Dorians and Ionians

Author(s): John Alty

Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 102 (1982), pp. 1-14
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/631122 .
Accessed: 22/02/2015 23:26
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Journalof HellenicStudiescii (1982) I-14

DORIANS AND IONIANS

INhis 'Essayon the valueof applyingthe ethniccriterionto the studyof Greekhistoryand
civilisation',EdouardWill examinedthe two mostnumerousandpoliticallyimportantethnic
divisionsof the Greekracein Classicaltimes,the Doriansand the Ionians,and cameto the
have
conclusionthattheyinspiredno trueethnicfeelingamongstthe Greeks.'Otherhistorians
tendedtowardsa similarview.2Althoughsomewritershavefeltunconvincedof thethesis,3no
to suggestwhy theymaynot after
one hasanalysedthe sourcesusedby Will andhissupporters
I shall
whichWilldrew.Thisarticlewill attemptto do so. Inparticular
allimplytheconclusions
of
evidence
for
the
ethnic
at
the
time
of the
that
there
is
to
show
first
feeling
good
importance
try
warpropaganda
as
war,and,secondly,thatwe shouldnot regardPeloponnesian
Peloponnesian
the solecauseof thisfeeling.The articlewill concentrateuponthe treatmentof thissubjectby
of whichis, I think,mostin needof revaluation.
ThucydidesandHerodotus,theinterpretation
Theirevidenceseemsto me mostimportantbecausetheyfrequentlydocumentandin somecases
give theirown analysisof occasionswhereethnicfeelingseemsto playa part,manyof whichare
with themor lie in thefairlyrecentpast.I shall,however,alsoconsider
eithercontemporaneous
to what extenttheirevidenceis supportedby othersources.
Letusfirstclarifytheproblem.WhatI shallmeanby 'ethnicfeeling'is feelings(oropinions)
arisingfrom someone'smembershipof one of the two ethnic groupswith which we are
concerned.Thesecouldbe feelingsfelt by the memberof the grouphimself-e.g. of solidarity
withothermembers;or theycouldbe feelingsfeltby thoseoutsidea grouptowardsthosewithin
it-e.g. contemptfor a memberof a supposedlyinferiorgroup.The questionswith whichwe
shallessentiallybe dealingarewhethersuchfeelingswere indeedinspiredby the Dorianand
Ioniangroupsandif so whatinfluencetheyhadon decisionsandeventsin Greekhistory.Inthe
absenceof a clearresponseto thesequestionsfrom explicitstatementsin our sources,4I shall
approachthem throughan examinationof the extentto which ethnicfeelingoffersthe best
explanationforwhy menbehavedastheysometimesdid.Thisis notonlybecauseit is theroleof
ethnicfeelingas an activeinfluencewhich is most controversial,
but also becauseto show a
consistentrole for ethnicfeelingas an explanatoryfactoris perhapsthe only valid way to
its existence,giventhe privatenatureof men'sfeelings.Inorderto assessthisrole,
demonstrate
we musthaveanideaof thecircumstances
in whichwe couldexpectethnicfeelingto showitself
andthe way it mightaffectthem.We mustthereforehavean ideaof its scopeandits nature.
Both of thesewill becomeclearer,I hope,throughthe detailedanalysisof the evidencelaterin
thisarticle,whichI do not intendto anticipatenow. However,it will be usefulto set the scene
with a few observations.
Clearly,the scopeof feelingsinspiredby a groupdependsupon the scopeof the group's
membership.Definingthe membershipof the two groupsin which we are interestedis not
without difficulties.5But perhapsthe most importantthing to bearin mind is that throughout
we are interestedprimarilyin how the Greeksthemselvessaw the composition of and dividing
line between thesegroups-how it affectedtheirthoughtsand actions.In Greekeyes the Dorians
and Ionianswere generallyseen as two differentE'Ovr',
each of whose memberswere relatedto
I E. Will, Doriens et loniens
(Strasbourg 1956):
henceforth 'Will'.
2
E.g. E. N. Tigerstedt, The Legend of Sparta in
ClassicalAntiquityi (Stockholm 1965) 130, I53. Tigerstedt'snotes summarisethe views of older works on pp.
43 1-3, 448: cf-esp. A. Jard6, The Formationof the Greek
People(London 1926) 76, andJ. de Romilly, Thucydides
and AthenianImperialism(Oxford 1963) 82-4.
3 E.g. L. H. Jeffery,ArchaicGreece(London 1976) 44:
cf. A. W. Gomme, HCT iii (1956) 514-15, 520; A.

Andrewes and K. J. Dover, HCT iv (1970) 146, 220,

351, 433; Dover, GreekPopularMorality(Oxford 1975)
84.
4 There are some firm sounding statements in the
sources (e.g. Thuc. vii 57.1; viii 25.3; Hdt. i 143.2), but
one of the aims of this articleis to show how dangerous
it is to take statementson this subject automatically at
face value.
5 See n. 9.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN

ALTY

one another.6 The origins of these 6v'rjwere placed by Classicalauthors in the sequence of
events accompanyingthe 'returnof the Heraclidae'to the Peloponnese:the Dorians came with
the Heraclidaefrom Doris.7 The peoplesthey displacedby theirinvasiongatheredas refugeesin
Attica and later crossedto the coast of Asia Minor: these were the Ionians,although they only
became known as such when named after Ion, an Athenianleader.8The fifth-centuryDorians
andIonianswere thusheld to be the descendantsof those who had come in the 'Dorian'invasion
and of their defeated opponents respectively.
The development and detail of these storiesis much debated.9But thereseems to have been
widespreadacceptancein fifth-centuryGreeceof the outline sketchedabove. It is worth bearing
this in mind in consideringnot only the scope, but also the natureof feelings which may have
been generatedby group membership:the 'foundation'storiestell us that within each group the
membersare relatedto one anotherthrough their common origin, and they set the two i6Ov'r
in
to
each
with
to
the
Dorians.
When
we
examine
references
to
the
other,
opposition
victory going
Dorians and Ioniansof the fifth century with a view to establishingthe natureof the impact, if
any, the groupings created, the possibilitiesnarrow themselves down to three main elements
which reflect remarkably, but perhaps deceptively, the foundation story. First, there are
referencesto common kinship made by the members of each 1Ovos,usually to claim special
considerationfrom theirfellows; secondly, statementsof a supposednaturalenmity between the
and thirdly, slighting comments by Doriansabout Ionians'bravery.10All these elements,
6Ovnr;
whatevertheircause,have an obvious potentialfor influencingeventsif thereis a genuinefeeling
behind them; they are therefore the characteristicsI shall use to explore the existence and
importanceof ethnic feeling. It may be, as some have argued,that the referencesin which they
appearare the fruit merely of artificialrhetoricor scholarlyclassification.I shall,however, argue
that they representa feeling which actually counted when decisions were made and action
taken."I
6 SeeHdt.i
to fellowmembersof one's
56.2.Appeals
'
'OvosaremadeKalrarO yyEvEs:see n. 20.
7 E.g.Thuc.i 12.3, iii 92.
8 E.g. Hdt.vii 94,viii 44. Somehistorians
believethe
inclusion of Athens in the migration story is a
fifth-centuryAtheniancreation:but see n. 46.
9 For the developmentof the storyof the Dorians,
see Tigerstedt(n. 2) 28-36; and 322-3, n. 100, for
referencesto other works. However complex this
developmentmay have been, for our purposesof
assessingthe importanceof ethnicfeelingin Classical
timesit is not theDoriansbuttheIonianswho causethe
major problems.Classicalauthorsgenerallyuse the
term'Dorian'fairlyconsistentlyto referto anagreedset
of people, who have in common their supposed
ultimate descentfrom those who took part in the
Dorianinvasion(seethelistsat Thuc.vii 57-8 andHdt.
viii 43). In the caseof theIoniansthe ethnictermis not
appliedconsistentlyeitherto an agreedset of people
nor, it seems,accordingto an agreedcriterion.Indeed

M. B. Sakellariou,La migrationgrecqueen lonie (Athens

1958) 249-50 despairsof finding any real ethnic

criterionfor its applicationin our literaryevidence.
Authors, he says, describe people as Ionian or non-

