Habitat International 38 (2013) 100e105

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Habitat International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint

Greenhouse gas emission reduction options for cities: Finding the Coincidence
of Agendas between local priorities and climate change mitigation objectives
Hari Bansha Dulal*, Sameer Akbar
The World Bank, 1818 H Street, NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA

a b s t r a c t
Keywords:
Greenhouse gas
Cities
Climate change mitigation
Co-benets
Synergies
Developing countries

Cities are the major contributors to global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. They account for about 75%
of global energy consumption and up to 80% of global greenhouse gas emissions. With the ongoing rapid
increase in urban population, expansion of middle class in urban centers in developing countries, and
availability of cheaper vehicles such as Tata Nano and Bajaj RE60 in India, the demand for energy and
associated emissions from cities are expected to grow rapidly. Though cities are in a better position to
mitigate climate change, it does not necessary mean that there is a willingness on their part to capitalize
on these mitigation opportunities. Climate change mitigation is not the priority for them because they
face a number of competing priorities including local economic growth and development and service
delivery. This paper suggests a range of policy tools that can help cities achieve both local priorities as
well as reduce emissions, including GHGs. The suggested policies will be effective when used
synergistically.
2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction
Even though urban areas constitute less than 3% of the worlds
livable land area, approximately 50% of the worlds population today
lives in urban areas. By 2030, 60% of the worlds population will be
living in cities. The share of urban population will have grown to 75%
by 2050 (Mills, 2007; UN, 2007). The urbanized area has increased in
almost every developing country. The urbanized area of the city of
Yazd, Iran, increased from 1843 ha in 1975 to 13,802 ha in 2009
(Shahraki et al., 2011). Between 1989 and 2009, the builteup area in
the Greater Asmara Area (GAA), the capital of Eritrea, has tripled
(Tewolde & Cabral, 2011). The surface area of Mexican city of Guadalajara grew 1.5 times faster than the population between 1970 and
2000. Similar is the case in Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar;
Cairo, the capital of Egypt; and Mexico City, the capital of Mexico;
Johannesburg, South Africa (UNHABITAT, 2010). As urbanization
tends to increase with socio-economic development, the levels of
urbanization are generally projected to rise in developing countries
in the future. By 2030, the less developed regions are expected to
have 56% of their population living in urban areas, which is about
three times the proportion they had in 1950 (18%) (UN, 2006).
The ongoing rapid urbanization has already led to tremendous
increase in energy consumption and associated emissions. In India,

* Corresponding author. Tel.: 1 571 288 1854.

E-mail address: hbdulal@gmail.com (H.B. Dulal).
0197-3975/$ e see front matter 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2012.05.001

for example, the use of diesel in the transport sector has increased
from 73% of the total in 1991 to 81% in 2000 (Zhou & McNeil, 2009).
If the current trend is to continue, motorized trafc volume in India
would reach 130,000 billion passenger kilometers. Compared to the
year 2000, this would result in a ve-fold increase in energy
demand and carbon emissions in transport by 2020 (Singh, 2006).
The trend is quite similar in many developing countries and
emerging economies. In Malaysia, from 6.8 million vehicles in 1995,
the motor vehicle ownership increased to 18 million, in 2008. With
an annual growth rate of 7.78%, it almost tripled in a little more
than a decade. The transport sector alone accounts for 35.5% of the
total energy consumption in Malaysia (Ong, Mahlia, & Masjuki,
2011). Under business as usual (BAU) scenario, direct energy
demand and GHG emissions from the road transport is expected to
reach 734 million tons of oil equivalent and 2384 million tons
carbon dioxide equivalent by 2050 in China. The projected increase
is 5.6 times more than the 2007 level (Ou, Zhang, & Chang, 2010).
In reality, the increase in emissions could be much higher than
the one projected by BAU scenario. BAU scenarios often do not take
into consideration social and cultural changes that are actually
happening in many developing countries. In India, for instance,
because of the social status attached to vehicle ownership, households have started owning more than one private vehicle. In future,
they may be in a position to afford a vehicle for each and every
member of the household. If that were to happen, GHG emissions
would be much higher than projected under BAU scenario. It is not
only the transport sector, where the demand for energy is growing.

