Peace and Conflict Studies

Prof. Vosse
Ivone Zarate

Toward a Positive Peace program in the consolidation of political indigenous

Movements in Bolivia
Introduction:
In the Bolivian Constitution there was no concept of multinational state, this and other
concepts were introduced in the Magna Chart in the last reform carried out in February
2004. In June 2007 the 21 working committees of the Constituent Assembly ended its work
with more disagreement than consensus. Threats were registered by prefects or governors
of the eastern and southern Bolivia (Tarija, Santa Cruz, Beni and Pando) and assembly
opponents made their claims to full autonomy and his call for civil resistance.
The paper will reflect on the linkages between communication practices and social
movements focusing on the experiences of participation of indigenous movements in the
period 2005 to 2007, during which crystallized with great clarity the images and
representation on the new form of Constitution in Bolivia.
Martin Barbero1's work will guide this work as an umbrella perspective in order to analyze
social movements, communication practices in Latin America. Johan Galtung offers a
relevant perspective to relate this experience with a program on peace.
Also, I use categories of Eliseo Veron and Silvia Sigal2 to identify categories of discourse
analysis and various representatives of the so called Theory of critical Discourse3. We
note that at the level of discourse, we find a multitude of nationalities in Bolivia. We
wonder on the instances of mediation among the various nationalities, from which may
result a unified field of struggle. Finally suggest that this experience may be related to a
program on Positive Peace as mentioned by Johan Galtung4. The paper considers the
consolidation of political subjects as part of a broader positive peace program, that we can
1

Idem

Veron, E. and Sigal, S. 1988. Pern or death, Hyspamrica, Buenos Aires [1985].

Fairclough, Norman 1992. Discourse and social change. London-New York:

Routledge. Cap. 3 [There are translation / adaptation in Spanish]
4

Johan Galung, Peace research, education, action Johan Galtung. Pub. Ejlers Copenhagen,
1975.

trace in the distinctions made by Johan Galtung5 linked to the recognition of structural
violence. We reflect on the political narratives that were constituted in counter-hegemonic
forms of representation about the attributes of the policy and the state and that may allow
space for elimination or weakening of forms of structural violence, as is been the previous
absence of recognition of demands from Indigenous groups. The development of this work
has been organized into three parts. In principle, the introduction about the main topics of
reflection. Secondly I present the conceptual framework and methodology. Next follows
the analysis of the discourses produced by these actors. Later on, we arrive to a conclusion.

Theoretical framework and Methodology:

We aim to focus on processes and aspects related to the conformation of political sujects
that as a strategic area in the elimination of structural violence. The overall objective is to
analyze the representations and images constructed by indigenous organizations during the
discussions on constitutional reform from 2005 to 2007 in Bolivia.
The methodological strategy that is used is the analysis of political discourses.In order to
get closer to the analysis of social processes and communication in Latin America this
paper recurred as a broad framework to the work of Martn Barbero.6 Barbero considers
that hegemony transforms from within the meaning of work and life in the community and
that some mediation practices such as consensual communication practices may be the
device through which identities can be modified, strengthened, etc This production of
meaning from the mediation will allow the subject to be configuring and building the world
and forming their identities.
This paper works on Political Discourse of Indigenous movements in Bolivia as a
methodology of analysis because the authors analyze whether there exists dimensions of
Political Discourses which may allow us to identify aspects of group identification and
what are the key drivers or dimensions that crystallize in the incorporation of demands in a
multiethnic scenario as Bolivia.

Johan Galtung, In Peace: Research, Education, Action. Copenhagen: C. Ejlers, 1975.

Martin-Barbero, Jesus, "Methods: From media to mediations" from media to

mediations. Editorial Gustavo Gili (1996/09)

