Está en la página 1de 26

The Formation of Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years

Author(s): C. Ernest Dawn
Reviewed work(s):
Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Feb., 1988), pp. 67-91
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/163586 .
Accessed: 08/06/2012 14:58
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
International Journal of Middle East Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

Int. J. Middle East Stud. 20 (1988), 67-91. Printed in the United States of America

C. Ernest Dawn

THE

FORMATION

IN THE

INTERWAR

OF PAN-ARAB

IDEOLOGY

YEARS

Arab nationalism arose as an opposition movement in Ottoman Syria, Palestine,
and Iraq around the turn of the century. It remained a minority movement until
the Ottoman collapse in 1918, but after the Ottoman defeat it became the
overwhelmingly dominant movement in these territories where, except for some
Lebanese, all successful politicians were Arab nationalists during the interwar
years.' Just what Arab nationalism meant to its proponents at the time, however,
has been difficult to determine. The period only dimly figures in studies of Arab
nationalism. Full studies have been devoted to survivors from the past, Rashid
Rida' and Shakib Arslan, to Satic al-Husri (al-Husari), a relative newcomer
whose greatest prominence was to be in the 1940s and 1950s, and to the Muslim
Brothers, who arrived on the scene even later, whose influence was to lie in the
future, and who, like Rida', were not considered to be primarily Arab nationalists. Otherwise, hardly a scant handful of pre-World War II Arab nationalist
writers, and these from the late 1930s, receive even casual mention.2 This situation undoubtedly results partly from the recent origin of modern Arab studies,
which has naturally influenced students to concentrate on the post-World War II
period to the neglect of the interwar years. Furthermore, major politicians of
that time apparently rarely wrote systematically on politics. Collections of their
speeches seem to be few, and newspaper accounts of their speeches only infrequently contain much beyond the generalities of praising the Arab nation and
exhorting it to fulfill its mission. Despite the reticence of the political leaders, in
the interwar years as in the prewar years there were people who wrote articles
and books devoted to defining the Arab nation and its place in the world. Quite
a few of these authors were associated with major politicians who sought and, at
times, held office in the governments of the region. They attracted little notice in
the West, however, even from the small body of Orientalists, whose concerns
were limited to classical texts and the writings of major literary figures. Consequently, their publications, while in the mainstream of Arab political thought
in the 1920s and 1930s, have been largely overlooked and are rarely to be found
in Western libraries.
Given the present state of scholarship, a representative sample of Arab political publications of the interwar years would be extremely difficult to construct.
But those authors who took part in Arab nationalist political organizations and
activities provide a reasonable starting point. Their publications and the works
? 1988 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/88 $5.00 +.00

by Darwish al-Miqdadi. and their author's prominent association with major Palestinian. or attribution of sources.7 By the end of the 1920s. and Iraqi politicians throughout the interwar years. and Iraq. One readily available publication is the journal of the Arab Academy at Damascus. Their publications. Its prime importance is attested to by Nabih Amin Faris and Nicola Ziadeh. The textbooks exposed many successive academic classes to Pan-Arab concepts. Barghuthi and Tuta's book was written for the Palestine schools but.4 This was replaced by the same author's Durus al-ta'rikh al-'arabi min aqdam al-asmina ila alan.8 These publications are important expressions of Pan-Arab thought. tracing of influences. who were nationalists to a man. Miqdadi's textbook was officially adopted in Iraq. but none explicitly rejects any element. the educational system described by Tibawi and by Humphrey Bowman permitted considerable freedom in the production and adoption of history textbooks to Arab officials and teachers. two prominent Arab historians and educators who were students during the period. which published many pertinent articles and reviews of books.5 Darwaza followed with other elementary school textbooks: Durus al-ta'rikh al-mutawassit wa-al-hadith6 and Durus al-ta'rikh al-qadim. Syria. No other single work and perhaps no other one author includes all elements of the self-view. Darwaza's textbooks. According to Reeva Simon. by 'Umar Salih al-Barghuthi and Khalil Tuta (Totah). Prominent among them are such survivors from the prewar years as Muhammad Kurd 'Ali. from elementary and secondary school texts through trade books to the journal of the most important Arab learned society outside Egypt. Miqdadi's text "was selected as the text for the teaching of history in the secondary schools of Palestine. According to Faris. The Arab nationalist self-view . Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib. Tibawi. Syria. However. Finally. edited by Kurd CAli.68 C. Syrian. a more or less standard formulation of the Arab self-view had appeared and received comprehensive statement in a textbook for the intermediate schools. and Iraq. The authors had long and active careers in association with major Arab nationalist politicians. Ta'rikh al-umma al-'arabiyya. was banned at the instance of Sir Herbert Samuel. it was "the first history to deal with Arab history on national grounds. the most important publications for the present purpose are a number of history textbooks that were designed for use in the schools of Palestine. Mukhtasar ta'rikh al-'arab wa-al-islam. their number and many editions. and Shakib Arslan. The present state of scholarship does not permit ascription of first-authorship." In the judgment of Ziadeh. where it continued to be the standard text of Arab youth for several student generations. appearing across the full range of the print media. according to A. in view of their favorable reviews. most likely were widely used in Palestine and Syria. were open to the notice of the entire literate public.3 Next appeared an elementary school text by Muhammad 'Izzat Darwaza. with the same thought elements recurring in author after author. some of them were used as teaching aids in the Iraqi schools. Ernest Dawn they refer to are prima facie expressions of Arab nationalist thought. L. The earliest was Ta'rikh filastin. All that were accessible to me have been included in this essay. The full statement of the Pan-Arab self-view is found in Miqdadi's textbook."9 The publications express a distinct doctrine.

to be Arabs. People. "the heart." and Darwaza noted that Syria and Palestine. were the decisive element. James Henry Breasted. and "the extremities. In Darwaza's words." After the publication of an Arabic translation of Breasted's textbook in 1926.13 The Arab nation's occupation of its homeland was achieved in remote antiquity. and Nabataeans into the Fertile Crescent long before Islam." which was used in Miqdadi's textbook. the concept of the Fertile Crescent. The Arab self-view that emerged in the interwar years was a development of the Islamic modernist doctrine as expounded by CAbdal-Rahman al-Kawakibi. All lands inhabited by Arabs were Arab. The Arab nation possessed its own peculiar territory comprising many countries. a natural geographical entity comprising Iraq and Greater Syria."" The Arab homeland was a natural geographical unit. Syria included the mandated territories of Palestine (and Transjordan). The notion of a nuclear Arab homeland east of Suez was influenced by the American Egyptologist. definitely or probably. the Damascene Tahir al-Jaza'iri and the Iraqi Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi. Iraq. "A living body. became more popular."'2 Miqdadi also conceived of the Arab homeland as the territory inhabited by Arabs." the "Island" is "a geographical unit ." the Arabian coastlands from the Gulf of Aqaba to "the Gulf of Basra. and Europe. of which the most important were Egypt. and Palestine were always Arab because they were filled with Arabs. because they are its wing and its foot is Iraq. Iraq. were published and praised. The necessity to modernize and revivify Islam by returning to the true Islam of the Arab ancestors was their central concern.'1 Works by his ideological relatives. The final stage was reached in the concept of the "Arab Island." central Arabia. They pushed the Arab migration back as early as possible to the times of Narim Sin. The people created the homeland. Lebanon. and sometimes called Greater Syria. Lakhmids. and some avenues of transmission of those elements can be discerned. and Syria. "The Arab nation spread in different regions of the world. expanding as the Arabs expanded into Asia. always depicted as an indivisible unity. Muhammad alShurayqi cited Breasted in connection with the movement of Semites from "the eastern crescent plain. Syria. and the Hyksos." of which "the head" is the Fertile Crescent. the Amalikites. and Arabia were especially closely connected. not territory.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 69 expounded by these writers contains all the elements of the later Ba'thist and Nasserist self-views. the cradle of the Arabs and their fortress. who was the acknowledged master. In a 1925 publication by Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib. . Darwaza's ancient history text. and Arabia. distinct geographical entities. but this doctrine was merged with a historical view that incorporated the ancient peoples of the Near East into the Arab nation." Territory was made Arab by the expansion of the Arabs. Barghuthi and Tuta remarked on the Prophet's desire to conquer Syria and Palestine and "add them to the Jazira. evidently influenced by . . "The lands of Syria. All authors highlighted the movement of Arabs such as the Ghassanids. Iraq. These four lands were the nucleus of the Arab homeland. Hammurabi. all of whom were considered. but geography was of secondary importance. bilad al-sha9m. (Greater) Syria. Africa. are connected by a desert to Najd and Iraq.

each followed by two periods of decline in which the alien dominated.and some of them reachedthe shores of the Atlantic."'9 The title is apt. and some of them remainedin this region and populatedit. Throughout history. This achievement was not accomplished without meeting the aggressions of determined enemies."'7 The primacy of language over race in the mingling of populations and the production of the Arab nation was adopted by all. at least in part.'5 Muhammad al-Shurayqi attributed to Breasted a succinct statement of the common view of the interwar years: ImmenseSemiticbandsmigratedin prehistorictimesfrom the easterncrescentplain and marchedwestwarduntil they descendedinto Egyptby way of Sinai and Suez. but Miqdadi retained the probability. Miqdadi explicitly adopted this approach and utilized it to explain the Arab predicament in his time and to forecast the Arab future. The ordeal of imperialism hit them. restored the original unity of the Semites. and abasement. In both ages. According to him. including the settlers from preceding waves. Anothersectionremainedwanderingin North Africa for a numberof centuriesuntil manybandssettledin variouslocalities. the latest.16 Miqdadi explicated the intention of this universal vision of the past by making the Arabs the national and cultural "heirs of the Semites.14 The ancient pre-Islamic Arabs were only a small part of the glorious history of the Arabs. under the influence.18 The Arab nation.70 C. of Satic al-Husri. Miqdadi equated his own times to the Jahiliyya. were much like the modern Arabic dialects. imperialism reduced the Arab nation to subjugation. The common view of Semito-Arab history implicitly divided it into two periods of greatness. This emphasis on the identity of the contemporary Arab predicament to the Jahiliyya led the editor of a play by Miqdadi to give the play the title "Between Two Jahiliyyas. withdrew the identification of Hammurabi as an Arab. and it is convenient to refer to the two periods as the first and second Jahiliyyas. The ancient Semitic languages. the ancient Semitic and the Islamic. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib's essay developed this theme in detail. The Semites created the great civilizations of antiquity in their expanded homeland in Asia and Africa. other peoples.The movementof the Arabs at the coming of Islam was nothingbut the last manifestationof those migrationswhichproducedthe unification of the Semitic homelands(mawatin) and resurrectedthem in a new Arab homeland (watan). established its rights to the national territories.Anothersection of them [went]to Ethiopiaand settledin it. he asserted. Arabic was the most advanced and thus the most ancient of the Semitic languages. As each Semitic wave moved into a new region." Thus. the culmination and heir of the Semites. had intruded into the Semito-Arab homeland. humiliation. The Semitic-wave theory was adapted to push the Arab occupation of the national territory back to the most ancient times. it easily united with the existing population. Ernest Dawn Breasted's Ancient Times. Aryans and Turco-Mongols. "Fourteen centuries ago our ancestors in the regions of the Arab island experienced what we feel today and suffered pains as we suffer pains today. The Arab wave. They were the root of the ancient Egyptianpeople and the foundersof the Egyptiancivilization. and enemies surrounded them on all sides. and thus Abraham could wander throughout the Semitic sea. .

