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Showing translation for International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No.
5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 1 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE CHALLENGES
OF DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Aborisade Olasunkanmi Ladoke Akintola University of
Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria ABSTRACT The work focuses on constitutionalism and the
challenge of development in Africa. The absence of the culture of constitutionalism affected in a
very substantial way Africas efforts toward development. That is the reason why primarily task
of this work is to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Africa and the reason why most
African countries have not entrenched the practice of constitutionalism in their countries. It
further probes into the nature and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism and its effect
on development of most countries in Africa. The work then concludes that the entrenchment of a
culture of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bound that can bring the citizens
and the state together. Once this is actualised, then Africa can talk of a meaningful development.
Key words: Africa, Challenge, Constitution, Constitutionalism, Development, Entrenchment
Introduction Constitutionalism is embedded in the idea that the government should be limited in
its powers and that its authority depends on its observing these limitations. These limitations are
in the form of individual or group rights against government, such as rights to free expression,
association, equality and due process of law. The attempt to limit governmental arbitrariness,
which is the premise of a constitution, has several times met with failure. This failure has had a
negative effect on both human and material development of Africa. By development we mean a
more inclusive concept with its social, political and economic facets. It is the qualitative and
quantitative positive transformation of the lives of a people that does not only enhance their
material well-being but also ensures their social well-being including the restoration of human
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 2 dignity (Osagie1985). In other words, development should be a warm, gradual
and considerate process in its attempt to alleviate mans economic and technological standard or
conditions without disregarding or disrespecting any aspect of mans existing social, cultural and
political values (Ifeyinwa 2004). Development is about human, development cannot be
divorced from the peoples. Any reasonable developmental efforts must have roots in the people it
is meant for, before it can be successful. The adherence to the dictate of constitutionalism means
limiting the arbitrariness of governmental power and failure of it means the enthronement of
arbitrariness of governmental power. In that regard, this work set out to examine the reason why
enthronement of constitutionalism has remained practically impossible in most African state;
despite the fact that many constitutional conferences had been held and many constitutional
drafting committees have being set up and completed their job; yet the idea of constitutionalism
has remain a day dream in many African countries. Constitutionalism and Africa The advent of
colonialism in Africa and the subsequent taken over of African states brought about the
introduction of modern forms of governance that necessitate modern form of constitution which
is written and documented. The introduction of this constitution into the colony is regarded as an
imposed constitutionalism. Schepple, K. L (2003) made a distinction between constitutionalism
and imposed constitutionalism. According to him; constitutionalism is legitimate, but the
imposed constitutionalism is not. Imposed constitutionalism is illegitimate because it is being

drafted in the shadow of the gun. None of the African countries under the colonial rule has the
opportunity of substantial local participation in the constitutional process. Rather, they have seen
substantial intervention and pressure imposed from outside to produce a constitutional outcome
preferred by the colonizer. Even after independence, we discovered that almost all the
constitutions drafted by African states still follow the same pattern of not allowing a substantial
local participation. A noticeable negativity of this imposition is the crisis of legitimacy of the
constitutional outcome. Immediately after the independence, the post-colonial Africa leaders are
visibly and notoriously oppressive. They acquired absolute power, which made it possible for
them to ensure that the International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4
Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 3 people adjust to the structure of oppression and
exploitation which they inherited. This trend has taken a new dimension today, according to Ade
Ajayi (1992) the urban political elite has alienated itself from its own people such that in those
states which purport to maintain a measure of representative government, the political leaders
only go to their supporters during election when they need votes. The situation has gone worst
to the extent that, many people have lost confidence in the democratic process, because; The
elite, like the colonial state, which they inherited, has grown apart from the society. Increasingly
the state and the elite who control the state, have become predicators of the society (Ade-Ajayi,
J. F.1992) The emphasis here is that, these leaders do not see themselves as statesmen who are
expected to develop a keen awareness of collective responsibility in the long term (Joseph, K.
2000), but are like colonial administrators, overseers who are in power to ensure that the people
adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they manage( Oladipo, O. 1998).
Chinua Achebe (1985) opines that most Africa leaders are not morally upright. They
characteristically coerce all personnel and other arms of government to work in their interest.
The consequence of this is that, the post colonial state and institutions were as oppressive as their
colonial precursors. They were exploitative to the extent that they serve as avenue for capital
accumulation and status attainment by the leaders. Thus post-colonial African state could not
guarantee freedom and justice for ordinary Africans. This being the case because it could not
provide the essential foundation for the pursuit of public benefits- peace, welfare and the
opportunity for individuals to pursue their own happiness (Christopher, C. 1991). In an ideal
society, leaders are expected to be role model. But the problem with Africa has been the issue of
bad leadership. Our leaders lack discipline and the citizens are following suit. African leaders
have always been known for not obeying the constitution, since the constitution itself lacks
merit. The colonialists have already set in place a bad example of governance, but Africa lacks
good leadership that will confront this dilemma and thus take Africa out of its International
Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195
4 debilitating condition (Afolayan. A. 2009) Leadership is observed to be the most critical, such
that many depict the continent as a faraway place where good people go hungry, bad people run
government, and chaos and anarchy are the norm.(Alex Thomson 2002) More so, it has been
rightly observed that under the various oppressive authoritarian regimes which African
countries have had the misfortune to chafe under for the greater part of its post colonial history,
Africans have been treated to a bastardization of constitutionalism and growing impotence of the
judiciary in the face of countless acts of impunity, executive lawlessness and economic
brigandage by praetorian guards that had imposed themselves on the political landscape of the
nation(Oyebode 2005). The dearth of good leadership in postcolonial Africa is inversely
proportional to the widespread poverty, not only of ideas about running the societies and states,
but also the impoverishment of the populace. (Afolayan. A.2009). More crucially, however, the