Ionian merely accordingto fifth-centuryAthenian

If thiswere trueandreflectedan
politicalpropaganda.
essentialrootlessness
of the conceptin the Greekworld
at large,it wouldseemto argueagainsta strongfeeling
inspiredby membershipof the Ionian'Ovos.But I do
not believe Sakellariou's
despairis justified:the term
Ionian is used in two distinct though connected
ways-first asa namefora groupof peoplewho shared

common customs, cults, tribal names and dating

systems(seeThuc.i 6;ii 15.4;iii 104; Hdt.i 147-8;G. L.
Huxley, TheEarlylonians[London1966]ch. 2): people
whose kinshipwas believedin Classicaltimesto have
datedfrombeforethe Ionianmigrationto AsiaMinor
(seefurthern. 46). Thesecondsensein whichthe word
is usedis geographical,
meaningbroadly'theGreeksof
Asia Minor'.It is so used frequentlyby Hdt. (e.g. iv
136-42),thoughhe is alsoat timescarefulto distinguish
the Asiatics(e.g. i 141-51): cf. ML 36.3. Just as all
inhabitantsof the BritishIslesare often looselycalled
English after the most numerouselement of the
population,so no doubtthe fact thatthe lonianswere
the dominantelementof the AsiaticGreeksled to the
shorthanduseof Ionianforthewholelot. Nevertheless,
the Greeks clearly recognisedthe term 'Ionian'in
abstractas an ethnic term like Dorian, and unless
otherwisestated,thatis how it is treatedin thisarticle.
Butthedualusedoesraisethequestionwhetherfeelings
aboutlonianswerebasedupona trulyethnicratherthan
a geographicdistinction.This point assumesa more
than theoreticinterestwhen we come to considerto
what extentfeelingsaboutAsiaticGreeksalsoapplyto
Athens(seepp. 7-I I andn. 40).
10 Forreferences
to claimsto commonkinshipseen.
n. 58; contemp20; naturalenmitybetweenthe 1OvYq,
tuouscommentsby DoriansaboutIonians,n. 19. The
relationbetweenthesemanifestations
of ethnicfeeling
andits ultimatecausesis toucheduponin n. 40.
the adjectives
11 Besidesbeing the namesof "Ovrq,
'Dorian'and 'Ionian'describedifferenttypesof music,
architecture
anddress.It is notwith theseusagesthatwe

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

THUCYDIDES AND ETHNIC FEELING DURING THE LATTER PART OF THE FIFTH CENTURY

to kinshipargumentsandethnicantipathyon bothsidesin
Thucydideshasmanyreferences
war.12 Will, however,arguesthatThucydidesquashesthe ideathatkinship
the Peloponnesian
feelingwasimportant,bothby hisexplicitnarrativestatementsandby showingin hisspeeches
how the oratorsof the time exploitedthe kinshipargumentas an oratoricaltrick
andwithoutanyappealto realfeeling.13But(adro'btaa)
not allthe
givingspeciousreasonsforinterference
referencesto the power of ethnic feeling in Thucydidesoccur as sophisticalargumentsin
speeches:for instance,when narratingthe courseof a battle aroundMiletusbetweenthe
Atheniansand theirArgiveallieson the one handandon the otherthe Milesianswith some
Peloponnesiantroops,14 Thucydidestells us that the Argivesarrogantlyrushedforwardin
disorderon thegroundsthattheywereattackingIonians,who weremenwho wouldn'tstandup
to them.He addsthattheywerebloodilydefeatedby theMilesians,andmakesa pointof telling
us a littlelaterthatin thisbattlethe Ionianson bothsides(i.e.AtheniansandMilesians)defeated
their Dorian opponents.Here, apparently,the 'myth' of Dorian superioritycommanded
sufficientbeliefto causecarelessover-confidence
andhelpto senda numberof Argivesto their
the
of
the
and
belief
has
been
deaths;
importance
pickedup by Thucydides.
Asforthespeeches,thereisonefundamental
problemin assumingthatthedistinctiondrawn
andtheantipathyexpressedis merelyan 'oppositionoratoire':the speaker's
overridingpurpose
is oftento persuade
peopleto adoptthecoursehe wishes.' He mustthereforeusethearguments
he believeshis audiencefinds most compelling.It may be appropriateto talk of formal
distinctionsor merelyrhetoricalargumentsin typesof rhetoricwhichdo not needto playon
deepfeelings,butthereis no similaritybetweensuchcasesandthosein whichanargumentforms
one of the basesof a speechdeliveredbeforethe massof the peopleby a competentoratorfor
whom successin persuadinghis listenersis essential.In the speechof the SicilianHermocrates
beforetheassemblyat Camarina,Thucydidesportraysthe ethnicargumentin thisveryrole.16
At issueis thequestionof whetherCamarinais tojoin the AtheniansagainstSyracuse.The men
of CamarinaareDorians,andit is thiskinshipwith Syracuseas well as Dorianprideto which
Hermocrates
repeatedlyappeals:'Willwe not standtogetherandshowthem(i.e.theAthenians)
thatit is not Ioniansor Hellespontines
andislanders
with whom theyhaveto deal,who live in a
stateof continuoussubjectionto theMedeor someotherof theireverchanging
masters,butfree
Dorianswho havesettledin SicilyfromthePeloponnese,
whichacknowledges
no master?'
Later
in the speechHermocrates
of
the
to
be
from
the
men
'where
speaks
help
expected
Peloponnese,
are altogethersuperiorto thesein war'. He ends his speechwith an impassionedplea:'We
beseechyou, andif we do not persuadeyou, we protestthatwe arebeingplottedagainstby
Ionians,our perpetualfoes, andwe arebeingbetrayedby you-Dorians by Dorians.'
To arguethat these referencesare 'merelyrhetorical'is to convict Hermocratesof an
shallbe directlyconcerned,but it is worth notingthat
the associations
notedin the words'ethnicuseoccurto
varying degrees in these areasalso: they are most
markedin the caseof music(seePlatoRep.398d-399a;
Arist.Pol. 1340b,1342b).It is not certainwhetherthe
use of 'Doric'and 'Ionic'to describedifferenttypesof
architecturewas common in Classicaltimes, but M.
Robertson,A Historyof GreekArti (Cambridge1975)
347-8 suggeststhatthe gradualexclusionof the Doric
orderin favourof the Ionicin Attictemplesmay have
been connectedwith Athens'wish to associateherself
with Ioniafor propagandapurposes.We do find the
words 'Dorian'and 'Ionian'usedto describestylesof
dress(seee.g. Aesch.Pers.183,Hdt.v 87):Ioniandress
could be consideredmore sumptuousand less manly
(Thuc.i 6).

12 SeeHCTv
(1981)indexs.v. 'race',andaddto the
referencestherei 418.
13 Will 68.
14Thuc.viii 25.3.Forothernarrative
where
passages
Thucydidesseemsreadyto allow for the influenceof
ethnicfeeling,see n. 26. Dover, HCT v 6o--, argues
that Thucydidesemphasisesthis incidentfor patriotic
reasons.I am scepticalthatThucydideswould express
thistypeof patriotism,andthinkhe wastryingto bring
out the truthof one of his own theoriesaboutethnic
difference:see p. 5 below.
'" Thisis broughtout by C. W. Macleod,Quaderni
di storiaii (1975)40.
16Thuc.vi 76-80.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN

ALTY

incompetence absentfrom the rest of his dealings.17It is interestingto note that Hermocrates'
opponent Euphemusbegins his reply with a defence of Athenianrule on ethnic grounds:'We
Ionianshad to protect ourselvesfrom the Dorians.' But as the men of Camarinaare Dorians,
Euphemuswould have been unwise to stresskinshiparguments.There are no furtherreferences
to race in his speech.8s The above examples show that we cannot lightly dismiss arguments
based on kinship as 'merely rhetorical'.Thucydides'work aboundswith the theme-Brasidas
and Gylippus also encourage their audienceswith the thought that there are only Ionians to
face.19 The Ioniansafterthe Persianwar, the Corinthiansat Sparta,the Melians,the men of both
Leontini and Egesta at Athens and the Athenians themselves at Rhegium all use kinship
argumentsin an attempt to win help.20 Both Euphemusand Hermocratesreferto the 'natural'
We have alreadyconsideredan example in which the beliefsto which
enmity between the 0Mvrj.
such argumentsappeal helped to cause the believers'defeat in battle.21
There is an immediateobjectionto this conclusion:how can we be surethat what we find in
Thucydides' speechesis what was said by the original speakerat the time? It is true that the
speeches are not verbatim reports. But our purpose does not require this. Our conclusions
depend on the assumption that Thucydides' arguments are representativeof the types of
argumentsused by contemporaryspeakerswhen they needed to persuade,not that they were
used on a particularoccasion.Thucydidessetshimself in his speech-writingthe taskof reflecting
how each speakerin his opinion would have said what was necessaryabout the circumstances
obtaining at the time. These needs,as conceived by Thucydides,will have includednot only the
need for advice but also, and probably primarily, the need for successfulpersuasion.If then
Thucydides followed his criteria, he must have given his speakers arguments intended to
persuade.22
But even if we agree that an argumentis insertedto persuade,we might argue that it is not
used because the original audience would have found it persuasive,but because Thucydides
himself found it so; or that it is one which Thucydides thought would have persuadedthe
17 Thucydides'own opinion of him is high (Thuc. vi
72.2); cf. Thucydides' comments on Brasidas,another
speakerto make use of the racialargument:Thuc. iv 84
and v 9.I.
18 Thuc. vi 82.2. Will 66 thinks that the implausibility of racial arguments is further demonstratedby the
fact that Euphemus does not use them. In fact, as my
text makes clear, the opposite is the case. Nor is it an
argument against the wide appeal of racial arguments
that Hermocratesin severalplaces (Thuc. iv 61.2; 64.3;
vi 76) attacksas fraudulentthe Athenian claim that they
are intervening in Sicily on kinship grounds (cf. Will
66). Such attacks may reveal Hermocrates' own
sophistry; but one does not labour the exposure of
argumentswhich are not expected to convince anyone.
In any case, we can hardly assertthat Athenian kinship
appeals were artificial because Thucydides puts the
claim into a 'tour de force' by one of their enemies!
"9 Brasidasat Thuc. v 9.I; Gylippus at vii 5.4; cf also
1i24.1.
20 The Ionians at Thuc. i 95.1; Corinthians i 71.4,
124.1; Melians v Io4; Egestaioi vi 6.2; men of Leontini
These instancesinclude cases
iii 86.3; Atheniansvi
44-3.
where we have a colony
appealing to its mother city
Ka-adTO vuyyEvis (the Ionians and Melians). The
question arises as to whether the kinship bond in this
sort of caseis wholly differentfrom that between people
merely of the same 1Ovos. The relationship between
colony and mother city is explored in detail in A. J.
Graham, Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece
(Manchester 1964), but I do not find that Graham