had nothing to do with democracy and freedom. the spreading of its civilization in the East and the impregnation of the world with Greek ideas and the principles of Hellenism. in Palmyra. The Arabs did not benefit from this trade. which could not "be compared to previous conquests. because the Assyrian. the Muslims lost more than they gained. most notably World War I. Miqdadi asserted.21 Miqdadi portrayed the new trade routes to India as weakening the Arabs so that Syria and Egypt fell to the Turks. In their treatment. The motivation of both imperialisms.. the Persians in the East and the Greeks. but "the drama of the nineteenth century concluded with the East the slave of the West politically. Economic nationalism was the goal. which. The rise and decline of cities and peoples was commonly explained as resulting from the fluctuations of trade. was economic. of which British and French imperialism was the usual example.23 The Semito-Arab nation had been gravely injured twice by the two imperialisms. Romans. the Crusaders. but economics was not the beginning and end of imperialism. The horror stories about foreign contractors in Egypt were very popular. this conflict began with Alexander's conquests.. Babylonian." The Persians were . This was a point on which all Arab nationalists agreed. are depicted as becoming rich and famous from their share in international commerce. The Arab confrontation with imperialism was a clash of peoples and cultures. ancient and modern. the Greeks were succeeded by the Romans. The Franks gained more from the Crusades than they lost. the Aryans. except for those few who received bribes and customs in return for providing protection for the caravans. The ancient Arabs. The imperialists exploited the Ottoman and Arab territories by means of the special privileges for foreigners. etc. Foreign investment and economic activity was exploitative per se in that the wealth went to foreigners. and the control of the trade routes. was motivated by the quest for raw materials and markets. the British. This happy situation was radically changed by the advance of the two great imperialist powers.24 The East-West struggle was the dominant theme in Barghuthi and Tuta's book. and Franks in the West. In the long run. the Yaman.22The analysis reached a more sophisticated level in journal articles and in Miqdadi's textbook. which distinguished two eternal conflicts." In this. i. the East-West. the Arabs' dangerous enemy was one. and Egyptian governments were satisfied with no more than the levying of taxes and political obedience. and the Aryan-Semite. International commerce was taken to be a chief motivating force in world history.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 71 Imperialism was economic in motivation. according to the unanimous opinion. who seized the Fertile Crescent and southern Arabia in order to control the trade routes. the Persians and the RomanoByzantines.e. the East and the West were equal. Throughout the long conflict.2 Western European imperialism from the Crusades onward. [whereas the] Greek government aimed at a higher and greater goal. The nobles' desire for booty and land and the merchants' quest for trade were the underlying causes for which religion was a cover. The probable inspiration for this schematization was Breasted's Ancient Times. was economic in motivation. or Asia-Europe. European imperialist rivalry resulted in war. the Hijaz. Petra. and the French. and economically. All agreed that modern European imperialism. especially international trade. intellectually.

" The great success of the Arabs after the coming of Islam was aided by their natural qualities.32 These corruptions. classed with the Aryans. e. equated the aggressions of the Aryans against the Semitic homeland with the struggle between the East and the West. He did not. a way of life yearned for by the major part of the civilized European world.29 The Semito-Arab nation had been reduced to humiliation twice by Aryan (Persian and European) imperialism. Women enjoyed equality with men. Miqdadi abandoned the explicit mention of the Semitic-Aryan contradiction. resulted from the exploitation of the common people by Arab capitalist collaborators with the imperialists. Shakib Arslan. intensity of sensation. including the bedouin. in a brief . likened to the Europeans.72 C. Barghuthi and Tuta. and the Arabs who migrated periodically into Iraq and Syria. But in the 1939 edition. the ancient Arabs came under foreign influence.33 One of the most eminent Muslim Arab intellectuals. the condition of the masses and class relationships had been receiving attention from Arab intellectuals for some time. however. especially south Arabia.30 The great Arab weakness. highlighting the imperialists' economic exploitation of the Arabs and the associated corruption of family and social life and the fettering of the people's minds with superstitions. When natural conditions permitted. which led to the raiding and warfare of the pre-Islamic age. Arabs loved freedom and equality. but they were also distinguished from the ancient Semites. in a poem and its annotation published in Khatib's book.26European derogatory contrasts of Semites with Aryans.31 Miqdadi especially expounded these themes in detail. give up the identification of the Arabs as the culmination and heirs of the Semitic peoples. The Arab Ghassanids and Mundhirids fought each other for the sake of the Romans and the Persians. which was left in the same important position that it had held in the first three editions. like Darwaza. Kawakibi discoursed on the oppressions of the rich and the evil of usury. which had continued for five thousand years until his day. and he declared that Islam brought to the world socialism.27The East-West and AryanSemite conflicts were fused. The goals of the imperialists were economic. and established its principles. Divided against each other. they possessed "great excitability. employed the Aryan-Semitic conflict and made Persian hostility to the Arabs a major factor in early Islamic history. When Miqdadi wrote his textbook. had noble qualities. Muhammad al-Shurayqi. and sharpness of intellect.g. But the successes of the imperialists arose from their ability to subvert Arab culture. was the intensity of tribal solidarity ('asabiyya) at the expense of national sentiment. Ernest Dawn assigned to the East. Renan's. and. a description that applied only to the bedouin. the Arabs created civilized life. and the result was economic exploitation of the Semito-Arabs. as among the settled Arabs in Arabia.. as in Breasted. The people of the first Jahiliyya were not barbarians. were strongly resented. uniquely among Eastern peoples. which was the source of their abasement. in his view. Even the bedouin had great intrinsic qualities.28Miqdadi applied Shurayqi's formula explicitly and thoroughly by treating Semito-Arab history as an unending conflict between the Semites and the Aryans. The ancient Arabs were a people with outstanding qualities. All Arabs.25 Moreover.

splendid. and he alleges things about Islam which have never entered the mind of any Muslim until now. . . was the spreading of the spirit of solidarity among its individual members and paying attention to the wretched classes of the Arabs in the manner of socialism. but he cautiously indicates its merits: "Thus. if performed would abolish poverty among the Muslims. which. and there is some forgiveness for him in it.35 Kurd 'Ali and others in the journal of the Arab Academy of Damascus from time to time expressed approval of socialism and "resistance to the greed of the capitalists." In 1928. 427-28. accurately. in Europe they are mutually agreed to human regulations. while their existence in Islam is as divine commands whose execution the Muslim cannot avoid if he wishes to remain a Muslim. he apparently serves surreptitiously the Communist regime in the lands whose civilization has influenced him." Then Kurd 'Ali points out the book's partisan intent. which cited Jawzi's work. 5 (May 1910). One early suggestion of class conflict appeared in an article in al-Muqtataf. firmer. Arab in origin. with Khalil Sakakini identified as being responsible for its publication.34 Darwaza did not use the term "socialism. whereby the Muslims shared the wealth. Perhaps researchers will succeed in achieving the results of meticulous investigation in novel subjects such as these. he is weak in his investigations and his conclusions. which differ from the socialist principles known in Europe because the Islamic socialist principles are stronger." Islamic socialism consisted in the duty of the zakat. he [Jawzi] claims. One essay expounded the superiority of Islamic socialism to Western socialism and recounted in some detail the efforts of Abu Dharr.39 This emerging semi-Marxism culminated in Miqdadi's textbook. If he has excelled in citing examples which show his knowledge of Arab and Western speculations.37The author. in early Islam and detailed how the Prophet established brotherhood in Medina. was depicted as a conflict over "his socialist opinions with respect to depriving the rich of sole control of their wealth to the exclusion of the poor." said. "In the Islamic Shari'a there are socialist principles. Miqdadi explicitly stressed proletarian opposition to the capitalist collaborators with foreign imperialism in the Hijaz and he depicted Muhammad . mediocre in his elucidation. The famous confrontation of a respected companion of the Prophet. with 'Uthman and Mu'awiyya. more meritorious. . explicitly depicted as mobilizing the poor against the exploitations of the rich and the Umayyads. an explicitly Marxist interpretation of Islamic history by Bandali Jawzi appeared. the lack of class distinction." but he stressed the complete equality of the rich and poor. firm. This is the meaning which was dominant in the Islamic society in every age. Abu Dharr. Kurd 'Ali summarized the book. in his research there is room for thought.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 73 comment entitled "Socialist Principles in Islam."36 Some writers also employed Marxist dialectic. and most of those who rebelled against the states had socialist aims."38 In 1931 a collection of essays attributed to Jamal al-Din al-Afghani was published by Muhammad alMakhzumi. since the Muslim must act in accordance with them. in the following words: "The first of the principles at which Islam aimed. was a professor at the University of Baku. Whatever the manner in which he is at variance with the true way of the Muhammadan religion. Arslan said.

312).74 C. Arab Islamic unity weakened.e. but his mission and accomplishment was a divine miracle. by Islam. the desire for wealth gained the upper hand. The capitalist-proletarian contradiction had played its part in the first Arab awakening. but it did not eradicate the Arabs' principal defect. Islam brought power and glory to the Arab nation. synonyms. which was their great virtue carried to excess. the position of women. united and reformed. The caliphs and leading men in their competition with each other stimulated tribal antagonisms and warfare and then. the Islamic awakening. called "a socialist institution" and "the socialist. which was not merely religious in character but a national. i. Arab culture and society were corrupted. more ominously. "The Arabs' greatest awakening.40 The story of Abu Dharr evidently became popular. political. Under these influences. in the words of Miqdadi (p..44 Islam had brought the Arab nation to greatness. All paid homage to his noble character. began to rely on foreigners. egoism. in Spain. then in the East. conquered the civilized world. The first Arab awakening was the result of the action of one man. As the Franks became stronger. according to Henri Laoust. He also illustrated the socialist character of early Islam with accounts of Muhammad's "Brotherhood" in Medina and of Abu Dharr." respectively." In all the histories. social bond which united them and hurled them into the inhabited world. far superior to any other. Islam. and tribal 'asabiyya. as Barghuthi and Tuta (p. But a proletarian revolution and a communist reconstruction of society was neither necessary nor desirable. who was the great hero in all treatments.41In the 1950s and 1960s. The better solution was the first Arab awakening. Ernest Dawn as a proletarian revolutionary. The words of the Muslim Barghuthi and the Quaker Tuta summed up the universal opinion: The Prophet's "teachings unified the Arabs and ended the dissension among them with a new bond. first in Spain.. individualism. Persians notably. . present. The Muslim Arab nation." The doctrines of Islamic modernism and revivalism were without challenge. i. but also Turks and. Muslim and Arab. regaining the historic Arab fatherland. but otherwise class conflict and social reform remained as important elements of the coming of Islam. or future. past. greatly inferior to the Arabs in civilization. the family. In their writings. Muhammad.43 The Franks. are constantly conjoined. became dominant elements. inspired and informed. in the first two editions. which they infused with the seed kernel of its [Islam's] spirit and the seedling of its action. Islam and Arabness. it is clear that culture is the chief determining element. Guided by the pure reason of Islam. but notably in Miqdadi's.e. borrowed the essential bases of modern civilizations from the Arabs. Shakib Arslan retold the 1910 Muqtataf version of it in 1933. motivated by its love. They purified the ancient civilization of its defective elements and carried it to new heights so that Arab civilization became the wonder of the world."'42 Yet Miqdadi and the others who held similar views were not dialectical materialists. Under Persian influence. Abu Dharr "inspired a very abundant literature on 'Islamic socialism. Slavs. The socialist element was softened by omitting the term "socialist" from the last two editions and eliminating the story of Abu Dharr from the 1939 edition. 83) called it and. the Arabs created the just society.