failure of the African state to properly manage its affairs is partly responsible for its inability to
participate meaningfully in global processes. Impact on Africa Development Most African
countries gained their independence from the British, the French, the Italians, the Portuguese, the
Spanish, and the Belgians, among others in the early 1950s, 1960s till 1970s. The nationalist that
took over the mantle of leadership from the colonialist were not only interested in replacing
European in leading positions of power and privileges( Nzongola, N. J. 1984) but they also
created opportunities for themselves and their cronies that enable them to plunder the economy
and make sure that existing opportunities and benefits in the state were reserved for themselves
and people from their ethnic groups that are fortunate to hold key positions that have also been
found vacant in this regard. According to the western Nigeria white paper of 1964, an easterner
(Dr Ikejiani) who was the chairman of the Nigeria railway corporation was responsible for the
fact that, of the 431 senior posts, 270 were manned by Ibos( Bamisaye, A.1976). It was also
reported that Chief Obafemi Awolowo, used his closeness to general Yakubu Gowon the then
Nigerian Head of State between 1967-1976 to further advance the educational, economic,
industrial and bureaucratic interest of the Yoruba people( Adesina, O. C.1998). As these leaders
created opportunities and benefits for themselves and members of their ethnic groups, other
ethnic groups that were not so placed or that were not represented in the scheme of things
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 5 felt alienated from the State and consequently the State becomes an arena of
ethnic conflict; social relationship can no longer generate important common goals, interests
and values in terms of which a sense of neighbourliness can be developed among them and
national identity forged( Oladipo, O. 1998). In a situation of complete disregard for state
authority or lack of confidence in the state, there used to be an expression of hostility and
violence between and among the beneficial and those that are not benefited in the scheme of
things. This type of hostility and violence is not good enough for the sustainability of an ordered
society in Africa. There is also a disappearance of basic state functions that serve the people,
including collapsed infrastructure, total paralysis of the health sector at all levels, constant
nationwide power failure and the attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy;
pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of
our people, debilitating homelessness; retrogressive educational programmes and policies. Also
using the state apparatus for agencies that serve the ruling elites such as; the security forces,
presidential staff, central bank, diplomatic services, and customs and collection agencies, these
are currently the norm in many countries in Africa. There are more policemen protecting
politicians in Africa than are available for normal police duties. The civil service has been
destroyed by turning it into an instrument in the hands of politicians by making the top post
political appointment. Every change in the civil service has been to increase the power of
politicians over civil servants and bring them under their control to remove the valuable role they
play in checking corruption and maintaining probity in public offices. More so, lack of adherence
to the rules and regulation laid down in the constitution has led to the emergence of ethnic
militias in some countries in Africa, for example in Nigeria; the ethnic militias converse verbally
and even openly on the state of nation. Some even went to the extent of engaging in
confrontation with the state security forces in pursuance of their goals and objectives; they have
different goals and aspirations. For example, the movement for the survival of Ogoni people
(MOSSOP) is out to protect the interest of the Ogoni, most especially the oil exploitation and
environmental degradation of their land. The Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) emerged in August
1994 to challenge the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by International

Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195
6 late Chief MKO Abiola, as well as ensure the restructuring of the Nigeria federation. The
Egbesu boys of Africa came up to fight the environmental degradation and exploitation of the
Niger Delta by the multinational oil corporations. The failure of the police to check the menace
of armed robbery in the south-east led to the formation of Bakassi Boys. The Arewa peoples
congress was principally set up to counter OPC which was alleged to have master minded most
of the ethnic clashes in the South West. In the same view, some other countries in Africa do have
rebels movement; the group came into being as a result of one or two exploitations that could
have been normalized if the government danced to the dictate of the constitution of the countries
concerned. But because the ruling government failed to do the right thing the next thing for the
rebel is to take arms against the ruling power. This has resulted into serious war in many
countries in Africa. It happened in Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Central Africa
republic, Congo DCR and presently in Sudan. The aggrieved individuals felt marginalized and
they thought that the best way to make their grievances known to the public is through violence.
Robert Mugabe gave a vivid description of the situation in this way; Africa is now home to the
worlds largest number of least Developed Countries. The continent further boasts of the largest
refugee population, in the world. Furthermore, it is the theatre of endless conflicts, civil strifes
and human right abuses. Whereas standard of living in other continents have risen over time, in
Africa, present standards of living are not better than they were two decades ago. High
unemployment, inflation, civil strifes, poverty, refugee crises, desertification, disease, and
malnutrition-the list is endless- appear to be the only legacy the continent is capable of passing
on from one generation to the other(Robert, M.1991). Furthermore, this laxity also laid emphasis
on market economy in most countries in Africa. Market economy is when goods and services are
exchanged in the market place, which is either physical or ideal. Capitalism is a form of market
economy, a situation where the market place decides what goods and services to produce, how to
manufacture, sell and their prices through the forces of supply and demand. This is what
colonialism introduced to Africa. Colonialism thrust Africa into the world capitalist system
dominated by metropolitan forces that operate International Journal of Politics and Good
Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 7 under harsh
individualism and by so doing created a new world (economic) order in which Africans were
(and still, are) ill equipped to compete(Sogolo, G. 1993). But most African states have not even
developed to the level that can sustain aggressive individualism. The level of development here
is very low and the expectations after independence have been dashed due to lack of durable
constitutional government. For instance, the North-South Round Table in its review of the
regions economic and social performance declares that: Africas economic and social
performance during the 1980s was predominantly negative. This was manifest within Africa
by severely depressed economic growth rate, stagnant agricultural production, deteriorating
social services and a decline in living standards. Externally it was marked by a rising debt
burden, inadequate resources flows and a sharp fall in community prices for Africans key
experts (North-South Round Table. 1991). The consequence of this is poverty. Poverty has
remained Africas problem. The effect is so devastating that nearly half of the continents
population lives below $1 per day. 34 of the worlds 49 least developed countries are in Africa
( Kamaran, M. 2005). It was discovered that only three countries Mauritius, South Africa and
Botswana have made progress so far, the existence of high level of abject poverty have made it
practically impossible for other countries to progress, talk less of giving peace a chance.
Conclusion There is the need for social reconstruction in Africa. Africa has not been able to