addressesthis particularproblem. One might suppose

that where there had been a lack of continuity in the
traditionof a link between colony and mother city (asin
perhapslonia) feelings of ethnic kinship were likely to
play a largerrole in underpinningappealsto the mother
city: but the men of Leontini, even when talking about
the Dorian colonies in Sicily and their mother states,
where the foundation traditionswere well catalogued,
do identify a feeling of ethnic kinship at work (Thuc. vi
6.2: JApL?gSrEAJWLEUOIL
Kara TO ~UYYVES~KaGL
ita
ac ....flo7Ol7av7rES). NonetheroL?
'r1TOLKOL
9K7Trl
the relationship
between Athens and Ionia was
less,
probably unique, as the fifth-century tradition ascribed
the origin of the whole Ionian O0vos
to Athens: it thus
becomes particularlydifficultto talk of separatingethnic
feelings from the feelings of a colony for its mother city.
But it does seem that to justify her dpx?7Athens saw
scope for introducing a larger 'mother city' element
into the relationshipthrough Delian league propaganda
-cf. J. P. Barron,JHS lxxxii (1962) 1-6; R. Meiggs,
The Athenian Empire (Oxford 1972) 293-4,
562-5-which perhaps argues that when the Ionians
appealedto Athens after the Persianwars, the predominant feeling was one of common Ionian unease in the
face of Dorian arrogance.
21 Thuc.
viii 25.3: see n. 14.
22
Cf.Macleod (n. I). He is absolutelyright to stress
that the orator's need is not only (nor primarily?)for
accurateanalysisbut also for successin persuasion;and
that this is reflected in rd 6iov-ra by Thucydides.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

5
the
would
which
not
have
of
Both
seem
audience,
thought using.
possibilities
originalspeakers
to me to consortunhappilywith Thucydidesi 22. But in the caseof thisargumentfoundedon
ethnicfeeling,thereis anotherpowerfulanswer.Thucydideshimself,it is arguedandI agree,
wasnot susceptibleto it. He wouldnot haveincludedit assomethingwhichconvincedhim (it
didn't),nor was he likelyto inventit for himselfas somethingappealingto man's innermost
its use by
feelings(he suspectedthat,ultimately,it didn't).23He couldhaveover-emphasised
character
to it to showup the cynicalandsophistical
of somespeakers:
thosenot susceptible
this
of the speeches.But again,he couldnot havegone fardownthis
suitsMacleod'sunderstanding
roadwithoutabandoningthe principlesof i 22.
in usingThucydides'
It maystillbe feltthatthereis aninconsistency
speechesasevidencefor
existence
have continually
the existenceof ethnicfeelingwhen those who have doubtedits
turnedto Thucydidesasthe authorwho, by hisnarrativecomments,showedethnicdifferences
Thereis no doubtthatThucydideswasat timesconcernedto pointout the
to be unimportant.
of
shortcomings explanationby referenceto 'Ovos.How, it may be asked,couldhe do this
whilstat the sametime composingspeecheswhich do not makesenseunlessethnicfeelingis
presumedto exist?
To denythatethnicfeelingwasresponsible
forcertaineventsis not to assertthatit wasnever
for
when
Thus
ThucydidessaystheAthenianssenttheirfirstexpeditionto
responsible anything.
on
the
declared
of
Sicily
ground kinship,butreallyto preventcorncomingintothePeloponnese
andto reconnoitreto seeif theycouldreduceSicily(andmakesa similarchargein hisaccountof
the mainexpedition)24,we mustnot automatically
extendthe analysisbeyondits immediate
circumstances.
Andasananalysisof thosecircumstances,
theemphasisis probablyrightthough
we may be suspiciousof so neatan antithesis.
Moreover,it is easyto confusetwo differentreasonsfor rejectingthe importanceof ethnic
differences.We mustdistinguishbetweenbelieving(i) thatpeoplewere wrong to see ethnic
differencesas importantin the sensethat (as the Greeksexpressedit) they betokeneda real
difference
of 4atL,25 andfoolishto relyon suchassumptions
whenacting;and(ii)thatpeople
werewrong to see ethnicdifferences
as importantin the senseof causingmen to actin certain
ways. Indeed, the two points of view are not consistentwith one another:by pointing out the
between '6Ovqr,
one acceptsthatat least
folly of beliefin andrelianceupona differenceof ~naLs~

for thosepeoplewho do hold sucha beliefethnicdifferenceis importantas an influenceupon

action. Thucydides was certainly concerned to point out the folly of believing in such a

difference
of boaLts.Thisemergesclearlyin histreatmentof theincidentalreadyreferedto in the
Ionianwarwheretheoverconfident
Argivesweredefeatedby MilesiansandPeloponnesians
by
Athenians, and where he pushes home the Argives' folly by remarking 'so it happened in this

battlethaton both sidesthe Ioniansdefeatedthe Dorians'.26

havetakenThucydidesto be hostileto explanationby referenceto
Nevertheless,historians
theimportanceof ethnicdifferencein thesecondsense,asaninfluenceuponmen'sactions.And
there are one or two passageswhich support this view. For instance, at the beginning of his
catalogueof allieswho fought at Syracuse,Thucydidesmentions that those who joined the two
23
24

Below, p. 6.

Thuc. iii 86.4, vi 6.I.

25
For evidence that the Greeks did so regard the
Dorian/Ioniandistinction, see p. io f. and n. 56. But the
point made here is not dependentupon the terminology
of the vdLpos-/kaLs,
antithesis.
26
Thucydides seems to me to be touching upon the
same point in the mismatch between the Peloponnesians' claims to 'natural'superiority before the second
battle against Phormio (ii 87) and the facts as presented
by the narrative. Cf. i 121.4, and the contrast between
the frequent statements about how easy victory in the