Total debasement of Arab culture was the result. the usurers. The Persians were commonly portrayed as having been filled with hatred of the Arabs and a fanatical desire for revenge for the loss of sovereignty and glory. although he also pointed to the weakening of the Arab character that resulted from imitation of the alien.50Miqdadi was explicit concerning the . like the first. the Persians are moved by national sentiment. Thus the Persians took advantage of Arab dissension. the Persians and the West. 'asabiyya. Miqdadi expounded the doctrine explicitly and in detail. and the ulama collaborated to extirpate religion and fetter the masses with superstition. competing with each other. were bitterly and adamantly hostile to the Arabs. indeed they instigated and nourished it. both called Aryans by Miqdadi and others.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 75 amirs and rulers. He seems to suggest that cultural borrowing was beneficial when good things were borrowed in moderation and when. namely.49 The Persians and the Europeans. in order to return power and glory to the Persians. he asserted that Arab decline was due to both Persian and European cultural influences. Darwaza perhaps emphasized that it was natural and necessary. began to rely on them and then became their puppets. the unanimous opinion was that borrowing from them was nearly fatal."47 The decline of the Arab nation to the state where its populace was bound by ignorance and religious superstition had begun when the rivalries of the Arab rulers had led them to rely on foreigners. To Miqdadi this was especially tragic. intense national solidarity. to keep the masses ignorant in order to exploit them was the common doctrine that Barghuthi and Tuta and Darwaza expressed cautiously in their textbooks. for the masses "are the ones who represent to us the essence of the nation and its mentality. were stressed in the textbooks and in reviews or articles by Kurd 'Ali and Mustafa al-Shihabi. The rulers.48 In the case of two cultural lenders.46 That the upper classes had used religious superstition. Arslan gave it eloquent expression. 148-49).45Thus the noble Arab nation sank into what we may call the second Jahiliyya. The second Jahiliyya. Implicitly. as had happened in the early centuries of Islam. as opposed to tribal solidarity and egoistic individualism." as it was designated by all. the Arabs also preserved their "homely customs" and impressed their language and some of their traits on the non-Arab cultural lenders. and they possessed a quality that made them unique among peoples. resulted from the use of false religion by the upper classes to shackle the minds of the masses with ignorance and superstition in order to exploit them economically. Reliance on the alien began the contamination of Arab culture. False religion provided the means for the upper classes to exploit and utilize the populace. including Sufism. arguing for the purification of the Arabic language. The misdeeds of large landowners and notables and the defects of the "feudal regime. Cultural borrowing was a problem for the Arab nationalist intellectual. Barghuthi and Tuta drew the conclusion from the Arab experience with Persians and Turks that "any nation which does not attend to its future and preserve its essence is destined for destruction" (pp. thus precipitating the painful decline. Salim al-Jundi expounded the common belief when.

They corrupted the native Christians' creed and infected them with beautiful dreams.g. books and associations instill the most extreme kinds of fanatical loyalty to nationalism in their sons. who unfortunately were so divided that some made alliances with the enemy. Barghuthi and Tuta contrasted Westerners and Easterners." According to As'ad al-Hakim racialism. even though much is made of the damage suffered by the Arabs when in their strife they relied on these aliens.54 The Europeans. as was also the case of the Persians. The Spaniards were similarly portrayed as stirring up fanaticism against the Arabs. displaced by the latter. which weakened their personality. while the Muslims were true to their religion and the welfare of humanity. and Sami al-Kayyali. used cultural influence as a weapon. The Spanish character was portrayed as surviving Arabization and Islamization." Therefore. "in their schools." Mustafa al-Shihabi wrote. as moved by hatred for them.52"The Europeans. and ultimately extirpating them. are not represented in similar terms. Accordingly. the Arabs "adopted Persian culture. good and bad. Western schools. After the Franks failed in war during the Crusades. Only the Europeans are described in similar fashion. Miqdadi believed. [while] . Darwaza and Miqdadi had a similar opinion. Easterners treated servants as members of the family and were often. Italy. was the product of European society and culture. They weakened the Arab national spirit of Eastern Christians. warning of destruction does not arouse us. e. Westerners treated servants like servants. He also contrasts the intense national solidarity of the Persians with the individualism and egoism of the Arabs. "We Eastern peoples are simple-hearted. This was the view even of ardent modernizers who admired Western civilization. dismissing them for the most trifling mistakes or misdeeds. As a result of Persian enticement. apparently to be found only among Europeans. The Crusaders.53The Europeans' fanatical national solidarity was the source of their power and might. Turks. Circassions. The Crusaders were filled with religious fanaticism and kindled the fire of religious fanaticism between the Muslim and Christian Arabs. or Mongols." He asserted that missionary schools produced "scorn for the national culture and affection for the foreigners and their customs. who became devoted to foreign coreligionists. the Spanish. Muhammad Kurd 'Ali. Ernest Dawn Persian desire for revenge on the Arabs and their sowing of discord among them. Nationalism made Germany.. generous. "the advance guard for their success in the colonization of the East in the modern ages. and America great. The Persian weapon was insidious. sincere. like the Persians. and the European colonialists always maintained a united front of fanatics in the face of the Arabs."51 Other Eastern peoples." In the opinion of this graduate of the American University of Beirut. In contrast. "The American schools are less damaging than others because America has not been . indulgent. Japan showed that non-European nations could follow the European lead. Western missionaries.. and Western Orientalism were dangerous. The Crusaders dishonored the Christian religion and ignored its teachings.76 C. the Persians preservedtheir customs and their language.. such as Salim al-Jundi. like the caliphs and the amirs of the past. they began the missionary movement. An innate meanness was ascribed to the Europeans. which turned out to be mirages.

from the conflict after conflict which it suffers. their effect is obvious in bringing up doubting. it sees conflict." Islam. however. the duplicity and hypocrisy of Britain. The enormities of Napoleon's campaign in the East and of World War I. it [the Arab mind] looks at the world with watchful eyes. and Arslan. As Arslan put it. "The call to kill the national sentiment in the East by means of the schools and books of the missionaries and to replace it with the sentiment of the great human community is the greatest danger to us. received little attention but did not escape critical comment. the Europeans had nothing to offer the Arabs. in 1925.6' In the words of Arslan. insisted that Islam and communism were antithetical. Some Arabs regarded the Soviet Union as an ally of the Arabs and the Muslims. Membership in the West belonged unmistakably to Britain and France. was viewed differently from its imperialist predecessor. "The Bolsheviks appear as the enemy of the states of imperialism who are hostile states to all the Islamic world .Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 77 covetous of colonizing the Near East. which the Arabs had bestowed on Europe.. but they received relatively little attention. "approves of allying with the . more important.. It sees combat. Darwaza's medieval and modern history textbook for elementary schools concluded an account of Lincoln's emancipation of the slaves as follows: "But they continue until now to be despised in some states and cities of America to the degree that they cannot dwell or live with the 'white' Europeans. to create "the culture of the future which will save the world from its pain and suffering. an imperialist power going to war for its commerce and industry. Maurice Maeterling. Among them were Muhammad Rashid Rida' and Shakib Arslan. writing in 1919. the scientific attitude. guilty of the same deceit and hypocrisy as the other imperialist powers.58 Some Arabs were anticipating the collapse of the West. i."55 Mustafa al-Shihabi said. France."56 Except for their fanatical national sentiment and their science. The United States was placed in the same category as all the other participants in World War I."60 Germany." But both Rida'. The way was open for the Arabs to assume the role they had played in the past. it has no connections with communism and therefore cannot be Bolshevized in the meaning known in Russia. and America received due attention. but also to America. agreed that Muslims and Bolsheviks could cooperate."59 The great enemy and threat to the Arabs was the West. . Despite that.57 There was no deviation from the Islamic modernist dogma that modern European civilization was merely the outgrowth of basic knowledge and. and Miqdadi. "[I]f Islam has socialist principles. One such was Sami al-Kayyali: "Today. Oswald Spengler. in contrast to the two great colonial powers.. it sees might bloody tragedies and painful calamities-and it sees-unfortunately-that is the origin of right and that weakness is a fable of fables-And must the Arab mind develop on these principles and draw on these precepts?" Kayyali cited Max Nordau. materialistic students. They. Italy. and it is obvious that the Muslims yearn for the victory of the Bolsheviks. which. and Bertrand Russell as believing that the materialism of the West had brought it to the brink of collapse. Soviet Russia. rationality. he said.e. and Tsarist Russia were imperialist powers. Andre Gide. The American missionary schools held the same danger to Arab culture as the other foreign schools.

