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LONG-DISTANCENETWORKS,
CONFESSION-BUILDING,
AND THE ORGANIZATIONOFJESUIT SCIENCE
STEVEN
J. HARRIS
BrandeisUniversity
I EdwardGrant, "In Defense of the Earth'sCentralityand Immobility:Scholastic Reaction to Copernicanism in the 17th Century," Transactionsof the American
PhilosophicalSociety,4 (1984): 1-69 and his more-recent Planets,Stars, & Orbs:The
MedievalCosmos,1200-1687 (Cambridge, 1994). See also James Lattis, Between
and Galileo:ChristophClaviusand the Collapseof PtolemaicCosmology
(ChiCopernicus
cago, 1994).
imfrifhen 17.Jahrhundert,
2 See KarlMeyer,Optische
Lehreund Forschung
dargestellt
an denArbeiten
vornehmlich
of
ungius (Hamburg,1974), A.I. Sabra,Theories
desJoachimJ
Lightfrom Descartesto Newton(Cambridge, 1981), and Catherine Chevalley, "L'optique des Jesuites et celle des mrdecins: A propos de deux ouvrages rbcents,"Revue
d histoiredessciences,40 (1987), 377-382.
im StudienplanderJesuiten(Stuttgart,1991), Ugo
3 See Albert Krayer,Mathematik
Baldini, Legemimponesubactis:Studisu filosofia e scienzadei Gesuitiin Italia, 15401632 (Rome, 1992), and Peter Dear,Discipline&Experience:
TheMathematical
Wayin
theScientificRevolution(Chicago, 1995).
A Studyin Early
in the 17thand 18th Centuries:
4 See John L. Heilbron, Electricity
ModernPhysics(Berkeley,1979).
5 See FranCoisde Dainville, S.J., "Enseignementdes 'GCographes'et des 'G0oet Diffusiondes Sciencesen Franceau XVIII Siicle, ed. Rene
metres',"in Enseignement
Taton (Paris, 1964) and Cornelius Wessels, S.J.,EarlyJesuit Travelersin CentralAsia
1603-1721 (The Hague, 1991).
6 For a discussion of Kircher's work in collecting and publishing see Paula
Findlen, PossessingNature:Museums,Collecting,and ScientificCulturein EarlyModern
Italy (Berkeley, 1994) and for a general overview of Jesuit natural history see
WilliamAshworth,"Catholicismand EarlyModern Science," in God & Nature:Hisand Science,eds. David C. Lindberg
toricalEssayson theEncounterbetweenChristianity
and Ronald L. Numbers, (Berkeley,1985), 136-166.
7 See Charles Lohr, S.J., "JesuitAristotelianism and Sixteenth-CenturyMetaphysics,"Paradosis32 (1976), 203-220, William A. Wallace, O.P., Galileoand His
Sources:TheHeritageof the CollegioRomanoin Galileo'sScience(Princeton, 1984), as
well as the articlesby Hellyer and Leijenhorst.
? E.J.Brill, Leiden, 1996
ESM1,3
288
STEVEN J. HARRIS
10The Society of Jesus was neither monastic, like Benedictines and Carmelites,
nor mendicant, like the Dominicans and Franciscans,but part of a group of "reformed orders of clerks regular"founded in the sixteenth century as part of the
Catholic Reformation.The Somascans,Theatines, and Barnabiteswere, along with
the Jesuits, the most importantof the reform orders.
JESUIT SCIENCE
289
290
STEVEN
J.
HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
291
292
STEVENJ. HARRIS
17Still one of the best introductions to the cult of the virtuosois Walter E.
theHisHoughton's "The English Virtuoso in the Seventeenth Century,"Journalfor
toryof Ideas3 (1942), 51-73; 190-219.
JESUIT SCIENCE
293
294
STEVEN J. HARRIS
234-63.
JESUIT SCIENCE
295
Ibid., 223.