war would be for the Peloponnesiansand the reality of

iv 55 (discussedbelow). This attitude, as the main text
argues, implies Thucydides' belief in the reality of
ethnic feeling. For other narrative passages with the
same implication, see i 102.3 (Spartansmake Athenians
leave Ithome); iii 2.3 (Spartansand Boeotians helping
Mytilene); iii 92 (foundation of Heracleia); v 80.2
(Perdiccasswayed by Argive links). Cf. iii 86.2-3 (men
of Rhegium and also Athenians, though Thucydides
seems sceptical in the latter case: cf. 86.4). At i 95.I
Thucydides does not deny that the lonians did turn to
Athens Kara'ro vyyEVES.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN ALTY
opposing sides did so not Kar7d'vyyEvEtav, but through chance,self interest,or compulsion.27
Again, the statementrefers to a specific situation. As with so many of Thucydides' denialsof
ethnicinfluenceit is concernedwith the Sicilianexpeditionalone.28But it does claim to cover all
the participantsin the war in Sicily. One might argue that the breadth of this generalisation
points to a generalfeeling in Thucydides'mind thatexplanationsfor action on groundsof ethnic
feeling were bogus-as though he were able to assertso confidently that no one joined sides
Kard UvyyvEtav becausehe believed in the still more generalpremissthat no one did act Ka7d
evyyv"Etav; afterall, he could hardlyhave spoken to everyone involved in the Sicilianwar. And
this general premiss could of course also have been responsible for other more specific
judgements about ethnic motives (e.g. about Athenianinterventionin Sicily). Thucydidesdoes
to this extent seem to be contradictingevidence found elsewherein the History, especiallyin the
speeches.
I think we may explain the difficulty by reference to the combination of two traits
prominentin Thucydides'approachto his history,29whilst bearingin mind that the actualscope
of the difficultywithin Thucydides'history is limited. The first element of the combination is
Thucydides' rigorous determinationto reach down to the realcausesof events, and not to be
satisfiedwith the superficial.This often manifestsitself as a reactionagainstpopularbeliefs and
explanations,as for instancein his exposition of the 'true story' of the fall of the Peisistratids
o-vTE robgS&AAovs
act robS'AO7rvatov~
TrEptTW
vpdTvvov ...
ov rIETEpov
Or'TE
(dProoavj
V
O;~
The
idea
that
popular
explanations
tended
to
make
Thucydides
EyOV7TaS).30
dKptf)L
is
not
From
what
we
have
seenwe
him
to
that
challenge
something
they gave
suspicious,
new.31
often
use
ethnic
as
an
that
understand
feeling
explanationfor
popularfeeling might
may readily
action.32 The second element of the combination comprises Thucydides' views about
motivation. Frequently,when Thucydidesgives his view of the motive for an action, he stresses
the importance of the agent's perception of his own self interest.33In doing so, he is making
specificstatementsabout particularevents.Even so, he more thanonce seemsmore definitein his
ascriptionof this motive than he has a right to be.34 We may suspectthat he was deriving his
explanationfrom generalideasabout what motivated men. In the age of the Old Oligarch, the
sophistsand the rest of the generationdepictedvividly by Forrestin his articleon an 'Athenian
generation gap', Thucydides would have been in tune with one of the prominent intellectual
movements of the time in believing in the force of Tr
ovypz4pov as a motive.35 Even if he
he
its
it
that
felt
bound
to
seems
regardit as prevalent:there may well have
regretted primacy,
been charactersin his own circle amongst the politicians and the educated aristocracywho
would have confirmed his suspicions.However, sympathetic feelings of kinship as a cause of
action-the manifestation of ethnic feeling whose existence is most frequently derided by
Thucydides-cannot be provided for under this scheme. If it is man's nature to act for his
self-advantage,he will not put himself out simply becausea kinsmanaskshim to. To a man with
27 Thuc.
vii 57.1.

to, we must

thatit was'inthenews'at the

28 Thucydides may have found the Sicilian cam- outbreakof acknowledge

the war: Thuc.i
139.1.
32 Cf also Thuc.cf.
paign a paradigm case in proving the correctnessand
ii 54.2, where the referenceto
of
his
views
about
motivation
and
no
lost
A
perspicacity
as a commonplaceis illuminating.
wptaKOS
7rTAEpOS
Thuc.
opportunity to push home the message. See the further
i
87.2;
viii 89.3,aswell astheexamples
E.g.
33
in Thucydides'treatmentof the Sicilianexpeditions
analysisof the catalogue on p. 7.
29 R. H. S. Crossman, in his introduction to
referredto in n. 24.
34 In additionto the examplefrom Thuc. vii 57.I
Bagehot, The English Constitution (Fontana 1963) 30-I,
analyses that writer's approach to his work in a way quotedin my text, see P. J. Rhodes'commentsinJHS
xcii (1972) 115-16.
very similar to what follows.
rots
30 Thuc.vi 54.1; i 20 (oir-wsd&raAat'rwpos
35 W. G. Forrest,YCSxxiv (1975)37-52. Cf G. E.
cf. &A'AqOdas,
KaLtLt 7
7ToAAols7t'-q7uLS
War
rqEToLroipaM. de Ste Croix, TheOriginsof thePeloponnesian
tdiAAov7rp'rovrat); ii 17.2.
(London1972)12-23. ThesophistDemocritusmakesa

On hisplayingdownof theMegarian
decree,cf. similar point to Thucydidesin his claim that r'
not vuyyevELa
unitesmen (fr. 107 DK).
(1959) 447. Whatever motive we
of the'Megarian
decree'
referred vfotzopov,
imputeto thepassing
31

Gomme, HCT
Ti

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

7
the
idea
of
as
an
reason
for
action
must
at
least
views,
kinshipfeeling
important
Thucydides'
havebeenembarrassing.
Combined,these elementssuggestthat Thucydidescould have falleninto the trap of
thinkingthat in reactingagainstthe popularlyusedprincipleof ethnicexplanation,he was
whichwasallthatmostpeoplesaw,andat thesametimeconfirming
penetratingthesuperficial,
of hisviewsaboutmotivation.Hisreasoningis,however,self-contradictory.
thecorrectness
Itis
one thing to claimthatthe popularview of an historicalevent suchas the depositionof the
tyrantsis wrong,andthatthetruthlieselsewhere.Itis quitedifferentto suggestthatpeoplewho
seeeventsin generalin termsof theirown beliefin andsusceptibility
to ethnicreasonsasreasons
foractionarewrong,andthattherealcausesinevitablylie elsewhere.Providedonly thatethnic
themselvesasgoodreasons(thatis, goodbothasexplanations
reasonsforactionhaveestablished
andas an influenceon action)in the mindsof sufficientpeople,thenethnicdifferences
will, by
thatvery fact, exertan influenceon the way peopleact. Perhapsthosepeoplewill not be of
Thucydides'or hiscircle'stype.Morelikelytheywill be themassin theassemblyor themenon
in a democracysuch
the battlefield.Nevertheless,theirfeelingsandsusceptibilities
(particularly
in
will
course
of
asAthens) haveplayeda part determiningthe
events.Thucydides'treatmentof
mostclearlyhistendencyto this
the catalogueof alliesin the Sicilianwarperhapsdemonstrates
to concedethattheAtheniansandevenIoniansubjectswent,asIonians,
error.Despiteappearing
he denieskinshipfeelingany influence.His points
willingly againstthe DorianSyracusans,
at
are
againstkinshipfeeling vii 57.7
good, but they only prove thatkinshipdid not always
overrideallothermotives.Thepolemicalstyleandarrangement
suggesta reactionagainstother
views.
people's
CONTEMPORARY ATHENIAN ATTITUDES

Thucydides'ample evidenceof the influenceof ethnic feeling is not thereforeto be

discountedbecauseof his own occasionalscepticism.The questionsremain,however,to what
extentwe seeThucydides'
reflectedin otherwritingof thetime,andwhetherwe
preoccupations
are justifiedin consideringethnic feeling as more than a productof Peloponnesianwar
in whichit obviouslyfounda most suitablevehicle.
propaganda,
I shouldlike initiallyto tacklethesequestionstogetherby examiningthe generalattitude
mostinfluential
amongsttheAtheniansto one of thebestdocumentedandapparently
aspectsof
the contrastbetweenDorianandIonian,the supposedeffeminacyor lackof resolutionof the
Ionians.Referencesto thisoccurfromthe seventhcenturyonwards.36Learnedancientauthors
rationalised
thisattitudeby ascribingtheIonians'effeminacyto thekindlyclimateof AsiaMinor
or contact with the f3dppfapot.37
Modern writershave suggestedthe Ionians'defeatat the hands

of the Lydiansand the Persians,comparedwith the mainland'ssuccessfulresistance,was

responsible.38What is common to both these types of explanationis that their base is
ratherthanethnic.Yet we haveseenthatin Thucydidesit isjustas
fundamentally
geographical,
often the Athenianswho are being written off as Ioniansas any Asiatics.39This, together with
the use of an ethnic term ratherthan a geographicalone, suggests that though both the above
explanationsmay have had some currencywe should not considerstatementsof contempt for
the Ioniansas wholly basedon a feeling againstAsiaticsby the restof the Greekworld, but as due
in some measureto the Ionians'low standingas an ethnic group, particularlycomparedwith the
Dorians.40

36 See esp. Athen. xii 524-6 for a list, and cf. the
comments by C. J. Emlyn-Jones,The loniansand
Hellenism(London1980)1-2, 170.
37 For the effects of climate on Asia Minor's
see Hippoc.Aer. 12;cf Hdt. i 142, where
inhabitants,
the referenceis to Ionia;and Arist. Pol. I327b. For
contact with P3dppapoL,
see Xenophanes,fr. B3
West.