reconstruct her society in a manner that can empower her people to realize their human potential
in a significant manner (Oladipo, O. 2007). An individual cannot significantly actualize her
capacity for selfexpression due to lack of coherent structure or institution of good government.
The entrenchment of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bond that can tie the
citizens to the state, and the basis upon which the government can justify its control over the
citizens. It is only when this is actualised that a meaningful development can take place in Africa.
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 8 REFERENCES Adesina, O. C.(1998). The Debt Crisis and the National
Question in Sub-Sahara Africa in Remaking Africa: Challenge of the Twenty First Century.
Ibadan: Hope Publication. Ade-Ajayi, J. F.(1992) Development is about People View Point: A
Critical Review Of Culture and Society, Vol.1 No 51-52 p9-17.. ibid. p10 Alex Thomson,(2002).
An Introduction to African Politics, second edition, London and New York: Routledge,; quoted
in Afolayan, A. Supra. Afolayan, A.(2009) Poverty as Statecraft: Preliminary Reflections on
African Leadership, in Lumina, vol. 20, no. 2, p. 1. Bamisaye, A.(1976). Ethnic Politics as an
Instrument of Unique Socio- economic Development in Nigerias First Republic In Sanda,
A.O(ed) Ethical Relations in Nigeria Ibadan: Caxton press ltd. Chinua, A. (1985). The Trouble
with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Christopher, C. (1991).The Africa State in Douglas
Rimmer (ed) Africa : 30 years on. London: The Royal Africa Society in Association with James
Currey Ltd and Heinemann Educational Books Inc.p92. Joseph, K. (2000). Oppressor or
Liberator? African Event. No24. Kamaran, M. (2005). An Open Letter to G8 Leaders. File: //A//
Kamaran Mofid, An Open Letter to G8 Leaders htm. North-South Round Table. (1991). The
Challenge of Africa in the 99s Report of the North- South Round Table Consultation. New York:
North-South Round Table. 3. Nzongola, N. J. (1984). The Crisis in Zaire Africans Crisis.
London: Institute for Africa Alternative. Oladipo, O. (1998). Modernization and the Search for
Community in Africa. Crisis and Conditon of Change in Oladipo, O(ed) Remaking Africa:
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 9 Challenges of twenty first Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. P114. Oladipo, O.
(2007). The Notions of Community and Democracy in Contemporary African Social and
Political Thought. In Ebijuwa T. (ed) Philosophy and Social change, Discourse on values in
Africa. Ibadan: Hope Publication Ltd.p147. OYEBODE, A. (2005). The Challenges of Building
a Virile Democratic Nation in Critical Issues on Sustainable Democracy and Development:
Nigerian Perspective 49-61, Leadership Watch. Robert, M.(1991). Africa in the New World
Order: Europe 1992 and Beyond, a Daily Times (Nigeria) Special Lecture delivered on January
9, Published in Daily Times (January 10 1991)p22 Schepple, K. L (2003) Aspirational and
Aversive Constitutionalism: The Case for Studying Cross-Constitutional Influence through
Models, 1 Int'l J. Const. L. 296.37. Sogolo, G. (1993). The future of Democracy and
Participation in Everyday life: The Africa Experience in Advancing Democracy and
Participation, Challenges for Future. P57
Translate instead from International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4
Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 1 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND THE CHALLENGES OF
DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Aborisade Olasunkanmi Ladoke Akintola University of
Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria ABSTRACT The work focuses on constitutionalism and the
challenge of development in Africa. The absence of the culture of constitutionalism affected in a
very substantial way Africans efforts toward development. That is the reason why primarily task
of this work is to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Africa and the reason why most
African countries have not entrenched the practice of constitutionalism in their countries. It

further probes into the nature and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism and its effect
on development of most countries in Africa. The work then concludes that the entrenchment of a
culture of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bound that can bring the citizens
and the state together. Once this is actualised, then Africa can talk of a meaningful development.
Key words: Africa, Challenge, Constitution, Constitutionalism, Development, Entrenchment
Introduction Constitutionalism is embedded in the idea that the government should be limited in
its powers and that its authority depends on its observing these limitations. These limitations are
in the form of individual or group rights against government, such as rights to free expression,
association, equality and due process of law. The attempt to limit governmental arbitrariness,
which is the premise of a constitution, has several times met with failure. This failure has had a
negative effect on both human and material development of Africa. By development we mean a
more inclusive concept with its social, political and economic facets. It is the qualitative and
quantitative positive transformation of the lives of a people that does not only enhance their
material well-being but also ensures their social well-being including the restoration of human
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 2 dignity (Osagie1985). In other words, development should be a warm, gradual
and considerate process in its attempt to alleviate mans economic and technological standard or
conditions without disregarding or disrespecting any aspect of mans existing social, cultural and
political values (Ifeyinwa 2004). Development is about human, development cannot be
divorced from the peoples. Any reasonable developmental efforts must have roots in the people it
is meant for, before it can be successful. The adherence to the dictate of constitutionalism means
limiting the arbitrariness of governmental power and failure of it means the enthronement of
arbitrariness of governmental power. In that regard, this work set out to examine the reason why
enthronement of constitutionalism has remained practically impossible in most African state;
despite the fact that many constitutional conferences had been held and many constitutional
drafting committees have being set up and completed their job; yet the idea of constitutionalism
has remain a day dream in many African countries. Constitutionalism and Africa The advent of
colonialism in Africa and the subsequent taken over of African states brought about the
introduction of modern forms of governance that necessitate modern form of constitution which
is written and documented. The introduction of this constitution into the colony is regarded as an
imposed constitutionalism. Schepple, K. L (2003) made a distinction between constitutionalism
and imposed constitutionalism. According to him; constitutionalism is legitimate, but the
imposed constitutionalism is not. Imposed constitutionalism is illegitimate because it is being
drafted in the shadow of the gun. None of the African countries under the colonial rule has the
opportunity of substantial local participation in the constitutional process. Rather, they have seen
substantial intervention and pressure imposed from outside to produce a constitutional outcome
preferred by the colonizer. Even after independence, we discovered that almost all the
constitutions drafted by African states still follow the same pattern of not allowing a substantial
local participation. A noticeable negativity of this imposition is the crisis of legitimacy of the
constitutional outcome. Immediately after the independence, the post-colonial Africa leaders are
visibly and notoriously oppressive. They acquired absolute power, which made it possible for
them to ensure that the International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4
Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 3 people adjust to the structure of oppression and
exploitation which they inherited. This trend has taken a new dimension today, according to Ade
Ajayi (1992) the urban political elite has alienated itself from its own people such that in those
states which purport to maintain a measure of representative government, the political leaders