H.B. Dulal, S. Akbar / Habitat International 38 (2013) 100e105

There has been a tremendous growth in energy consumption and

emissions in the industrial sector as well. Approximately 188.32
million tons of CO2 was emitted from the city of Shanghai alone in
2008 (Liu, Geng, & Xue, 2011). The situation is quite similar in other
big Chinese cities. Carbon emission in the city of Nanjing has
increased by about 50% in the last decade. Industrial energy
consumption, industrial processes, and transportation accounted
for 37e44%, 35e40% and 6e10% of urban emissions respectively (Bi,
Zhang, Wang, & Liu, 2011). Most cities are quite aware of the fact
that the existing carbon intensive path is unsustainable. But given
the increase in public desire to own vehicles and technologies that
require energy, increase in urban industrialization and increase in
consumption of carbon intensive processed foods, emissions are
growing not only in mega cities in developing countries, but also in
second-tier cities. Cities in developing countries are quite aware of
the fact that urgent measures are needed to move away from high
emissions pathway, but given the host of local priorities, lack of
capacity, resources, and understanding of policy tools that can help
them achieve both local priorities as well as emissions reduction,
they are nding it increasingly difcult to contain rising emissions.
Can cities continue to afford undermining growing
emissions?
Emissions from cities mainly depend on four factors. First, the
economic base of a city, i.e. whether the city is industrial or service
oriented. Second, its urban form, i.e. density and location patterns
of its settlement. Third, the lay out and structure of its transportation system. Fourth, waste management system, i.e. efciency
and effectiveness of waste collection and disposal. In almost every
city in developing country, all of the aforementioned factors are at
play. Economic base is getting more industrial, urban form is
becoming less dense, the lay out and structure of transportation
systems increasingly favor private transportation, and with
increase in waste volume, waste management is becoming
increasingly chaotic and inefcient. Given the nature of the problems they face, cities are more interested in adopting policies and
programs that provide greater local benets. Climate mitigation
benets, hence, will have to come from the policies and programs
that are aimed at solving local problems. For example, increasing
trafc congestion in many developing countries cities is hurting
urban economy. The costs of congestion are 2.6 and 3.4 and in
Mexico City and Buenos Aires (UNEP, 2011). In 1996, the costs of
trafc congestion in Bangkok, Kualalumpur, Jakarta, and Manila
were 2.1, 1.8, 0.9, and 0.7% of GDP (ESCAP, 2007). In 1994, Santiago,
Chile incurred US$286 million (0.59% of national GDP) in congestion cost (Creutzig & He, 2009). Congested cities are also the top
polluted cities. There appears to be a correlation between congestion and pollution as the top polluted cities polluted cities are also
the ones, where road speed average is low (see Table 1).
Air pollution entails a massive cost amounting to millions a year.
In 2001, the local air pollution costs for the Philippines (Metro
Manila, Davao, Cebu, and Baguio) were 432 million or 0.6% of GDP
(World Bank, 2002). It was US$181.4 million or 1% of the GDP for
Jakarta, Indonesia for the year 1998 (ADB, 2002). Local air pollution
cost incurred by China is higher than other countries, for which
data is available. In 2000, the city of Beijing alone incurred US$974
million or 3.3% of GDP in local air pollution costs (based on
willingness-to-pay methodology) (Deng, 2006). Given that many of
the traditional air pollutants and greenhouse gases have common
sources, their emissions interact in the atmosphere, and separately
or jointly they cause a variety of environmental impacts on the
local, regional, and global scales, emission control strategies that
simultaneously address air pollutants and greenhouse gases may
lead to a more efcient use of the resources on all scales (ESA,

101

Table 1
Ranking of selected megacities based on total suspended particulate emission and
road travel speed.
Megacities in 2000

Total suspended
particulates (mg m3)
Rank

Rank

Tokyo
Mexico City
New York e Newark
So Paulo
Mumbai (Bombay)
Kolkata (Calcutta)
Shanghai
Buenos Aires
Delhi
Los Angeles - Long
Beach - Santa Ana
Osaka e Kobe
Jakarta
Beijing
Rio de Janeiro
Cairo
Dhaka
Moscow
Karachi

40 [15]
201 [10]
27 [18]
53 [14]
243 [9]
312 [6]
246 [8]
185 [11]
405 [4]
39 [16]

16.2
14.0
23.9
15.0
13.8
na
12.4
18.6
14.4
29.5

[9]
[6]
[14]
[8]
[5]

34 [17]
271 [7]
377 [5]
139 [13]
593 [2]
516 [3]
150 [12]
668 [1]

20.5
11.6
11.1
18.6
12.4
na
18.6
na

[13]
[2]
[1]
[10]
[3]

Average road speed

miles per hour

[4]
[10]
[7]
[15]

[10]

Source: Adapted from Parry and Timilsina (2010).