38 E.g.E. Rawson,TheSpartan
Tradition
in European
Thought(Oxford1969)15-i6.
39 Thuc. i124; vi 76-80; viii 25.3.
40 As n. 9 makesclear'Ionian'is used in both an
ethnicanda geographical
sense.At issuehereis whether
the denigratorysense in which the word was used
attachesto the formeror latter usage. I argue that,
becausethe fifth-centuryAthenians(i.e. non-Asiatics)

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN ALTY
However,it couldbe arguedthattheinclusionof the Atheniansaspropertargetsof Dorian
contempt,andthusthe trulyethnicbasisfor thatcontempt,is a laterextensionof an originally
geographicallybasedattitude;and an extensionwhich is not of antiqueorigin,but a mere
warpropaganda.
Evenso, it seemsto havehadsomeeffectamongstits
productof Peloponnesian
audience.41
On our interpretation
of Thucydides'speecheswe
immediate,Peloponnesian,
shouldhaveexpectedthisfrequentlyusedargumentto havebeenpersuasive
in someone'sears.
But the attitudeof the Atheniansthemselveswill be criticalin determiningwhetherwe should
of the
acknowledgethe existenceof a feelingbaseduponethniccriteriabeforethe propaganda
midfifthcentury.Forif theseslightsagainstAthensareno morethana recentattemptto extend
a long standingcriticismof AsiaticGreeks,we shouldnot expecttheAtheniansto feeldefensive
aboutthem. The Athenians,particularly
in view of Athens'very swift riseto prosperityand
would
have
no
reason
to
power,
good
acceptthe Dorianview of things,even supposingthey
knewmuchaboutit. However,anexaminationof theevidenceforAthenianviewssuggeststhat
consciousness
of theirown Ionianismwassufficientto makethemuneasy,anduncertainin the
faceof theirDorianenemies.
It is well knownthattherewasanofficialAthenianpolicypromotingthestorythatAthens'
subjectsin Asiaandthe islandswerekinsmenwho hadoriginatedfromAthens.42But despite
this propaganda,Aristophanesand other Atheniancomic poets make fun of the Ionians'
luxuriousness
andevenplayon thedisagreeable
of theword'Ionian'itself.43There
connotations
is thusan ambivalencein Athenianattitudeswhichsuggeststhatofficialpropaganda
may not
have accordedwith the views of the ordinaryAthenian,who foundmuchto laughat in his
Ioniankinsmen.Itis to thiscontrastthatI thinkHerodotusrefersin a curiouslyphrasedpassage(i
143.3)wherehe saysthatin the pastAtheniansandsomeotherloniansusedto avoidthe name
Ionian:he continues'... &AAa
avrwv
Ka vi3v at'vov7rat
C Ot
oL roAAot
Er E7atLaXWVEOtT
Though Herodotus'evidencefor the statusof the Ioniansmust be dealt with
ovv4Lart'.
carefully,it is thecontrastwithinthesentencewhichis relevanthere.Theemphatic'AAa'
KaLvi-v
of the finalclauseimpliesthatthe secondstatementis morecontentiousor surprisingthanits
predecessor,yet Herodotusis committedto it, as atvovorat
pot makesclear.Grantedthat
Herodotus'evidencewasaccumulated
andhisHistorywrittenduringthe periodwhen 'Ionian'
propagandawas being disseminated,it makessense to supposethat a numberof people,
outsidethe&dpX1,
particularly
mightthinkthatAthensnow exultedin commonIonianismeven
she
had
not
before.
In
thisdeliberateasidefromhis mainnarrativeHerodotuscorrects
though
theirmistake.44
felt a lack of confidence in themselves as Ionians,in the
period we are considering a fairly well established
feeling of inferiority did indeed attach to the Ionian
'OvoS. No doubt this feeling was reinforced by
contempt for the Asiatic 'lonians'' subjection to Persia
(see e.g. Thuc. vi 82.4) or their 'effeminate' ways. In
particular,much of Herodotus' bile seems directedat an
Asiatic target (this is discussedfurther below). For the
purposes of this article-the examination of the existence and effect of ethnic feeling in the Classical
period-it is sufficientto demonstrate that the feeling
was not then wholly based on geography. But in
determining ethnic feeling's origin, it becomes a matter
of great importance whether geographical considerations are the primary basis for the connotations of
inferiority of the word 'Ionian'. If not, and there is an
ethnic basis, then the foundation stories of the Dorian
and Ionian
are indeed strikingly reflected in the
later connotations
.Ovrq of the two terms. But if it is
geographical, the suspicion arises that the feeling may
itself have helped createthe foundation story. Although

well beyond the scope of this article such implications

are worth following up.
41 Judging by Thucydides' comments at viii 25.5, he
saw no distinction in the attitude of Dorians facing
Milesians and those facing Athens.
42 Certainly during the fifth century: see
Meiggs (n.
20) 293-8; A. J. Podlecki, The PoliticalBackground
of
AeschyleanTragedy(Michigan 1966) 17-21. The propaganda may go back to Solon and Peisistratus,but see
Sakellariou(n. 9) 25. See further n. 46.
43 Ar. Thesm.163; Pax 932; Eccl.918;fr. 543 Kock;
Callias/Dioclesfr. 5 Kock: see also Hermippusfr. 58
Kock. Cf. the Athenian attitude at Thuc. vi 82.4 and
Emlyn-Jones (n. 36) I-2 on Hippocrates.
44 It has been suggested to me that the source for this
statementis the anti-IonianAlcmaeonidae.Whether we
can accept this depends to a large extent on whether we
can acceptthat Herodotuswould make a statementsuch
as /aL'vovrralCot oL rroAAolon the basis of what the
Alcmaeonidae told him. Unlike what is superficiallya
similarcaseat Hdt. v 69, when Herodotus tells us that in

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

9
The Athenians, it seems, liked to distance themselves from other Ionians. Only once in
Thucydides do they refer to their Ionian identity, and then, unlike the use of Dorianism as a
rallying cry, it is almost a device to attractpity.45 If this feeling were one of simple rejectionof
other Ioniansas completely alien to themselves,we might supposethat it was a productof their
lack of sympathy for 'effete Orientals',with whom they and other Greekswere equating the
Ionians.But it is more complex than that. There areoccasionswhere fellow feeling may play a
part.46More important,when we investigatethe Athenians'assessmentof theirown powers of
endurance and bravery we find that they agree with their Dorian enemies in applying to
themselvesbelittling (and unrealistic)judgements. It seems that their reasonfor differentiating
themselvesfrom other Ionianswas that in so faras they acknowledgedtheir Ionianidentity they
accepted the unpleasantconsequencesthat flowed from the ethnic criterion itself. It is in the
context of the Peloponnesian war, against predominantly Dorian enemies, that we see the
Athenians'lack of confidence most clearly.
For instance,in the first set of sea battles of the war, the Peloponnesianleadersencourage
theirmen with the thought that theirbraverywill more than make up for the enemies'technical
skill-no use, they say, without valour. Phormio, the Athenian general, accepts that the
Peloponnesians'belief that courageis naturallytheirown (rpoouKov UaLtv)is theirchief source
of confidence.His attemptsto explainaway the basisfor that confidence,and the defensiveway
in which he begs his men 'not to feartheir [the Peloponnesian]daring'would be extraordinaryif
we did not assumesome feeling of inferiority amongst them, given the reputationof Athens'
fleet at that time.47 Laterin the war, Nicias' speechduring the Siciliandebateconfirmsthat the
Athenians did not, when the war began, expect to emerge successfullyand had been very
frightened of the Spartansand their allies.48 They apparently shared the rest of Greece's
assessmentof theirchances:an assessmentwhich, in so faras it was rationalised,was basedon the
belief that the Athenianswould surrenderratherthan endure the ravaging of their land for a
couple of years.49
his opinion Cleisthenesrenamed the Athenian tribes in
contempt of the lonians, no one could in this caseregard
the Alcmaeonidae as the sole relevant and obtainable
source. In this interpretation I am attaching more
importance to Herodotus' form of words than for
instance D. Fehling, Die Quellenangabenbei Herodot
(Berlin 1971), but I am not convinced that we should
ignore his phraseology to the extent that Fehling is.
45 Thuc. vi 82.2.
46 Thuc. iii 32.3; vii 82.1; cf Hdt. v 97. We might
suppose that the very existence of Athens' Ionian
propagandapresupposessome pull for kinship feeling,
and some pridein Ionian ancestry.But there are dangers
in reading too much real feeling into the Delian league
propaganda: first it was primarily directed only at
Asiatic lonians. Propaganda aimed at the people of
Athens generally dwelt not upon their lonianism, but
their autochthonous statusas a reason for pride in their
ancestry (cf Thuc. ii 36.1 and Plato Menex. 237b; see
also Eur. Ion 29, 589, 737; Arist. Vesp.1076; Thuc. i 2).
Athenian politicians had a clear motive for using this
theme at home as it provided a story of valour to
counter that of the Dorian invasion, and thus a genuine
reason for self-pride amongst the people. The two
themes-Athens' link with Ionia and the autochthonous nature of her people-are both emphasisedin
Euripides' Ion, whose hero turns out to be one of the
autochthonous Athenians and founder of the Ionian
lOvos. But the stress on Athens' Ionian nature in this
material for Athenian consumption seems exceptional
(see further n. 55). What Athenians wished to be