1. Introduction to the context: Indigenous movements in Bolivia

The precedents of the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia date back to early 1990, when
indigenous organizations in the lowlands of the country staged the movement that became
known as "March for Dignity and Territory" which mobilized around the need for
constituent Assembly with a view to a new socio-political pact that would achieve the
recognition and affirmation of indigenous nationalities. As a result of these requirements,
some reforms of the agricultural system followed. However, reforms soon showed its lack
of real impact on the improvement of the system of land tenure and indigenous protests
intensified.
In October of 1996 was enacted the Law No. 1715 which recognized the communal lands
of origin. Despite these actions, demands escalated in October 2003 when various
movements and social organizations demanded the convocation of the Constituent
Assembly and a referendum for the sale of gas. As a result, the State responded with a
major crackdown that caused 60 deaths leading to a political crisis of government of
President Sanchez de Lozada.
The demands on these mobilizations encompasses what became known as "Agenda for
October" and "gas war" and were a prelude to the claims then they would carry out on the
occasion of the preparatory discussions of the Constituent Assembly.
The agenda of a new State Constitution is firmly positioned in Bolivia since October 2003
when they forced the resignation of former president Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada. Carlos
Mesa was the president who happened to Sanchez de Lozada. The Bureau attempts to call
the referendum and the Constituent Assembly were blocked by Congress and soon Carlos
Mesa s government was destabilized by the opposition of most legislators, among other
political, economic and social, forcing the call ahead of elections.
For his part, the Constituent Assembly showed conflicting objectives by different groups
and stakeholders. Peace movements and the high privilege of the Assembly aimed at
recognition of indigenous identities and the nationalization of hydrocarbons. On the other
hand, some regions of eastern Bolivia had as primacy the demands on departmental
autonomy.
Disagreements about the program and Agenda at the Constituent Assembly led to a biased
treatment of the topics and violent shooting conflicts between different actors.
In the elections of December 2005 Evo Morales won the presidency with an absolute
majority of 54% of the vote, assuming the executive in January 2006. In March 2006 the

law was enacted to convene a Constituent Assembly and call for referendum on
departmental autonomy. Thus it was decided the election of 255 assembly. The
Referendum called by the Government of Evo Morales was approved in January 2009.
The conflict over substantive content of the constitution left hundreds dead. In the regions
of the Media Luna, Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija-the vote was marked by a mere 60
percent. The demands of the regions of the Crescent revolved around the claims for
departmental autonomy. The different claims around the concept of Autonomy were very
clear. On one side, most of the indigenous movement defined autonomy related to the self
determination. On the other part, some states as Santa Cruz and Cochabamba constructed
their claims on autonomy relating it to the self government. The interests behind the
struggle and violence may be interpreted as an attempt of these departments to maintain the
status quo behind the new claims posed by indigenous organization.

2. The consolidation of political subjects as part of a broader positive peace

program
The images and representations of socio-political identities mostly refer to a new sociopolitical subject that is constituted through instances of mediation which we may identify in
the practices of communication implemented by indigenous groups and established as
instances of mediation in shaping their identity as social subjects. Within this perspective, it
becomes relevant to appreciate the practices of communication that traverse the processes
of building the new socio-political subjects as well as the images and representations that
result from these processes and how this processes of definition and affirmation of
identities could be considered as part of broad agenda of Positive Peace building in the
future of the country.
Johan Galtung7 proposes to get into a broader framework for peace thinking that will take
us beyond the balance of power thinking. He begins by tracing the Law and Order tradition
on peace studies which was based on the distinction between negative peace (absence of
war) and positive peace (some type of cooperation). Galtung continues explaining a
typology to understand how personal and structural violence are carried out. With the
distinction between personal and structural violence, it becomes evident the multiple
dimensions of Violence as well as Peace must be taken into account. He derives from this
extensive concept of Violence an extended concept of Peace, with negative peace referring
7

Johan Galung, Peace research, education, action Johan Galtung. Pub. Ejlers Copenhagen,
1975.

to absence of personal violence and positive peace referring to the absence of structural
violence. The later one is associated with achieving social Justice.
When we consider how the indigenous subjects are formed into the political arena, popular
experiences in Bolivia have showed the importance of the interdependence between
affirmation of identities and social movements.

The discursive field of Politics and the construction of collective identities

For the purpose of using a model to reflect on the analysis of political speeches that will let
us identify dimentions of identity affirmation, this paper will use as framework the
categories developed by the social scientist Eliseo Veron8. Eliseo Vern in "La palabra
adversativa" (Adversity word) reflects on elements of narrative analysis and proposes a
model in order to analyze political discourses.
However, I will stand within the broader neo- Marxist framework of analysis from critical
discourse analysis. Therefore, I appeal also to the contributions of authors who identify
themselves with the critical Discourse theory 9(Teun Van Dichter10, Ruth Wodak11,
Norman Fairclough12, Luisa Martn Rojo13, among others). I think this election will
allow me analyze issues related to the social construction of representations.
Eliseo Veron, in "La Palabra Adversativa14," argues that the discursive field of politics
involves conflict and struggle between statements and the policy statement is linked to the
8

