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Chinese Econ DA
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Harvard 2005
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yuan, a year-on-year increase of 25.4 percent, 3.2 percentage points lower than the same period of last year. The
low-level investment in some energy-consuming and high-polluting industries has been curbed, with the investment
growth rates in steel, cement and aluminum decreasing remarkably, the SIC said. The three major driving forces of
the economy, namely fixed assets investment, exports, and retail sales of consumer goods, achieved a blazing yearon-year growth rate of 25.4 percent, 32.7 percent, and 12.0 percent respectively. As the growth rates in all three
aspects remain strong while inflation stays low, China's economy will continue its softlanding trend for the whole
year, the SIC said. The SIC advised the country to maintain the stable monetary and financial policies as well as
keep an eye on any inflation or deflation trends. The industrial structure has been improved, investment and
consumption streamlined, and the growth rate gap between heavy industry and light industry reduced, the SIC
report said. "The macro-economic growth may slow down in the latter half of this
year, but deflation is unlikely to happen," the SIC said. "We predict that for the whole year, China's economy will
maintain a 9 percent growth rate and the consumer price index ( CPI) will exceed 2 percent."
Fast growth has been contained near 8% - ensuring a soft landing this year
Xinhua Financial Network News, 7/14/2005,
(China Economy set for Soft Landing, Major Policy Changes Unlikely)
BEIJING (XFN-ASIA) - China will probably only tinker at the edges of macro and monetary policies this year as it
steers its economy towards the "proverbial soft landing", UBS said. Jonathan Anderson, head of Asia Pacific
economics at UBS, told reporters at a briefing here not to expect major policy adjustments from China given the
relative success of its managed slowdown. "Our outlook is this year growth will be nine percent plus. Next year
growth will be in the eight percent range and, going forward, we'll see where we end up -- seven-and-a-half to
eight-and-a-half is probably a good guess on where China's growth is going. This is the proverbial soft landing."
He said doomsday scenarios of an economic collapse in China are mistaken, with downturns in some areas such as
the overheated steel, auto and property sectors and the sluggish stock markets unlikely to seriously damage growth.
"They've done a decent job," Anderson said of the government's measures to rein in an economy that grew at a
blistering 9.5 pct last year. He said the next three quarters will remain "fairly quiet", with inflation and credit growth
largely under control.
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China remains the world's fastest-growing economy. In the first quarter of 2005, GDP grew by 9.4%, stronger than
expected and the seventh consecutive quarter of 9%-plus expansion. But the pace seems to be slowing: Among
private economists, the new consensus is that China will grow by 8% or 9% over the next two years--robust, but a
far cry from 2004, when some clocked China's unofficial growth at better than 11%.
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the first quarter showed a year-on-year rise of 9.5 percentage points, almost the same as last year's, there are signs
showing that China's economy is possibly making a " soft landing " and entering a period of market correction.
According to him, the present "decline" and " soft landing" of China's economy do not mean the appearance of
"doldrums" and "depression" to correct the previous overheated development. Rather, they signal a gradual
transition to the potential level of growth of the economy. A growth rate of around 8% is just a
moderate rate for the healthy development of China's economy.
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government should stabilize its macro-control policy and make full use of market tools in adjusting economic
structure, Zhang suggested.
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have come to understand that enhancing their legitimacy is a matter of survival. To give the people a greater stake in
the political process, Hu and Wen are increasing transparency in government practices, broadening the CCP's
membership base, and experimenting with electoral reform. For the first time, last October, Hu allowed both that the
agenda of the Politburo Standing Committee (the CCP's top leadership) be published and, that a report on the
Politburo's work be reviewed by the Central Committee (a wider group of top party officials). Local governments
have undertaken their own experiments, too, inviting citizens to attend people's congresses (provincial assemblies)
and opening more of their proceedings to the public. The city of Guangzhou recently launched a Web site with
information about its activities, from personnel changes to urban planning and large-scale development projects,
encouraging citizens to send comments and complaints directly to the mayor. It also passed path-breaking measures
requiring disclosure of certain government records (much like the Freedom of Information Act in the United States).