reminded of was their autochthony. Whilst it is thus

dangerous to read too much into the showpieces of
Delian league propaganda, it is also dangerous to
suppose that the whole edifice was built upon nothing.
It has been suggested that there was no mother city role
for Athens before the Delian league propaganda (see
e.g. F.Jacoby, FGrHiiib [Leiden1950] 323a F II and 23
with comm.). Even if the origin story of the Ionian
did alterover the years, common lonianism could
MOvoS
be used to justify political claims apparentlyat least as
far back as Solon (see Plut. Solon Io): in fact I think that
story of origin from Athens was probably well
establishedamongst all lonians by at least the beginning
of the fifth century (cf.Meiggs [n. 20] 294) and thus did
help give substanceto a feeling of common Ionianism
along with such factors as the shared customs, etc.,
identified in n. 9.
47 Phormio and the Peloponnesians:Thuc. ii 87.4 (cf
i 121.4); 89.2. Phormio perhapsconcentrateson removing this prejudiceto turn his men's thoughts away from
the enemy's numbers. But the prejudicewas there to be
removed.
48 Thuc. vi 11.5. Thucydides' language describing
Spartan reaction after Pylos emphasises the complete
unexpectedness,not just of the Pylos affair,but of the
way the war had gone in general,and the grave effect on
Spartanconfidence (Thuc. iv 55).
49 See Thuc. iv 85.2; v. 14.3; vii 28.3 (a narrative
judgment by Thucydides). P. A. Brunt, Phoenix xix
(1965) 264-5, believes that the Greeks' past experience
of borderwarfarewould have been sufficientto instil so

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN ALTY
The farsightedon both sideshadto remindtheirlistenersthatwaris a matterof resources,
notjustvictoryon thebattlefield-PericlestojustifyhisclaimthatAthensis no weaker
thanher
thatthe warwill not be an immediatePeloponnesian
enemies,Archidamus
Pericles'
victory.50
funeralspeechprovidesajustificationof Athenianvalues,but alsoreassurance
to an uncertain
Athensthatthe Atheniansarea matchfor theiropponents:Pericles,like Phormio,wishedto
counteracttheAthenians'
instinctivefearof theiradversaries'
'natural'
daring.Ina brilliantpiece
of argumenthe standsthe traditionalview on its head:it is, he asserts,the Athenianswho are
intrinsicallybrave, while the Spartansachieve their bravery only through 'laboured
Io

preparation'.51

The themesof Pericles'funeralspeech-Athens'protectionof the weak,the uniqueness

of
her democracy-areechoedin someof the contemporary
worksof Atheniantragedy,suchas
andSupplices.52
In the elementscommonto the plotsof thesetwo playsI
Heraclidae
Euripides'
also find a structureofferingits audiencereassurances
of the same type as in Pericles'and
Phormio'sspeeches.Theplaysusetwo of themostfamoustraditionsof Athenianbenefaction
to
other Greeksin a way which emphasisesthe uniquenessof Athens'moral courageand
and (particularly
in Supplices)
her right to recognitionas a militarypower.53
fearlessness,
Collard's
that
the
would haveheartenedAtheniansdowncast
Christopher
argument
Supplices
Delium
seems
to
me
to
nearer
the
of
the
of it asa
by
psychology
playthanZuntz'sinterpretation
celebrationafterPylos.54The tone of Heraclidae
is lesspartisan:the poet had not then lived
of treatmentpointtowardsa similar,reassuring,
throughsevenyearsof war.Butthesimilarities
intentionaroundthebeginningof thePeloponnesian
war:atthattimealso,Athensfeltunsureof
herself.
None of theseAthenianspeechesor playsusesthe languageof Doriansor lonians.55But
both the Atheniansand theirenemiesreferto a supposeddifferenceof of'rUs
betweenthem,
whichallowedtheSpartans
andtheiralliesto regardthemselvesassuperior.56
Ifwe askwhatlay
wild a miscalculation (cf. de Ste Croix [n. 35] 207-8),
but in my view the presenceof these ethnic feelings in
the background explains much more convincingly the
universal prevalence of the mistake. After all, the
Athenians never tired of reminding people how they
had abandoned their city altogether during the Persian
invasion without surrendering. The speech of the
Corinthians at Sparta in 432 (Thuc. i 68-71) is often
taken as a panegyric of Athens: the Corinthians
certainly praise certain qualities in the Athenians. But
there also seems to be the assumption that Sparta has
only to act and a natural order of things will reassert
itself. See also Ps.-Xen. Ath. Pol. ii 1 (Athenianhoplites
worse than their enemies').
50sPericles, Thuc. i 141.2; Archidamus, i 80--1,
though de Ste Croix (n. 35) 207-8 feels that even
Archidamusdoesn't fully convince himself.
5' Thuc. ii 39.1.
52 Cf. Thuc. ii 37.3 and Eur. Her. 303-6, 329-30;
Suppl. 184-90, 304. Also Thuc. ii 37.1 and Suppl.
349-53, 403-8. For a detailed analysisof the themes of
patrioticoratory found in these plays, see G. Zuntz, The
Political Plays of Euripides(Manchester 1955) I6-18,
40-1.
3 The storieson which these two plays are basedare
two of the three mentioned in the mock funeralspeech
in Plato Menex. 239b; cf. Hdt. ix 27. Athens' courage in
standing up to powerful enemies is emphasisedin both
plays (e.g. Suppl. 518-2o, 584-94; Her. 191-219,
236-52, 284-7). Her enemies arrogantlyand mistakenly
look down upon her (e.g. Suppl. 568; Her. 134-78),
though the reality of their strength is acknowledged, to
give Athens greater glory in defeating them (e.g. Her.

759-62). There are frequent references to Athens'

military might, especially in Supplices (e.g. 163,
184-90): both plays describe the moment of Athenian
victory (Suppl. 654-723; Her. 824-42).
54 Cf C. Collard, EuripidesSupplicesi (Groningen
1975) 13-14 and Zuntz (n. 52) 89-90o.

5s Euripides'Ion, produced at a later date, dealswith

the supposed founder of the Ionian 4Mvosand does refer
to Ioniansand Dorians. It contains a few lines referring
to the Athenian origin of the lonians, apparentlymuch
in line with currentDelian league propaganda(15i8o-8).
But I do not find that the emphasis of Euripides'play
quite fits the propaganda put out by contemporary
politicians for an Athenian audience, which played to
Athenian autochthony but excluded the Ionian connection (see n. 46). Euripides'play seems an attempt to take
the legend of Ion and turn it into a genuine cause for
unity of purpose and goodwill between Atheniansand
their subjects (no doubt both in his audience): the
version of the legend at Paus. vii i is quite differentand
much less suitablefor this purpose.Euripides'notion did
not seem to catch on-possibly partly because he was
arguing against feelings of shame and contempt for
Ionians to which most politicianspreferredto bow and
pander. It has been thought (e.g. by Wilamowitz,
EuripidesHerakles [Berlin 1933] 129) that Euripides'
Hercules Furens should be seen as pointing out the
insufficiencyof Dorian values. If any political undercurrent is to be read into this play, however, I should say it
was demonstrating the mutual dependence of Athens
and Sparta (Theseus and Heracles).
56 Thuc. i 121.4 and ii 89.2, where ipoa-iKov abatv
seems to carry the same meaning.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

Ii
behindthisdifference
and
examine
the
passageswherethePeloponnesians'
superiority
ofn.as',
is explainedin more concreteterms, we find that on the Peloponnesianside it is the
distinctionwhichis most frequentlyinvoked.57I suggestthatwhen both sides
Dorian/Ionian
about
natural
argue
superiority,
theyhaveat thebackof theirmindsthesuperiority
arisingfrom
a naturaldifferencebetweenDoriansand Ionians.In Greekthought,a corollaryof natural
differencecouldbe naturalopposition:it is thereforenot surprising
thatwe findthatDorianand
Ionianaresaidto be 'natural'enemies.5sThe questionremainsas to why Athenianleadersdid
not attemptto meettheargumentheadon by arguingthatIonianswerenot inferior:thisis after
allwhatThucydidesseemsto havewishedto pointout at viii 25.3. Theanswer,I feel,is thatby
talkingof DoriansandIonians,andputtingthe argumentin theiropponents'terms,theyfeared
they would exacerbatetheir problem:the traditionalconceptof Ionianweaknesswas so
engrainedthatit couldnot be shifted.Indeed,how couldIoniansbe asgood whentheyhadlost
to Persia?Andhow couldAthenianleaderssingleout Athensasdifferentwhentheyweretrying
to promoteunityin the dpXq4?
ForAtheniansto disproveDoriansuperiorityin a way which
own
their
emphasised
Ionianismwas to enter a minefield.No wonderthey used different
arguments,whichapparentlyvariedaccordingto the speakerandthe circumstances.59
TheprimaryconclusionI drawin thissectionis thattheirethnicbeliefscausedAtheniansin
certaincircumstances
to suffera lack of self-confidence.This conclusionhas two important
it
tends
to confirmtheview thattheseethnicbeliefsweredeeplyembedded
first,
consequences:
before the Peloponnesianwar. Secondly,it helps explainthe miscalculations
made by the
in the early part of the war: the Peloponnesians
enteredthe war with an
Peloponnesians
overconfident
estimateof theirchances-but it wasanestimatewhichwasalwaysunlikelyto be
as
challenged, the feelingson whichit was basedwere sharedby the restof Greeceincluding
Athens.