Veron, E. 1987. "The adversative word: Comments on the policy statement. In: E.
Veron et al. Political discourse: language and events. Buenos Aires, Hachette.
According to Fairclough, Norman in his work Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of
Language. Longman Clive Holes (1995), Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is an
interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse that views language as a form of social practice
and focuses on the ways social and political domination are reproduced by text and talk
10
Van Dijk, Teun. 2005. "Ideology and discourse." Utopia y Praxis Latinoamericana. Volume 10,
No. 39, pp. 9-36.
9

11

Wodak, Ruth. 2003. "Which is the ACD." In: Wodak, Ruth and Michael Meyer. Methods of
Critical Discourse Analysis. Barcelona: Gedisa.
12

Fairclough, Norman 1992. Discourse and social change. London-New York: Routledge. Cap. 3

13

Luisa Martn Rojo, Luisa 1997 "The social order of speeches." Address 21/22, pp. 1-37.

14

Veron, E. 1987. "The adversative word: Comments on the policy statement. In: E. Veron et al.
Political discourse: language and events. Buenos Aires, Hachette.

construction of identity or image and the construction of an adversary.

The statement is here appreciated as the unit of analysis of any constitution in the political
discourse and may consider the adversarial word in the sense that every act of political
statement has others acts of enunciation opposed to the affirmative claim. In this sense,
Veron said that all political discourse is inhabited by a negative.
Considering that the Indigenous political discourse broke into a discourse claiming the
legitimacy of new representations of the state constitution, we can identify it as the "other"
which appears on the scene disputing the legitimacy of certain representations mainly
against the claims of the stakeholders of the departments of Crescent (Regions Santa
Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija).
Vern argues that political discourse is directed at the same time, towards a positive
recipient and a negative recipient. These are built simultaneously, but take different weight
and power relations. The positive target corresponds to a receptor that participates in the
same values and objectives that the speaker.
On the other hand, the anti-recipient is excluded from collective identification. We can
relate the effects of this situation with the highest levels of violence that have accompanied
the process of legitimizing the demands of indigenous nationalities.
Veron identifies a third recipient, the group of undecided voters, to whom the speech is
planned in the sense of persuasion.
It also identifies two performance levels in terms of the political speeches: "The institutions
of political imagination" and " the descriptive, educational, programmatic components."
Both levels are deployed in the construction of the speaker as the construction of the
recipients.
At the first level, we can recognize different types of institutions in political discourse:
1 - "Collective Identification:" We "," others ". Associated with recipients and against the
recipient.
2 - "Larger entities than groups." "Citizen"; workers "," Bolivia " directed towards the
Para-associated recipient.
3. Collective-singular goal, more comprehensive than collective that established the identity
of the sender. Not allow the quantification, unlike the previous two entities.
4 - Relatively isolated expressions of semantic autonomy with respect to the discursive
context. These entities have a metaphorical dimension for a political position.

5 - Nominal forms, unlike previous ones, have explanatory power and project immediate
interpretations.
Vern remind us that we should consider these components not as isolated but as parts of
the political speech. The main components are:
A-Component of description: The policy statement evaluates a situation or describes a
specific situation.
B-Component of teaching: In the area of political discourse these principles set out some
self proclaimed timeless truth.
C-Prescriptive component: refers to an imperative duty, an universal or general claim.
D- Program component: This component shows the promise, the announcement and the
commitment of the sender.

3. Political Narratives of indigenous movements

With regard to the documents for analysis, I will focus on the texts produced by three
organizations:
15
Guaran nations ,
16
The central towns of Beni Mojenos ,
17
Indigenous organizations of Santa Cruz and Lomerio Chiquitana .
The documents in the form of texts were produced by indigenous movements in the
framework of participatory workshops with the broad participation of members of
indigenous groups during the course of the period 2005-2007 as proposals that contain
demands to be treated in the Constituent Assembly of the State.
In this paper I use the word "political speech" in the singular because I want to suggest the
semantic unit that occurs in the indigenous discursive field.

15

APG Guaranda village assembly. "Towards the constituent assembly: building our proposal."
Proposal for a constituent assembly. Assembly of the Guaran people. " May 2006
16
"Proposal for the new constitution of the state: territory, justice and self determination." Central
Mojenos ethnic peoples of the Beni. August 2007
17
Background to the proposal: Rights of Indigenous and originating in the new state constitution."
Chiquitana indigenous organization. September 2005

We want to identify which elements of the political discourses operate as mediators in the
unification of the political claims among different nationalities in Bolivia so we can better
understand how a unified political discourse is constructed in the difference of discourses.
These elements of mediations that contribute to unify the discourses of the indigenous
provide a common ground for claims about core concepts.
The authors suggest that the concept of "autonomy is essential in the operations of
identification of indigenous groups.
We note that at the level of discourse, we find a multitude of nationalities in Bolivia. We
wonder on the instances of mediation among the various nationalities, from which may
result a unified field of struggle.
From the analysis, we recognize that some concepts work unifying the discursive field.
These concepts are "home rule" and "inclusive state." There are other concepts that act by
mediating the discursive field of indigenous nationalities in Bolivia. However, here I
concentrate more in these two expressions.