296
STEVEN J. HARRIS
and reliable intelligence from the field. Latour, however, emphasizes more so than Law the iterative nature of this process and
gives it a name, "cycles of accumulation." With each cycle useful information about the distant world is brought back to an administrative center (what Latour calls a "center of calculation") where
information from the periphery is gathered together, collated, distilled, reduced, and made available for the next round of emissaries. While this is all very much as in Law's model, Latour manages
to sharpen the image by insisting that the knowledge cannot be reduced solely to the stable inscriptions, the "immutable and combinable mobiles," gathered at the center. Rather, knowledge is inseparable from the means by which it is acquired.22
The Societyof esus as a Long-DistanceCorporation
If Law tends to emphasize the structural elements, and Latour
the processes of long-distance networks, there are still many
shared features of their models that find immediate resonance in
the operation of the Society ofJesus. A centralized administration,
the training and deployment of reliable agents acting under instruction, the cycles of administrative correspondence bearing directives from Rome and intelligence from the Society's missionary
fields all worked together to help the Jesuit leadership engage in
"action at a distance." Especially in the early work of the Society's
itinerant preachers venturing into Calvinist territory in southern
France,23 its visitors seeking to re-invigorate missionaries in India,24 its confessors to Catholic princes in Germany and Austria,25
or its educators teaching the sons of nobles in Italy,26we see Jesuit
22 Tbid.,219-222. Thus knowledge and power (as expressed in the operation of
the network) are linked neither solely by a one-way flow of the former to the
centers of power, nor by the latter dictating the contents of the former. Rather,
knowledge-and-powerreside in the network as embedded processes marked by repeating cycles of cumulation and calculation.
Mind:TheMentalityof an Elitein EarlyModernFrance
23 A. Lynn Martin,TheJesuit
(Ithaca,New York,1988).
forJapan:Volume1. From
24Josef FranzSchiitte, S.J.,Valignano'sMissionPrinciples
His Appointment
as Visitoruntil His FirstDeparture
forJapan (1573-1582), trans.John
J. Coyne, S.J. (St. Louis, 1980).
25 Robert Bireley, S.J. Religionand Politicsin the Age of the Counterreformation:
and the Formationof ImperialPolicy
EmperorFerdinandII, WilliamLamormaini,
S.J.,
(Chapel Hill, NC, 1981).
I seminarianobidellaclassedirigentenel Sei-Settecento:
26 G.P. Brizzi,Laformazione
liumnell7taliacentro-settentrionale
(Bologna, 1976).
JESUITSCIENCE
297
30 "Recruitment"
is understood here to be the functional equivalent of Latour's
notion of "enrollment".
298
STEVENJ. HARRIS
31 Both the human and herbal recruits had explicit duties in the Society and
were subject to strict regulation. Regardingthe schedulaRomanato which the latter
was subjected, see SaulJarcho, Quinine'sPredecessor:
FrancescoTortiand theEarlyHistoryof Cinchona(Baltimore,1993), 17-18.
32 On the notion of "translation",
see Latour,Sciencein Action,108-21.
JESUITSCIENCE
299
33 As B6hmer noted at the beginning of this century, "Alreadyin the time of St.
Ignatius communications by letter in the Order had an importance as in no State
of contemporaryEurope."DieJesuiten,43. It was from this enormous body of correspondence that the hundred or so published volumes of the MonumentaHistorica
1-44 and Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Makingof Europe,6 vols. (Chicago, 1965),
1:314-331.
35Ganss,Constitutions,
292-93, 324-25, 327.
36 It is perhaps worth noting that, although Ignatius had traveled extensivelyas
a soldier, student, and pilgrim, he never left Rome after becoming general of the
Society.Yet it was during these later years that he wrote the vast majorityof his administrativeletters, which constitute the largest survivingcorrespondence from the
sixteenth century.
37 Ibid.,324 & 326. The regular exchange of administrativecorrespondence was
to extend up and down the ranks of the Society, for the Constitutionsalso required
that "local superiors or rectors ought to write their provincial superior everyweek
[and] the provincial should likewise write to the general every week if he is near.
The general too will see to it that a letter is written to them ordinarily once a
300
STEVENJ. HARRIS
month, at least to the provincials;and the provincialsin turn will take care that a
letter is sent to the local superiors [and] rectorsonce a month."Ibid.,292.