2004). In developing and emerging economies, where economic

and social developments e not climate change mitigation e are the
top priorities, integration/policy coherence is especially relevant. In
addition to providing greater cumulative climate benets (see
Fig. 1), policy integration and programmatic coherence is also
desirable because of the cost-effectiveness.
Fig. 1 illustrates that China can dramatically save costs by
adopting a smart mix of measures to reduce air pollution and
greenhouse gas emissions even if the goal is to achieve ambient air
quality. Compared to the most cost-effective way for halving
negative health impacts from air pollution using only air pollution
control measures, using measures to lower air pollution and
greenhouse gas emissions simultaneously is much more costeffective. The cost saving could results in a 9% reduction in GHG
emissions (Amann et al., 2010). Well-designed air pollution control
strategies can help achieve ambient air quality and at the same time
reduce emissions of greenhouse gases.
Greenhouse gas emissions reduction would benet both the
current and the future city inhabitants as GHG emissions reduction
is not only an important issue of the current time but also an
intergenerational distribution issue. The current inhabitants would
benet greatly by decreased health care costs and reduction in
productivity loss, while the future inhabitants would benet from
reduced global warming from GHG emissions and its consequences, which is increasingly being witnessed with each passing

Fig. 1. Costs for reducing health impacts from air pollution by 50% (bn V in 2030).
Source: Amann et al. (2010).

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H.B. Dulal, S. Akbar / Habitat International 38 (2013) 100e105

year. It might be in the best interest of cities to reduce emissions

now because the costs of repairing damage and improving environmental quality once the economy is past its turning point will be
signicantly higher than the cost of preventing the damage through
early mitigation.
Maintaining environmental quality is also crucial if cities want
to transition to knowledge-based economy and brighten their
economic attractiveness. Urban environmental quality is important
to attracting and retaining the talent that drives wealth creation
in knowledge-based economies. Skilled workers look for communities with specic attributes such as user-friendly transit;
commuter bike lanes; a clean, healthy environment; and
a commitment to preserving natural resources for enjoyment and
recreation (Florida, 2000). By 2030, cities that will brighten their
economic attractiveness will do so while also curbing local pollution (e.g. Ankara, Auckland, Barcelona, Krakow, Lille, Melbourne,
Montreal, Monterrey and Toronto). On contrary, cities such as
Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, Osaka, Paris, Philadelphia, Seoul
and Tokyo risk losing economic attractiveness if their current
pollution trends continue unabated (OECD, 2010).
Leveraging local priorities for urban green house gas
reduction
Rapid urban growth in developing countries is seriously outstripping the capacity of most cities to provide adequate services for
their citizens. For cities in developing countries struggling to meet
their local priorities, stand-alone climate change mitigation
program is an unnecessary diversion and waste of scarce resources.
Stand-alone urban climate change mitigation policies have been
found unacceptable even in developed countries. Using an integrated city model for the city of Paris, Vigui and Hallegatte (2012)
demonstrate that stand-alone mitigation policies are unlikely to be
politically acceptable and emphasize the need to mainstream

climate policy within urban planning. Given the trafc congestion

costs, it is quite natural to expect cities like Mexico City, Buenos
Aires, Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur, and Jakarta to be more interested in
putting their resources toward enhancing mobility rather than
reducing GHG emissions. They would only be interested in GHG
emissions reduction issue if the policy tools or measures suggested
contribute signicantly toward meeting local priorities, which in
their case is, easing trafc congestion. GHG emissions reduction will
have to come through policies and programs aimed at meeting local
priorities such as trafc congestion easing, air pollution control, and
waste management, etc. There are several policy tools that can help
developing countries cities meet their local priorities and at the
same time contribute toward urban GHG reduction (see Fig. 2).
Urban development interventions
Urban spatial expansion results mainly from three powerful
forces: a growing population, rising incomes, and falling
commuting costs (Brueckner, 2000). In most cities in developing
countries, the rst two factors are already in play. The level of urban
expansion is further expected to grow because over the next
30 years virtually all of the worlds population growth is expected
to occur in urban areas in developing countries (Cohen, 2006). With
urban expansion, the economic cost of congestion and pollution,
which is already high given the size of economies, will further
increase and have a greater adverse impact on local economy. Using
the concentrationeresponse coefcients for cough, breathlessness,
wheezing and cold, and illnesses such as allergic rhinitis
and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), Patankar
and Trivedi (2011) estimate that the total monetary burden,
including personal burden, government expenditure and societal
cost for the city of Mumbai in India, is US$113.08 million for a 50mg/m3 increase in PM10 and US$ 218.10 million for a 50-mg/m3
increase in NO2.