Proposal of New Land Policy and State Fundamental Law and Self Determination by the
Central Mojeo of Beni region
The participation of the majority in decision-making in this country called Bolivia has so
far been very poor; the majority of indigenous peoples are the most excluded. In our
intention to change this arbitrary situation, huge demonstrations have been carried out,
which took too many lives, in order to give a new structure to the state. These
demonstrations are not only demands, but proposals from social organizations, with the
current challenge to conduct the Constituent Assembly18
We begin by referring to the ethnic villages of Beni Mojenos (CPEM-B)19 which involved
the indigenous movements Trinitarian Ignatian Movima, Chiman Yaracar, Tsim,
Yuki. This organization participated in a number of participatory workshops and regional
forums to discuss the new constitution.
As a result of this consultation process, the organization produced a text defining the
proposal as "Indigenous Project: Land, Justice and self-determination," recognizing these
three dimensions as a priority in defining their identity. Also mentioned as significant
aspects:
18

Proposal for the new constitution of the state: territory, justice and self
determination." Central Mojenos ethnic peoples of the Beni. August 2007.
19
Idem.

 The complaint against the exclusion of indigenous people in areas of the country's
political decision, arbitrariness and social repression.
The document says that The state must punish any form of labor exploitation and all forms
of racial discrimination. The State shall make effective policies to promote and protect
cultural diversity by preventing the assimilation and cultural genocide of indigenous
peoples and nations.20
The need for a new state structure and recognition of political rights for indigenous
communities. The document mentions that The Bolivian government must promote
respect between First Nations and / or indigenous peoples through specialized institutions
that recognize the legitimacy of originating authorities and community justice s well as
legal and judiciary customs practiced by the indigenous nations.21
Identify the New Political Constitution of Bolivia as a new social pact.
According to the document, they consider Bolivia as a free, sovereign, multinational,
multicultural, and multilingual, with a participatory democratic system of government with
Indigenous identity, constituted by territorial units that recognize Cultural Ethnic
autonomy.22
This proposal of the central towns of Beni Mojeos begins by questioning the lack of
opportunities for political participation. As enunciators, they identify themselves as
"indigenous peoples", members of the "great majority", "the most excluded."
It is noteworthy that here is no explicit anti-recipient of the speech, unlike other units
enunciators analyzed in this paper.
On the other hand, we recognize the presence of nominalizations that display explanatory
power in the discursive context in the following formulas: "The participation of the
grassroots", "Access Policies", "gender equality", "cultural genocide" "intercultural
education."
With regard to the intellectual property rights, the organizations use the concept in an
innovative form by expressing that The Bolivian State should respect the knowledge,
wisdom and intellectual property of indigenous peoples through rules and sanctions.
23
Ancestral property rights force the interpretation around the private intellectual property
rights.

20

Idem
Idem.
22
Idem.
23
Idem.
21

Assembly of Pueblo Guaran, APG: Towards the constituent assembly, building our
proposal (Title of the proposal)
Due to the current system of national government structure that does not correspond to the
reality and the needs of the Guarani people. Instead, the security and police agencies of the
state system have repressed the Guarani people, in our last mobilization for the claim of
participation in the distribution of resources of direct taxes on hydrocarbons.24