38 In addition to regular reports of events in the field, each provincialwas also
to send to Rome every four months updated lists of personnel working under his
direction, along with confidential "accountsof the qualities of these persons for in
this wayit will be possible to have better information about the persons and to govern the whole body of the Society better, for the glory of God our Lord."Ibid.,293.
Jesuit Letters,5-7. So important were the hijuela that both
39 Correia-Afonso,
Ignatius and his secretaryJuan Polanco, produced long instructions-amounting
almost to a manual for the writing of the Society's internal correspondence. Here
Polanco clarified what sort of information each class of correspondence should
contain, the style in which each should be written, and how information should be
arranged.Ibid.,15-16.
`
For an example of this iterativeprocess, see Schfitte, Valignano s Mission Principles,48-53. Before his departure to India as the new-appointedvisitor of the Society's Indian province, Valignano took with him copies of instructiogeneralis(general instructions regarding the overall scope and goals of the given project.), instructio particularis(detailed instructionson particularmatters), andfacultia (lists of
articles specifying special powers and duties of the relevant offices)--all of which
were modified through repeated exchanges of correspondence both before and after his departure.
41
JESUIT SCIENCE
301
302
STEVEN
J.
HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
303
47 Correia-Afonso,Jesuit Letters,33.
48 Ibid., 33-34.
304
STEVENJ. HARRIS
Jesuit fathers of Coimbra, provides the followingjustification for the Society move
to print. "Since from this Province of Portugal have to be sent to all the colleges
and houses of the Society the letters which each year are written to us from India,
Japan, and China, and other eastern regions by our Fathersand Brotherswho are
there engaged in the conversion of the gentiles, and it is not possible to satisfythe
desires of all if they were to be copied by hand and by other ordinaryprocesses, it
seemed convenient in the Lord to print some of the many that have arrived."
Letters,34. See also Lach,Asia, 317-20.
Correia-Afonso,Jesuit
JESUIT SCIENCE
305
want to know, for instance, how long are the days of summer and of winter;
when summer begins; whether the shadows move towardsthe left or towards
the right. Finally, if there are things that may seem extraordinary,let them
be noted, for instance, details about animals and plants that are either not
known at all, or not of such a size, etc. And this news-sauce for the taste of
a certain curiosity that is not evil and is wont to be found among men-may
come in the same letters or in other letters separately.51
It bears repeating that, despite the mild tone in which they were
conveyed, these "suggestions" were in fact part of an instructio and
therefore binding, that Ignatius was in fact the general of the Society, and that he was explicitly altering the instructions for the letter-writing duties ofJesuit missionaries in order to please "persons
of great quality and intelligence." What we have here then is compelling evidence that before the end of the Society's second decade-and coincident with its move into the publication of genres
of edification-the
content of the Society's internal edifying reports was deliberately broadened to include information of particular interest to the virtuosi scattered among Europe's well-educated. By catering to the tastes and interests of the virtuosi, Ignatius
opened a space within the Society's growing corpus of external
publications for reports from nature. Thus the presence of such
reports in the Society's early publications was neither an unintended consequence of Jesuit missionary travel nor purely a matter of individual Jesuit initiative, but a matter of policy set by the
Society's founder and leader. And when we recall that these reports appeared in genres that proved to be among the early Society's most successful publishing ventures, then we can begin to see
the extent to which the study of nature was itself becoming "naturalized" within the Society and confessionalized within the Society's strategies of recruitment.
Once the move to print had been taken and as long as the cycles
of administrative correspondence from the Society's ever-expanding network of overseas missionaries continued to turn, the Society
was able to sustain not just occasional letterbooks but a number of
different published genres based on its quadrimestral and annual
reports. Beginning in 1583 and continuing for more than thirty
51 Ignatius to GasparBerze (also Barzaeus), dated February24, 1554. CorreiaAfonso, Jesuit Letters, 14 (citing Monumenta Ignatiana. Espistolae et Instructiones, V,
306
STEVENJ. HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
307
54
desarts. Its name was taken from the small town of Tr&vouxnear Lyonswhere it was
published from 1701 until 1731, when it was moved to Paris and continued under
the name Mimoiresde Trevouxuntil the dissolution of the order in France in 1762.