Such measures are now being considered at the national level. The CCP has also sought to broaden its support base
by varying its membership, in particular by welcoming entrepreneurs and successful businesspeople. A recent
amendment to Chinas constitution acknowledges their important contribution and targets them for participation in
the party. According to one estimate, 20 to 30 percent of Chinas private entrepreneurs are now CCP members. They
are likely to have an important impact on issues such as the protection of property rights, reform of state-owned
enterprises, and the highly controversial question of government oversight by the CCP. Some of them who also
belong to provincial people's congresses or to the National People's Congress (Chinas national legislature) have
already established their own private think tanks, staffed with social scientists and retired officials, to gather
complaints and reform proposals from the general population. Other entrepreneurs have pushed political boundaries
in different ways: Richard Chang, who heads the semiconductor powerhouse SMIC, founded his own church in
Shanghai. In time, however, the greatest force for political change will likely be electoral reform. Although it is not
immediately clear how Hu's commitment to "ensure that the people can exercise democratic elections" will be put
into practice, there are promising signs that it will materialize.
www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
Last spring, there was a lot of discussion in Washington about whether China would experience a hard or soft
landing of its overheated economy. So to take a deeper look at this question, I visited China in August, with former
speaker Newt Gingrich, and again in December to talk with central bankers, members of the Central Committee, key
officials and investors. This was my 9th trip to China since l983. To see the continual improvement in ordinary
peoples lives since those early years is a heartening confirmation of many hopes and the result of much hard work,
both in Washington and much more importantly in China itself. The large number of hungry and ill-dressed children
that were evident in every city in China in earlier decades, is now largely a thing of the past. All involved need to
make sure it stays that way. After these recent visits to China, I also traveled to Japan, Hong Kong, and Taiwan to
meet with senior leaders from the public and private sectors to learn how Chinas prospects looked from the
perspective of these neighboring locations. Most, but by no means all, of the experts consulted suggested that China
would, in fact, engineer a soft landing, with growth falling from its present 9-l3 per cent rate, depending
on whose numbers you believe, to somewhere near 7% in 2005. Even the hopeful experts, however, reported an
unusually large number of downside possibilities that could result in a Chinese economic crash landing. Some went
so far as to suggest that the breakneck pace of the Chinese economy was like a man surfing a giant wave off Hawaii.
There was no possibility of slowing down the tremendous forces driving the surfer, only a desperate need somehow
to stay on top of the hurtling board to avoid a bone-crushing wipe out. In the meantime, the issue of a hard landing
or a soft landing for the overheated Chinese economy has been temporarily answered: thus far, no landing
whatsoever.
Overheat will cause a resource crunch that makes long-term healthy economic growth
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unsustainable
Robert McCormack, US Ambassador to China, 4/13/2005
(Uncertainties in Chinas Economic Prospects and the Broader Problems of Global Imbalances,
www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
The Communist Party has lost a great deal of its reputation in recent years in part because of corruption problems,
despite tens of thousands of punitive actions against corrupt party leaders at all levels. In some ways, the current
Chinese system combines the worst evils of both socialism and capitalism: namely, the inherent corruption problems
of a vast powerful, but low paid bureaucratic establishment, plus exploitation of workers in some places on a scale
that has not been seen since the darkest days of the industrial revolution in England. One has only to think of the
rash of recent articles about conditions in many Chinese coal mines, and about the difficulty the more exploitive
sweat shop managers are facing in other parts of China. This too is potentially explosive. The over heated Chinese
economy has also generated shortages of energy, water, port and transportation facilities and environmental systems
that already act as a brake on healthy future growth. Supply has to catch up with demand. This will take time and
investment.
2004
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(An Economic Bubble? Chinese Policy Adapts to Rapidly Changing Conditions, China Leadership
Monitor, No. 9, http://www.chinaleadershipmonitor.org/20041/bn.html)
During the first half of 2003, rapid growth in China led many to proclaim the emergence of an economic bubble.
Extremely rapid growth of money and credit was accompanied by rapid growth in investment, especially in the
housing market. Chinese policymakers have taken steps to restrain the bubble, and these measures are now having
an impact. During this first phase, the emergence of the bubble and the way that it was handled seem to have
strengthened the positions of both Premier Wen Jiabao and Central Bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. However, the
rapid emergence of the bubble economy reveals some unsettling realities about the Chinese economy. Moreover, the
bubble portends important shifts in the economic payoffs and challenges that lie ahead for the political leadership.