In the Proposal to the Constituent Assembly, the Guaran Nation made the public consult
with the participation of young people, adults, ascending to 1395 men and 1239 women for
a total of 2634 respondents during the period 2005 and addressed directly by the Guarani
People's Assembly.
Their collective identification is as "the Guaran people," Guarani nation .
Collective entities which are mentioned in the discourse are the ancestors", "First
Nations", "the historically excluded," "the poor", "lower", "peasants", "social worker
classes."
Among the meta-collective singular refers to "the people", "Santa Cruz", "Bolivian
territory," "the Bolivian nation," "future generation."
Some nominalizations with some autonomy semantics that are used are the "liberation"
being Guarani "internal revolution," "land without evil," "humanistic culture", "disenchant
the earth," "participatory democracy"; New Bolivian State ".
Thee explanatory nominalizations that are used include: "Spanish Conquest", "neo-colonial
republic", "slavery system", processes of colonization, "colonial aggression, "
imperialism, " centralization, " the diversity, "wisdom, "state crisis ", "exclusive state,
"the ancestral land, decolonization of indigenous thinking "; nation rebuilding".
They recurred to narratives about the Republic associated with neo-colonial power. The
document also mentions identifies the reactionary elites in Bolivia as contra-recipient.
Claims that the indigenous peoples of the lowlands we were never consulted and never
been part of the political decisions of the Republic, but rather have been the target of the
genocide that began with the conquest and under the current scenario of power groups
dedicated to the service of the multinationals who plundered the country.

24

APG Guaranda village assembly. "Towards the constituent assembly: building our proposal."
Proposal for a constituent assembly. Assembly of the Guaran people. " May 2006

They also argue that the State should be understood as constructed from the bottom and the
Multinational State must come to life in essence.

Independence Resolution by the Monkox Nation (Chiquitano)

That, to us, autonomy is an expression of self-determination of peoples, based on the prior
existence as nations and indigenous native peoples and the ancestral domain of our
territories, before the creation of the Bolivian state, which represents the exercise of selfgovernment the recovery of land and territory, use and sustainable utilization of natural
resources, profit sharing, respect for rules, procedures and institutions, protection and
guarantee collective rights and culture25.

In a similar way the Central Lomero indigenous communities adopted the resolution
entitled "Self-determination, self government, autonomy26.
The document distinguishes three resolutions. First, the organizations reclaim to be
recognized as living in autonomous indigenous territories. Secondly, Monkox Indigenous
People (Chiquitano) Lomerio are holder and owner of Indian Territory Autonomous
Lomero and adopt a statute of peasant indigenous autonomy according to its rules and
procedures. Third resolution calls upon to ignore and reject any departmental authority,
provincial or municipal claiming to be above our territory, which is autonomous.27
The enunciation of these communities produces several groups: the Bolivian workers,
peasants. Each group is diverse and is made up of multitudes.

4. Final reflections: Collective identification of the discursive field among the

different indigenous Nations and strengthening of Positive Peace Agenda in
Bolivia
Participatory processes among indigenous organizations, during the preparation towards the
Constituent Assembly, constituted the mediation instances through which a unified field of
political discourse was constructed. It also constituted the mediation instances that allow us
to understand the constitution of political actors.
25

Resolution of the indigenous villages of Santa Cruz called "We were born free
and be free" April 2008
26

Idem

27

Idem.

Thus, the political discourse about indigenous autonomy challenges traditional conceptions
about the basis of state power. The concept on multinational state brings about deep
questions about the nation state and the state monopoly in the production and imposition of
symbols, images and representations legitimate. However, these transformations at the level
of hegemonic representations and alternatives are part of a wider process of redefinition of
social subjects.
On the other Hand, theorist as Bernd Simon28 demonstrated that collective identification is
an important determinant of social movement support. From this perspective, social
movement support is the enactment of a particular politicized group or social category
membership, and collective identification operates as the basic social psychological process
underlying movement support29 (Simon & Klandermans, 2001).
The broader context of Political violence that preceded these events were characterized by
disharmony of interests between the so called crescendo region that accounts for the better
indicators of income levels and home to natural resources and a periphery or more relegated
province that did not participate in the better conditions as the province of Santa Cruz.
When Galtung reflects on imperialism and the dynamics within the classes or socioeconomic sectors of a country, mentions inequality as one of the major forms of structural
violence. In this paper, we only wanted to understand how the political actors constituted
themselves through communication practices, so we could understand a little bit more the
intricate relations that operate in the definition or consolidation of political identities. But
we could not negate that these events are a consequence of imperialism as could have been
practiced after the genocide of most of indigenous population in Bolivia. The violence
between different parties took place with regard to the definition over the control of
strategic economic areas that showed linkages to a colonial time, even though the relations
have been reconfigured into more legitimated and accepted forms.
Following the history of Bolivia in the last 20 years represents a class contested strategy
within an international force field that allows for the construction of alternative political
and societal arrangements.

28

BERND SIMON, ROMAN TROTSCHELZ AND DORIT DAHNE; Identity affirmation and social
movement support; European Journal of Social Psychology Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 38, 935946 (2008)
November 2007. DOI: 10.1002/ejsp.473

29

Idem. Pag. 1.

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