Ernest Dawn Bolsheviks. Thus they have prepared the day for the danger of [Western] socialism and communism. He called attention to the support that the French Socialists and Communists gave to the workers and peasants in Algeria and Tunisia. Azerbayjan. i. the owners of wealth. and the members of the ruling families" in Turkistan.78 C. Persians."64 Arslan and Kurd 'Ali went beyond asserting that socialism and communism shared some of Islam's qualities and goals.62 The Soviet Union was more than just a partner of convenience in the eyes of some Arabs who accepted Bolshevism's claim to be the movement of the world's toilers. socialism." By "the call to liberate the weak. except for a rare one. the enemy of the basis of imperialism.e. They did that in Russia after the fall of the oppressive and unjust state of the Tsars." Rashid Rida' asserted... the landlords. but all are equal in everything. and Kazan. land.. agriculture. have forgotten the zakat. each takes according to his ability and merit. "Hatred of Bolshevism has not reached the same degree in the Islamic world that it has in the Christian world.. No one possesses private wealth or private property or private factories or lands. factories."63 Darwaza also wrote favorably of the results of the Bolshevik revolution: "They made a government from the people. "Its intention is the extinction of the greedy power of the capitalists and their servants. seeking help from them against an enemy which is more dangerous and more injurious. so there are no rich and no poor. ." Turks. namely the call to liberate the weak.. and the government is the employer of the people. capitalism.. "Bolshevism is the essence of socialism. and communism as sharing the same goal. He explained the conversion of the Moslems of Russia to Bolshevism with the words." Rida' declared his partisanship: "The Muslims wish for the success of the socialists. and Afghans had cooperated with the Soviet Union without catching the fire of Bolshevism. He had in mind also the liberation of the Muslim poor from the Muslim rich. the protecting governments. because among Muslims the Bolsheviks have an intercessor." Arslan meant more than the liberation of the Muslim countries from the hands of Western imperialism. Property. a goal not shared by the Christian West. Arslan praised the socialists' and communists' internationalism and racial tolerance. "We say with intense sorrow that the Muslims. Its intention is that the true government of every people should belong to its majority.. to the workers in industry.. and wealth all belong to all the nation under the control of the government.. when the power of the capitalists and the magnates who are their partisans is overthrown. He warned the upper classes with the words.. He pointed to the Communist Party's appeal to the poor of Algeria and Tunisia and the Muslim rich's disregard of their wretched condition and to the Bolshevik revolution by the Muslim proletariat "against the men of religion. no amir and no pauper. Arslan saw Islam. whose principles inevitably will penetrate among them whatever they and the states of imperialism try to do in order to oppose their . success which would abolish the slavery of peoples-all of them are workers-even as they rebuke them as they rebuke others for all that is contrary to the Islamic law. which promulgate their materialistic laws on the basis of devouring the rights of the workers in their countries. and they have neglected the duties of their religion. etc.

but little hope was expressed that the call would be answered. But the nation had been locked in unending combat with Aryan imperialism. who would overthrow the establishment and save the nation from Bolshevism. but..e. The only road to salvation was to return to the true Islam of the ancestors. In the struggle with imperialism and the Arab ruling classes. despite the extreme readiness of the people for it. and debased the nation. Thus. capitalists. in the long run. From this predicament in the first Jahiliyya. subverted Arab culture. the return to true Islamic socialism. Arab rulers. utilizing Arab discord. which included a divinely ordained socialism. ... These judgments were singled out with approval by Kurd 'Ali in his review of Arslan's book. to lead it to [the goal] which he desired. threats. the fight against imperialism and the revitalization of the Arab nation could succeed only through the overthrow of the backsliders among the Arab rich and rulers who exploited the nation as the tools of the imperialists. which was motivated by materialistic greed. Bolshevism and European socialism were allies against imperialism and were closer to true Islam than was Western materialism. extreme socialism. which included concepts of capitalist imperialism and class conflict. and feudal landlords collaborated with the imperialists to exploit the Arab country and people. despite the strength of the strong old parties. He had little hope that the Muslim upper class would check the progress and triumph of Western socialism or communism by the only existing method. Arab nationalist intellectuals added to the Islamic modernist Arabism of the prewar years the Semito-Arab version of history and a semi-Marxism.. imperialism was a key concept. in which the upper classes for their selfish profit collaborated with the aliens. Twice the imperialists. the semi-Marxism might suggest a proletarian movement. "The subject of this book is important. it was strongly implied. But Western socialism and Bolshevism were also. Although the first of the two elements has no prima facie connection with class interest. and how he succeeded and influenced his nation . A year later. It includes the life of Monsignore Mussolini . for they were atheistic and incompatible with Islam. and achieved greatness. Expressions of concern for the poor and censure of the rich and . reviewing a book on Italian Fascism. had intruded into the Arab homeland and nation."65Arslan joined the Muslim upper class to the imperialist states as opponents of socialism and communism. used to join the struggle with Western imperialism to the fight for true Islamic principles in the Arab countries. The rich and the rulers were exhorted to take to the path of true Islam. i.. In the years between the wars.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 79 diffusion in the East. occupied in a series of waves from the heartland. he wrote. The ruling classes' departure from true Islam in time would lead to class warfare and possibly the victory of Bolshevism. The Semito-Arabs had developed in their natural homeland. the preferred method was the rule of a strong man like Mussolini. instead of proletarian revolution. But egoism and tribalism had opened the way for European imperialism to push the Arabs into a new Jahiliyya. enslaving and exploiting the masses and thereby weakening the nation. in that Fascism saved Italy from falling into Bolshevism. fettering it with ignorance and superstition."66 In the Pan-Arab self-view elaborated in the interwar years. Islam rescued the Arab nation and propelled it to its greatest achievement.

The Arab nationalist movements against the Mandates and nationalist governments. were. and probably indispensable patrons of. the monthly al-Zahra' and the weekly al-Fath. Hasan al-Banna and the . scholarly families. Arab nationalism had originated before the war as an opposition movement in the Ottoman Arab Fertile Crescent. in the opposition. especially of those who made most use of semi-Marxism. The prewar Arabists were Ottoman Arabs opposing fellow Arabs who held office in the Ottoman state. but these events did leave them with no alternative to Arabism. Just as they were not revolutionary workers. The earliest advocates of Arabism received patronage and support from an eminent Egyptian. official.71After the war. like the prewar Arabists. but the political superiority of the prewar Ottomanists survived. Through the 1920s and into the 1930s. when such existed.67 They were joined by others. who included many survivors from before the war and a number of newcomers. too. But the pre.68 This was the political affiliation of most of the Arabist intellectuals.70 Egypt had provided a friendly environment for the Syrian intellectuals who developed Arabism from 'Abduh's Islamic modernism.72 in 1927.80 C. The Iraqi state schools provided employment for some of them. were dominated by preWar Ottomanists lately converted to Arabism. merchant. it is advisable to treat it in some detail. His Salafiyya Press and Bookstore and his journals. whose overlapping membership had informal ties with the "oppositionists" in Iraq (Yasin al-Hashimi) and Amin al-Husayni in Palestine. Muhibb al-Din alKhatib expanded his. the political opposition was the first to adopt Arab nationalism. became perhaps the most important disseminators of Islamic modernist and Pan-Arab publications. The Arab nationalist intellectuals of the interwar years. some younger newcomers to politics. and nationalist doctrine was indisputably a weapon in this struggle. and Kemalist abandonment of Ottomanism did not destroy the political dominance of the Ottomanist Arabs. The prewar Arabists were unsuccessful in the contest with the Ottomanist Arabs before the war. from landowning. Ottoman collapse in World War I. His activities received vital support from Ahmad Taymur. Most important. and Baghdad became a center for developing and dispersing their ideas. The surviving prewar Arabists continued to be out of power.and postwar Arab nationalists were decidedly engaged in a contest for power. Khatib and Taymur then went on to found the Young Men's Muslim Association. and they were major influences on. Because the subject is controversial and has received relatively little scholarly investigation. the British and French Mandates. of solid upper status. some surviving prewar Ottomanists. Ahmad Taymur. they formed a loose network in the Arab Independence Party (the "Istiqlalists") and Syrian-Palestinian Congress Executive Committee. Rashid Rida' continued his activities. Arab nationalism became the creed of all political activists everywhere in the Fertile Crescent except Lebanon. Ernest Dawn forecasts of class warfare need not be and most often have not been evidence of proletarian status and purpose. so they were not of a rising middle class created by changes in the mode of production that was wresting control from the ruling class of a superseded mode of production.69 In Egypt. Egypt continued to be the base for some of the Syrian Arab nationalist opposition.

74 A few mainstream Egyptian politicians began to advocate Arabism in the late 1920s. except for the least secure of them. A somewhat later convert. although at the time Mazini was writing.79 The two earliest and most prominent Wafdist politicians to advocate Arabism. which dominated the Wafd and electoral politics throughout the interwar period. a journal that was Wafdist-leaning through most of its life. were the chief disseminators of the Arab ideology that the Fertile Crescent intellectuals had developed from 'Abduh's Islamic modernism. although he was a friend of al-Nuqrashi and inclined toward the Sa'dists. al-Ruz al-Yusuf al-Yawmiyya. The founders and directors of the YMMA included such prominent Egyptian politicians as 'Abd al-Hamid Sa'id. beginning as a Wafdist paper. a loyalty he kept when he wrote regularly for al-Balagh at times when it was Wafdist. began his political activity as a devotee of the National Party. Mahmud 'Azmi. The concentration of Arabism in the political opposition is obvious. Zaki Mubarak. had broken with the Wafd. i. but he lost his position to a friend of Muhammad Mahmud.8l . its president. was an early member of the Liberal Constitutional Party. which included association with 'Abbas II. CAbdal-Qadir Hamza. finally seceding in 1932. were among the Wafdists who opposed Nahhas at least as early as 1930. Mazini later wrote political articles for both al-Balagh and alAsas. the publisher and editor.80Their Pan-Arab activities began in late 1931. Muhammad Husayn Haykal. he wrote articles against the Wafd and. when he defected. The other leading early advocates of Arabism who were affiliated with major parties were also oppositionists. all members of the National Party. was a member of the editorial staff of the Liberal Constitutionalist al-Siyasa during the early 1930s.. against missionaries. with Haykal.73These individuals and organizations. but he was never a Wafdist.76 Muhammad 'Ali 'Aluba. soon became anti-Wafdist as a result of Wafdist internal conflicts. and the organs of that party were the leading outlets for Arab nationalist articles among party-affiliated publications. He then began writing for al-Balagh. All such were members of the Egyptian opposition. those opposed to the Zaghlul-Nahhas connection. was also a Liberal Constitutionalist. 'Abd al-'Aziz Jawish (Shawish). which. the Wafdist Makram 'Ubayd.75 They were then followed in the advocacy of Arabism by politicians and intellectuals affiliated with the more important political parties. He was employed on the editorial staff of the Party organs from their foundation until 1928. the constituents of the Egyptian Salafiyya revival. perhaps the most prominent among the first political literati to embrace Arabism. and none were prominent in its advocacy even after it became established in the mid1930s. was a prewar Nationalist who joined the Liberal Constitutionalists.78 A political intellectual who became a prominent advocate of Pan-Arabism somewhat later. 'Abd al-Rahman 'Azzam and Hamad al-Basil. perhaps the first of these to embrace Pan-Arabism. in the 1930s.77 Ibrahim 'Abd al-Qadir al-Mazini. and Yahya al-Dardiri.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 81 Muslim Brothers. he joined the Wafdist-affiliated journal alJihad and then. The derivation of Egyptian Pan-Arab thought from that of the eastern compatriots is obvious. one of the very first.e. None of the major Wafdist or Sa'dist leaders were early advocates of Arabism. in 1935. After a checkered career.