only go to their supporters during election when they need votes. The situation has gone worst
to the extent that, many people have lost confidence in the democratic process, because; The
elite, like the colonial state, which they inherited, has grown apart from the society. Increasingly
the state and the elite who control the state, have become predicators of the society (Ade-Ajayi,
J. F.1992) The emphasis here is that, these leaders do not see themselves as statesmen who are
expected to develop a keen awareness of collective responsibility in the long term (Joseph, K.
2000), but are like colonial administrators, overseers who are in power to ensure that the people
adjust to the structure of oppression and exploitation which they manage( Oladipo, O. 1998).
Chinua Achebe (1985) opines that most Africa leaders are not morally upright. They
characteristically coerce all personnel and other arms of government to work in their interest.
The consequence of this is that, the post colonial state and institutions were as oppressive as their
colonial precursors. They were exploitative to the extent that they serve as avenue for capital
accumulation and status attainment by the leaders. Thus post-colonial African state could not
guarantee freedom and justice for ordinary Africans. This being the case because it could not
provide the essential foundation for the pursuit of public benefits- peace, welfare and the
opportunity for individuals to pursue their own happiness (Christopher, C. 1991). In an ideal
society, leaders are expected to be role model. But the problem with Africa has been the issue of
bad leadership. Our leaders lack discipline and the citizens are following suit. African leaders
have always been known for not obeying the constitution, since the constitution itself lacks
merit. The colonialists have already set in place a bad example of governance, but Africa lacks
good leadership that will confront this dilemma and thus take Africa out of its International
Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195
4 debilitating condition (Afolayan. A. 2009) Leadership is observed to be the most critical, such
that many depict the continent as a faraway place where good people go hungry, bad people run
government, and chaos and anarchy are the norm.(Alex Thomson 2002) More so, it has been
rightly observed that under the various oppressive authoritarian regimes which African
countries have had the misfortune to chafe under for the greater part of its post colonial history,
Africans have been treated to a bastardization of constitutionalism and growing impotence of the
judiciary in the face of countless acts of impunity, executive lawlessness and economic
brigandage by praetorian guards that had imposed themselves on the political landscape of the
nation(Oyebode 2005). The dearth of good leadership in postcolonial Africa is inversely
proportional to the widespread poverty, not only of ideas about running the societies and states,
but also the impoverishment of the populace. (Afolayan. A.2009). More crucially, however, the
failure of the African state to properly manage its affairs is partly responsible for its inability to
participate meaningfully in global processes. Impact on Africa Development Most African
countries gained their independence from the British, the French, the Italians, the Portuguese, the
Spanish, and the Belgians, among others in the early 1950s, 1960s till 1970s. The nationalist that
took over the mantle of leadership from the colonialist were not only interested in replacing
European in leading positions of power and privileges( Nzongola, N. J. 1984) but they also
created opportunities for themselves and their cronies that enable them to plunder the economy
and make sure that existing opportunities and benefits in the state were reserved for themselves
and people from their ethnic groups that are fortunate to hold key positions that have also been
found vacant in this regard. According to the western Nigeria white paper of 1964, an easterner
(Dr Ikejiani) who was the chairman of the Nigeria railway corporation was responsible for the
fact that, of the 431 senior posts, 270 were manned by Ibos( Bamisaye, A.1976). It was also
reported that Chief Obafemi Awolowo, used his closeness to general Yakubu Gowon the then

Nigerian Head of State between 1967-1976 to further advance the educational, economic,
industrial and bureaucratic interest of the Yoruba people( Adesina, O. C.1998). As these leaders
created opportunities and benefits for themselves and members of their ethnic groups, other
ethnic groups that were not so placed or that were not represented in the scheme of things
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 5 felt alienated from the State and consequently the State becomes an arena of
ethnic conflict; social relationship can no longer generate important common goals, interests
and values in terms of which a sense of neighbourliness can be developed among them and
national identity forged( Oladipo, O. 1998). In a situation of complete disregard for state
authority or lack of confidence in the state, there used to be an expression of hostility and
violence between and among the beneficial and those that are not benefited in the scheme of
things. This type of hostility and violence is not good enough for the sustainability of an ordered
society in Africa. There is also a disappearance of basic state functions that serve the people,
including collapsed infrastructure, total paralysis of the health sector at all levels, constant
nationwide power failure and the attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy;
pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of
our people, debilitating homelessness; retrogressive educational programmes and policies. Also
using the state apparatus for agencies that serve the ruling elites such as; the security forces,
presidential staff, central bank, diplomatic services, and customs and collection agencies, these
are currently the norm in many countries in Africa. There are more policemen protecting
politicians in Africa than are available for normal police duties. The civil service has been
destroyed by turning it into an instrument in the hands of politicians by making the top post
political appointment. Every change in the civil service has been to increase the power of
politicians over civil servants and bring them under their control to remove the valuable role they
play in checking corruption and maintaining probity in public offices. More so, lack of adherence
to the rules and regulation laid down in the constitution has led to the emergence of ethnic
militias in some countries in Africa, for example in Nigeria; the ethnic militias converse verbally
and even openly on the state of nation. Some even went to the extent of engaging in
confrontation with the state security forces in pursuance of their goals and objectives; they have
different goals and aspirations. For example, the movement for the survival of Ogoni people
(MOSSOP) is out to protect the interest of the Ogoni, most especially the oil exploitation and
environmental degradation of their land. The Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) emerged in August
1994 to challenge the annulment of the June 12 presidential election won by International
Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195
6 late Chief MKO Abiola, as well as ensure the restructuring of the Nigeria federation. The
Egbesu boys of Africa came up to fight the environmental degradation and exploitation of the
Niger Delta by the multinational oil corporations. The failure of the police to check the menace
of armed robbery in the south-east led to the formation of Bakassi Boys. The Arewa peoples
congress was principally set up to counter OPC which was alleged to have master minded most
of the ethnic clashes in the South West. In the same view, some other countries in Africa do have
rebels movement; the group came into being as a result of one or two exploitations that could
have been normalized if the government danced to the dictate of the constitution of the countries
concerned. But because the ruling government failed to do the right thing the next thing for the
rebel is to take arms against the ruling power. This has resulted into serious war in many
countries in Africa. It happened in Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Central Africa
republic, Congo DCR and presently in Sudan. The aggrieved individuals felt marginalized and

they thought that the best way to make their grievances known to the public is through violence.
Robert Mugabe gave a vivid description of the situation in this way; Africa is now home to the
worlds largest number of least Developed Countries. The continent further boasts of the largest
refugee population, in the world. Furthermore, it is the theatre of endless conflicts, civil strifes
and human right abuses. Whereas standard of living in other continents have risen over time, in
Africa, present standards of living are not better than they were two decades ago. High
unemployment, inflation, civil strifes, poverty, refugee crises, desertification, disease, and
malnutrition-the list is endless- appear to be the only legacy the continent is capable of passing
on from one generation to the other(Robert, M.1991). Furthermore, this laxity also laid emphasis
on market economy in most countries in Africa. Market economy is when goods and services are
exchanged in the market place, which is either physical or ideal. Capitalism is a form of market
economy, a situation where the market place decides what goods and services to produce, how to
manufacture, sell and their prices through the forces of supply and demand. This is what
colonialism introduced to Africa. Colonialism thrust Africa into the world capitalist system
dominated by metropolitan forces that operate International Journal of Politics and Good
Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN: 0976 1195 7 under harsh
individualism and by so doing created a new world (economic) order in which Africans were
(and still, are) ill equipped to compete(Sogolo, G. 1993). But most African states have not even
developed to the level that can sustain aggressive individualism. The level of development here
is very low and the expectations after independence have been dashed due to lack of durable
constitutional government. For instance, the North-South Round Table in its review of the
regions economic and social performance declares that: Africas economic and social
performance during the 1980s was predominantly negative. This was manifest within Africa
by severely depressed economic growth rate, stagnant agricultural production, deteriorating
social services and a decline in living standards. Externally it was marked by a rising debt
burden, inadequate resources flows and a sharp fall in community prices for Africans key
experts (North-South Round Table. 1991). The consequence of this is poverty. Poverty has
remained Africas problem. The effect is so devastating that nearly half of the continents
population lives below $1 per day. 34 of the worlds 49 least developed countries are in Africa
( Kamaran, M. 2005). It was discovered that only three countries Mauritius, South Africa and
Botswana have made progress so far, the existence of high level of abject poverty have made it
practically impossible for other countries to progress, talk less of giving peace a chance.
Conclusion There is the need for social reconstruction in Africa. Africa has not been able to
reconstruct her society in a manner that can empower her people to realize their human potential
in a significant manner (Oladipo, O. 2007). An individual cannot significantly actualize her
capacity for selfexpression due to lack of coherent structure or institution of good government.
The entrenchment of constitutionalism in Africa is the basis of the moral bond that can tie the
citizens to the state, and the basis upon which the government can justify its control over the
citizens. It is only when this is actualised that a meaningful development can take place in Africa.
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 8 REFERENCES Adesina, O. C.(1998). The Debt Crisis and the National
Question in Sub-Sahara Africa in Remaking Africa: Challenge of the Twenty First Century.
Ibadan: Hope Publication. Ade-Ajayi, J. F.(1992) Development is about People View Point: A
Critical Review Of Culture and Society, Vol.1 No 51-52 p9-17.. ibid. p10 Alex Thomson,(2002).
An Introduction to African Politics, second edition, London and New York: Routledge,; quoted
in Afolayan, A. Supra. Afolayan, A.(2009) Poverty as Statecraft: Preliminary Reflections on

African Leadership, in Lumina, vol. 20, no. 2, p. 1. Bamisaye, A.(1976). Ethnic Politics as an
Instrument of Unique Socio- economic Development in Nigerias First Republic In Sanda,
A.O(ed) Ethical Relations in Nigeria Ibadan: Caxton press ltd. Chinua, A. (1985). The Trouble
with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. Christopher, C. (1991).The Africa State in Douglas
Rimmer (ed) Africa : 30 years on. London: The Royal Africa Society in Association with James
Currey Ltd and Heinemann Educational Books Inc.p92. Joseph, K. (2000). Oppressor or
Liberator? African Event. No24. Kamaran, M. (2005). An Open Letter to G8 Leaders. File: //A//
Kamaran Mofid, An Open Letter to G8 Leaders htm. North-South Round Table. (1991). The
Challenge of Africa in the 99s Report of the North- South Round Table Consultation. New York:
North-South Round Table. 3. Nzongola, N. J. (1984). The Crisis in Zaire Africans Crisis.
London: Institute for Africa Alternative. Oladipo, O. (1998). Modernization and the Search for
Community in Africa. Crisis and Conditon of Change in Oladipo, O(ed) Remaking Africa:
International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 5, No. 5.4 Quarter IV 2014 ISSN:
0976 1195 9 Challenges of twenty first Century. Ibadan: Hope Publication. P114. Oladipo, O.
(2007). The Notions of Community and Democracy in Contemporary African Social and
Political Thought. In Ebijuwa T. (ed) Philosophy and Social change, Discourse on values in
Africa. Ibadan: Hope Publication Ltd.p147. OYEBODE, A. (2005). The Challenges of Building
a Virile Democratic Nation in Critical Issues on Sustainable Democracy and Development:
Nigerian Perspective 49-61, Leadership Watch. Robert, M.(1991). Africa in the New World
Order: Europe 1992 and Beyond, a Daily Times (Nigeria) Special Lecture delivered on January
9, Published in Daily Times (January 10 1991)p22 Schepple, K. L (2003) Aspirational and
Aversive Constitutionalism: The Case for Studying Cross-Constitutional Influence through
Models, 1 Int'l J. Const. L. 296.37. Sogolo, G. (1993). The future of Democracy and
Participation in Everyday life: The Africa Experience in Advancing Democracy and
Participation, Challenges for Future. P57
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1
Konstitusionalisme dan TANTANGAN
PEMBANGUNAN DI AFRIKA
Aborisade Olasunkanmi
Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomoso, Nigeria
ABSTRAK
Pekerjaan berfokus pada konstitusionalisme dan tantangan pembangunan di Afrika.
Ketidakhadiran
budaya konstitusionalisme yang terkena dalam cara yang sangat besar upaya Afrika terhadap
pembangunan. Itulah alasan mengapa terutama tugas dari pekerjaan ini adalah untuk menyelidiki
keadaan
konstitusionalisme di Afrika dan alasan mengapa sebagian besar negara Afrika belum mengakar
pada
praktek konstitusionalisme di negara mereka. Ini probe lebih lanjut ke sifat dan alasan
kegagalan masa lalu konstitusionalisme dan pengaruhnya terhadap pengembangan sebagian
besar negara di Afrika.
Pekerjaan kemudian menyimpulkan bahwa kubu budaya konstitusionalisme di Afrika adalah
dasar terikat moral yang dapat membawa warga negara dan pemerintah bersama-sama. Setelah