EARLIER ETHNIC FEELING

we
Althoughthislackof confidencesuggestsa fairlydeeplyembeddedethnicconsciousness,
wouldalsoexpect,orhope,to findmoredirectevidencefortheinfluenceof ethnicfeelingbefore
warpropaganda.
And thereareindeedreferencesto the earlierexistenceof this
Peloponnesian
Much
of
this
evidence
is
to be found in storiesof past historytold by Herodotus.
feeling.
we
However, cannottakethesestoriesattheirfacevalue:Herodotus'workseemsto bepervaded
by a systematicbiasagainstthe lonians.60Given his own Dorianbackgroundwe might of
courseexpectsucha bias:thatit doesnot applyto Athenscouldbe a resultof hisadmiration
of
thecitybasedon longpersonalexperience.61
I
fear
the
is not so simple.In
However,
explanation
of
assessinghis evidencewe mustconsiderthreethingswhichwould makeit unrepresentative
widerfeelings:theinfluenceof personalprejudices,
immediatesourcebias,or simplythechange
57 See e.g. Thuc. i 124.1, v 9.1, vi 77.1, vii 5.4. A
geographical contrast between Peloponnesians and
islandersis also sometimes drawn where appropriate,
but it is the Dorian/Ionian contrastto which references
occur most consistently.
and cf. the
58 See Thuc. iv 60.i, 61.3, vi 82.2;
interesting parallelin Plato Rep. 470c, where different
races are also being discussed and the argument from
difference to hostility is fully expressed.
59 For instance, Pericles' rhetorical tour de force at
Thuc. ii 39, which arguesthat the Atheniansare actually
braver by nature than their enemies, is not used by
Phormio at Thuc. ii 89.2, where the Peloponnesians'
reputation is argued to depend upon their success on
land, and thus not to be valid at sea. PerhapsPericles'

argumentwould have seemed a little abstractand

theoreticalon the battlefield.
60J. Neville, CQ xxix (1979) 268-75, believes
Herodotus'narrativegives an accurateportrayalof
Ionianweakness.Thisseemsto me inconsistent
withthe
extremelanguagewhichis continuallyused.0. Murray, Early Greece(Fontana1980) 244, acceptsthat
Herodotus'narrativeunjustifiably
devaluesIonians,but
ascribesall biasto Herodotus'sources.I do not agree:
the narrative's
attitudeis too uniformlycontemptuous
to be theproductof anyparticular
sourceinfluence(see
e.g. i 153.3,v 105andrefsin n. 63;cf.thecommentsby
Emlyn-Jones
[n. 36] ch. 7).
61 Whichalso
causedvii 139.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

JOHN ALTY

12

took place;we mustalso

in men'sattitudescreatedby thepassageof timesincewhathe narrates
be certainthatthe widerfeelingis one basedupon ethnic,ratherthangeographicalcriteria.
Mostof Herodotus'aspersions
againsttheloniansareopento challengeunderthe firstand
secondheads,not to mentionthe others.Somewritershaveconsideredthathe hada personal
grudgeagainsttheloniansof thetwelvetowns.62Thisseemsto me unlikelyto be thesolereason
for his remarks,becausemanyof his defamatorycommentshavea farwiderscope.63A more
importantpersonalconsideration
probablyarisesfrom his moralviews and artisticaims.His
the
is
that
chargeagainst Ionians
theypreferthesafedrudgeryof slaveryto therisksof defending
to the heroesof the mainlandwho foughtto retaintheir
freedom.64Theyarethe counterpoise
freedomunderthelaw-and particularly
theAthenianswho wereprepared
to fighton without
a city. Thiscouldexplainwhy we findmostof his criticismsaimedat the Asiatics.Someof his
sourcescould have helpedreinforcesuch intentions:the Samians,for instance,may have
encouragedhim to play down the importanceof the Ionianrevolt.65The Alcmeonidfamily
for otherstatementswhichdo not show the Ioniansto theircredit,
may havebeenresponsible
suchas the taleaboutCleisthenes'motivesfor renamingthe Atheniantribes.66However,the
occasionalexampleof anti-Ionianbias seems to come unexplainedeven throughall these
considerations-forinstance,theconversation
betweenDemaretusandXerxesattheHellespont
in
who
live
Dorianlands,'saysDemaretus,'althoughI shall
all
'I
the
Greeks
(vii 102): praise
now
about
confineshis praisesto Dorians.Ionians(and
the
Demaretus
speak
only
Spartans.'
in
at
least
others)areimplicitlyslighted,
comparison.The firstthingto noteis thatthescopeof
the impliedslightdoesnot correspondto Herodotus'suggestedbiasesagainstthetwelvetowns
or AsiaticGreeks.It appliesequally,forinstance,to Athens.Theslightdoesseemgenuinelyto be
basedon ethnicratherthangeographical
criteria:thoughDemaretustalksof 'lands',he thinksin
termsof the ethnicgroupsoccupyingthem. Thereis no good reasonto suspectsourcebias
of any interestexcept its own. Thus the comment,which is intendedby
unrepresentative
Herodotusto reflectDemaretus'
views,doesnot seemto havebeencausedby purelypersonalor
sourcebias.It maybe challengedasanachronistic
Herodotus'own ethnic
(perhaps
representing
as
a
As
such
it
would
still
of
course
be
evidence
for
ethnicfeelingin later
prejudice Dorian).
times.One canonly saythatHerodotusseemsto be doinghisbestthroughoutthisconversation
to recreateDemaretus'thoughts.67
But it mustbe admittedthatthe anti-Ionianreferences
arenot easyto interpret.We areon
more solid groundwhen we look at episodesset in the periodbeforePeloponnesianwar
in whichmereconsciousness
of ethnicdifferenceformspartof theincident'spoint.
propaganda
Considerations
of anti-Ionianor -Asiaticbiasarenot relevanthere.But we muststilldecideto
what extent the originalfacts may have been distortedby subsequentgenerations'views,
whethertheseviews were deliberatelyencouragedor simplyevolvedin responseto changed
circumstances:
for instance,Herodotus'accountof the quarrelsbetweenthose stateswhich
the
resistance
-to the Persianinvasionhas been held to be influencedby laterrifts
comprised
between Spartaand Athens. These stories fall into two main types: those in which the ethnic
element seems essentialto the whole incident, and those where it seemspossiblethat an original

Will 64. Cf F.Jacoby,RE Suppl.ii (1913) 2II

EspeciallyHdt. iv 142, where the Scythians'
disparagingcomments refer to tyrants of whom
Herodotussays four are from Ionia, six from the
Hellespontandone fromAeolis.Cf.Hdt.vi 12.2,where
the men of Lesbosarecountedas Ionians.
64 See Hdt. vi 12.3 (even
slaverypreferableto the
agonyof training);iv 142 (Ioniansslaveswho love their
master)and viii 10.2 (which capturesthe difference
betweentheIoniansandmainlandGreeks).TheIonians
couldhaveescaped(Hdt.i 170.2andi 164)or combined
(i 170.3).Thatis what Athenswould havedone (Hdt.
vii 144.2; cf vii 139).
62

63

65 For Samianbias, see B. M. Mitchell,JHS xcv

(1975)75-91. As arguedabove,Herodotusmighthave
beenreceptiveto sourcesplayingdown Ionianachievement.
66 Hdt.v 69. Thishypothesisrestson theassumption
of anti-Ionianfeeling amongstthe family causedby
their friendshipwith Persiaat the time of the Ionian
revolt, which subsequentlycaused them political
and theirreactionagainstPeisistratus,
embarrassment,
who had been interestedin encouragingIonianunity
(subjectof courseto Athens'leadership);
cf. Hdt. i 64
andThuc.iii 104.
67 Seee.g.vii
104.1-2.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DORIANS AND IONIANS