Fig. 2. Framework for GHG emissions reduction in cities.

H.B. Dulal, S. Akbar / Habitat International 38 (2013) 100e105

By adopting some of the suggested policy tools such as high

employment and residential density development, cities can effectively contain the ongoing rapid urban expansion and at the same
time achieve air quality improvement benet. Policy tools used to
achieve higher density development have been found to reduce air
pollution, trafc congestion, and energy use. Evidence suggests that
adoption policy tools that promote high density reduce vehiclebased emissions by shortening commuter journeys and encouraging non-auto travel (Cervero & Kockelman, 1997; Dulal, Brodnig, &
Onoriose-Green, 2011; Lin & Yang, 2009; Messenger & Ewing, 1996).
Using data from 84 cities in the United States, Europe, Australia and
Asia, Lyons, Kenworthy, Moy, and dos Santos (2003) show that there
is direct air pollution reduction benets from minimizing the
outward growth of cities. Emissions reduction comes through
reduction in private vehicle use. Transit use rises sharply when
residential density increases from 7 to 16 dwelling units/acre
(Smith, 1984). European countries, with higher densities and more
centralized land-use patterns have lower levels of private vehicles
use when compared to the U.S., where urban density is low and
population is dispersed (Giuliano & Narayan, 2003).
Evidence shows that it is possible to grow without experiencing
congestion, pollution, and reducing public space. For over four
decades, the city of Curitiba in Brazil has been utilizing urban
policies as a means to guide and induce urban growth in order to
improve quality of life, promote social equity, and preserve the
natural environment. Compared to other Brazilian cities like Sao
Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the cost of congestion in Curitiba is
signicantly low. In 2002, fuel use due to severe trafc congestion,
which was estimated at a value of US$1, was approximately 13 and
4 times less in per capita terms than those in Sao Paulo and Rio de
Janeiro respectively. Likewise, the congestion cost and per capita
productivity loss due to time spent in severe congestion in Curitiba
was approximately 11 and 7 times lower than in Sao Paulo and Rio
de Janeiro respectively. Despite of three-fold increase in the population density between 1970 and 2008, the average green area per
person in Curitiba actually increased from 1 km2 to over 50 km
(UNEP, 2010).
Urban transport interventions
Rising urban income, declining vehicle price, and increasing
vehicle stock have all led to rapid growth in vehicle ownership and
use in cities in developing countries. As the middle class in cities in
developing countries get more afuent and afford to buy private
vehicles, they do so. This increases trafc congestion and causes
further deterioration of the environmental quality. Private vehicles
eventually end up dominating much of the available urban space by
displacing more efcient public transport, motorbikes, and bicycles
(Banister, 2011). Between 1980 and 1995, the total number of
registered motor vehicles increased by more than 11 times from 2 to
25 million in China (Gan, 2003). In India, the number of cars has
increased sevenfold between 1981 and 2002, (Pucher,
Korattyswaropam, Mittal, & Ittyerah, 2005). Increase in private
vehicle ownership and lack or deterioration of public transportation
is causing trafc gridlock and environmental quality deterioration
in cities in developing countries. Increase in vehicle ownership and
its use will further increase socio- economic and environmental
externalities (negative) in coming years and decades.
Cities can reduce urban transport externalities by implementing
scal (fuel tax, vehicle tax, parking charges, and congestion charges)
and regulatory policy instruments (fuel economy standards, emission standards, inspection maintenance programs, vehicle utilization e.g., full or partial bans) (Timilsina & Dulal, 2008, 2009, 2010).
Congestion charge, for example, can enhance mobility by discouraging private vehicle ownership and use. In London, the congestion