See Jean Erhardand Jacques Roger, "Deux Periodiques FranCaisdu 18e siecle, Le
'Journal des Savants' et des 'Memoires de Trevoux': Essai d'un Etude Quantitative," in Livre et Societedans France du XVIIe Siecle, ed. G. Bolleme et al. (Paris, 1965),
33-59.
308
STEVENJ. HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
309
the famous comet of 1577 at the Jesuit enclave of Juli near the
shore of Lake Titicaca), Acosta also availed himself of the reports
of his fellow-Jesuits some of whom had traveled as far as the Amazon, others had already lived for years among indigenous peoples,
and still others had mastered several of the indigenous languages.
During his travels as missionary and itinerant preacher, he recorded his observations on mountains, rivers, peoples, plants, and
animals he had seen and summarized his conversations with ship's
captains and soldiers.55 And during his more sedentary duties as
professor of theology at the recently-founded College of St. Martin
in Lima and provincial of the Peruvian province, Acosta began reworking his notes into the first two chapters of what would become
his celebrated treatise, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias.
His literary intentions notwithstanding, Acosta's knowledge of
peoples and places stood him in good stead during the Provincial
Council of 1582-83 in Lima, where he helped prepare highly detailed instructions for missionary priests and catechisms for the Indians. A solid grasp of the geography of a region as well as a
minute understanding of local beliefs and customs was of critical
importance to the success of the Society's proselytizing efforts. After the close of the Council, Acosta departed for Mexico, again recording his observations of both the natural and human worlds.
Recalled to Spain by Philip II and to Rome by Claudio Aquaviva,
the Jesuit general (both of whom desired to have personal reports
from him regarding the state of Peruvian Viceroyalty and Province), Acosta left Mexico in 1587. Once he was back in Madrid,
Acosta quickly brought to press several manuscripts in theology,
one on the conversion of Indians, and another on the natural history of Peru and Mexico.56
55 Acosta informs us in his "Advertisement to the Reader" of his Historia Natural
that in regard to what he has written concerning the Indians of the New World, "I
have beene carefull to learne from men of greatest experience and best seene in
these matters, and to gather from their discourses and relations what I have
thought fit to give knowledge of the deedes and custome of these people. And for
that which concernes the nature of those Countries and their properties, I have
learned it by the experience of many friends, and by my diligence to search, discover, and conferre with men of judgement and knowledge." Acosta, The Natural
and Moral Historyof the Indies, trans. Edward Grimston (1604; reprint, with Introduction by Clements R. Markham, New York, 1912), xxiv.
56 His important publications in theology were De Christorevelato (Rome, 1588)
and De temporibusnovissimis (Rome, 1588). The works on the conversion of Indians
De promulgationeEvangelii apud barbarosand natural history De natura novi orbis were
published in Salamanca in 1588-89. The latter work Acosta soon translated into
310
STEVEN
J. HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
311
312
STEVEN
J. HARRIS
JESUIT SCIENCE
313
unusual case the path to publication lay far beyond the control of
the Society, the content of the work suggests its original purpose.
The treatise is mostly devoted to the geography of the region (especially to the location of rivers, impenetrable jungles or swamps,
and hospitable openings); the identity and character of the many
tribes of the region (i.e., which ones were of a mild disposition,
which ones hostile, and how to identify each tribe by its characteristic style of haircut); the symptoms and cures of diseases (many of
which seemed indigenous and unlike those in Europe, and had
cures based on local materia medica), and the careful descriptions
of edible and on-edible plants, poisonous serpents, and dangerous
beasts. Such choices of topic and emphasis mark the work as a
handbook (or rather a survival manual) for pioneer-missionaries.