at least as early as 1934 gave support to a new youth organization founded in October 1933. a Nationalist once more. and offer remedy. National Party politicians provided the leadership of the YMMA from the beginning.88 The Arab nationalists as agents of opposition and dissent had to identify ills. a practice he continued from that time forward while he held his position as either prime minister or chief of the royal cabinet.84 King Fu'ad appears to have provided patronage to Young Egypt as early as 1934. and. Young Egypt. Prewar Arab nationalism. but others expanded the ideology by adding the Semito-Arab version of history or by giving a new emphasis to the socialist element in the genuine original Islam. chief of the royal cabinet from July 1. Their displacement by true patriots was necessary to bring about the restoration of true Islam and the defeat of the hostile West. finally. the Arab past. He apparently became a patron of both Young Egypt and the Muslim Brothers in 1935. much as the pre-1918 Nationalists had combined Egyptianism with Ottomanism and Islam. Arab rulers and obscurantist religious leaders who collaborated with Western imperialism in corrupting Arab Islam in order to exploit the Arab nation received the blame. the thrust was the urgency of chastizing and displacing the erring members of the Arab establishment.87 Meanwhile. Deviation from the Arab past was the cause. Some seem not to have gone beyond it. and the West. The prewar division between . a prewar Nationalist. Whatever the mix. had done this by comparing the Arab present. every Egyptian cabinet found it necessary to make public statements of support for the Palestinians and to take diplomatic action on their behalf. Arab nationalist ideology had obvious utility for the political opposition. Mahir included the Arab nationalist CAlubaas minister of education. Ernest Dawn By 1936. or by both. Islamic modernist Ottomanism. The Arab present was shown to be shameful and humiliating.82The organization combined elements drawn from the Arab Islamic modernist ideology of the Salafiyya movement with an Egypt-first doctrine. Arabism had become sufficiently popular to require the attention of practically all major politicians. Zaki Mubarak and Mahmud 'Azmi. fix blame. and prime minister from January to May 1936. the sins of the rich. and the potentially imminent class conflict. Much of the political cleavage among the Arabs existed over several generations in the form of continuing rivalries between families and factions. like its parent. in the Arab polity.85But the foremost patron of Arabism among cabinet-level politicians was 'Ali Mahir. Mahir also courted two eminent Arab nationalist journalists. 1935.82 C.86As prime minister in 1936. This prewar Arabist diagnosis of and prescription for Arab illness formed the heart of postwar Arab nationalist ideology. Furthermore. as in others. 'Aluba. Egyptian popular sympathy for the Palestinian Arabs was increasingly manifested. a founder and long-time member of the Liberal Constitutionalists. From the outbreak of the Arab rebellion in Palestine in the spring of 1936 on. however.83The organization had some association with both the Liberal Constitutionalists and the Nationalists. return to it the cure. Youth organizations that drew their ideology from Salafiyya sources received patronage and assistance from political leaders. competition for position and its rewards very often preceded ideological contradiction.

prewar Arabism and modernist Ottomanism. these sins were of unequaled importance because they had caused the Arabs and Islam to fall dangerously behind the Christian West. and the other was shared by postwar Arabism with its ancestors. the past self. still dominant. as did the injured Arab self-view. In addition to place and its rewards. each of which centered on the emotionally charged expression of the perception that the Islamic Ottoman or Arab self had been deprived and threatened with extinction by the hostile West. The perceived failure of the Islamic Ottoman or Arab nation to keep pace with the West inflicted painful injury on the self-view for which every political contender had to offer treatment. The Arab-West conflict had to be conceived in a way that sharpened the notion of irreconcilable contradiction between the Arabs and the West and strengthened the assignment of blame for the Arabs' humiliation to Arab collaborators with the West. the insolvable problem that demanded solution. So the Western problem remained the hub of Arab politics. and the perception of Eastern backwardness was not dimmed. This peril had been discovered and diagnosed by means of an invidious comparison of the Islamic Arab nation's present with its past and with the modern Christian West. the Arab nationalists were competing for the leadership of a human collectivity with its problems and responsibilities.89But Arab nationalist ideology was concerned with more than the sins of the advantaged Arabs. Thus the internal conflict and the external relations of the Arabs required further development of Arabist ideology. The appeal to the past for proof that the Ottomans or the Arabs would once again surpass the West salved the wounds and gave hope for the future. The concept of class conflict and collaboration between propertied Arabs and Western capitalists utilizing corrupted Islam to . and the hopes were not fulfilled. as yet indeterminable. opposition and dissent will probably be greater in incidence and intensity than the degree that is intrinsic to any social interaction and will certainly produce little cognitive dissonance. The impotence of an establishment in the face of a universally perceived danger causes some to oppose and dissent and legitimizes opposition and dissent whatever the cause. Ottoman or Arab military and political relations with the West continued to be unsatisfactory. Such a comparison of the present self. adopted the ideology of their unsuccessful opponents. In a society or community with such a problem. In the view of the Arab nationalists. produced by competition for place and its remuneration.90But the salve proved to be ineffective.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 83 Ottomanists and Arabists continued without much change after the war. The Arab nationalists presented themselves as the saviors of the Arabs in a time of deadly peril. Manifestly. ideological contradiction was to some extent. which the First World War produced. The emerging popular semi-Marxism of Western historians and political theorists provided material that more sharply delineated earlier notions of Western imperialism and economic exploitation. It happened that just at this time material for this purpose could be borrowed from the West. perhaps now intensified by the actual presence and greater visibility of the West. The cleavage between government and opposition among the Arabs survived the replacement of Ottomanism by Arabism. The Bolshevik revolution raised hopes in a broad political spectrum of a strong ally against Western imperialism. but the former.

and Egyptians found asylum. but there does not appear to have been any overt attack on the concept itself. Shukri alQuwatli. Not only was it prominent in history textbooks and journals until 1939. but successful political organizations also espoused it. Islamic socialism received little attention from government partisans. The new concept also responded to the Zionist threat by asserting Arab priority in Palestine and by repudiating the appeal that some Zionists were making to a common Semitic bond between Arabs and Jews. The Iraqi capital became the center of a wide network of radical Arab nationalists. when the Arab League charter member governments officially espoused Pan-Arabism. but in fact virtually the followings of Yasin al-Hashimi. espoused a version radically different from that of Ahmad Husayn. Haykal. who had in prepresidential years been the principal Syrian patron of the radical Islamic socialists.95 From Hawrani's following and the Bacth came the leadership of Syria and Iraq from the 1950s onward. ostensibly a Pan-Arab youth organization formed in reaction to the failures and betrayals of the older generation. heightened the sense of Arab-European antagonism and strengthened the Arabs' claim to be the most important nation in history. the most important group was the CAsabat al-'Amal al-Qawmi. Palestinians. There were differences in interpretation. which Haykal denounced as advocacy of class warfare. the Vice-President of Young Egypt. and Mustafa al-Wakil.92In the successive editions of Miqdadi's textbook. material for which was just then succinctly stated by Breasted. the Nawras al-Kilani-Tawfiq al-Shishakli-Akram al-Hawrani group in Hama stressed the socialistic element. One major Egyptian intellectual. Syria. from Syria. Among them were Akram al-Hawrani and Zaki al-Arsuzi. Some Iraqi members established close ties with young officers of the developing Iraqi Army. Among Arab nationalists. which reached its greatest extent in the days of the Rashid Ali al-Kilani government.93In the Fertile Crescent. In the 1940s. Iraq continued to be the patron. by expanding the Arab-West conflict into the Semito-Aryan conflict. The Egyptians appear to have paid less attention to Islamic socialism than the Fertile Crescent intellectuals did and to have been more restrained in criticism of the established order. Ernest Dawn exploit the Arab masses offered new grist for the mill of the opposition. and many of the Nasserist Free Officers.84 C. as did other groups connected with older established oppositionist leaders. including Gamal Abdel Nasser . employment. In the 1930s. even in Syria under Shukri al-Quwatli. and Palestine.94In Egypt. the concept of class conflict underwent a gradual attenuation. however. The failure of the Kilani movement in Iraq excluded most of the Iraqi radicals from prominence in Iraqi politics. a one-time member of the 'Asabat al-'Amal al-Qawmi and one of the founders of the Ba'th Party. It remained a fundamental element in the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. the other main addition. Syrians. Educators from Egypt joined Syrians and Palestinians in the higher schools of Baghdad. The Semito-Arab concept. and inspiration there. and Amin al-Husayni in Iraq.91 In no human collectivity does agreement on some elements of an ideology guarantee universal acceptance of all elements. But the semi-Marxism survived. Ahmad Husayn's Young Egypt adopted many elements of the full ideology. Some appear to have passed over it. Islamic socialism was treated in diverse ways.

Arab Nationalism: A Critical Enquiry. the semi-Marxist version of Pan-Arab ideology formed in the 1920s provided the basis for both Ba'thist and Nasserist ideology from the 1950s onward. the German original was published in 1971) includes Dawn's findings in a model of rampant eclecticism. 302-3. Margaret M. Green. Arab-Turkish Relations and the Emergence of Arab Nationalism (Beirut: Khayat's. 1983) develops and expands on Dawn's conclusions with much new material. British Policy Towards Syria and Palestine. Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett. and in Arabic Political Memoirs and other Studies (London: Frank Cass. Brace and Company. 1984). had been members of Young Egypt in the 1930s. 342. An earlier version of this paper was presented to the annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association. Dawn's conclusions are ambiguously accepted by Rashid Ismail Khalidi. November 29. the Muslim Brothers. are still to be found. Beirut: Khayat's. "'The Arab Awakening' Forty Years After.J. 1985). (New York: Harcourt. 1974). examines in detail the careers of two prominent pre-1918 Ottomanist who converted to Arabism after the War. 206. William L. Tibawi. Ernest Dawn. Bassam Tibi. Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus 1860-1920 (Cambridge. 1984. but both seem to believe that the Arab nationalists had become a majority or a near majority by 1914 as a result of Arab reaction to CUP policies and to Zionism. pp. in whole or in part. but like him regards Arab separatism as a reaction to the Committee of Union and Progress Turkification and Turkism. 1981). 1981. pp. The author alone is responsible for its contents. and trans. (Albany: State University of New York Press. 1937) and Hans Kohn. 369. 378-79. departs radically from Antonius with respect to the nineteenth century. Said Amir Arjomand. Bruce D. The views of George Antonius. esp. 53-70. London. pp. Martin's Press. A more subtle version of the same interpretation is given by A. 1966). Martin's Press. 19061914: A Study of the Antecedents of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence. 338. also had many ties with the Free Officers. 136. believes that Arab nationalism was created by the spread . Anthony's College.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 85 himself. 333. trans. Zeine. 168. A Modern History of Syria. ed. 201-3. 125. which combines the Antonius and Kohn theses (see esp. the Sykes-Picot Agreement. 1973) (these essays were first published in 1957-1962). Oxford." From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam. N. 1st ed. Cleveland. New York: Cambridge University Press.96The other Egyptian exponent of socialism. including Lebanon and Palestine (London: Macmillan and New York: St. 306. A History of Nationalism in the East. 1971) and Islam Against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaignfor Islamic Nationalism (Austin: University of Texas Press. Khoury. 87-89). The Making of an Arab Nationalist: Ottomanism and Arabism in the Life and Thought of Satic al-Husri (Princeton.98 HISTORY DEPARTMENT UNIVERISTY OF ILLINOIS NOTES Author's note: This paper is based in part on research done while the author was a fellow of the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The Arab Awakening (Philadelphia: Lippincott. San Francisco. 324. 'C. 60. pp. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. From Ottomanism to Arabism: Essays on the Origins of Arab Nationalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 319-20. 213-19. 178. 1980) and "Social Factors in the Rise of the Arab Movement in Syria. 1939). Philip S. 1969). esp. (New York: St.Turkish Relations in the Near East. Zeine N. L. 330.97 Not surprisingly. and by Albert Hourani. pp. and often combined. St. 287-90. 1958) (new edition: The Emergence of Arab Nationalism: With a Background Study of Arab. Elie Kedourie in various articles collected in The Chatham House Version and Other Middle-Eastern Studies. Craig of the University of Chicago Library located and provided a copy of the important essay by Rashid Rida' cited in n. ed. 165-66. and the Balfour Declaration (London: Ithaca Press for the Middle East Center." The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.: Princeton University Press. 1970). 381.