ini kita aktualisasikan,

maka Afrika dapat berbicara tentang perkembangan yang berarti.
Kata kunci: Afrika, Tantangan, Konstitusi, Konstitusionalisme, Pembangunan, Entrenchment
Pengantar
Konstitusionalisme tertanam dalam gagasan bahwa pemerintah harus dibatasi kekuasaannya
dan bahwa otoritas tergantung pada yang mengamati keterbatasan ini. Keterbatasan ini dalam
bentuk
hak individu atau kelompok terhadap pemerintah, seperti hak untuk bebas berekspresi,
berserikat,
kesetaraan dan proses hukum. Upaya untuk membatasi kesewenang-wenangan pemerintah, yang
merupakan
premis konstitusi, telah beberapa kali bertemu dengan kegagalan. Kegagalan ini telah memiliki
negatif
Efek pada kedua pembangunan manusia dan material dari Afrika. Dengan pembangunan kita
berarti "lebih
Konsep inklusif dengan aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi. Ini adalah kualitatif dan
perubahan positif kuantitatif kehidupan orang-orang yang tidak hanya meningkatkan mereka
Bahan kesejahteraan tetapi juga memastikan kesejahteraan sosial mereka termasuk pemulihan
manusia
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martabat "(Osagie1985). Dengan kata lain, pembangunan harus "hangat, bertahap dan perhatian
Proses dalam upayanya untuk mengurangi standar atau kondisi ekonomi dan teknologi manusia
tanpa mengabaikan atau tidak menghargai setiap aspek manusia yang ada sosial, budaya dan
politik
nilai "(Ifeyinwa 2004). Pembangunan adalah tentang manusia, pembangunan tidak dapat
dipisahkan dari
masyarakat. Setiap upaya perkembangan yang wajar harus memiliki akar pada orang-orang itu
dimaksudkan untuk,
sebelum bisa sukses. Kepatuhan terhadap mendikte konstitusionalisme berarti membatasi
kesewenang-wenangan kekuasaan pemerintahan dan kegagalan itu berarti penobatan
kesewenang-wenangan
kekuasaan pemerintahan. Dalam hal itu, karya ini berangkat untuk memeriksa alasan mengapa
penobatan
konstitusionalisme tetap praktis tidak mungkin dalam keadaan yang paling Afrika; meskipun
fakta
yang banyak konferensi konstitusional telah ditahan dan banyak komite penyusunan konstitusi
telah dijebak dan menyelesaikan pekerjaan mereka; namun gagasan konstitusionalisme memiliki
tetap hari
mimpi di banyak negara Afrika.
Konstitusionalisme dan Afrika
Munculnya kolonialisme di Afrika dan selanjutnya diambil alih negara Afrika yang dibawa
tentang pengenalan bentuk modern dari pemerintahan yang memerlukan bentuk modern dari
konstitusi yang ditulis dan didokumentasikan. Pengenalan konstitusi ini ke dalam

koloni dianggap sebagai konstitusionalisme dikenakan. Schepple, K. L (2003) membuat

perbedaan
antara konstitusionalisme dan dikenakan konstitusionalisme. Menurut dia; pemerintahan
berdasarkan undang-undang dasar
adalah sah, tetapi konstitusionalisme dikenakan tidak. Dikenakan konstitusionalisme adalah tidak
sah
karena sedang disusun "dalam bayangan pistol". Tak satu pun dari negara-negara Afrika di
bawah
pemerintahan kolonial memiliki kesempatan partisipasi daerah dalam proses konstitusional.
Intervensi substansial Sebaliknya, mereka telah melihat dan tekanan yang dipaksakan dari luar
untuk menghasilkan
Hasil konstitusional disukai oleh penjajah. Bahkan setelah kemerdekaan, kami menemukan
bahwa
hampir semua konstitusi yang disusun oleh negara-negara Afrika masih mengikuti pola yang
sama tidak memungkinkan
partisipasi lokal yang cukup besar. Sebuah negatif terlihat dari pengenaan ini adalah krisis
legitimasi hasil konstitusional.
Segera setelah kemerdekaan, pasca-kolonial pemimpin Afrika terlihat dan terkenal
menindas. Mereka memperoleh kekuasaan mutlak, yang memungkinkan bagi mereka untuk
memastikan bahwa
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ISSN: 0976 - 1195
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orang menyesuaikan diri dengan struktur penindasan dan eksploitasi yang mereka warisi. Tren
ini memiliki
mengambil dimensi baru hari ini, menurut Ade Ajayi (1992) "elit politik perkotaan memiliki
terasing diri dari rakyatnya sendiri sehingga di negara-negara yang dimaksudkan untuk
mempertahankan suatu ukuran
pemerintahan perwakilan, para pemimpin politik hanya pergi ke pendukung mereka selama
pemilu
ketika mereka membutuhkan orang ". Situasi telah terburuk sejauh itu, banyak orang telah
kehilangan
kepercayaan dalam proses demokrasi, karena;
Elit, seperti negara kolonial, yang mereka warisi, memiliki
tumbuh terpisah dari masyarakat. Semakin negara dan
elit yang menguasai negara, telah menjadi predicators masyarakat
(Ade-Ajayi, J. F.1992)
Penekanannya di sini adalah bahwa, para pemimpin ini tidak melihat diri mereka sebagai
negarawan yang diharapkan
mengembangkan "kesadaran yang tajam tanggung jawab bersama dalam jangka panjang" (Yusuf,
K. 2000), tetapi
"Seperti administrator kolonial, pengawas yang berkuasa untuk memastikan bahwa orang-orang
menyesuaikan diri
struktur penindasan dan eksploitasi yang mereka kelola "(Oladipo, O. 1998). Chinua
Achebe (1985) berpendapat bahwa kebanyakan pemimpin Afrika tidak bermoral lurus. Mereka