This would seem to be exactly the sort of book that a missionary
might wish to pore over during the voyage to Brazil and have in
hand as he sets off to find his assigned mission-station. Had
Tristaio's treatise not been abducted as one of Purchas's unwilling
pilgrims but instead seen print as a mission manual, Jesuit missionaries bound for Brazil would, in Latour's words, "be familiar with
things, people and events, which are distant" and therefore would
be that much stronger as they entered into their trials of strength
against an otherwise unknown human and non-human environment.61 Whatever the intended purpose of Tristao's manuscript
may have been within the Society, clearly it suited Purchas's purpose in reaching an audience of well-educated, well-born, and
well-placed friends (and potential patrons) of English long-distance voyaging. Presumably it could have been as useful a literary
emissary for Jesuit interests had its publication remained under
the authority of the Society.
One could scarcely imagine a greater contrast than the one between Tristao, the poor and obscure lay-brother missionizing at
the margins of the Society who was wrongfully deprived of what
was very likely his only literary production, and Athanasius Kircher,
the learned priest, theologian, and mathematician who became
perhaps the most famous Jesuit of the seventeenth century and
one of the Society's most prolific authors while working in Rome,
the very heart of the Catholic imperium. The distance separating
Trist~io and Kircher is, however, only the distance between periphery and center within a single organizational network. Rome of
61
314
STEVEN
J. HARRIS
course had alwaysbeen the administrativenerve-center of the Society, and Kircher'syears there coincided with what most historians
consider the golden era not only of the Society but also of the
counter-reforming Church.62 And it would seem that Kircher's
work in the Society-his disparate roles as author and editor of a
startlinglywide-ranging opus, as an intelligencer who amassed one
of the largest bodies of correspondence of the seventeenth century, as a collector and exhibitor of rarities of unimaginable variety, and as an impresario evangelizing through the emblematica of
nature and wonder-making"devices"-takes on a good deal of coherence when viewed in context of a center of concentration.63
Kircher sat at the center of a network largely coincident with the
Society's administrativenetwork but one that had as its object intelligence reports not about the human world but about the natural. As Findlen demonstrates, the fraternal bond among Jesuits
made it easy for Kircher to trust his confreres located in the over-
JESUIT SCIENCE
315
lated the information and objects sent from afar, classified it, and
arranged it in both the published encyclopedias for which he was
so well-known and in the innumerable displays and exhibits found
in his Wunderkammerand museum for the edification and entertainment of the wealthiest and most powerful patrons in western
Christendom-Protestant
as well as Catholic. Thus Kircher, operating from the very center of the most important center of concentration in the Society, could amass a greater quantity of natural
knowledge and a greater number of natural objects than any Jesuit
before (or after) him. Even more importantly, he could put both
knowledge and objects to work in securing the intellectual allegiance and material support of patrons by deciphering for them
the great emblem of nature, the meaning of which bespoke of
god's omnipotence, wisdom, and care as well as of man's moral
and spiritual responsibilities to the deity.65
If there is irony in Kircher's repeated requests-and
repeated
denials-for permission to travel to China as a missionary, there is
also a deep logic. Those on the periphery and those at center were
bound together not only by iterated cycles of correspondence,
they were also bound by codes of trust and a common identity
based on their shared formation as Jesuits and their commitments
to the ideals of the Society. While Kircher may have longed for the
overseas adventures of an itinerant missionary, he surely must have
also realized that he never could have gained as much knowledge
of the periphery from the periphery as from the center. And he
must have also realized that however much he might have envied
his fellow-Jesuits "laboring in the vineyards of Christ," he too was
laboring in the vineyards-though
perhaps the vintage he sought
was more in the way of confirmation of the faithful (and powerful)
than conversion of those with little or misplaced faith.66 Indeed, in
Kircher's correspondence, publications, and collections we see
perhaps the clearest example of the uses of the Jesuit long-distance network in the recruitment of nature for the purposes of
confession-building.
65Ibid.,379.