which had been created by the Lebanese Christians (see esp. 6 (1952).g. (Jerusalem: Matba a Dar al-Aytam al-Islami al-Sana'iyya. 64-68) holds that Islamic modernism contributed to the formation of Arab nationalism. 4. 68). Richard P. 471. 3d ed. 428. 2Malcolm Kerr. "The Teaching of History in Iraq before the Rashid Ali Coup of 1941. "Recent Arabic Literature on Arabism. (Cairo: Matba'a al-Salafiyya. 115. 72 at n. 1355/1936).Y. and calls Kawakibi "the first true intellectual precursor of modern secular PanArabism" (p. Hazem Zaki Nuseibeh." The Middle East Journal (MEJ). Cleveland. 5th ed. 70 n. Information concerning it has been provided by Dr.) 41st ed. but apparently does not derive Arab nationalism from their thought. 122. 156. Arslan. rev. "which was eventually to destroy the Islamic revitalization movement" (p. the newly imported secular Arabism had to become "consonant with" Islam (p. It is reviewed in Majalla al-Majmac al-Illmi al. 1352/[1933]). 1357H/AD1938). "Introduction. 2d ed. that Kawakibi was an "important pioneer of Arab nationalism" (p. 54). 1350/1931). [1924]). . 704. 310-14. even though Islam was not abandoned by the Arab nationalists. New York. (Baghdad: Dar al-Haditha. 18-19. 3d ed. '?Haim points to 'Abduh's "implicit" "glorification of Arab Islam and . 428-29. 2d ed. 1956). The fourth edition has not been accessible. 1970). depreciation of Ottoman Islam" (p. originating with the Lebanese Christians.. Nicola A. 193-99. to "increase skepticism concerning Islam" among Muslims (p. pp. but that Arab nationalism was a secular movement. 28-38. Their main influence was. Hisham Sharabi. 9Abdul Latif Tibawi. 2d ed. 128. 4th ed. 1348/[1929]). 1349/[1930]). 107 n. Simon. 1962). 67).. Ernest Dawn of European theological and political doctrines. Sharabi divides the Islamic modernists of most students into reformists (e. 1350/[1931]). Tibi (pp. 108-9. 1923. Arab Nationalism. and privilege and little different in these respects from their opponents (see esp. 1357/1938). 35. (Haifa: al-Maktaba al-'Arabiyya al-Wataniyya. 2d ed. 61st ed. 91. 22 (1986)." Middle Eastern Studies. 1966).86 C. Humphrey Ernest Bowman. 27). The Society of the Muslim Brothers. 16). 49. 148.g. Haim. 2d ed. al-Husri. (Haifa: al-Maktaba al-Wataniyya al-'Arabiyya and Damascus: Matbaca al-Sadaqa. 118. 88-89. 71st ed. 42.. Middle-East Window (London. . 95-97. pp. 1942). . idem. 27. (Damascus: Maktaba al-CIrfa. pp. (Cairo: Matbca al-Salafiyya. 15.: Cornell University Press. 76-77. (1351/1932). Arab Education in Mandatory Palestine: A Study of Three Decades of British Administration (London: Luzac. cAbduh) and secularists (e. "The Arabs and Their History.A rabi bi-Dimashq (MMIAD). 131-32. In order to survive. 4 (1924). [1353]/[1934]). 111-12.. 51st ed.. 122. and spread by them and the British and by King Faruq and his entourage. Tibi. Nabih Amin Faris. Reeva Simon. 1956). 3(Jerusalem:Matbaca Bayt al-Muqaddis. interest. 156-57. 81st ed. 1355/[1936]). like that of Afghani and others. Arab Intellectuals and the West: The Formative Years. Reeva S. 133). and Toronto: Longmans." Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. (Baghdad: Government Press. 1969). 3d ed. (Baghdad: Matbaca al-Ma'arif. 4 (1924). 21). MMIAD. Haim. when it finally collapsed in the face of secular Arab nationalism. Much the same view is set forth by Sylvia G. 11 (1931). ed. and was established by military officers installed in power by the British after World War I. (1343H/1924-1344H/1925). Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press. Haim believes that real Arab nationalism was an importation from the West at the time of World War I and that there was no "serious attempt to define [its] meaning" until the late 1930s (p. 1939). 6th ed. 123). (1353/[1934]). Ziadeh. (Cairo: al-Matba'a al-Salafiyya. 10. The first edition has not been available. 56-61. 64. Kawakibi) and assigns to the secularists the position of leading the Arab nationalist movement before 1914 until the end of the interwar period. which weakened the hold of Islam and Christianity. Arab nationalism is a postWorld War I phenomenon. 8 (1954). 116-17. 9 (London: Oxford University Press. (Damascus: Maktaba al-'Irfa." MEJ. (1344H/ 1925). 35). Mitchell. Middle Eastern Monographs. 123. esp. makes no reference to Dawn's essays but in similar fashion depicts the prewar Arab nationalist political movement as a minority movement composed of privileged persons pursuing office. (Cairo: Matba'a al-Salafiyya. N. pp. 102-3. Green and Co. The Ideas of Arab Nationalism (Ithaca. (1350/[1931]). 2 vols. 1875-1914 (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins Press.

35. 236. '2Al-Ta'rikh al-Carabi. 131. Mukhtasar. 3. 4-5. 17 (1942). 261. 7. pp. ed. 32-35.pp. 308. 144. 2d ed. 177. Darwaza.. 1. 23Miqdadi. al-Ta'rikh al-qadim. 2d ed. 4 (1924). 64-65.. by Luthruf Situdard. 6-7. 83-84. 724-25. 4-5. 11. 6Khatib. 1928). 317-18. the Marxist writer. 61-62. 2d ed. 257-60. 14. 519-20. al-Ta'rikh alqadim.. 1345/1927).. pp. Miqdadi. pp. ed. MMIAD. trans. Miqdadi.. pp. ed. 29Miqdadi. 2 vols. 6th ed. 460. MMIAD. 311-18. 181-82. 511. 27E. 148. pp.. 1st ed. pp. 84. 24Breasted. 1st ed. 63-64 (n. 318. Tiyudur Arunuwitsch Rudhstayn. al-Ta'rikh al-qadim. 927 (hereafter. 1st ed. 13. 1st ed. 8 (1928). 73. trans. 276 n. 2d ed. passim. 12 (1932). (Cairo: Matba'a 'Isa al-Babi al-Halibi. 82-83. 1. 87 (quotation). 126. the text occurs in all subsequent editions unless otherwise noted). 37.. Vol. 146. 2d ed. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 1. 49-52. 11-13. 402.. 1... 2d ed. James Henry Breasted.. pp. 111-13. 8 (1928). 1910). 147. 172-75. 2d ed. 46-50. 73-75. pp. al'Usur al-qadima was huwa tamhid li-dars al-ta'rikh al-qadim wa acmal al-insan al-awwal. I: Min taDrikhal-haraka al-ijtima'iyya (Jerusalem. 407-8. Uriel Dann. pp. 80-81. pp. 255-57. 22Barghuthiand Tuta. al-Ta'rikh al-Carabi. 2d ed. Darwaza.. 10-13. '5Barghuthiand Tuta. 61-72. A History of the Early World: An Introduction to the Study of Ancient History and the Career of Early Man (Boston. 17-18.. Mukhtasar. 2d ed. 11-14 (Husri's direct influence is acknowledged. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 1343/1925). I.. 20Barghuthi and Tuta. all editions have the text unless otherwise noted. when subsequent editions are cited. by Darwish alMiqdadi (Beirut: Dar al-'Ilm li-al-Malayin. 17-18. 172-74. 6... Miqdadi. Mukhtasar. (1930). Ancient Times. pp. Miqdadi. 76-77. 2d ed. 31-35.g. etc.. 5-8. 1. 503-4. 200. 719. Fifield.. Shakib Arslan... pp. idem. 1). pp. 317. 104-5. idem. 41-42. I. Miqdadi. pp. Darwaza. 285. is certain that Hammurabi was Arab." to appear in The Great Powers in the Middle East: 1919-1939. 39. 23-25. pp. I have dealt more extensively with Miqdadi in "An Arab Nationalist View of World Politics and History in the InterWar Period-Darwish al-Miqdadi. 2d ed.. 451. 462-63. Egypt's Ruin: A Financial and Administrative Record (London: A. I. 'Ali Ahmad Shukri. Mukhtasar.. idem. 70. idem. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 336. pp. Ittijah al-mawjat al-bashariyyafi-jazira al-carab (Cairo: al-Matba'a al-Salafiyya. 315. 423-24. 22. 360. 113. 107. 5 n. 28Khatib. Hadir al-'alam al-islami.. 2d ed.. 95. . 15-16. idem. 7 (1927). Darwaza. pp.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 87 "Barghuthi and Tuta. 2d ed. pp. 51. Darwaza.. 252. MMIAD. pp. 1 to p. 20. 2d ed. 16-21. 56-57. pp.. Darwaza.. pp. idem. 9 (1929). 392-407. 2d ed. 51. 3"Darwaza.. 1st ed. I. 362. p. pp. idem. 106. 4. 14. 2d ed. p. 312. 7. 37-39. 18-20. 483-84. 1. 209. Ist ed. 17-18. 2-3. 7. 403. 63). 86.1st ed. esp.. 2d ed. (Beirut: al-Matba'a al-Amayrikaniyya. 56. trans.. 245. pp. pp. pp. Bayna jahiliyyatayn: masrahiyya. 2d ed. 47. Da'ud Qurban. when the first edition is cited. Mukhtasar. p. 190 (quotations. New York. Ta9rikhmisr qabla al-ihtilal al-britani wa-bacdahu. pp. idem.: Ginn. 63-64 (n. 70-76. 19.. 451. Mukhtasar.Mukhtasar. I. Miqdadi. C. Miqdadi. Mukhtasar. pp. quotation from Shurayqi).. 317. 'Abd al-Malik al-Nashif. p. p. 6. I. (Cairo. 287-89. 30Darwaza. Darwaza. p. 507-8. 45-46. 4-6. 2d ed. 71. 1st ed. 1967).1st ed. 3-9. 47. 186. 1926). 48-49. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 27-28. 6. 90. 1st ed. idem.. Min ta'rikh al-harakat al-fikriyya fi al-islam. 9 (1929).. 2d ed. only the second edition is cited. 59-60. 2d ed. 49. al-Ta'rikh al-qadim. pp. '7Darwaza. 59. 332. 3 (1923). '3Miqdadi. 244 n. idem... IV. 1939 ed. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi.. 7. 67-68. 10-13. 1st ed. 2d ed. pp. 1916). II. 487-500. 177. 26Barghuthiand Tuta. 9 (1929).. I. MMIAD. pp. pp. Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib. 15. 332-33. 63. cAjjaj Nuwayhid. 1st ed. 10-12. pp. 23-24. Jayms Hanri Birastid. Bandali Jawzi. 488. 16-19.2d ed.pp. 32Miqdadi. 10 (1930). When all editions have the same text. pp. 64. pp. 461-62. idem.. 451. Mukhtasar. 12-13. 27-31. 217-18. pp. 2d ed. Darwaza. 574-75. (London: Holmes and Meier).2d ed. al-Ta rikh al-'arabi. 37-38.. 14Barghuthi and Tuta. pp. 451. pp. Miqdadi. 1 to p. Mukhtasar. pp. 11. 730-39. 7-8. 70. 76-77. '8Barghuthi and Tuta. 25Barghuthiand Tuta. 77). 35-40. p. 2"Barghuthiand Tuta. 1344/1925). 168-69. '9Miqdadi. al-Ta'rikh al-carabi. 1st ed. 11-13... 211. (1352/1933). 2d ed. a translation of Fedor Aronovich (Theodore) Rothstein. 4 vols...

48-49.492. 217-24. 270. 12 (1932). p. II. 112-14. 216-17. 52Barghuthiand Tuta. I. 181-82.. 286-87. 147. 339.. 8-9 (n. 151). 47. ed. 243. Miqdadi.. 514-17. 337. 354. 1st ed. 86. 159. Miqdadi. al-Ta-rikh al-'arabi. 2d ed.. 330-32. 100-101. 117-27. 42. 44Darwaza. 2d ed. pp. 1943). 2d ed... 472-74. 7 (1927). 8).. I. 376. 140. 312. 1st ed. 2d ed. 242-43. 1969). 445. 378.. pp. 520. 131. 254-55. 393-94. 106-7. 83-88. 78-79. pp. p. II. 1st ed. al-Ta'rikh al-Carabi. 320. 317. 2d ed. 196. 18-19. I. Ist ed. Arslan. 2d ed.. 219. 80-94. pp. 57Barghuthi and Tuta. 43-44. 49MMIAD. 187. 31-32.. Miqdadi. I to p. 1. 325-26. 433. 289. pp. 206. 2d ed. 493. 219. 254-55.. 1st ed. idem. 1st ed. 93. 162-63. idem. pp. 8 (1928).. Mukhtasar. 1970). 146-49. 243. 187. pp. 721. 41. 39-40. 212. 60-65. Mukhtasar. 233-34. III. Mukhtasar. 45Barghuthiand Tuta. 54Miqdadi. 1st ed. 327. 433. 381. 509. 451. 10. 177-78. 152-53. 168-70. Darwaza. 37-41. 2d ed. 43Barghuthiand Tuta. 39Jamalal-Din al-Afghani. Mukhtasar. 1st ed. 436. 208-342 (esp. 257. 1. 1st ed. 40Miqdadi. 5 (1925).. 168. pp. pp. 162. 59. al-A'mal al-kamila. 348-50. 2d ed. 234-37. Miqdadi. 374. 2d ed.. II. p.. 115. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. pp.. 217 (quotation. 142. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 15 (1937). pp. 151-52 (n. 35. Miqdadi. II. pp. 472. 237. 5 (1925). Arab Socialism: A Documentary Survey (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.. p. 113. 188. Muhammad 'Imara. esp. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. II. Miqdadi.. 9 (1929). pp. 330. 132. 217). 160-62. 48Darwaza. 200-201. in al-A'mal al-kamila.2d ed. 8 (1928). 46Barghuthiand Tuta.. Barghuthi and Tuta. pp. 164. 26-29. 65. pp. 521. 35Mukhtasar. pp. Arslan. p. 362. 188. a translation is given in Hanna and Gardner. 113. 137). 138-39. 144. p. 280. 47. 22. Darwaza.. 456-65. II. Muhammad 'Imara. 152. 318.. 56MMIAD. 34Hadiral-'alam al-islami. 209-10. 420-22. pp.88 C. al-Ta'rikh al-'arahi. 424. 2d ed. 6 n. 21).219-20. 168. Ernest Dawn 33Kitib tabai' al-istibdad wa-sari' al-istib'ad. 1st ed. pp. for a translation. Gardner. pp. idem. 421-23). 64-65. 332. 55MMIAD. 137-38 (n. 182. 1. 7 (1927). 130-33. 3d ed.. 329-31. 144. esp.. 104. ed. 156-58. Darwaza. 245 -46. 13 (1933). 196. 374-84. pp. 508-11. 164. (Cairo: al-Mu'assasa alMisriyya al-'Amma li al-Ta'lif wa-al-Nashr. Arslan. Miqdadi. 16 (1941). Sami al-Kayyali. pp.. 2d ed. 1st ed. al-Fikr al-'arabi bayna madihi wa-hadirihi (Cairo: Matba'a al-Ma'arif. 184-85. p. 2d ed. 128. pp... 259. 156-57. 472-92. pp.2d ed. 63. 13. 187. 108. 186-87. 90. 451. see Sami A. 4'Hadir al-'alam al-islami. 80-81. 36MMIAD.. 3d ed. 64. 134. 438. 252-54. (Cairo: al-Hay'a al-Misriyya li-al-Ta'lif wa-al-Nashr.. 56. 2d ed. pp. 151. 27-29.. I to p... 261-68. 720. pp. 9 (1929). 315. 11 (1931). p. 2d ed. 53MMIAD. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 358-60. 1. 414-23 (for Abu Dharr. 184.. Darwaza. 482-83. 104-5.. 297-98. 1st ed. p. 368-71. 3-4. 21--24. 186. pp. pp.. 171-72. 1. 229-30. 723. 1968). idem. MMIAD. 9 (1929). 266-67. 190-91.. 141. 1939 ed. 102-4. 238-39. 4 (1924). pp. 85.. 138. pp. 134-35. 119. 253-54. Darwaza.. 230. 164. pp... Mukhtasar. 21--23 (n. 494-95. 102. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 28-31. 2d ed. 720. I. Mukhtasar. 438-39. 1st ed. 5'Arslan. 256-57. 116. Miqdadi. 98. 47Barghuthi and Tuta. pp. idem. 1st ed. I to p. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 2d ed. I. 75. pp. 51Miqdadi.. IV. Darwaza. 193-94.. 126. 110. pp. 252. 341-42). 417-18. al-Ta&rikhal'arabi. 1965). 103. pp. 2d ed. Hanna and George H. 2d ed. Arslan. 121. II. 186.. I. I. 38MMIAD. 331. pp. 51-52. 377. 2d ed. al-Ta'rikh al-'arabi. 1st ed. 37Seenote 27 above. 1 to p. 292. 67. 362--63. 1st ed. 70. 2d ed. 297-98. 160-61. 173-74. 1.. pp. 210. 2d ed. . 2d ed. Darwaza. 42Les schisimes dans 'lIslam: Introduction ai une etude de la religion musulmane (Paris: Payot. 246-50. pp. 299. 360. 249. 273-74). Darwaza. 148: idem..2d ed. 125. 9 (1929). 267-74 (Abu Dharr.. 205..