The Chinese economy began to heat up in the second half of 2002. After having managed a sluggish economy since
1998, Chinese leaders naturally welcomed rapid growth, at least initially. However, the acceleration of growth from
late 2002 was clearly founded on some unsustainable practices. Bank lending grew at an accelerating rate toward the
end of 2002, and during the first half of 2003 bank credit expanded by 23 percent, much too rapidly to be
sustainable. Moreover, loans by state-owned banks increased more rapidly than those by other types of banks,
accounting for 62 percent of the increase. Fixed investment had been growing strongly for several years as the
government promoted infrastructure construction, and it had already reached the extremely high level of 42 percent
of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2002. Even so, fixed investment jumped further during the first half of 2003,
increasing at a rate of 31 percent. Moreover, during the first half of 2003, investment under the purview of local
government increased 41.5 percent, while central government projects actually decreased
nearly 8 percent.1 The lending boom was accompanied by significant capital inflows into China. As Chinas
impressive 2002 export performance became clear, an increasing amount of investment capital was attracted to
China.2 Capital inflows created upward pressure on the Chinese currency, the yuan. The desire to maintain stable
rates forced the Central Bank to buy up U.S. dollars, adding to official reserves but causing the Central Bank to emit
more domestic currency in order to purchase those dollars. Although the Central Bank tried to sterilize the impact
of capital inflows and limit the growth of domestic money, bank deposits and the domestic money supply grew
rapidly. Initially, there was almost no reaction to this investment-and-lending boom. Some steps should have been
taken to restrain credit growth by spring 2003, but the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) crisis erupted in
Beijing in April 2003, and the government was effectively paralyzed. By midyear, as SARS faded, it seemed that an
unsustainable bubble economy was developing in China. The economic situation was complex, and many important
indicators were providing ambiguous signals. On the one hand, overall consumer inflation was low and
unemployment was high. Unused capacity was evident in many factories, and the stock market continued its slow
but inexorable two-year downward slide. On the other hand, bottlenecks were emerging in energy and
raw-material sectors (especially steel), and real estate development was exceptionally rapid. Although vacancy rates
were increasing, the number of new housing starts soared 70 percent in the first half of the year. As was the case
with the U.S. technology bubble of 19992000 or the far more damaging Japanese asset bubble of the late 1980s, it
was clear that if significant action were not taken to restrain the economy, long-term damage could be substantial.
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investment and healthy account surplus cannot be sustained in the long term. Internal culprits include corruption and
deceptive business practices, the almost paranoiac attitude of wanting to dominate the worlds economy, a legal
quagmire that does not provide avenues for redress on default/non-payment of loans, elimination of local
protectionism, inability of the banking system to respond to interest rate changes and inability of state-owned firms
to respond to pricing signals, lack of labor mobility, labor unrest due to high levels of unemployment, a large
impoverished populace, power and transportation problems and more. An external factor is that China is skirting
international labor market agreements, bypassing legal restrictions through deceptive practices and producing lowcost products through slave labor, among other things. China, unless it addresses the aforementioned and many other
issues, will not face only internal turmoil, but also international hostility and possible isolation and protective
measures.
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success in agricultural reform caused peasant incomes to rise more rapidly than those of urban workers. Now,
however, agricultural output is growing more slowly than industrial production and prices for industrial goods are
rising faster than for agricultural products.28Thus, the cost of living and inflation in the rural inland provinces far
exceed those of the industrialized coastal cities.
Rapid economic expansion undermines causes runaway inflation and threatens the survival of the regime
Merri Uckert, Lt. Colonel, US Air War College, April 1995
(China as an Economic and Military Superpower: A Dangerous Combination,
www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc/uckertmb.pdf)
China cannot afford to endure runaway inflation, price and wage disparities and the social problems they create.
Perhaps the best approach to dealing with Chinas continuing progress in their shift to a market economy is to
continue to foster cooperation. Economic liberalization will create situations that stir political instability and may
challenge political authorities. The Chinese foresee increased political and economic tensions among the major
industrialized countries in the post Cold War era that could set back global economic development and in turn
threaten the success of Chinas modern economic program.39The efforts of the Western powers, especially the
United States, to impose market economic principles and political democracy worldwide are viewed in China as
potentially destabilizing and as a threat to the survival of Chinas Communist regime.