66 Findlen, "Kircher and the Roman College Museum," 653.
316
STEVENJ. HARRIS
Conclusion
Within a hundred years of its foundation the Society had successfully established an extensive network of overseas missions and
the largest unified system of higher education ever known in Europe. At the same time the administrative apparatus required to
operate both apostolates had matured and stabilized; appropriate
offices had been created, duties defined, procedures codified, categories of administrative documents standardized, and the training and oversight of personnel routinized. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century, the Society's involvement in the learned ministries (primarily among the studiosi but, as we have seen, also
among the virtuosi and cognoscenti) had produced a number of
well-respected scholars publishing in well-marked genres within
the mathematical and natural sciences as well as in natural philosophy.67 Young Jesuits entering at this time with an inclination toward the study of nature not only found themselves in a religious
order that tolerated and even encouraged their interests through
a curriculum that included mixed mathematics and emphasized
natural philosophy,68 they also found themselves in an international corporation capable of providing them with informational
and organizational resources not generally available in the era before the foundation of large, state-supported scientific academies.
Thus, while originally intended to serve the administrative needs
of an apostolic religious order dedicated to the extension and consolidation of the Catholic confession, by the seventeenth century
the organizational elements of the Society's long-distance networks also served to facilitate and coordinate collaborative efforts
between Jesuit professors in the Society's colleges and universities
and Jesuit missionaries scattered throughout its overseas stations.
67 The publications of Christoph Clavius in mathematics, the Coimbra commentaries on Aristotelian natural philosophy, and as we have seen above, Acosta's
treatise on natural history may be taken as generally representative of the stable
genres of the Jesuit scientific corpus ca. 1600.
6 While the scope of this article precludes an examination of the forces acting
in the legitimization of collegiate genres in the early Society, the accompanyingarticles by Leijenhorst and Hellyer make clear both the centralityand pervasiveness
of academic publications.From the enormouslyinfluential Coimbracommentaries
printed at the turn of the century to the ubiquitous textbooks and Cursusin natural
philosophy and mathematics, collegiate publications remained the single largest
family of genres in the Society's scientific corpus throughout the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, accounting for well over half of the entire scientific corpus.
JESUIT SCIENCE
317
318
STEVEN
J. HARRIS
ing natural knowledge from afar depended upon a unique combination of factors at play in the origin and development of the Society: the mastery of long-distance networks, an apostolate in education, and the expansion of its confession-building program to include ministries among the learned elites. The Society's sustained
"scientific interests" were in part a reflection of the fact that a certain amount of natural knowledge was required in order to run
that network (geography, surveying, practical natural history, practical anthropology, medicine, and pharmacy) and in part a reflection of the learned interests of its target clientele. By construing
their knowledge of the natural world as a means of securing access, friendship, and patronage among cultural elites, Jesuits as
priests and theologians could justify their engagement with mathematics, natural history, natural and experimental philosophy.
Thus we may see the entry of the Society into so many branches of
early modern science neither as an aberration of the religious vocation nor as an abandonment of the cleric's primary duty to god
and church, but as the attempt to recruit nature as an ally in the
central task of confession-building.
ABSTRACT
The ability of the Society ofJesus to engage in a broad and enduring tradition of
scientific activity is here addressed in terms of its programmatic commitment to
the consolidation and extension of the Catholic confession (i.e., to a multipronged program of confession-building) and its mastery of the administrative
apparatus necessary to operate long-distance networks. The Society's early move
into two major apostolates, one in education and the other in the overseas missions, broughtJesuits into regular contact with the educated elites of Europe and
at the same time placed the Society's missionaries in remote parts of the natural
world. The modes of organization of travel and communication required by the
Society's long-distance networks (i.e., the training and deployment of reliable
agents willing to work under direction in remote locations and capable of providing trustworthyreports and observations to their superiors through regular exchange of correspondence) not only facilitated scientific communication and collaboration within the order, it also provided Jesuits with the resources they
needed to engage successfully in 'ministries among the learned'. Evidence of a
sustained attempt byJesuit authors to assume the role of Kulturtrfgeris found in
the several genres of scientific publications that dominate the Society's scientific
corpus. Thus the Society's early recognition of the "apostolic value" of scientific
publications in recruiting friends and allies among Europe's intellectual elites, I
argue, allowed a robust interest in natural knowledge to emerge as a legitimate
part of the Jesuit vocation.