103

charge system led to the reduction in city-center trafc by 12%, of

which, 50e60% shifted to public transport (Transport for London,
2004). The ex-post evaluation of the quantied impacts of the
congestion charging scheme in London shows that distance traveled across London were reduced by approximately 211 million per
year with a 5 charge and 237 million with an 8 charge (Evans,
2007). The suggested policy tools also provide GHG reduction
benets. The value of CO2 emissions saved by congestion charge
introduced in London is estimated to be about 2.3 million, with 5
and 2.5 million, with 8 (Evans, 2007). Evidence demonstrates that
fuel taxes reduce travel demand, fuel consumption, and emissions
(Hirota, Poot, & Minato, 2003; Sterner, 2006). Using the data from
68 large cities worldwide, Hirota et al. (2003) show that every 1%
increase in the fuel tax could reduce vehicle miles traveled (VMT) by
0.042%. Like congestion charge and fuel tax, vehicle tax is another
scal policy instruments that has both congestion and emissions
reduction potential. Singapore has successfully used vehicle tax as
the primary measure for discouraging private transportation and
thereby reducing congestion and air pollution. Policies such as high
vehicle ownership taxes, including the Additional Registration Fee
(ARF), the Excise Duty and the annual Road Tax, and the Vehicle
Quota System (VQS) have successfully contained congestion and
other trafc externality problems in Singapore (Willoughby, 2000).
Infrastructure interventions
Increase in temperature and extreme heat events are going to
increase energy demand in the coming years and decades.
Increased energy use is being observed not only in the cities in the
drier parts of the world, but also in otherwise, comparatively cooler
cities in the North America and Europe. For example, in Toronto an
average temperature increase of 3  C was found to be associated
with a 7% increase in mean peak electric demand (Colombo, Etkin,
& Karney, 1999). By 2030, the average number of days in July
requiring air conditioning in Boston, USA could increase by over
24% with a corresponding rise in energy use. In Boston, climate
change will be responsible for 25e40% of increase in energy
demand (Kirshen et al., 2004). By 2050, the typical air conditioned
ofce building in London is estimated to increase its energy use for
cooling by 10%, and by 2080, the increase is expected to be around
20% (LCCP, 2002). The rise in temperature in cities in Africa, Asia,
and Latin America that get really hot during the summer could
signicantly increase urban energy demand. One of the ways to
deal with the increase in energy demand is retrot existing aged
building stock. For example, in many cities in India, a large
proportion building stock is aged, dilapidated, and do not meet
contemporary standards of building safety. Retrotting of existing
aged building stock could help reduce both future energy costs and
GHG emissions (Satterthwaite, Huq, Pelling, Reid, & Romero
Lanako, 2007). Cities can also contain energy demand and cost by
introducing energy efciency programs.
Table 2 illustrates some of the cost-effective infrastructure
interventions that can help reduce energy costs and produce GHG
emissions reduction co-benets. With the modest payback time
and implementation cost, some of these programs hold a tremendous replication potential in cities in developing countries.
Waste sector interventions
With increase in urban income and change in lifestyle, urban
resource consumption pattern is changing in developing countries.
The change in resource consumption pattern is having a signicant
direct impact on the waste volume and associated emissions. In
China, from 31.3 million tons in 1980, the total MSW volume
increased to 212 million tons in 2006. The waste generation rate has

104

H.B. Dulal, S. Akbar / Habitat International 38 (2013) 100e105

Table 2
Selected energy efciency measures.
Measure

Status

Estimated annual CO2

reduction (tons)

Estimated annual
cost Savings

Estimated implementation
cost

Payback

LED trafc signals

Convert remaining signals to LED
10% energy efciency program - residential
10% energy efciency program e commercial
Efciency upgrades to town buildings
Efciency upgrades to school buildings
Wood-chip heating system at Brattleboro union high school
Conversion of town eet vehicles to biodiesel
Use of compact uorescents in residences
Total

Existing
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed
Planned
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed

Negligible
Negligible
3793 tons
780 tons
136 tons
55 tons
378 tons
72 tons
Negligible
5214 tons

$1500
$3773
$819,392
$44,423
$64,901
$14,489
$55,000
$0
$146,678
$1,150,156

$1785
$4480
$5000
$2000
$0
$0
$300,000
$5545
$77,632
$396,442

1.2 years
1.2 years
0 years
0 years
0 years
0 years
5.5 years
0 years
0 years

Source: Adapted from Town of Brattleboro (2003).

