Birtalan Initiation of Shaman-Type Mediators - Libre

Birtalan, gnes: Initiation of Shaman Type Mediators.
Brief Survey of the Cases of Korean Mudang, Mongolian B and Hungarian Tltos.
In: Hungary, Central and Eastern Europe and Korea. Current Issues in Humanities and Social Sciences 17th 19th July 2006. (The Sixth
International Conference of KACEEBS). Seoul, Korea, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 2006. pp. 197206.
Initiation of Shaman Type Mediators

Brief survey of the cases of Korean mudang, Mongolian b and Hungarian tltos
BIRTALAN gnes (ELTE University, Department of Inner Asian Studies)
In this brief survey I attempt to introduce the similarities and differences between the
initiation processes, rituals of shaman type mediators in Korean, Mongolian and Hungarian
folk religion and belief systems.
The notion shaman is used in this essay according to the usual academic concept:1 the shaman
is a mediator type religious specialist who specializes in a trance during which his [or her
the authors remark] soul is believed to leave his/her body and ascend to the sky or descend to
the underworld (Eliade 1974: 5). To Eliades definition I add that the shamans soul is able
to leave his/her body as well and become replaced by the spirits.
A broad diversity characterises the terminology and activity concerning the shaman type
mediators among the examined folk groups. Because of the scarcity of early sources2 one can
rely mostly on later material (from the 17 18th centuries), in the case of the Mongols and
Koreans predominantly on travellers notes touching on the religious phenomena and in the
case of the Hungarians on the documentation of legal procedures against the tltoses, witches,
and other healers, divinators, etc. of the non or less Christianised spheres of folk belief. Here
I would sum up only the most commonly used terms without going into details.
Shamanism is a still existing and vivid phenomenon among the Mongols and Koreans.
Moreover it is an important component of the social life in Korea and Mongolia, provoking
also the interest of numerous researchers form both inland and abroad. Hence the terms used
for the designation of the shamans are parts of a more vigorous language usage and
vocabulary. The basic term in Korean language is mudang (originally shamaness) and
This concept is evidently only one of the several approaches, but it is used most widely in academic spheres in
Hungarian researches.
2
Certainly there are sporadic mentions about shamanism, shamanic phenomena in very early sources. In the case
of Korean states (Koguryo, Paekche, Silla) the early Buddhist documents contain information also about
shamanism since the first half of the first millennium. In the case of the Mongols there are scattered data on their
belief system and pre Buddhist religion in the Chinese annals starting from the 11th century. Since the 13th
century the Mongolian internal sources also provide records pertaining to shamanism. Concerning the
Hungarians there are scattered information on the Hungarian beliefs, in non Hungarian accounts on the pre
Conquest period (9th century), later sporadic data appear in internal sources, such as the chronicles and royal
statutes.
Birtalan, gnes: Initiation of Shaman Type Mediators. Brief Survey of the Cases of Korean Mudang, Mongolian B and Hungarian Tltos.
paksu, paksu mudang (shaman) to which a great diversity of additional and specialised
terminology is attached (Kim 1989 and the bibliography of the article). Most Mongolian
ethnic groups use the term b (Mong. bge)3 originally male shaman, now the expression
means both male and female shamans; udgan (Mong. iduan) originally female shaman,
shamaness, today also used only for female shamans, and jairan (Mong. ayirang, aarin)
shaman, shaman having several (usually 9 or 13) initiation.
The process of becoming a shaman is a twofold path:

1. being called, postulated by the spirits,
2. being trained by the master(s) shaman(s).
Though it has to be mentioned that the initiation could be an uncertain process, not all of the
initiated shamans will become a successful practising mediator. In the legends, myths there
are stories about shamans who failed to establish contacts with the spirits world and this
unsuccessful attempt could end with the candidates death. Shamanic initiation is an
experience of psychological and spiritual transformation (cf. e. g. Kendall 1993: 22). The
Korean naerim kut and the Mongolian anar do not require isolation and secrecy, they are a
kind of public event, while the initiation of Hungarian tltos, the elrejtezs is a process that
appears in the dreams and visions of the candidate.
Concerning the initiation process, we are going to examine the following phenomena:
1.
the mythological background
2.
the supernatural beings and world
3.
importance of age and gender
4.
birth marks (surplus body parts)
5.
presence of pre initiation sickness, malady
6.
resistance against the spirits will
7.
transmission of knowledge
8.
pseudo death, rebirth, transition between profane and sacral
9.
symbols (bone, flesh, blood; world tree, life tree, water, mountain, forest and other
natural phenomena) in the initiation

