two million Moslems (an ethnic category in former Yugoslavia)
inhabited Bosnia in the 1980s. Linguistically, Serbian and Croatian are
largely mutually intelligible, but lexical and grammatical dierences
clearly mark regional dierences (see De Bray 1951/1963/1969; Magner
1972). Croatian and Slovene are written in the Latin script, while Serbian
is written in Cyrillic. Slovenes, Macedonians, Albanians, and Hungarians,
as well as smaller ethnic groups such as the Italians in Slovenia and
Croatia, speak distinct languages.
Except for a brief period of Stalinist state centralism immediately after
the Second World War, Yugoslavia under President Josip Broz Tito
(19451980) generally developed an increasingly decentralized system of
state authority. Within the decentralized system, constitutional changes
beginning in 1953 institutionalized the principle of duality of state loyalty
and national (ethnolinguistic) loyalty. The principle of state loyalty was
concerned with the maintenance of a unied political state (Yugoslavia),
while national loyalty concerned maintenance of the major languages and
cultures. State loyalty was linked with discourses of economic development, national unity in the face of the external (Soviet) threat, and
democratic centralism. Under democratic centralism, the major nationalities were proportionately represented in state bodies. That is, it was
not individuals who participated democratically, but rather the nationalities. Thus identication with ones nationality was essential for eective
political participation. Loyalty to nationality was linked with linguistic
and cultural rights and was a central component in Titos strategy
to ensure that the diverse population remained committed to a united
Yugoslavia (Denitch 1996; Glenny 1992). (From the 1970s, ocial
terminology did not include minority, which was considered to denote
inferior social status [Joncic 1974].)
In language policy, pluralism became the dominant approach to
managing language conict, beginning with the constitutional changes
in 1953 and lasting until Titos death in 1980 (see Tollefson 1981, 1997).
The major language-policy concerns were language in education, in
the courts and other state agencies, and in a range of semiocial areas
of language use including publishing, radio, television, lm, and cultural institutions such as theater groups. The Titoist ideology of language and nationality, and its associated public discourse, entailed
powerful legal protections for language, with detailed policies at the
federal, republic, and local (communal) levels designed to guarantee
language maintenance and use for a wide variety of languages,
including Serbian, Croatian, Macedonian, Slovene, Hungarian, and
70 J.W. Tollefson
Language debates in Serbia
In Serbia, a key event in the rise of Serbian nationalism was the
Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, which
caused an uproar throughout the still-united country when it was leaked
to the press in September, 1986. A contributor to and leading defender of
the Memorandum was the inuential Serb linguist Pavle Ivic, who became
an eective public advocate for policies to promote the Serbian language.
The Memorandum oered a detailed discussion of the relationship
between the Serb nation and other ethnolinguistic groups in Yugoslavia,
including linguistic, cultural, and educational issues. The Memorandum
articulated widespread fear that the country had entered a historic crisis.
Its introduction, for instance, states, Not just the political and economic
system but the entire public order of the country is undergoing a severe
crisis _ . An objective examination of the situation in Yugoslavia
suggests that the present crisis might well culminate in social upheavals
with unforeseeable consequences, not even precluding such a catastrophic
outcome as the break-up of the Yugoslav state (Mihailovic and Krestic
1995: 95). This document was written in 1986, ve years before the
wars began.
A long, complex document, the Memorandum blamed decentralization
and pluralism for the economic and political crisis facing Yogoslavia in
the 1980s. This analysis implicitly suggested that the solution to the crisis
required new limits on the autonomy Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and other
republics had gained under the 1974 constitution. Specically, the
Memorandum linked pluralist policy and regional and local autonomy
with what it called dangerous centrifugal forces ... ethnic egoism and
polycentrism _ and special ethnic interests (Mihailovic and Krestic
1995: 105106). The Memorandum attacked what it called regionalized
culture, and it called for a renewal of a Yugoslav and universal culture
(114). The Memo specically criticized language policies outside Serbia
for promoting Croatian, Slovene, and Albanian mother-tongue education. Eorts to model the Albanian literary language in Kosovo after that
of Albania were criticized as an attack against the Serb minority in
Kosovo. Croatian eorts to encourage the development of distinct
Croatian and Serbian standards, and to ensure that Cyrillic was not
widely used in Croatia, were cited as evidence that Serbs in Croatia would
be unable to maintain their distinct identity. In fact, the Memo repeatedly
used the term genocide to describe what it considered anti-Serb
language and nationality policies in the other republics.
The Memorandum favored new policies to centralize authority, end
regional autonomy, and promote a single national culture, based upon
72 J.W. Tollefson
during the crucial two years leading up to Slovenias declaration of
independence and war with Serbia. Thus Toporis ic and Gjurin made
distinct contributions to the language debates in the years leading to the
war in Slovenia in 1991.
Joze Toporisic
Arguably the most important Slovene linguist of the past century,
Toporis ic has played an inuential public role in language planning in
Slovenia for many years. He has been responsible for some of the most
eective standardization eorts, based upon the normative reference
work called the Slovenski pravopis, which means Slovene orthography
but also includes a reference for morphology and stylistics in Slovene as
well as a dictionary. The pravopis was rst published in 1899, with
subsequent editions culminating in the important 1962 version. After
eighteen years of work on the project, Toporis ic was instrumental in
bringing out a revised version in 1990. He was also involved with the
important Language Arbitration Tribunal, established by the government
of Slovenia in 1980, to advise the public on the proper use of standard
Slovene, particularly the importance of restricting the intrusion of forms
from Serbo-Croatian (Toporis ic 1997).
Two recurring themes of Toporis ics work over the years have been
a concern for maintaining the purity of the Slovene language and promoting its use (Toporis ic 1991, 1992). Toporis ics concern with the
structure of Slovene and particularly with lexical inuences from other
languages is not, in his view, merely an academic exercise but, rather, is
central to the argument for Slovene independence. In his words, it is
noteworthy that the programs for Slovene independence have all
formed around the idea of a Slovene literary language (Toporis ic
1997: 7). Thus Toporis ic has conducted inuential work on the history
of Slovene. A specialist on Slovene standardization, Toporis ic wrote
many articles during the 1980s about the history of the Slovene
literary language, in order to trace the current variety to its historical
source in sixteenth-century Slovene. In his view, tracing the history
of the Slovene language is a key part of the process of revealing the
historical roots of the Slovene state. His inuential book, Druzbenost
slovenskega jezika: Sociolingvisticna razpravljanja [The Social Aspect
of Slovene: Sociolinguistic Studies], published in 1991, collected some of
his important articles and interviews up to 1989. One of its major themes
was the range of historical threats to Slovene, including German and
Serbo-Croatian.
Velemir Gjurin
Between July 1987 and July 1989, Velemir Gjurin wrote 103 columns
about language that were published in the popular weekly 7D and
collected in a book titled Slovenscina zdaj! [Slovene Now!] (Gjurin 1991).
74 J.W. Tollefson
Throughout these columns, Gjurin used technical discussions of language
as a mechanism to argue for the use of Slovene in a full range of
social domains and ultimately to attack what he believed to be Serbian
linguistic and political domination of Slovenia. For instance, he wrote
at length about the important military trial in Slovenia in 1988, in
which the Army tried four Slovene writers in Serbo-Croatian rather
than Slovene, as was guaranteed under the policy of pluralism, and
he was instrumental in mobilizing public opinion against the military
for its use of Serbo-Croatian in the trial. Like Toporis ic, he wrote
about the dominance of Serbo-Croatian in the military in Slovenia
and elsewhere. Particularly important were a series of articles about
the use of Serbo-Croatian on military structures in Slovenia. Often
tongue in cheek, these articles were widely seen as implicit attacks on
the Army, and they helped to identify the Army with narrow Serbian
interests. Gjurin also wrote columns about language use on currency,
about the need to use Serbo-Croatian when applying for visas at the
US Embassy, and about Turkish inuences on Serbo-Croatian all
of which, he argued, showed the unequal status of Slovene, despite
constitutional guarantees of equality. One of his columns on currency,
for instance, was titled The linguistic racism of Yugoslav bank notes
(Gjurin 1991). That column noted that inscriptions on currency notes
began with Serbo-Croatian in Cyrillic, and then followed with Croatian
and Slovene, with Macedonian last. He argued Yugoslavia as a union
of six nations and their sovereign states must also be represented
symbolically in the matter of language (1991: 42). Gjurin also publicized
the political work of other linguists. For instance, he wrote about
the formal complaint by the Slavic Society of Slovenia to Yugoslav
and Slovene ocials about Serbo-Croatian in the military. Gjurin
ridiculed the lack of ocial response to this complaint by gleefully
announcing that he would reprint the ocial response and then
leaving two columns of blank spaces.
Over the course of two years, from 19871989, Gjurins columns
became increasingly explicit in linking the fate of the language with the
political future of Yugoslavia. Later, in March 1990, he wrote about
the advantages of a confederation or an independent Slovenia for the
Slovene language. Although he initially had to be cautious, his bold and
explicit statements calling rst for confederation and then for independence reected the fact that Slovene ocials, including those in the
Slovene League of Communists, had themselves come to accept the need
for Slovene independence. Thus Gjurins column helped to lead popular
opinion toward independence, and it also reected, in its increasing
boldness, the success of his eort.
76 J.W. Tollefson
by Ivic and other Serb intellectuals that increasingly served as a wedge to
separate Serbs from Slovenes, Albanians, and Croats, Slovene linguists
used language issues as a force for shaping public opinion in the direction
of autonomy, and ultimately for mobilizing virtually the entire population
in support of Slovene independence (see Tollefson 1997).
78 J.W. Tollefson
confederation of more or less independent states (the option favored by
the government of Slovenia until the nal months before independence) or
dissolution (the option ultimately chosen, and largely imposed by Serbia).
Yet it is also important to recognize that the decades-long policy
of pluralism was not easily reversed. Turning popular opinion against
pluralism, and nally closing o the pluralist option, took great eort by
Serbs for nearly a decade, and the discussion of language was one of the
key mechanisms for that process. As Rogel (1998) points out, ethnic
hatred and ethnic cleansing were products of the linguistic and political
conicts in Yugoslavia in the 1980s, not the cause.
80 J.W. Tollefson
intellectuals, Skutnabb-Kangas (2000: xxiii) argues that linguists and
other social scientists must be deeply involved in social and political
struggles.
In both Slovenia and Serbia, linguists played active, public roles in
social and political struggles over the future of the country. Ultimately,
Ivic oered a linguistic rationale for Serbian centralism, while Gjurin and
Toporis ic used their linguistic skills in the service of pluralism and Slovene
independence. In assessing the sociopolitical role of linguists and other
social scientists in any context, it is critical to ask these key questions:
What are their social, economic, and political aims? How is the technical
work of social scientists linked with broader sociopolitical issues? Whose
interests does this work promote? In Yugoslavia between 1980 and 1991,
both Serb and Slovene linguists openly acknowledged their sociopolitical
agendas. Although such openness is less evident in other settings, these
questions are no less important.
University of Washington
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