191. 24. 336 n. 24. 83-88. II. 137. Ottomanism to Arabism. Miqdadi. p. 11 (1931). pp. 10 (1930). 127. For the political affiliations and activities of those specified here. 184 (quotation). 27 n.. 36. 242. 41 n. pp. 393-94. 77-79. 202. esp. 36. 13 (1981). 1983). Khoury. p." p. 26 n. 107 n. 322-24." Asian and African Studies (AAS). (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'a. 114-37. 245. 109 n. 258." IJMES. 164. 570. 5 (1925). 6 (1926). pp. Mukhtasar. AClam wa-ashab aqlam (Cairo: Dar Nahda Misr li-Tabc wa-al-Nashr. 167. pp. 61Miqdadi. 487. 1970). p. I. esp. n. 292. see Jundi. 1951-53).. 70For the best statements of the most sharply opposing views. 224. pp. 321 n. 1st ed. 242-52. see below. 293. 120 nn. 424-27. 60Darwaza. p. 32. 2-5. A." pp. 1st ed. 68ShakibArslan. "Emergence of Pan-Nationalism. 269. "Arabization of Islam. 1919). Awraq ayyami. I. 377. 510. 3d ed. 193. 60. 340. pp. 288-89. 31. 10-11. p. 51-52. see Kampffmeyer. Talib Mushtaq. 427. 53 at n. 86. 58 at n. 82-88. 1st ed. 19. Simon. 253-54). Gibb. I. 21. Porath. 84).. pp. see his "Arabization of Islam: The Egyptian Salafiyya and the Rise of Arabism in Pre-Revolutionary Egypt. 69SatiCal-Husri. 103. 163-64. (London: Victor Gollancz. 302. 234. 503-4. 186. pp. pp. 398-400. Coury. al-Sayyid Rashid Rida' aw-ikha' arba'un sana (Damascus: Maktaba Ibn-Zaydun. idem. 48-59 at n. Michelangelo Guidi in OM. 401-2. 170-74.. 212-25. 322-23. p. 2d ed. 74Themost extensive treatment of early Egyptian Pan-Arab thought is by Israel Gershoni. 1974-1977). 275. 39. 187-88. 86. 277. 13 (1933). 30 n. Chatham House Version. for Arslan and Rida'. 437-38." Whither Islam. p. al-Ta'rikh al-Carabi. 517.. 218. pp. 230-35 (quotations. 219. 300-301. Fatima al-Yusuf. 190-91. "Egypt and Western Asia. 222. Oriente Moderno (OM) 9 (1929). 231. p. Important material is contained in Charles D. 77Muhammad Husayn Haykal. . "The Emergence of Pan-Nationalism in Egypt: Pan-Islamism and Pan-Arabism in the 1930s. 71. 413. 204. 138. 97. 59-94. 372. 107. 163-64." AAS. 111 nn. 13 (1933). 34 n. 2. 633-38. 2. ed. see also Mitchell. 64al-Ta'rikh al-mutawassit wa-al-hadith. 73Mitchell. 697-98. 76Theearliest Egyptian advocates of Pan-Arabism have been identified by means of the information given in Gershoni. p. pp. 1973). p. 17-24. 282. 670-71. 103. 1921-1941. 123.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 89 58Darwaza. pp. 1967-68). 5 (Aug. 2 vols. p. idem. 252-56 (quotations. 642. 104-5. 1981). 5. 2d ed. pp. 97. (Paris: Seuil. 59Kayyali. 645.Muslim Brothers. 317 n. 186. 497. 1968-69). 34-55. 1976). 182. 2 vols. 66MMIAD. "Factionalism among Syrian Nationalists during the French Mandate. 334 n. 647-49. pp. I.Tarikh al-Carabi. "Who 'Invented' Egyptian Arab Nationalism?" IJMES. p. 2 vols. 88. p.2d ed. 1st ed. 235. (Cairo: Maktaba alNahda al-Misriyya. 2d ed. 57.pp. 65Arslan. 370-71. 7"Anwar al-Jundi. and on the YMMA. 296. 124. see Kedourie. (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'a.. 557. translation in La penske politique arabe contemporaine. 70. 176. p. 18. pp. II. ed. al-Ta'rikh al-mutawassit wa-al-hadith. and Ralph M. 63Al-Manar. 450-57. 1st ed. 292. AClamal-qarn al-rabic cashr al-hijri (Cairo: Maktaba al-Anjilu al-Misri. 116. The Palestinian Arab National Movement. 75 at nn. (London: Frank Cass. The Emergence of Pan-Arabism in Egypt (Tel-Aviv: Shiloah Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies. reprint New York: AMS Inc. 291. 2 vols.. 462. 215-18. Philip S. 35. 249-81. 255. 1st ed. Mudhakkiratifi al-'iraq. 201-2. 459-79. Y.). 183. 386-71.. On the Muslim Brothers. 688. pp.. 71. 157-59. A'lam wa-ashab aqlam. 2d ed. 106. 13 (1979). pp. I. 299 n. Miqdadi. 693-94... 25-57. pp. 181. 62Arslan. 61-62 at nn. Smith. 9. 16 (1982). 381. Emergence of PanArabism. H. 38-41. pp. II. 381-96. 14 (1982). 401. Arslan. 344 n. pp. 243. 42-43. 67Dawn. 40. 144. pp. 120. 70. 72Anwaral-Jundi. Islam and the Search for Social Order in Egypt: A Biography of Muhammad Husayn Haykal (New York: State University of New York Press. OM. 441-69. 166-78. 190. Dhikrayat. 665-66. Mudhakkirat fi al-siyasa al-misriyya. 8. Tel-Aviv University. pp. 56-57 at n. 12 (1932). 652-56. R. 708.d. 209-94. see Georg Kampffmeyer. 117-27. al. I. 232).. 75Forthe founders. 103-4. 170. (Cairo: Ruz al-Yusuf. II. 677-79. 1932. pp. 94-95 (quotations p. 1356/1937). Anouar Abdel-Malek. 384. 1981). 14 (1934).

64-66. 9-10." pp. pp. 30 January-9 May 1936 (Cairo: Maktaba al-Nahda al-Misriyya. pp. 88James Jankowski. [1974]). 210-12. 1950). 377-78. 143." Middle Eastern Studies. Mudhakkirat. including 'Azzam. 91For Zionist use of the Semitic concept. 14. "Egyptian Responses to the Palestine Problem in the Interwar Period. Hayat 'iraqiyya min wara' albawwaba al-sawda' ([Cairo]: al-Hay'a al-Misriyya al-'Amma li al-Kuttab. pp. 86Deeb. 1977). 82James P. Social and Economic Transformation. pp. 113 n. 1979). L'Egypte: imperialisme et revolution (Paris: Gallimard. Simha Flapan. 89Forexamples of apparently opportunistic use of Palestine. 87Jacques Berque. 24.Egypt's Young Rebels. Deeb." The Muslim World. J. see idem. 1860-1914. 83OnYoung Egypt's early ideology. 84Jankowski. 153-54." p. 211-12. 1. 39-51. 254-55. 19191952 (London: Third World Center for Research and Publishing. 51. pp.pp. 134-36. 124. Mitchell. 238. pp. Coury. p. 73. 339-40. p. to the rising fortunes and potentials of a ruling class. 18-19. Ernest Dawn.8 (1928). Egypt's Young Rebels. 1975). pp. 319. Jankowski. 1979). 44-78. and Israel Gershoni. Arab Nationalism. idem.. 1917-1925 (London and Totowa. pp. 377. 165-67. 181-82. 245-48. 253-54. Zionism and the Palestinians (London: Croom Helm. 35-36.: Frank Cass. 275. 16 (1936). 413 n. 17 (1981). 239. ed. 1919-1943. Yunus al-Sabcawi: sira siyasi 'isami (Baghdad: Wizara al-Thaqafa wa-al-Funun. 1978). 8'Gershoni. 12 (1932). 63. 401 nn. 23. 1978). 157. 254. 159-61. "Ottoman Affinities. pp. "Ottoman Affinities of 20th Century Regimes in Syria. 1936-1939. see Jankowski. 93C. J. and influence. 480-81.C. Coury. 299. pp. pp. pp. 11 (1931). 22-23. 109 at n. Haykal. D. 184. p." Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period: Political. 12 (1980). 149 nn. pp. (Cairo: Mu'assassa al-Khaniji. Deeb. 173-74. Coury is correct in pointing out the importance of such themes in many nationalist ideologies. 90To regard the multitudinous expressions of these thoughts by Arab nationalists. 173. pp. Mushtaq. pp. 427-53. Emergence of Pan-Arabism. Mahmud 'Azmi. 100. Khaldun Sati' al-Husri. Party Politics in Egypt: The Wafd and Its Rivals. Jankowski. 1919-1939 (London: Ithaca Press. 1 (Washington. 254. Adab al-Mazini. 255-56. I. Coury.90 C. 80OM. 23. 1-38. 94Dawn. 27. Mahmud al-Durra. "Egypt. 272. 93. 1986). 10 (1930).. "The Government of Egypt and the Palestine Question. 227-63. Martin's Press. 1967). 148-49. 581. see Neil Caplan. 1978). 252-53. James Heyworthe-Dunne. see Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot. 32. Arab Nationalism. Religious and Political Trends in Modern Egypt. (Beirut: Dar alTalica. 17 (1983). pp. OM. 165-66. 79Muhammad Mahmud Radwan. 1982). pp. I. Khayri al-'Umari. Egypt's Young Rebels: "Young Egypt." 1933-1952 (Stanford. [1939]). p. 70 (1980). 120-21. status. pp. 15 (1935). 19. 357. Taha al-Hashimi.: Hoover Institution. Dawn has never regarded Islamic modernism or Arabism as only or even primarily the defense of an injured self-view. as "the reflection and reinforcement of a kind of bourgeois self-exultation. 129 and 130. 16. 183. pp. 150-55. 92Smith. (Jerusalem: Yad lzhak Ben-Zvi and Leiden: E. is to ignore the basing of hopes for the future on visions of the past and the encompassing expression of anguish over the present. 1961). P. Ni'mat Ahmad Fu'ad. 327. 25. Brill. ed. "Ottomanism and Arabism in Egypt." AAS. Nasser and His Generation (New York: St. 180. 2d ed. pp. 39-40. al-Ayyam al-mi'a: wizara Ali Mahir Basha. pp. 78Haykal. N. 226-59. David Kushner. 56-57. 188. Of at least equal importance is the competition for office. 19. pp. Yusuf.: the author. Egypt's Liberal Experiment (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 472." pp. [and] a testimony . 470) does. "Between Ottomanism and Egyptianism: The Evolution of 'National Sentiment' in the Cairene Middle Class as Reflected in Najib Mahfuz's Bayn al-Qasrayn. see Coury. For somewhat oblique brief notices of the intra-Wafd conflict. 155. 377. on Ottomanism and Islamism in pre-1918 Egypt. 348. "Egypt. cf. Terry. 48. 413 nn. 224-26. 13 (1933). 47. . 462-63. 85Ibid. 264-65. 78-81. 1967). 255-62. Cornerstone of Egyptian Political Power: The Wafd. pp. Janice J. 69-71. Calif." as Coury (p. 19-20. Safhat majhula min hayat Zaki Mubarak (Cairo: Dar al-Hilal. Palestine Jewry and the Arab Question. 61.. 13. Ernest Dawn Marius Deeb. 1976)." IJMES. Near and Middle East Monographs.J. 10 (1930). Vatikiotis.

Enseignement islamique et ideal socialiste: analyse conceptuelle des manuels d'instruction musulmane en Egypte (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq-Librairie Orientale. 155. and "L'Islam politique dans l'Orient arabe. 96Jankowski. 353. 17. III. 356. 1979). 378. 65-66. 29-30. 53-55. 2.Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years 91 Munir al-Rayyis. 1978). 227-28. 283-85. 3 vols. 98Fora model thorough and systematic examination of Ba'thist and Nasserist ideology. . 312-13. 382-85. 80-81. 84. 391. (Beirut: Dar al-Tali'a and Damascus: Alif-Ba'. 34. 74-77. 60-61. Jankowski. p. 83-84. Mushtaq. 103-9. pp. 1974). II. syriens et irakiens (Paris: Presses de la Foundation Nationale des Sciences Politiques. 32. 316. 85-87. 67-83. 95Al-Rayyis. I. al-Mu'allifat al-Kamila (Damascus: Matabi' al-Idarah alSiyasiyah li al-Jaysh wa-al-Quwat al-Musallahah. 105-6. Gershoni. 292-93. II. 75-76. Egypt's Young Rebels. 47. 121. 1972). 67. 341-42. pp. 143. I. Husri. 292. al-Hashimi. 358. pp. Emergence of Pan-Arabism. 45. see also by the same author. al-'Umari. 289-90. 401 n. 377. 316. 74. 363-64.-Dec. 100. al-Kitab al-dhahabi li al-thawrat al-wataniyya fi al-mashriq al-'arabi. Vatikiotis. 93-94. p. 398-403. 101.Egypt's Young Rebels. 97Vatikiotis. 71-72. III. 311. 299-300. 369. La legitimation islamique des socialismes arabes: analyse conceptuelle combinatoire de manuels scholaires egyptiens. 199-202. 393-94. 1969-77). Zaki al-Arsuzi. 747-63." Futuribles. 158-62. 315. 409. pp. see Olivier Carre.pp. 18 (Nov.