10.
INITIATTION
11.
trials during the ritual
If it is not indicated otherwise, the mentioned Mongolian terms designate the Khalkha form, i. e. the official
12.
the role of the master shaman
13.
time and place
14.
ritual objects, offerings
15.
participants (masters, family, community, extraneous persons)
These phenomena are not all present at each case described below, some of them are more
emphatic while others are less important or do not appear in the processes at all. The list could
be enlarged during further researches, and since shamanism is a vivid phenomenon and there
is a period of transition now, the mentioned phenomena are expected to undergo changes.
The most widespread designation of the Korean shamanic initiation is naerim kut literary
meaning sance of descent. The most important features of the ritual will be presented on
the basis of the case studies of Harvey Kim Yongsook (1979), Alexandre Guillemoz (1993)
and Laurel Kendall (1993).4 Guillemoz demonstrated the initiation kut of shaman Mr. Kim in
a wider context explaining it as a process (including the pre initiation and post initiation
events).
1 2. The mythological background and the supernatural world are based on the traditional
threefold comprehension of the human and spiritual world. The spirit pantheon is enriched
with numerous gods originated from Buddhism and Confucianism (cf. Kim 1989).
3. The importance of age and gender: age is not important among the Korean shamans; they
can be initiated in any age, though lately most of the shamans are initiated in their 20 30 ies
(Harvey Kim 1979). Most of the shamans are female mudangs.
4. Birth marks (surplus body parts) are not as significant as in the Mongolian and especially
Hungarian belief systems.
5 6. Presence of pre initiation sickness, malady; resistance against the spirits will. In the case
of Mr. Kim, the candidate was ill with a grave sickness (kidney failure) and got better after
the naerim kut. Five days later Kim noted an improvement in his health. He no longer
vomited when he ate slightly salty food, his headaches disappeared, and the anxiety which
oppressed his chest considerably subsided. (Guillemoz 1993: 29). Shamaness Chini suffered
for ten years physically and mentally (Kendall 1993: 15).
language used in the Republic of Mongolia. Mong. means the written form of terms, Bur. indicates Buriad.
4
Further data and detailed bibliography cf. in the mentioned articles.
7. The transmission of knowledge happens when being called by the spirits, during the
initiation process and later during training by elder shamans. Paksu Kim had thereafter a
vision and four spirits appeared to him; one of them was Grandmother Taesin (the patron of
diviners and shamans). (Guillemoz 1993: 29).
8. 10. During the initiation the candidate leaves behind his/her profane life and transforms
into a mediator between the human and spiritual world layers. The divination with bowls
(seven bowls filled with various kinds of grain; Guillemoz 1993: 31) shows the future destiny
of the candidate.
11. Trials during the ritual. The candidate should balance atop an earthen water jar, call the
spirits, and deliver an oracle (Kendall 1993: 18; Guillemoz 1993: 31), to demonstrate the
ability of talking to the spirits and the presence of the supernatural in his/her body.
12. The role of the master shaman. Close connection, pseudo maternal affinity occurs
between the candidate and the master. The initiating master shaman is the spirit mother
(Kendall 1993: 17).
13. Time and place of the initiation is determined by the master shaman. Usually one of the
numerous shamanic shrines serves as the initiation place, though it can happen also in the
candidates home, where a sacral space, an altar is formed with the help of spirit god
representations and other shamanic objects (incense burner, bells, bowls, fans etc.)
14. Ritual objects: new dress, musical instruments (cymbal, drum, and gong) on which the
initiating shaman masters play (Kendall 1993: 19).
15. Participants: shaman masters and relatives (according to the data both maternal and
paternal relatives might participate in the ritual).
The achieved status is that of an initiated mudang who is able to contact spirits and solve the
problems of his/her clients, his/her community; the new shaman has undergone or will
undergo a learning process by practising shaman masters.
The most characteristic Mongolian initiation ritual appears among the Buriads and is called
anar. The Buriad term anar (in written Mongolian inar, Khalkha Mongolian anar) means
quality in the written and spoken Mongolian languages; in our case it refers to the skills of
I participated in numerous shamanic rituals, ceremonies during my fieldworks among various Mongolian ethnic
groups (Srkzi Birtalan 1997), but never took part in a anar, hence the above described material is based on
the data of other researchers. (A detailed summary and analysis of previous materials cf. Birtalan 2004).
the shaman to improve the power, the skills of the shaman. During the series of initiation
rituals the ability and skills of the shaman are to improve more and more.
This system (or chain) of initiations is amply described in the literature, but it is also a kind of
purification ritual in a wider sense. The initiation process of the white or white black
shamans6 is called andruu. The anar performed for the purpose of purification could be
ordered by anyone from a shaman in order to banish bad luck, illness, etc, but only during the
initiation ritual of a shaman. Rinchen,7 one of the foremost students of Mongolian shamanic
researches, was the first to describe the anar initiation of the Mongolian Buriads (Rintchen
1961: 128 137), followed by Gantogtox8 (1997) and Kmin (2001) presenting the recent
process of the ritual. Lately a PhD student of mine Balogh Mtys documented his field
results and published an article on the anar (Balogh 2005). The following sketch of the most
important steps and objects of the ritual are based on the description of their data (there are
many differences of course between the rituals of particular shamans and particular territories,
our description contains the general features). The purpose of the ritual is dual: the shaman
can receive a higher rank of initiation, and the members of the shamans community can order
purification rituals (usually on the third day of the anar).
1 2. The mythological background is based on the threefold comprehension of the world,

inhabited by supernatural beings, spirits, gods, partly of Buddhist and among the Buriads
Christian origin (a detailed description of the Mongolian mythology cf. Birtalan 2001); see
also below under 8 10, 13 15.
3. Importance of the age and gender. Gender is not significant, male and female shamans are
equally among the Mongolian population. Age is not important either, thus the classical age
of being called by the spirits is between 810 and 40 years of age.
4. Birth marks (surplus body parts) occur among the Mongolian shamans, but are not as
significant as among the Hungarians.
5 6. The pre initiation sickness and malady are very characteristic. I made several interviews
with Darkhad and Oirad shamans and shamanesses and the pre initiation sickness was always
a significant phenomenon (Birtalan fieldwork archive). Resistance to the spirits will is also
an inseparable part of Mongolian shamanism. Some informants of mine claimed to be devoted
Buddhists and did not wish to become shaman (Birtalan 1993).
On the question of black and white shamans, cf. Kharitonova 2004.

Professor Rinchen used various transcriptions of his name, hence the difference among the references.
8
The x in Khalkha and Buriad words is pronounced like [kh].
7
7. The shamanic knowledge is transmitted by the spirits call and via a long training process
(Birtalan 1993).
8 10, 13 15. The ritual rebirth of the Buriad shamans takes place during anar on a
meticulously formed ritual place. The ritual place (Buriad derbelge) symbolises the place of
the rebirth of the shaman which will be repeated twelve or thirteen times to complete a whole
initiation and become a zairan (Buriad form).9 The ritual aims to keep and foster the shamans
agnation, the udxa (mythical origin). Dualistic principles of the mythical background of
Buriad shamanism appear in the ritual place, such as the cosmic principles and phenomena of
ancestorship: the Sun and the Moon; the father and the mother, the old and the young, the
animal and the human being. An important phenomenon is fertility and rebirth (father
mother, nests with eggs). Eighty one (nine times nine) or twenty seven or sixty three birch
trees (xuhu) constitute the frame of the ritual place and it is called exe derbelge. There are two
more trees of larger size with roots in the ground (the rest are only put in the soil without
roots) called father tree (esege modon) and mother tree (exe modon). One tree is set up west of
the 81 trees, for the purpose of tying the horses of the invited spirits to it and it is called serge
post tree. Although most of the symbolical paraphernalia is attached to the father and
mother trees, in some cases there is a special tree for the nests called r modon nest tree.
The trees and the tent, the yurt, are connected with a golden (or yellow) coloured rope. Fells
and skins of different wild animals (squirrel, ermine, sable) and small axes (tamruur) shaped
of birch bark hang on the trees. Behind the mother tree there is a tent covered with felt, which
is the place of the descending ongons. Between the tent and the temporary yurt (ger) built at
the Northern edge of the ritual place there is a line of nine more birch trees. The yurt is built
for the offerings, the nine trees are set up for nine children assistants (yhenin lit. the nine)
of the shaman.
Objects and paraphernalia on the ritual place symbolise the cosmic background of the anar;
there is a red Sun (on the father tree) and a white Moon (on the mother tree) made of textile or
silk. Three nests (r) are set on the mother tree with three eggs, made of wool, in each one
(nine altogether), and four wedges (aantag) are stuck at its roots (symbols of the four
cardinal points of the world). There are some symbolic objects on the father tree too,
representing the mount of the shaman: reins made of elks skin (sumnaar).
Time. The anar is arranged in the first summer month, around the beginning of the Moon
month, and continues for three days. The anar must start before sunset.
The terms in this paragraph if it is not indicated otherwise are from the dialects of the Buriad language.
Participants. The anar is performed for the promotion of the shaman candidate that is why it
is conducted by another shaman of higher rank. Some members of the shamans community
represent the clan ancestors and the shaman protectors: two elderly people act as the spiritual
mother and father (exe, esege) of the shaman, and nine children, three girls and six boys
(yhenin) represent nine protector spirits, deities.
Offerings on the occasion of the anar and the process of the ritual. Both bloody and
bloodless types of offerings are performed during the anar. A sheep (e. g. sheep of blue,
grey colour) will be offered for the anar and particular parts of the meat will be offered to
the ongons10 and will be consumed by the participants during the three days of the ritual.
Apart from the meat, sacred white food (sagaan idee), some sugar, fruits, and homemade
pastry belong to the food offering. The guests, and those who order purification ritual for their
family also bring sacred pieces of blue or white silk, the so called xadag as a kind of offering.
The ritual begins similarly to other shamanic rituals with the purification of the ritual
place (with juniper, arsa) and the clothing of the shaman. The shaman puts on his garments
and starts his invocation with his drum. In the meantime the nine children assistants also put
on their special clothes and start the purification ritual circumambulating the fire in the yurt.
The shaman and the nine children offer xadag to the spiritual father and mother and the
shaman continues the ritual, namely invoking various deities, spirits. During the ritual the
shaman and the nine children walk around the ritual place. The anar could be connected
sometimes with a consecration of cattle (see above).
The trials during the ritual. The shaman
similarly to other Siberian and other Asian (e. g.
Nepalese) shamans must climb high on a stage formed on the trunk of a sacral tree without
falling or if he/she falls down, without being hurt (Kmin 2001; Balogh 2005). This event
demonstrates the presence of the sacral, the supernatural in the shamans body.
The Hungarian term tltos originates from the Finno Ugric common heritage of the
Hungarian language (TESZ 1976: 832; Berta 2001), the phenomenon can be derived from the
pre Conquest belief system which shares a lot of similarities with Siberian shamanism
(Diszegi 1998). Contrary to the Korean and Mongolian systems, the traditional Hungarian
10
Ongon (plur. ongod) are the general name of the protector spirits and of their representation. On the ongon cult
cf. Birtalan Sipos Col 2004.
tltos is not a vivid part of the religious or social life among Hungarians, i. e. the tltos as a
mediator type sacral figure is nowadays only part of the folk narratives, legends.11
The initation process of a Hungarian tltos, contrary to the Mongolian and Korean shamans
initiation, is not public, but takes place concealed, the ancestral spirits stealing the candidate
or his/her soul. This is a process and not a ritual; it is called in Hungarian elrejtezs being in
hiding: One of the accused said, when interrogated for charlatanry in 1720: ... lying dead
for nine days, he had been carried off to the other world, to God, but he returned because God
sent him to cure and to heal. (data from 1720; http://mek.oszk.hu). Elrejtezs being in
hiding is also a word of Finno Ugric origin. The centre notion of this initiation is a well
known phenomenon throughout Siberia, the dismembering of the candidate in order to find
his/her extra bone. The dismembering occurs usually during a long (e. g. seven days sleep; cf.
Eliade 1974; Diszegi 1998, etc.
1 2. The mythological background and the supernatural world are based on a similar world
comprehension, which can be clearly reconstructed from Hungarian folk narratives recorded
from informants since the 19th century, and from the folk tales.12
3. Gender is not, but age is significant in most shamanic initiation stories, the candidates
being called by the spirits and initiated usually at the age of 7, or 14.