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The greater and more prolonged the economic boom the harder the collapse will be - a slow
down leads to a soft landing not total collapse of growth
The Economist, 5/13/04 (Chinas Economy: Time to hit the Breaks,
http://www.economist.com/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=2668182)
The measures taken so far have lacked teeth. The People's Bank of China is therefore likely to raise interest rates and
to introduce further, stricter quantitative measures to curb lending to the hottest sectors. The recent rash of
announcements suggest that the government is starting to panic. The longer the economy grows at its current pace,
the greater the risk of a hard landing, which would push up unemploymentsomething which Beijing cannot afford
because of the risk of social unrest. What do economists mean by a hard or a soft landing? In developed economies
a hard landing implies negative growth, but not in China, where growth has averaged 9% over the past two decades.
A soft landing would be growth slowing from its current 10% to not much less than 7%, the minimum needed to
create enough jobs to absorb surplus rural labour and workers laid off by state-owned firms. Even that could still
imply a halving in the rates of growth in industrial production and investment. A hard landing means growth
significantly below 7%. Official figures suggest that growth after the early 1990s boom never dipped below 7%a
perfect soft landing.
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That contradiction emerges from Chinas mix of powerful real economic development, complete with rising
skyscrapers, smoking factory chimneys, and a rapidly growing system of national highways all thriving alongside a
feeble financial sector managed by a central bank designed to operate a staid planned economy. China has become
too dynamic to operate as a planned economy, but it hasnt even seriously begun a transition that, it must be said,
ultimately may or may not occur, to a market economy. There are two obvious and important features of the Chinese
economy that immediately thrust themselves at a newly minted expert on China. First, in the real economy, China
is experiencing an overinvestment cycle not unlike the violent cycles observed in the United States during the latenineteenth century, but also more recently in Japan in the 1980s and the United States in the 1920s and 1930s.
Second, Chinas financial system has some serious difficulties, not uncommon to economies at Chinas stage of
development, which exacerbate the instabilities tied to overinvestment and misallocation of investment that are so
obvious in China. I shall try here to suggest the broad outlines of Chinas extraordinary economic development and
the policy challenges that have become most urgent in the context of that development. Chinas leaders are well
aware of the problems they face in a very rapidly developing economy with a diverse population of 1.3 billion
people. The specific economic and financial sector problems under discussion here are more a byproduct of the
extraordinarily rapid evolution of Chinas development over the past several decades than they are the result of a
lack of attention from Chinas leaders. That said, it will be very difficult for China to avoid a hard landing this year.
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If investment slows, the economy as a whole will plummet. China, she predicts, cannot escape the natural
violence visited on all developing countries that go through such boom-and-bust cycles of investment. Those who
still hope for a soft landing agree that Chinas rapid rate of investment must slow. But they hope that exports and
consumption can take up the slack. They will draw some comfort from Tuesdays figures. Investment in fixed assets
grew by 21.3% in the year to December, its slowest pace in seven months. And yet the economy still quickened.
Exports jumped by a third to $63.8 billion in December. Rural incomes, boosted by a bumper harvest, grew by
6.8%. And in the cities, real disposable incomes increased by 7.7% and retail sales by 14.5%. Since 1978, Chinas
communists have let thousands of private firms bloom, from small-town enterprises, growing organically, to giant
manufacturing concerns, built with foreign money. According to Tuesdays figures, Chinas economy is still
sprouting vigorously. But some still fear that too much of this growth will turn out to be dead wood.
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on Internet freedom, a sweep of arrests of religious dissidents, or incidents of fraud or intimidation at local elections.
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Failure of economic and political reforms causes massive social unrest in China - More
growth cannot solve
Murray Scot Tanner , Senior Political Scientist, RAND Corporation, Summer 2004
(China Rethinks Unrest, Washington Quarterly, Vol. 27, No.3)
A June 2003 dispatch in a preeminent U.S. newspaper described a rare and short-lived demonstration by more than 100 enraged Shanghai
apartment dwellers protesting their forced eviction to make way for luxury condos. The one discernible error of the tightly researched report was
its characterization of such protests as rare. Public protest in China is now anything but, with such incidents numbering in the tens of thousands
each year, far more than most foreign analysts seem to acknowledge, according to an unprecedented new wave of internal data from Chinas own
police forces. A raft of recent police reports also indicate that protests are not only growing in number but also are increasing in size and
becoming better organized. The histories of China and other developing societies unfortunately provide no yardstick for gauging how serious a
threat such levels of protest pose to the Chinese Communist Partys (CCP) grip on power, let alone a basis for confidently predicting a coming
collapse of China.1 Social unrest has sparked a tremendous policy debate among the guardians of the state in Beijing.