khas
memaksa semua personil dan senjata lainnya dari pemerintah untuk bekerja demi kepentingan
mereka. Konsekuensi dari
ini adalah bahwa, negara kolonial pos dan lembaga adalah sebagai menindas sebagai prekursor
kolonial mereka.
Mereka eksploitatif sejauh bahwa mereka berfungsi sebagai jalan untuk akumulasi modal dan
status
pencapaian oleh para pemimpin. Negara Afrika sehingga pasca-kolonial tidak bisa menjamin
kebebasan dan
keadilan bagi Afrika biasa. Ini menjadi kasus karena tidak bisa memberikan "yang penting
dasar untuk mengejar publik manfaat-perdamaian, kesejahteraan dan kesempatan bagi individu
untuk mengejar kebahagiaan mereka sendiri "(Christopher, C. 1991).
Dalam sebuah masyarakat yang ideal, pemimpin diharapkan menjadi model peran. Namun
masalah dengan Afrika telah
isu kepemimpinan yang buruk. Para pemimpin kita kurang disiplin dan warga yang mengikuti.
Para pemimpin Afrika selalu dikenal karena tidak mematuhi konstitusi, karena konstitusi
sendiri tidak memiliki manfaat. Penjajah telah diatur di tempat contoh buruk dari pemerintahan,
tapi
Afrika tidak memiliki kepemimpinan yang baik yang akan menghadapi dilema ini dan dengan
demikian mengambil Afrika keluar dari perusahaan
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Kondisi yang melemahkan (Afolayan. A. 2009) Kepemimpinan diamati yang paling penting,
seperti
bahwa banyak menggambarkan benua sebagai "tempat yang jauh di mana orang-orang baik
kelaparan, orang jahat menjalankan
pemerintah, dan kekacauan dan anarki adalah norma. "(Alex Thomson 2002) Lebih dari itu, telah
benar mengamati bahwa di bawah "berbagai rezim otoriter yang menindas Afrika yang
negara telah memiliki kemalangan untuk radang di bawah untuk sebagian besar dari sejarah
kolonial pasca-nya,
Afrika telah disuguhi pembastaran konstitusionalisme dan impotensi tumbuh dari
peradilan dalam menghadapi kekejaman-impunitas, pelanggaran hukum eksekutif dan ekonomi
perampokan oleh penjaga praetorian yang dikenakan diri pada lanskap politik
bangsa "(Oyebode 2005). Kelangkaan kepemimpinan yang baik di postkolonial Afrika "terbalik
sebanding dengan kemiskinan yang meluas, tidak hanya dari ide-ide tentang menjalankan
masyarakat dan negara,
tetapi juga pemiskinan rakyat. "(Afolayan. A.2009). Lebih penting lagi, bagaimanapun,
kegagalan negara Afrika untuk benar mengelola urusannya sebagian bertanggung jawab atas
ketidakmampuannya untuk
berpartisipasi secara berarti dalam proses global.
Dampak Pembangunan Afrika
Kebanyakan negara-negara Afrika memperoleh kemerdekaan mereka dari Inggris, Perancis,
Italia, yang
Portugis, Spanyol, dan Belgia, antara lain di awal 1950-an, 1960-an sampai 1970-an. Itu

nasionalis yang mengambil alih mantel kepemimpinan dari kolonialis itu tidak hanya "tertarik
menggantikan Eropa dalam posisi kekuasaan dan hak istimewa memimpin "(Nzongola, NJ
1984), tetapi
mereka juga menciptakan peluang untuk diri mereka sendiri dan kroni mereka yang
memungkinkan mereka untuk menjarah
ekonomi dan pastikan bahwa peluang yang ada dan manfaat di negara bagian yang disediakan
untuk
diri mereka sendiri dan orang-orang dari kelompok etnis mereka yang beruntung untuk
memegang posisi kunci yang memiliki
juga telah ditemukan kosong dalam hal ini. Menurut "Barat Nigeria kertas putih dari tahun 1964,
sebuah
orang timur (Dr Ikejiani) yang merupakan ketua perusahaan kereta api Nigeria bertanggung
jawab
untuk fakta bahwa, dari 431 tulisan senior, 270 yang diawaki oleh Ibos "(Bamisaye, A.1976). Itu
juga melaporkan bahwa Kepala Obafemi Awolowo, digunakan kedekatannya dengan umum
Yakubu Gowon yang
kemudian Nigeria Kepala Negara antara 1967-1976 untuk lebih "memajukan pendidikan,
ekonomi,
kepentingan industri dan birokrasi orang Yoruba "(Adesina, OC1998). Karena ini
pemimpin menciptakan peluang dan manfaat bagi diri mereka sendiri dan anggota kelompok
etnis mereka,
kelompok etnis lain yang tidak begitu ditempatkan atau yang tidak terwakili dalam skema hal
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merasa terasing dari negara dan akibatnya negara menjadi arena konflik etnis;
Hubungan sosial tidak bisa lagi menghasilkan "penting tujuan bersama, kepentingan dan nilainilai di
hal yang rasa bertetangga dapat dikembangkan antara mereka dan identitas nasional
ditempa "(Oladipo, O. 1998). Dalam situasi ketidak-pedulian terhadap otoritas negara atau
kurangnya
kepercayaan di negara bagian, dulu ada ekspresi permusuhan dan kekerasan antara dan
antara menguntungkan dan orang-orang yang tidak diuntungkan dalam skema hal. Jenis
permusuhan dan kekerasan tidak cukup baik bagi keberlangsungan suatu masyarakat yang teratur
di Afrika.
Ada juga hilangnya fungsi dasar negara yang melayani masyarakat, termasuk runtuh
infrastruktur, kelumpuhan total dari sektor kesehatan di semua tingkatan, kegagalan daya
nasional konstan
dan efek negatif petugas pada semua sektor ekonomi; pengangguran meluas,
sehingga menghasilkan peningkatan perampokan bersenjata memotong di semua usia orangorang kita, melemahkan
tunawisma; mundur program dan kebijakan pendidikan. Juga menggunakan aparat negara
bagi instansi yang melayani elit penguasa seperti; pasukan keamanan, staf presiden, tengah
Bank, layanan diplomatik, dan adat istiadat dan koleksi lembaga, ini adalah saat norma di
banyak negara di Afrika. Ada lebih polisi melindungi politisi di Afrika daripada