13

incident has been overlaid with a later ethnic element. Stories in the first category must be
questionedas a whole, if we wish to deny the influenceof ethnic differenceat the time in which
they are set, whereas it is possible to be more selective about what we cut out of those in the
second category. These differenttypes of approachlend themselves,in turn, to differenttypes of
defence. Let us turn to some examples.
Firstthe incidentin which King Cleomenesis warnedby the priestessof Athenenot to enter
the Acropolis, because'it is not permitted for Dorians to go there'.68This seems to me a tale
which must be attackedasa whole, if we wish to remove the ethnicreference;thatis, the point of
the story dependsupon Cleomenes'being known as a Dorian. As suchit must be presumedto be
a creationafterthe event, ratherthana story whose emphasishasbeen changedby laterattitudes.
We may begin by asking why the story should have been createdlater. Is this the sort of story
which would be fabricatedas a result of later 'propaganda'?I do not feel that it is. The overall
point of the story is not to stressDorian-Ionian antipathy,or to provide propagandaholding
together the Athenian
through kinshipbonds. The point of the story is to demonstratethe
&pXgr
of
The ethnic point is the vehicle by which
r.o ...
reality religious warning;
4rrj.
errrEAE'E
that point is made. We may also ask whether detailsof the story itself (grantedthatit is the story
itself that we must eliminate) tend to vouch for its authenticity. Here Cleomenes' reply is
interesting:'I am not a Dorian but an Achaean.'The claim by Spartato be of Achaeanrather
than Dorian ancestryis one generallyagreed to have been createdin and to belong to the sixth
centuryratherthanto the fifth.69It was not a policy emphasisedat the time of the Peloponnesian
war. Cleomenes' words fit very well a sixth-centurySpartanking. That they do not let him off
the religioushook is consistentwith the artificialand temporarycharacterof thispiece of Spartan
propaganda!These are the type of considerationswhich may be brought to bearon casesof this
'anecdotal'type. There is also some independentevidence corroboratingthe idea aroundwhich
this story is built: an inscriptionhasbeen found at Parosforbiddingthe presenceof Doriansand
slaves at certain religious rites.70
In stories of the second type we cannot so easily use internal details as a guaranteethat
referencesto E'Ovosu
are original.If we think that they are, we must examine how easilythe story
reallyfits togetherwithout the influenceprovidedby ethnicfeeling. One exampleis Aristagoras'
requestfor aid at Athens at the beginning of the Ionian revolt: Herodotus says that one of the
argumentshe usedwas the claim that the Milesianswere colonistsof Athens.7"Here we may see
a motive for invention or later misunderstanding.But it remainstrue that Athens did send help
whereasSpartadid not. Shouldwe rule out kinshipfeeling as not even in partresponsiblefor the
assembly's decision? Certainly not on the interpretation of the story of the playwright
Phrynichus'fine which makesthe Atheniansweep for Miletus'fall becausetheirkinsmenwere
suffering.72Other incidents,such as the debateon Samos afterthe repulseof the Persiansabout
what to do with the Ionians, may not provide similaropportunitiesfor using the sequenceof
68 Hdt.v 72.3. Exclusionof foreignersfromparticipatingin certainriteswas quitecommonin the Greek
world (see e.g. F. B6mer, Untersuchungen
iiberdie
undRomiv [WiesReligionderSklavenin Griechenland
baden1963]955n. 2), thoughwe havefewerreferences
to the exclusionof those of a particularrace from a
sanctuary:see, however, Plut. Mor. 267d and F.
Sokolowski,Loissacriesdescits grecques
(Paris1969)no.
IIo. Sokolowskicites thisinstanceas an exampleof a
politicalexclusion.The exclusionmayhavea 'political'
origin in the senseof springingfrom a non-religious
antagonism,though it is unlikely that the priestess
thoughtup the exclusionon the spurof the moment,
becausethe formof the exclusionis relativelyunusual:
cf. Hdt. vi 8I whereCleomenesmeetsthe more usual
objection.But the essentialpoint for us is that those
creatingthe exclusion,whoeverthey were, thoughtin

terms of Dorians, not of, say, Spartansor simply

foreigners.The distinctionwas a live one.
69 SeeW. G. Forrest,
HistoryofSparta(London1968)
chs 6-7; D. M. Leahy,Historiaiv (1955)26-38.
70 Sokolowski
(n. 68).
71 Hdt.v
97.2.Thefeelingof colonyformothercity
might be thoughta differenttype from ethnicfeeling
alone.But see n. 2o.
72 For Phrynichus'fine, see Hdt. vi 21.2 and
Sakellariou(n. 9) 39-40: Sakellariou's
argumentshere
strikeme as very artificial.And even if we suspect
political manoeuvringbehind the charge against
Phrynichus,cf. W. G. Forrest,CQ x (I960) 235, we
mustreckonbothwith thefactthatHerodotussaysthat
the theatredidburstinto tearsand(if we do not accept
the tearsstory) that even a merelyostensiblecharge
musthavehad some plausibility.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

14

JOHN ALTY

generally accepted events to justify the writer's reference to the influence of ethnic feeling (there

must have been a debateon policy towards the Asiaticand islandGreeks;but laterhistory does
not compel us to acceptthat the Athenianstold the Spartansnot to involve themselvesin debate
about the lonians, who belonged to Athens as her colonies). Nevertheless, I believe we have
evidencesufficientto allow us to believe that what is depictedat Samoswas at leastpossibleat the
time in which the story is placed.73
Even if, therefore, we reject as not authentic contempt for lonians expressed by his
characters,there is good evidence in Herodotus for a consciousnessof ethnic differencesbefore
the time of Peloponnesian war propaganda. Moreover, there is support in contemporary
literature(i.e. of the early fifth century) for his evidence, particularlyin the poetry of Pindar.
Pindar wrote most of his surviving odes for victors from Dorian states, for which aristocratic
friendshipsand political sympathies must be largely responsible, though belief in superior
Dorian manlinessmay have helped createand confirm these. What is more importantis that he
frequentlyrefersin theseodes to the fact that the victor'sstateis Dorian.74Pindarwas writing to
honour the victor, and he quite clearly believed that the Dorian ancestry of, for instance,
Aeginetans or Syracusanswas a source of pride to them. There is no similar reference to
lonianism in the odes written for Athens victors. Thus we do not have to regardPindaras an
independentchampionof Dorianismto deducefrom his poems confirmationthatthe Doriansof
his time took a pridein theirDorianismsimilarto that found in Herodotus'storiesandportrayed
later in Thucydides.75
CONCLUSION

To focus on a particularfactor as an influence upon events always risks appearingto put

forward a one-sided analysis.The separationof this factor from others may also at times seem
artificial:for instance,could an Argive have told you whether he despiseda Milesianbecause
Dorians had always been superiorto lonians or becauseAsiaticswere effete and slavish?Where
was the boundarybetween loyalty to E"Ovos
and loyalty to mother state?Nevertheless,it is by
strands
which
often
muddled
and twisted in reallife that one can explaintheir
are
separatingthe
differentcombinations.Our review of the evidence from the fifth and sixth centuriesallows us, I
hope, to recognise that it is after all pretty consistentin pointing to a role for ethnic feeling.76
This feeling may have been ridiculedby the intelligentsiaand exploited for their own ends by
politicians.But its potential for creatingsympathy, hostility or misunderstandingamongst the
populace at large was ignored by both groups at their peril.77JOHNALTY
JOHNALTY
62 EnfieldCloisters,
FanshawStreet,
LondonNi
76 To
explore its earlier and later development falls
73Hdt. ix io6. Racial feeling may have helped cause
tension throughout the Persian war, e.g. about the outside the scope of this article;but I do not find it too
Isthmus wall (Hdt. vii 207; viii 40), reluctance to aid surprising if it seems less prominent in our sources:
Athens (Hdt. ix 6 and 7), the worth of the largely combatantsin later wars were not split on similarethnic
Athenian fleet (Hdt vii 183.1; viii 11; 70; 74.1). For an lines (see e.g. Xen. Hell. iv 3.15); as for the Archaic
incident during the
Thuc. i 102.3.
period, difficultieswith the existence and reliability of
HEv7)rKOv7raETra see
Ephorusseems to have repeated these views: see Diod. suitablesourceshamperthe effortsto traceso intangible
Sic. xi 34-7, 41. But it is doubtful whether his evidence
a thing back further.If we did, we might find that other
has any independent value.
ethnic differences had more impact on the generally
74 Pindar 0. viii 30; P. i 61-5; N. iii 3; I. vii
more parochialpolitics of the times: see A. Andrewes,
i
3.
I2;fr.
75 See Tigerstedt (n. 2) 152. Aeschylus refers to the
The Greek Tyrants(London 1956) ch. 5.
'Dorian' spear which won the battle of Plataea (Pers.
77 I should like to express my gratitude to Professor
817): whether or not we take the word literally, it W. G. Forrestand the late Mr C. W. Macleod for their
implies an affinity between Dorians and warlikeness. comments on earlier versions of this article; and in
Other writerscontrastthe Peloponnesianspiritwith the particular to mark my debt to the late Mr M. W.
Attic or Asian (see StesimbrotusFGrH 107 F 4, Ion of Frederiksen,without whose supportI should never have
Chiosfr. 24 Nauck).
begun it.

This content downloaded from 132.248.9.8 on Sun, 22 Feb 2015 23:26:06 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions