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Final assignment, linguistic



Name : Erson Efendi

NPM : A1B007019




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Final assignment, linguistic

Linguistic is a study of language theory or a science of
language. There some aspect of linguistic that are;
• Phonetics, the study of the sounds of human language.
o Phonology (or phonemics), the study of patterns of a language's basic
• Morphology, the study of the internal structure of words
o Syntax, the study of how words combine to form grammatical
• Semantics, the study of the meaning of words (lexical
semantics) and fixed word combinations (phraseology),
and how these combine to form the meanings of
• Pragmatics, the study of how utterances are used (literally,
figuratively, or otherwise) in communicative acts.
• Discourse analysis, the study of sentences organized into texts.

Intersecting with those specialty domains above are

fields arranged around the kind of external factors that
are considered.
• Language acquisition, the study of how language is acquired
• Historical linguistics or Diachronic linguistics, the study of
languages whose historical relations are recognizable
through similarities in vocabulary, word formation, and
• Psycholinguistics, the study of the cognitive processes and
representations underlying language use

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• Sociolinguistics, the study of social patterns of linguistic

• Clinical linguistics, the application of linguistic theory to the
area of Speech-Language Pathology
• Neuro-Linguistics, the study of the brain networks that
underlay grammar and communication.

Chapter 6
Phonology is a system of speech sounds employed by
native employed by native speakers of English. As we approach
our study of English phonology, we must bear in mind that
language itself is ORAL –it lives on the lip and in the ears of its
users and writing is visual symbolization of language itself.

A. The Speech Producing Mechanism

Speech sounds are sound waves crated in a moving stream
of air. They are disturbances of the medium such as you would
observe if you were to drop a stone on quiet surface of a pool.
The air is expelled from the lung, passes between the two vocal
cord larynx ( Adam’s apple), and proceeds upward.

B. Phonemes
The amazing discovery is that people systematically ignore
certain properties of sounds. They perceive two different sounds
as the same sound. We call the stored versions of speech sounds
phonemes. Thus phonemes are the phonetic alphabet of the
mind. That is, phonemes are how we mentally represent speech;
how we store the sounds of words in our memory.

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a. Minimal pair
A minimal pair is a pair of words that have different
meanings and which differ in only one sound. For example, if we
compare the sounds of sin and sing, we find only difference
between them: sin, ends in alveolar nasal /n/ and sing; in velar
b. Allophones
Allophones are enclosed in brackets with the occasional addition
of diacritical marks to indicate the exact pronunciation.
Phonemes are enclosed in slant.). For example, in words play
and sled, whether it pronounce in certain words with a voiceless
or voiced, the meaning remain unchanged; such variations of
phonemes are called allophones.

C. The English phonemic system : Vowels

1. Vowels are oral sound. In some dialects and in certain

contexts vowel may become partially nasal, but normally
they are orals, not nasals.
2. Vowels are voiced.
3. Vowels are characterized by a free flow of air through the
oral cavity.
4. The distinguishing features of the different vowels are
determined largely by tongue position.
English may be said to have twelve vowels five front, four
back and three central vowels-which shall now take up

The following is a chart of vowels and its position

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/i/ seat
/I/ sit
/e/ say
/ε/ said
/æ/ sad
Λ / (unstressed =/ə/ suds(sofa)
/a/ sod
/u/ suit
/υ / soot
/o/ sewed
/‫כ‬/ sought
/aI/ sight
/aυ / south
/‫כ‬I/ soy

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Front vowels
If we pronounce the final sound of be, symbolized by /i/,
and hold the/ i/, you will find that the tongue front and middle
are humped high in the mouth, leaving a narrow passage for the
flow of air between the hard palate and the surface of the
tongue. The tongue position of /i/ is the top one diagram.

Back vowel
Pronounce the final sound of too, symbolized by /u/. For
this vowel, /u/, the tips are rounded and the back of tongue is
raised to a position-near the velum, leaving little space for the

Central vowels
English has three central vowels. The first one is mid-
central vowel symbolized by /ər/. The second central vowel
symbolized by /ə/ like upside down e and the last central vowels
is the sound symbol /a/ like in the word father

The syllable

A syllable is a sound or a short sequence of sound that

contains one speaks of sonority. This peak is usually a vowel, and
the vowel is said to be the nucleus of syllable. Example;
One syllable : be /bi/
Two syllable : believe /bəliv/
Three syllables: believing /bəlivIŋ/
Four syllables : unbelieving /ənbəliviŋ/
Five syllables : unbelievingly /ənbəliviŋly/

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A diphthong consist of a vowel plus a glide that occur in
the syllable, the tongue moving smoothly from one position to
the other without hiatus, as sight, /say/, sow (female pig), /saw/,
and soy, /s0y.

D. The English Phonemic System: Consonants

For each consonant phoneme in the following table, there
are three examples: one each for the occurrence of the phoneme
in world-initial, word-medial, and word-final position. A blank
indicates that the phoneme does not occur in that position in
P / pat, zipper, cap
B / bat, fibber, cab
T / tab, catty, cat
d / dab, caddy, cad
k / cap, dicker, tack
g / gap, digger, tag
f / fat, safer, belief
v / vat, saver, believe
/ thin, ether, breath

/ then, either, breathe

S / sue, lacy, peace

Z / zoo, lazy, peas
/ shoe, thresher, rush

/ ----, treasure, rouge

h / ham, ahead, -----

/ chain, sketch, beseech

/ jane, edgy, besiege

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m / mitt, simmer, seem

n / knit, sinner, seen
/ ----, singer, sing

I / light, teller, coal

r / right, terror, core
w / wet, lower, -----
y / yet, layer, ------

English contains nine consonants that are produced by
obstruction of the air stream causing audible friction. These nine
fricatives are;
/f, v, ө, ð, s, z, ž, š h/.

English has two affricates-the voiceless/ č/, as in chill, and
the voiced /ĵ/, as in Jill.

The three nasals-/m/, /n/, /ŋ/.

Literal /I/, as in louse, is made by placing the tongue tip on
the alveolar ridge and the vocal cord as the air passes out on one
or both sides of tongue.

The three glides, /y/, /r/, and /w/. are signalized by a
moving, not a stationary, tongue position.

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Phonetic processes
a. Assimilation
Assimilation can be defined as the phonetic process by
which one speech sound comes to resemble or become identical
wit a neighboring sound between words or within word. Voice
assimilation plays a role in the formation of English plural. In
spelling, the plural consist of the addition of an s or es, singular
form of noun.

b. Metathesis
Metathesis is the transportation of speech sound. The
person who says tradegy for tragedy or revelant for relevant is

c. Epenthesis
Epenthesis is the insertion of an extra consonant within word,
such as the/ /p/ you may hear in something or the /t/ in sense.

d. Epenthesis
Epenthesis is the edition of an extra consonant to the end of
word. It occurs after a final /n/ or /s/.

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Chapter 7
In the past few decades, linguistics- the systematic study
of language has expanded dramatically. Its findings are now of
interest to psychologists, sociologists, philosophers,
anthropologists, teachers, speech therapists and many others
who have realized that language is of crucial importance in their
life and work. A branch of linguistics which studies properties of
language and languages which require reference to social,
including contextual, factors in their explanation is called
Sociolinguistics. One of such properties is variation (Downes,
1998: 9, 16). The study of language variation and change is the
core of the sociolinguistics enterprise (Chamber,, 2004)
Variation is recognized as we have many different ‘ways of
speaking’ the same language (ibid.: 16). We recognize speakers
with different dialects or accents. Sometimes we find variation

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within the same community. Speech is always uttered by

individuals who are members of social groups which are both
separated from and related to other social groups in space and
time (ibid.: 18).
A variety is a neutral term which simply means any
particular ‘way of speaking’. Thus, when we observe an
utterance it is always in a particular language, in a particular
dialect of that language, and pronounced with a particular
accent. A dialect varies from other dialects of the same language
simultaneously on all three linguistic levels: phonologically,
grammatically, and in terms of its vocabulary or lexically (ibid.:
Language Variation

Language variation is the study of those features of a language

that differ systematically as we compare different groups of
speakers or the same 1 in different situations.



The study of linguistics can be divided into a different set of

domain, depending on what group of speakers we are looking at.
One such domain is language universals, those properties
(categories and rules) that all human languages, past and
present, have in common. Another domain concerns the
properties of a particular language. Still another domain is a
dialect, a systematic variety of, a language specific to a
particular region or social class (e.g., American English, British
English, Southern American English, Black English Vernacular,
and so on). The reason that most linguists are not especially

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interested in, is that individual variations from speaker to

speaker are thought. to be idiosyncratic rather than systematic.
Figure 7-1 summaries relationship among these different

One useful rule of thumb is that different languages are not

mutually intelligible. So for example, if you are a monolingual
speaker of English and

One point that must be made at the outset of our

discussion is that a dialect is an abstraction, a theoretical
construct hypothesized by linguists to account for subsystems of
regularities within a particular language.

Let’s now take a look at three types of variation within a

language:. regional variation (or regional dialects) social
variation (or social. dialects—typically referred to as standard or
nonstandard & dialects) stylistic variation.

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The study of regional varieties of a language, at least in

the modern Western tradition, began in 19th. century Europe. By
the early 2 cannot the last volume of Joseph Wright’s English
Dialect Dictionary had been published, and regional dialect
atlases bad been begun or completed for Germany, France, and
Italy by investigators working largely independent end of one
another. A dialect atlas Is essentially a series of maps on which
the geographical distribution of particular linguistic features Is

Regional Lexical Variation

The following are some of the more prominent regional lexical

(i.e. vocabulary) differences in North American English ; along
with a rough geographical distribution for each one: pail (North),
bag (north) ( bucket (north), / ( .sack (South); faucet (North),
spigot (South): quarter 0f four quarter till four ( ,win ( dived
( chaste ( sofa States) serviette (Canada), napkin (United States):
and eh ( huh ( States). Frederic Cassidy, In his research for the
dictionary of American Regional! English, found thousands of
examples of more exotic regionalism . For Instance caseworm
‘earthworm’ (Rhode Island); democrat bug ‘box-elder bug’
Kansas and Iowa. Republican strongholds!); snooze ‘snuff’
(Wisconsin and Minnesota); hoof tie ‘hippie, (Pennsylvania from
hoofs ‘hip’ in German); black ‘Christmas without snow’ (Alaska);
( and peach-limb tea ,a whipping administered to a child’

Regional Phonological Variations

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The following are classic examples of regional phonological

variation. Linking [r] This feature, which Is associated with
eastern New England and New York City, refers to a phenomenon
whereby a vowel-vowel s between words Inked” with an [r]. For
example. Consider a phrase like That idea is crazy. Note that
Idea ends with a vowel, and the following word is [iz] begins with
a vowel. For a speaker whose dialect contains the “ Linking” [r]
feature, this phrase would be pronounced u if idea ended in an
[r] (ideas). Speakers of this dialect presumably have a rule in
their phonological systems which insert an [r] between a word
ending in a vowel and another word beginning with a vowel, as

In contrast, this rule predicts that the “linking En” would

not appear in. the phrase That Idea sound crazy. since there are
no vowel-vowel sequences between words (ends in a vowel, but
sounds begins with a consonant)

Other Regional Phonological Feature . There are many

examples of phonological variation too numerous to discuss in
detail here. The following, however, constitute a representative
sample: greasy [s] (North),[z] (south); root [u] (south); bottle
(New York City wash [wars] (Washington, D.C. area); cot and out
(a] ( (Canada); and out Lao] (Canada, eastern Virginia. and South

Several additional points should be made before leaving

this section on regional variation. Fins regional dialects, at least
in North America, differ primarily in terms of vocabulary and
pronunciation (La., lexically and phonological. Second many of
the regional dialect differences detected by fieldworkers in the
1930’s and 1940’s are not as clear-cut as they once were. As a
result you may have noticed that some of the dialect features

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ascent Dad to your particular area of the country does not match
the way you speak. Third as we discussed earlier, a dialect is a
Theoretical. Construct devised by linguists to account for certain
linguistic patterns That is, a dialect boundary exists solely by
virtue of the fact that the limits of a number of different dialect
features coincide there


In the preceding section we discussed data drawn from

studies In regional dialectology. While many researchers still
maintain an interest in this field. Much research in language
variation has shifted, over the past 25 years. or so, to a field
known as sociolinguistics. Among the get concern to this field is
the interrelationship between the socioeconomic status of a
group of speakers and the characteristics of the dialect speak.
For example, working class New Yorkers “drop their r’s (delete
post-vocalic [r] in words like forty-four more often than middle
class New Yorkers do. It would be misleading, however, to say
that regional dialectology and sociolinguistics are mutually
exclusive fields of study. On the contrary, researchers in regional
dialectology often include socioeconomic information about their
informants (e.g., age and education). Likewise, researchers In
sociolinguistics must often take into account regional influences
on the social dialects they are studying.

It is important to understand that identifying a dialect as

standard or nonstandard is a sociological judgment, not a
linguistic judgment. If we my that Dialect X Is nonstandard we
are saying that the educated members of the society In which Is
spoken judge the speakers of X inferior In some way, based on
certain linguistic characteristics of X. We are not, however,

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saying that X is inferior linguistically In the sense that it is cruder.

less well developed, and so forth than the standard. All dialects
of all natural languages are absolutely rule governed systematic.
None is more or less developed than another all are equally

Let’s look at a concrete example of the difference between

a sociological and a linguistic judgment. Consider the reflexive

in the following sentences.

(7a) John fed himself

(7b) John fed his self

(7c) John fed he self.

First of all, observe that (la) and (7b) are used by speakers of
English, but (isn’t. In other words (7a) and (7b) are part of
English, but (isn’t. This is a linguistic fact. Second, the
pronominal forms in (and (are used by different groups of
speakers. That is, they belong to different dialects. This, too, is a
linguistic fact. Third, the utterance of sentence ( goes unnoticed
by educated speakers of the language; it draws negative
attention to the speaker it Is unremarkable. On the other hand,
the utterance of (does not go unnoticed; it does draw negative
attention to the speaker: it is. in fact, remarkable. These and the
judgments that follow from them (e.g., (7a) Is standard, (7b) is
nonstandard are sociological fact

Nonstandard Phonological Variation

-As we have seen, not all phonological variation carries social

weight. For example. A speaker who pronounces caught as

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would probably not form any negative social judgments about a

speaker who pronounces the same word as (k at least not on the
basis of this one form. Similarly, a speaker from New England
whose dialect contains the Linking [Rule would probably not form
a social judgment about a speaker whose dialect lacks this

Nonstandard morphological variation

Morphological variation refers to differences in word
formation, especially those related to the inflection of nouns and
verb. Morphological variation is more socially marked in speech
than is phonological variation. Nonstandard morphological forms
often reflect more regular treatments of the noun and verb
system of English than their standard counterparts do.
• Reflective Pronouns

Some nonstandard dialects of English use the following system of

reflective pronouns.
Singular Plural
1st person myself ourselves
2nd person yourself your selves
3rd person herself/hisself theirselves
• Omission of final –s on verbs

The obvious question that arises is: why is this morpheme

omitted in some nonstandard dialects? To see why, let’s look at
the Standard English system for the inflection of present tense
Singular Plural
1st person I walk we walk
2nd person you walk you walk

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3rd person he/she walk they walk

Most present tense verbs have no overt manifestation of
{PRES}. If we substitute the nonstandard form (He/she walk) for
the corresponding standard forms, we come out with a perfectly
regular system.
• Other nonstandard morphological features

One feature is the use of nonstandard past tense and past

participial verb forms: for example, see, seed, or seen for saw;
come for came; and rid for rode. Another feature is the is the
omission of –s on plural nouns and possessive NP’s. The omission
of –s is morphological rather than phonological. If it were
phonological, all three morphemes would be omitted with equal
frequency, since they are phonological identical.
Another nonstandard morphological feature is the
generalization of one inflected form of be to all forms.

Nonstandard syntactic variation

Syntactic variations tend to be more socially marked than
phonological variations, some of which are regional as well as
• Inversion in wh-interrogatives

Let us assume that, in the underlying structure of this

interrogative, we have a sequence of elements like the following:
It - is - what
Note that this underlying structure differs from the surface form
in two ways:
First, the subject NP (it) is in initial position in the
underlying structure, but follows the verb (is) on the surface.
Second, the wh-word (what) is in final position in the
underlying structure, but in initial position in the surface form.

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• Double negatives

From a historical perspective, then, it is difficult to say that

the double negative construction was either socially or
linguistically marked in earlier forms of English.
• Other nonstandard syntactic features

Many other socially marked syntactic construction too

numerous to detail here. The following, however, constitute a
representative sample. One such feature is the deletion of an
inflected form of be. Socially marked grammatical variations are
often highly systematic from a linguistic perspective. They often
reflect predictable variations of standard English forms and are
by no means “illogical” or “incorrect” from the standpoint of how
language actually works.

Stylistic variation
Systematic variation in the language of any one speaker,
depending upon the occasion and the language of any one
speaker, depending upon the occasion and the participants in
the interchange. Different styles or registers range from
extremely formal to quite informal. An analogy can be drawn
between stylistic variation in language and variation in dress.
A similar set of observations can be made about stylistic
variation in language. First of all, linguistic style is a matter of
what is appropriate.
• Stylistic lexical variation

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One rather obvious stylistic dimension that speakers vary

from one situation to another is vocabulary. When speaking or
writing in a more formal register, our word choice may lean
toward polysyllabic word rather than their shorter equivalents.
• Stylistic phonological variation

Neutralization rules tend to be suppressed in formal styles

of speaking. Two points worth emphasizing:
First, pronunciations characterized by phonological
neutralization do not reflect “careless” speech; on the contrary,
they reflect a style of speech appropriate for informal registers.
Second, it is easy to make the mistake of thinking that
informal styles are appropriate only for informal occasions, but
those formal styles are appropriate for all occasions.
• Stylistic morphological variation

The formation of words can also exhibit stylistic variation.

One of the features most commonly associated with most
commonly associated with more informal registers is contraction.
Another morphological characteristic of informal registers is the
use of shortened forms.

• Stylistic syntactic variation

Changes in syntax may also occur as a function of changes

in register. Another syntactic characteristic of informal styles
deletion in interrogatives.

Bilingualism and Multilingualism

It is widely accepted norm that most of western people are
able to use a single language in their communication at home,
school, or in other public places. Such ability is termed as

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monolinguals and the person who acquires this ability is called

monolingual. However, it is also possible to find out that a single
language has two or more varieties or dialects associated with
the region where the people live; that is what is named as
regional variation.
In many countries, regional variation is not simply a matter of
two dialects of a single language, but a matter of two or more
quite distinct and different languages. For example, Indonesia
as archipelagoes countries with different tribes has hundreds of
regional languages (vernacular) as their first languages used in
every day communication. Therefore, Indonesian people are not
monolingual but bilingual who are capable of using their first
language and the national language Bahasa Indonesia as their
second language. Some of them are multilingual who are
proficient to use three or even more languages: their first
language, national language and other regional language or
international language. The ability to use two languages
distinctively is termed as bilingualism; while the ability to use
three or more languages refers to multilingualism.
In multilingual countries, like Indonesia, it is very possible to
appear a situation in which two languages are spoken
distinctively. This situation is named as diglossia or diglossic
situation. According to Wardhaugh, a diglossic situation exists
in a society when it has two codes which show clear functional
separation; that is one is employed in one set of circumstances
and the other in an entirely differentset (1986: 87).
Ferguson (Word 15: 336)defines diglossia as follows:
Diglossia is a relatively stable language situation in which, in
addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may
include a standard or regional standards), there is a very
divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more

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complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and

respected body of written literature, either of

an earlier period or in another speech community, which

is learned largely by formal education and is used for most
written and formal spoken purposes but is not used by any
sector of the community for ordinary conversation.
Diglossia as explained above can be understood in terms of
narrow and broad sense. In the narrow sense, diglossia means
situation that exists in a society when it has two varieties: high
variety and low variety which show clear functional separation.
Such a diglossia has three crucial features:
• Two distinct varieties of the same language are used in
the community, with one regarded as a high (H) variety
and the other a low (L) variety;
• Each variety is used for quite distinct functions: H and L
complement each other.
• No one uses the H variety in everyday conversation
(Holmes, 2001: 27).
In more detailed explanation, Wardhaugh (1986: 88-9) proposes
six features to define diglossia:
• Two varieties are kept quite apart functionally.
One is used in one set of circumstances and the other
in entirely different set.
• One does not use an H variety in circumstances
calling for an L variety, e.g., for addressing a servant; nor
does one usually use an L variety when an H is called for,
e.g., for writing a serious work.
• The H variety is the prestige variety; the L variety
lack prestige.
• A considerable body of literature is found to exist

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in H variety and almost none in the other.

•The L variety often shows a tendency to borrow
learned words from H variety, particularly when
speakers try to use the L variety in more formal ways.
• All children learn the L variety.

Based on the features above, diglossia exists in the

Central and East Java as there are at least two varieties of
Javanese language. Its high variety called Krama Inggil is mostly
used by the people with higher social status; while its low variety
called Ngoko is mostly used by the people with lower social
status. Krama Inggil is also in very formal situation, such as
religion ceremonial and literature; while Ngoko is used in
everyday communication.

In the broad sense, diglossia means situation that exists in

a society when it has two languages: national and regional
language which show clear functional separation. There are
features to define that diglossia:
• Two distinct languages are used in the community, with
one regarded as a national (NL) and regional language (RL).
• Each variety is used for quite distinct functions: NL and RL
complement each other.
• One does not use the NL in circumstances calling for the RL,
e.g., for addressing a servant; nor does one usually use the RL
variety when an H is called for, e.g., for writing research.
• The NL is the prestige language; the RL v lacks prestige.
• Literary works are mostly found to exist in the NL and almost
none in the other.
• The RL often shows a tendency to borrow learned words from
the NL, particularlywhen speakers try to use the RL variety in

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more formal ways.

• All children learn the RL.

Language Changes
Language will develop and develop if it has a living
speech community that uses it in their interaction and
communication. In its development changes may happen to its
vocabulary, meanings, syntax, etc., through various processes,
such as adopting components from other languages,
creating new items, eliminating the old items, etc. Consider how
English, for example, develops as follows.
The historical development of English is usually divided
into three major periods. The Old English period is considered to
last from the time of the earliest written records, the
seventh century, to the end of the eleventh century. The
Middle English period is from 1100 to 1500 and Modern English
from 1500 to the present. One of the most obvious differences
between Modern and old English is in the quality of the vowel
sounds. There are three types of changes have been
documented: metathesis, epenthesis and prothesis. Metathesis
involves a reversal in position of two adjoining sounds as in bridd
- bird, and hros - horse. Epenthesis involves the addition of
sound to the middle of the word as in spine! - spindle and aemtig
- empty. Prothesis involves the addition of a sound to the
beginning of the word as in
(Spanish) scho!a - escue!a(schoo!),
and spiritus - espiritu (spirit).
In syntax, some noticeable differences between the
structure of sentences in Old and Modern English involve word
order. The old English pattern of the subject—verb—object is
still common in Modern English, but a number of different orders

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are no longer possible. For example, the subject can follow the
verb, as in ferde he (‘he traveled’), and the object can be placed
before the verb, as he hine geseah (‘he saw him’), or at the
beginning of the sentence him man ne sea!de (‘no man gave
(any) to him’).
The most obvious way in which Modern English differs lexically
from Old English is in the number of borrowed words,
particularly words of Latin and Greek origin, which have come into
the language since the Old English period. Less obviously,
many words have ceased to be used. A common Old English
term for man was were which is no longer in general use, but
within the domain of horror films, it has survived in the
compound form, werewo!f. Perhaps more interesting are the
two processes of broadening and narrowing of meaning. An
example of broadening of meaning is the modern use of the word
dog which refers to all breeds, but in its older form it was only
used for one particular breed. An example of narrowing is the
word mete, once used for any kind of food, which has in its
modern form, meat, becomes restricted to only some specific types
(Yule, 1985: 172-78).

It is clear that studying a language may cover not only its
micro-aspects, such asphoneme, morpheme, and syntax; but
also its macro-aspects, especially how it is used by its
community. This makes language study more interesting as it
deals with social phenomena that happen in a society. They,
mostly, concernwith language varieties, standard and dialects,
bilingualism, multilingualism, and language changes.

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Chapter 8
Human brain are so constructed that one brain respond in
much the same way to given trigger as does another brain, all
thing being equal. This is way baby can learn any language; it
responds to triggers in the same way as any other baby.
As children born, they bring their own language, but the
language not yet in right form. In construct their language in to
right form, children pass some processes, from babbling
processes till understandable processes.

Prelinguistic Stages
In first year of life there are three stages thought to have nothing directly
to do with the acquisition of language. A) the crying stage lasts from birth to
around 2 mounths. The coosing stage, characterized stage by vowel-like sound,
lasts from about 2 abou 2 months to 5 months. And babbling stage, characterized
by syllable-like consonant-vowel sounds, lasts from about 5 months to 12 months.

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However, language-like behaviors such as cooing and babbling are not

actually “practice” for language aquisition, the reasonable hypithesis is that they
are simply genetically determined stages that he human organism goes through on
its way to maturation.

Phonological development
From birth, children are exposed to variety of noises in
their environment before they can begin to acquire. Two months
of birth, infants can recognize their mother’s voice and develop
the ability to distinguish among certain speech sound.

The emergence of articulatory infant’s skill begins around
three or four month age, when children start to produce cooing
and babbling sound. From around age six months or so,
children’s babbling gradually becomes more similar to the sound
pattern of language they are acquiring.

Early phonetic processes

Babbling increase in frequently until the age about twelve
months, at which time children start to produce their first
understandable word. By the time children have acquired fifty
words or so for some time before dying out.

Production versus perception

When the children active in acquire they tend to make
error between what they have heard and what they produce as
they speaks. According to one study, a child who not produces a
distinction in this could own speech between mouse and mouth,

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cart and card was, nonetheless, able to point to pictures of

correct objects in a comprehension task.

Morphological development
Determining factors. What determines the order of acquisition
of minor lexical categories and bound morphemes. That are;
1. Occurrence of the morpheme in utterance final position.
Children show a greater tendency to notice and remember
elements that occur at the end of the utterance then those
found in any other position.
2. Syllabicity. Children seem to take greater notice of
morphemes such as-ing and on, which constitute syllables,
than the plural or possessives suffixes, which single
3. Susceptibility to stress. The fact that morphemes such as
English the or in can be stressed apparently increase their
salience and facilities their acquisition.
4. Obligatorness. All other thing being equal, morpheme that is
obligatory in particular context will be esier to acquire than
one that optional.
5. A straightforward relation between form and meaning.
Whereas the English inflection suffix-ed mark only past tense,
the portmanteau verbal ending-s simultaneously represent
three linguistic categories.
6. Lack of exception. Whereas all singular noun form the
possessive with-, not all verb use-d mark only past tense.
7. Lack of allomorphic variation. Whereas the affix-ing has the
same form for all verbs, the past tense ending-ed has three
major allomorph-/t/t for verb such chase, /d/.

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8. Absence of homophones. In English, three separate

morphemes (plural, possessive and the third singular) have
the form-s.

Development of word meaning

By the eighteen months or so, the average child has a
vocabulary of fifty words or more. Over the next months this
vocabulary grows rapidly, sometimes by as ten or twelve words a
day. The word a typical vocabulary of two year old are; body
part, food, clothes, household and animals.
A major factor in lexical development is the chill’s ability to
use contextual clue to draw inference about the category and
meaning of new words. From seventeen months of age, for
instance, children presence or absence of determiners to
distinguish between proper nouns name and common nouns.
Children are also to tend over extension in get meaning as
a result of the similarities in the appearance, shape, size and
texture. Other aspect can not understood by the children are the

Syntactic development
Like phonological and morphological development, the
emergences of syntactic rules take place in an orderly sequence.
Beginning with the production of one word utterances near the
end of first year life, children gradually master the rules for
sentence formation in their language

Linguistic Stages
The stages of language acquisition from the perspective of the four
components of grammar: phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics, in that
order. There are clarirfy several potential points of confusions. First, in acquiring

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language, children go through more or less the samestages at more or less the
same time. These stages, however, represent general trends, and every child does
not follow them in lock-step fashion. Second, in this chapter we will deal sorely
with the acquisition ofEnglish. However, the principles discussed here typically
apply, where theyare relevant, to the acquisition of orher first languages as well.
Third, it is much more difficult to draw inferences about first-languageacquisition
than it is to study almost any other area of linguistics. Thisis because language
acquisition is the only area of linguistics that requires investigators to deal with
immature informants (i.e., infants and children).


Acquisition of Phonology
Here some an example of stages a child goes through in acquiring the
phonology of his or her language :
• Vowels. Children exposed to English tend to acquire
first /a/ and then /i,u/. This sequence follows from two
principles. First, extreme values in this system tend to be
acquired before intermediate values. Second, children
typically acquire segments common among the world's
languages before they acquire those that are relatively
• Consonants. Children exposed to English tend to
acquire /p,b,m,/ first and then /t/. This sequence follows
from several prineiples. First, place of articulation tends to
be acquired from the front of the mouth to the back.
Second, manner of articulation tends to be acquired from
most consonant-like to least consonant-like.
PLACE : Labial Dental/Alveolar Palatal/velar
more front more back
MANNER : Stops more closed

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Liquids more open

• Syllable Structure. The simplest type of syllable

found among the world's languages is CV, where C :
consonant and V : vowel. All languages contain words
made up of CV syllables. English has a rule that tenses a
lax vowel in word-final position. (Note, for example, that
said contains the lax vowel ,/ɛ/, but the tense vowei /e/
occurs in final position as in say.) This rure changes /I/ to
/i/, yielding /tλmi/. Again, the point is that a child's
acquisition of phonology is rule governed and predictable.

Acquisition of Morphology
Grammatical morphemes are generally absent at first, but aretypically
mastered by age 5. The class of grammatical morphemes includesinflectional and
derivational affixes, among other things.
• Inflectional affixes. In general, the {PRES PART}
affix, spelled -ing, is acquired fairly early, presumably
because this phonological variation; that is, it always
appears as /iŋ/or /In/. The morphemes {PAST}, {PLU},
{POSS}, and {PRES} , on the other hand, are all acquired
somewhat later, presumably because they exhibit
somewhat more phonological variation.
• Derivational Affixes. The acquisition of derivational
affixes is not as well understood as the acquisition of
inflectional affixes. This is because there are many more
derivational affixes in English than there are inflectional

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Acquisition of Syntax
Here some representative examples of the stages a child goesthrough in
acquiring the syntax of his or her language :
• length of Utterance and Word Order.
Somewhere berween the agesof I and 2 years, every
child enters the one-word or holophrastic stage.This
stage normally lasts between 3 and 9 months and is
characterizedby one-word utterances, where each
word typically refers to some concreteobject in the
child's environment (e.g,, shoe, milk, eye, ball, car,
Mommy,Daddy). Around the age of 2, children
typically enter the two-word stage,which is
characterized by utterances containing a maximum
of two words.
• Questions. Stages in the acquisition of
questions by childrenacquiring English have been
studiedquite extensively by languageacquisition
researchers. As we look at these stages, keep in
mind that English has two basic interrogative
structures: yes-no interrogatives (e.g.,Has Biff seen
Tammy?) and wh-interrogatives (e.g., Who has Biff
• Negatives- As was the case with questions,
stages in the acquisition of negative sentence
structures have been studied extensively. As we
lookat these stages, keep in mind that negative
declarative sentences in the adultgrammar are
formed by putting not immediately in the right of the

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firstauxiliary in the corresponding affirmative

• Once again, the point of this section is that a
child,s acquisition ofsyntactic categcries and rules
proceeds through orderly, systematic, andpredictable

Aquisition of Semantics
Semantics is probably the most poorly understoodcomponent of grammar.
Likewise, the way that children acquire semantics is also not well understood.
Nonetheless, we can still draw somegeneralizations concerning this process.
lexical semantics. Two fairly clear processes that children gothrough in
acquiring the meaning of individual words are overgeneralization and subsequent
narrowing. These processes can best be seen inthe acquisition of concrete nouns.
SentenceSemantics. The way a child acquires the ability to
interpretsentences is not purely a semantic phenomenon; it is inextricably
boundup with syntax.
One interesting case is the acquisition of the ability to interpret
passivesentences. At one time, linguists thought that children acquiredtheir
entirelinguistic system (except for vocabulary) perfectly and completely by
aboutthe age of 5.
A final ability that children acquire in systematic stages involves
theinterpretation of sentences linked by temporal connectives. Clark found that
children typically go through fourdifferent stages in their interpretation ofsuch
sentences. In the first stage, this interpret all the sentence. according to order of
mention: that is, theevent reported in the first clause is interpreted as happening
before theevent reported in the second clause.
One further pointto note in this example is that children interpretmore
sentences correctly at stage II than at stage III. This illustratethefact that a chird
acquiringa native language may appear to be regressing at certain points in his or
her development.

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Determinant of Language Acquisition

The role of imitation and correction

Children not fully imitation, they just acquire the
intonation. Even thought they imitation the language from their
parent, but commonly they produce their language. When they
make mistake in produce the language, the correction of their
parent is not function, they will produce their language with their
way again and again.

The role of parental speech

A good deal of recent work has been devoted to the search
for possible relationship between language and type of speech
that typically addressed to young language learner, such speech
is called caretaker speech or motherese.
In some cultures, children are not considered to be
potential conversational partner until they are fluent speakers. It
is showing in several times the parental speech takes little role in
children acquisition.
The role of inborn knowledge
Every child bring their own knowledge when they born and
with abstract linguistic. Some children with advance knowledge
of type of categories and rules that are found in grammar of any
human language. They would therefore know that word language
they acquiring will belong to small set of syntactic categories.
The set of inborn categories and principles common to all human
language is called universal grammar.

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A human being does not have largest brain of any creature
in the world. They human brain contains an average of ten billion
neurons, or nerve cells, each of which is linked with one
thousand to ten thousand other neurons. These nerve cells
participate in countless electrical microcircuits which make
possible though, perception, communication, and other types of
mental activity.
This is my last paper the purpose of this paper is provides
a brief survey of the organization of human brain as it pertains to
language. This paper will begin with a brief description of the
basic structure and function of parts of the brain used for

1. The human brain

Human brain divided into two roughly symmetrical
hemispheres, some time called the right and left brain. The
activity of the two cerebral hemispheres is coordinated by a
number of interconnecting nerve pathways, the larges of which is
the corpus callosum. In most individuals, the left hemisphere has
primary responsibility for language, wile the right hemisphere
control visual and spatial skill as well as the perception of
nonlinguistic sound and musical melodies. The localization of
cognitive and perceptual function in particular hemisphere of the
brain is called lateralization. The right side of the brain is

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responsible for movement of left and leg, while the left

hemisphere control the right arm and leg. It also happen in the
function of ears. The control of one side of the body opposite
side of the brain is known as contraleteralization. The
This are the hemisphere dominance; left hemisphere
(language analytic reasoning, temporal ordering, reading and
writing, and arithmetic.). right hemisphere dominance
(perception non linguistic sounds, music, visual and spatial skills,
holistic reasoning, and pattern recognition).
2. The brain and language
The language centers are located in the left hemisphere of
the brain in well over 90 percent of right-handed human being.

The left hemisphere

The brain dominance appear to exist even prior of birth. It
is known that portion of the left brain that crucial to language is
larger in fetuses than is corresponding portion of the brain.

The role of right brain

The left brain is not dominant for perception and analysis
of all type sound. If the function of left brain in processing
linguistic sounds, the function of the right brain in processing non
linguistic sound such as music and so on.

Coordinating the two brains

Although most people’s language centers are localized in
the left brain, both hemispheres are required for fully natural use
of language. Left visual is to imagine that person perceive while
the right is receive the information or sound before processing
by left brain.

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The language centers

Broca’s area, named after its discover Paul Broca, is
located in the front of left hemisphere and is responsible for
organizing the articulatory patterns of speech this may have
something to do with the fact that is lies very close to the area of
cortex that controls the muscle of the face, jaw tongue, palate ,
and larynx.
Wernicke’s area, discovered by nineteenth-century
neurologist Carl Wernicke, is very close to the primary auditory
cortex, which is responsible for reception of auditory input.
Wernicke area plays a major part in representation of meaning
and involved both in the interpretation of words and in selection
of lexical items for the purposes of sentence production.
Between Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas are connected by bundle
of nerve fibers known as arcuate faciculus. Behibd the
Wernicke’s area, there is language center responsible for
converting a visual stimulus into auditory form and vice versa.
3. Aphasia
Language dis order resulting from brain damage are
grouped together under the general label aphasia. Depending
upon which region of the brain hase ben damage, patients suffer
impairment of different language abilities.

Broca’s Aphasia
Damage Broca’s Aphasia area usually result in disorder
with several symptom. The first and most obvios of which is poor
articulation. Second feture is systemic substitution and deletion
of sound , which is termed phonemic paraphasia. The thirt
feature is impairment in the ability to form morphological and
syntactic pattern.

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Wernic’s Aphasia
It contrasts to the type neurolinguistic disorder associated
with damage to Wernicke’s are. Patient with Wernicke ;s aphasia
may suffer from some phonemic pharaphasia, but the most
striking feature ot this order is an iability to comprehend spoken
language and to construct meaningful sentences.

Conducting Aphasia
Conducting Aphasia damage to arcuate fasciculus
affects transmission of information from Wernicke”s area. The
symptoms of conducting Aphasia is since lexical information from
Wernicke;s area cannot be transmitted to Broca’s area. Patients
with conducting aphasia do not have articulation problems,
because this aspect of speech is controlled by Brocas’s area.

Alexia and Agraphia

As a result damage gyrus impedes the association of visual
patterns with auditory forms, thereby interfering with the ability
to write and write. Impairment to reading ability is called alexia,
while lost e ability to write is known as agraphia.

3. The Critical Period Hypothesis

The cortical period is the time potentially to chill learning
language, based some experts after being some research, such
as Genie case. The time potentially to child learn language since
they three years old until they puberty. They are also purposed
that in learning a language the most influence in ability is the
age, is not how long a person learns the language.

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Understanding the human brain represents one the great
challenges for modern science. The progress that has made in
the last decades has led to the identification of the location and
function of the major language centers of the brain-Broca’s area
and Wernicke’s area. Many difficult issues remain to be
resolved. Linguists have as yet little understanding of how
specific grammatical rules are represented in brain, of why the
language centers are organized the way they are, knowledge is
growing rapidly and it is possible that there will soon be
substantial breakthroughs in the field of neurolinguistic.

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