increased from 0.50 kg/capita/day in 1980 to 0.98 kg/capita/year in

2006 (Zhang, Tan, & Gersberg, 2010). The waste generated in urban
areas is expected to further increase in coming decades in cities in
developing countries. From 0.49 kg/person/day in 1995, waste
generated in urban areas is expected to increase to 0.6 kg by 2025 in
Bangladesh (Ray, 2008). With increase in waste volume, wastebased emissions are also increasing. In So Paulo and Barcelona,
waste and wastewater account for 23.6 and 24% respectively of the
total GHG emissions. Similarly, waste and wastewater together
account for 36.5% of GHG emissions in Rio de Janeiro (Dodman,
2009). The troubling aspect of the waste-based emission is that it
is expected to grow, and grow rapidly. In Southeast and South Asia,
methane (CH4) emission from wastewater is expected to increase
by almost 50% between 1990 and 2020 (US EPA, 2006).
Cities in developing countries can effectively deal with the rising
waste volume and waste-based emissions by initiating waste-toenergy, composting, and recycling programs. Exploitation of
energy from waste (incineration, landll gas, anaerobic digester
biogas) could be a viable option for many cities in developing
countries. Waste-to-energy programs may be the most prudent
option, where land is scarce or expensive, as it minimizes the use of
land for waste management. The city state of Singapore, where land
is extremely scarce, has identied solid waste incineration as the
most preferred disposal method (Bai & Sutanto, 2002). In cities,
where a larger portion of waste is composed of organic materials,
biogasication and composting are some of the other viable
options. Using a life cycle inventory (LCI), Batool and Chuadhry
(2009) show that biogasication is one of the most viable option
for the Ganj Bukhsh Town (DGBT) in Lahore, Pakistan. In addition to
reducing waste volume, biogasication saved 25% in CO2 equivalents compared to the baseline scenario. Composting of municipal
solid wastes, where organic wastes constitute a signicant portion
of solid waste, will not only reduce waste volume but also generate
revenue for cities through compost sales. Composting has GHG
reduction benets. Net GHG emissions from landlls tend to be
higher than that from composting facilities (Lou & Nair, 2009).
Conclusion
For cities in developing countries, climate change mitigation is
not the priority. It is a low-priority issue, if anything. Given the
resource constraints, they are more interested in allocating their
scarce resources toward pressing local issues. Any or all meaningful
reduction in GHG emissions, hence, will have to come as an
outgrowth of efforts driven by economic, development, service
delivery, and local environmental concerns, etc. Adoption of the
suggested policy tools outlined in this paper might help cities in
developing countries meet both local priorities and reduce GHG
emissions. In order for these tools to yield maximum climate cobenets, they will have to be developed within an integrated

urban planning and development framework. Often, urban policies

are weak and fragmented. For example, there are separate polices
for various air pollutant reductions even though the activities and
sources of many of these pollutants are essentially the same. This
has resulted in weak enforcement and co-ordination failures of air
pollution control policy.
Instead of asking cities in developing countries develop and
adopt exclusive urban climate mitigation policies, which they
might do half heartedly, given the funding is made available, donor
agencies may want to work closely with cities and help them
identify potential overlaps between energy, air quality, and climate
goals and synergies between actions to reach those goals. The
existing urban GHG mitigation potential can be achieved through
greater policy integration and coherence. The rst step is to dene
the objectives of the policy intervention. Depending on the
objectives, for example air pollution or congestion reduction,
various combinations of policy tools need to be evaluated against
a range of criteria such as economic efciency, distributional
effects, administrative feasibility, and institutional capacity and
bundled together.
Whether or not cities in developing countries will be able to
contain or bring about large scale reduction in GHG emissions will
largely depend upon their ability to maximize synergies between
the suggested policy tools. It should, however, be noted that policy
integration and coherence can help cities contain rising GHG
emissions, but only for a certain period. It is essentially the lowhanging fruit. Eventually cities will have to come up with highimpact solutions. For a long-term sustained reduction of GHG
emissions, large scale transformative changes in urban design and
infrastructure, technology, urban lifestyle, energy and waste
management, economic and social institutions is necessary.
Acknowledgments
We sincerely thank Chandan Sapkota, Sanjana Dhungana-Dulal,
the Editor of the Habitat International Journal, and the anonymous
referees for their valuable comments and suggestions. The views
expressed in this paper are solely those of the authors and should
not be taken to be the views of the organization to which the
authors are professionally afliated.
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