tersedia untuk tugas polisi normal. Pelayanan sipil telah dihancurkan dengan mengubahnya
menjadi sebuah
instrumen di tangan politisi dengan membuat janji pasca politik atas. Setiap
perubahan dalam pelayanan sipil telah meningkatkan kekuatan politisi atas pegawai negeri dan
membawa mereka di bawah kendali mereka untuk menghapus peran berharga mereka bermain
dalam memeriksa korupsi dan
mempertahankan kejujuran di kantor-kantor publik.
Lebih dari itu, kurangnya kepatuhan terhadap peraturan dan regulasi yang ditetapkan dalam
konstitusi telah menyebabkan
munculnya milisi etnis di beberapa negara di Afrika, misalnya di Nigeria; etnis
milisi berkomunikasi secara lisan dan bahkan secara terbuka tentang keadaan bangsa. Beberapa
bahkan pergi sejauh
terlibat dalam konfrontasi dengan pasukan keamanan negara dalam pengejaran tujuan mereka
dan
tujuan; mereka memiliki tujuan dan aspirasi yang berbeda. Misalnya, gerakan untuk
kelangsungan hidup
orang Ogoni (Mossop) adalah untuk melindungi kepentingan Ogoni, terutama minyak
eksploitasi dan degradasi lingkungan tanah mereka. Kongres Odua Rakyat (OPC)
muncul pada Agustus 1994 untuk menantang pembatalan 12 Juni pemilihan presiden
dimenangkan oleh
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akhir Kepala MKO Abiola, serta memastikan restrukturisasi federasi Nigeria. The Egbesu
anak laki-laki Afrika datang untuk melawan kerusakan lingkungan dan eksploitasi Niger
Delta oleh perusahaan minyak multinasional. Kegagalan polisi untuk memeriksa ancaman
perampokan bersenjata di selatan-timur menyebabkan pembentukan Bakassi Boys. The Arewa
orang
kongres itu terutama dibentuk untuk melawan OPC yang diduga telah menguasai sebagian
berpikiran
dari bentrokan etnis di Barat Selatan. Dalam pandangan yang sama, beberapa negara lain di
Afrika yang memiliki
Gerakan pemberontak '; kelompok muncul menjadi ada sebagai hasil dari satu atau dua
eksploitasi yang bisa
telah dinormalkan jika pemerintah menari dengan mendikte konstitusi negara
bersangkutan. Namun karena pemerintah yang berkuasa gagal melakukan hal yang benar hal
berikutnya untuk
pemberontak adalah untuk mengambil senjata melawan kekuasaan yang berkuasa. Hal ini telah
menghasilkan ke dalam perang yang serius di banyak
negara di Afrika. Itu terjadi di Liberia, Libya, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Malawi, Afrika Tengah
republik, Kongo DCR dan saat ini di Sudan. Individu-individu yang dirugikan merasa
terpinggirkan dan
mereka berpikir bahwa cara terbaik untuk membuat keluhan mereka dikenal masyarakat adalah
melalui kekerasan.
Robert Mugabe memberikan gambaran yang jelas tentang situasi dengan cara ini;

Afrika sekarang rumah bagi jumlah terbesar di dunia

Setidaknya Negara Maju. Benua membanggakan lanjut
dari populasi pengungsi terbesar, di dunia. Selain itu,
itu adalah teater konflik tak berujung, strifes sipil dan manusia
pelanggaran hak. Sedangkan standar hidup di benua lain
telah meningkat dari waktu ke waktu, di Afrika, standar ini hidup
tidak lebih baik dari mereka dua dekade lalu. Tinggi
pengangguran, inflasi, strifes sipil, kemiskinan, pengungsi
krisis, desertifikasi, penyakit, dan kekurangan gizi-daftar ini
endless- tampaknya menjadi satu-satunya warisan benua mampu
lewat dari satu generasi ke generasi lainnya (Robert, M.1991).
Selain itu, kelemahan ini juga meletakkan penekanan pada ekonomi pasar di sebagian besar
negara di Afrika.
Ekonomi pasar adalah ketika barang dan jasa dipertukarkan di pasar, yang baik
fisik atau ideal. Kapitalisme merupakan bentuk ekonomi pasar, situasi di mana pasar
memutuskan apa barang dan jasa untuk menghasilkan, cara pembuatan, menjual dan harga
mereka melalui
kekuatan penawaran dan permintaan. Inilah yang kolonialisme diperkenalkan ke Afrika.
Kolonialisme
"Dorong Afrika ke dalam sistem kapitalis dunia yang didominasi oleh kekuatan metropolitan
yang beroperasi
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di bawah individualisme kasar "dan dengan demikian menciptakan dunia baru (ekonomi) urutan
Afrika adalah (dan masih, yang) sakit dilengkapi untuk bersaing "(Sogolo, G. 1993). Tapi
kebanyakan negara-negara Afrika
bahkan belum berkembang ke tingkat yang dapat mempertahankan individualisme agresif.
Tingkat
pembangunan di sini sangat rendah dan harapan setelah kemerdekaan telah pupus karena
kurangnya pemerintahan konstitusional tahan lama. Misalnya, Utara-Selatan Round Table dalam
Surat
review kinerja ekonomi dan sosial di kawasan ini menyatakan bahwa:
Kinerja ekonomi dan sosial di Afrika selama tahun 1980-an ...
didominasi negatif. Hal ini terwujud dalam Afrika
oleh laju pertumbuhan ekonomi mengalami depresi berat, stagnan pertanian
produksi, pelayanan sosial yang memburuk dan penurunan hidup
standar. Eksternal itu ditandai dengan beban utang meningkat,
arus sumber daya yang tidak memadai dan penurunan tajam dalam harga masyarakat
untuk ahli kunci (Utara-Selatan Round Table. 1991) Afrika itu.
Konsekuensi dari hal ini adalah kemiskinan. Kemiskinan tetap masalah Afrika. Efeknya begitu
menghancurkan bahwa hampir setengah dari populasi benua hidup di bawah $ 1 per hari. "34
dari
49 negara paling maju di dunia berada di Afrika "(Kamaran, M. 2005). Hal ini ditemukan bahwa
hanya tiga negara Mauritius, Afrika Selatan dan Botswana telah membuat kemajuan sejauh ini,

Adanya tingkat tinggi kemiskinan telah membuat hampir mustahil bagi negara-negara lain
kemajuan, bicara kurang memberikan perdamaian kesempatan.
Kesimpulan
Ada kebutuhan untuk rekonstruksi sosial di Afrika. Africa "belum mampu merekonstruksi nya
masyarakat dengan cara yang dapat memberdayakan orang-orangnya untuk menyadari potensi
mereka sebagai manusia dalam signifikan
cara "(Oladipo, O. 2007). Seorang individu tidak dapat secara signifikan mengaktualisasikan
kapasitasnya untuk selfexpression
karena kurangnya struktur koheren atau lembaga pemerintahan yang baik. Kubu The
konstitusionalisme di Afrika adalah dasar dari ikatan moral yang dapat mengikat warga negara,
dan dasar yang di atasnya pemerintah dapat membenarkan kontrol atas warga. Hal ini hanya bila
ini aktualisasikan bahwa perkembangan yang berarti dapat terjadi di Afrika.
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REFERENSI
Adesina, O. C. (1998). "The Krisis Utang dan Pertanyaan Nasional di Sub-Sahara Afrika" di
Membentuk kembali Afrika: Tantangan dari Twenty First Century. Ibadan:
Harapan Publikasi.
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