4. The birth marks (surplus body parts) are very important and one of the most characteristic
distinguishing features of the tltos still living in the folk tradition (six fingers on one hand,
extra bones, being born with teeth, or with thick hair (on the back) etc.).
5 6. Presence of pre initiation sickness, malady and resistance against the spirits will. The
candidate and his/her family oppose the spirits will, and this might cause the candidates
death.
7 12. Transmission of knowledge. According to the narratives recorded since the 19th century
and the lawsuit interrogations written down since the 17th century, the tltos receives his/her
knowledge not through training, but through calling and initiation: Nobody taught me to be a
tltos, because a tltos is formed so by God in the womb of his mother. (Data from 1725;
http://mek.oszk.hu). Pseudo death rebirth occur during the inner initiation when the tltos'
body is dismembered and reconstructed. Trials occur also in dreams or visions: climbing the
11
An exception is today some new religious movements. Healers, divinators call themselves tltoses though the
main problem with them is the lack of the original mythical background and that most of them mix up various
phenomena from various cultures (starting from the Asian systems through the original Hungarian up to North
or South American phenomena).
12
For an excellent brief survey on the tltos belief cf. Pcs 1990.
world tree, reaching other world layers and fighting with other tltoses in the form of a bull,
cloud, fiery wheel etc. (tltosviaskods).
Conclusions:
In the societies where shamanism and the religious conceptions connected to it are still vivid,
and even more where they are thriving, both the mythological and folk religious model, and
the paraphernalia (ritual objects) are present as in the case of Korea and Mongolia. In these
two cultures the established religion (Buddhism) and the philosophical religious system
(Confucianism in Korea) influenced significantly shamanism, but its fundamental nature
remained intact. Owing to their importance in social life, the initiation rituals are spectacular
public events. In the case of the Hungarians, where the initiation turned into an internal affair
(only via vision, dream), there is no public ritual in the known tradition. The initiation
happens inside the candidates body and mind showing externally only the symptoms of a
sickness.13
Bibliography
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Hungarian Language]. Ed. by Lornd Benk. Budapest, Akadmiai Kiad; cf. TESZ
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World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture. Ed. by Mariko Namba Walther Eva Jane Neumann
Fridman. Santa Barbara, California Denver, Colorado Oxford, England pp. 539545.
13
As we mentioned above this constitutes the part of the Korean and Mongolian initiation rituals as well, but it is
only a part of it and not the central affair.
Birtalan gnes Sipos Jnos (in collaboration with . Col) 2004 Talking to the Ongons: The
Invocation Text and Music of a Darkhad Shaman. In: Shaman 12. Nos. 12. (Spring/Autumn)
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Birtalan, gnes: Initiation of Shaman Type Mediators.

Initiation of Shaman Type Mediators

BIRTALAN gnes (ELTE University, Department of Inner Asian Studies)

The process of becoming a shaman is a twofold path:

the mythological background

the supernatural beings and world

importance of age and gender

birth marks (surplus body parts)

presence of pre initiation sickness, malady

resistance against the spirits will

pseudo death, rebirth, transition between profane and sacral

natural phenomena) in the initiation

trials during the ritual

the role of the master shaman

time and place

ritual objects, offerings

participants (masters, family, community, extraneous persons)

1 2. The mythological background is based on the threefold comprehension of the world,

On the question of black and white shamans, cf. Kharitonova 2004.

similarly to other Siberian and other Asian (e. g.

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