In their internal discussions, the analysts and officials of Chinas public security system are fundamentally
rethinking the sources of unrest in a changing society as well as strategies for coping with it. Many among Chinas
police now frankly concede that economic, cultural, and political changes, not enemy conspiracies, underlie this
emerging crisis of order. Some security specialists even cautiously assert that, unless China undertakes serious
institutional reform, neither coercion nor rapid economic growth will be sufficient to contain unrest. As Chinas new
leadership under General Secretary Hu Jintao struggles to find a more realistic and sophisticated strategy to manage unrest and strike an
effective balance between reform and social control, these internal police debates will form a pivotal part of the counsel they receive. As these
analyses underscore, the struggle to control unrest will force Beijings leaders to face riskier dilemmas than at any time
since the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations. Experiments with less violent police tactics, economic
concessions to demonstrators, and more fundamental institutional reforms all risk further encouraging protest in an
increasingly restive society. Nevertheless, these challenges must be navigated if the party wants to avoid the ultimate dilemma of once
again resorting to 1989-style violence or reluctantly engaging in a more fundamental renegotiation of power relations between the state and
society. The United States also needs to rethink social unrest in China and recognize its potential systemic impact on the Sino-U.S. bilateral
relationship. Underlying Beijings emerging new diplomacy of self-confidence and international cooperation, quiet fears of instability are
increasingly limiting and complicating the relationship by raising Beijings perception of the risks involved in a full range of strategic and
economic issues. Inevitably, Beijing will face major social-control crises as it struggles to find a new and hopefully
less
repressive strategy to ensure social order. Meanwhile, within the limits of our influence, the United States and its
allies must now start crafting responses that will encourage Beijing to accelerate institutional reform rather than
revert to the violence of 1989.
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to overheat
Robert McCormack, US Ambassador to China, 4/13/2005
(Uncertainties in Chinas Economic Prospects and the Broader Problems of Global Imbalances,
www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
There are serious tensions in China between the experts in the central bank and finance ministry and many of the
regional political leaders over the pace and direction of the cooling off process. Leaders in the central and western
parts of China, where living standards are only about l/l0 those of the richer coastal province, resent the pressure
from Beijing to cancel or delay their own investment and growth plans as part of the national campaign to prevent
overheating and over capacity problems from spiraling out of control. The result of this tension has been a delay in
the full implementation of Beijings overall economic program to address the overheating problem. Indeed the
effort a year ago to slow down overall growth in the money supply was abandoned in June of 2004 due to mounting
political and economic strains that disturbed authorities. China doesnt have the financial instruments of more
advanced economies, such as deep bond and other financial markets, to fine-tune economic growth. They have to
depend upon reserve requirements in banks and credit allocation by category and by geographical area. They also
have to rely on compliance by unruly and sometimes corrupt regional leaders to carry out the edicts from the Center.
But forbidden new factories, real estate projects, and golf courses are still emerging in China, according to earlier
reports by Morgan Stanleys Andy Xie, which add up to more credit and monetary creation than Chinas Central
Bank would like, generating ever more overheating in some parts of the Chinese economy and growing excess
capacity problems in other parts of that same.
Turn - Rapid growth causes China to forego necessary economic reforms - Chinese planners will push too
hard too and bring down the entire global economy with them
Robert McCormack, US Ambassador to China, 4/13/2005
(Uncertainties in Chinas Economic Prospects and the Broader Problems of Global Imbalances,
www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
Top Chinese government officials reporting to the National Peoples Congress in early March of 2005, noted with
concern that troublesome new financial and economic problems keep appearing as soon as they begin to address
existing ones. This is characteristic of a state directed economy attempting to avoid the consequences of ignoring
basic economic principles and powerful market forces. History tells us that such attempts usually end in tears. Many
also believe that Chinas economic planners are running enormous risks for China and for the global trading system
as a whole by attempting to accomplish through excessive credit expansion and ever growing exports the economic
progress in one generation that should have been the work of two. There is often a marked lack of full candor in
discussing Chinas problems in public on the part of foreign business leaders and even some scholars. Those who
wish to do well in China, are sometimes advised to speak well of China. Ultimately such silence or
flattery does not serve either China or the cause of truth. Critical public pressure can sometimes help avert problems
that otherwise could prove highly damaging to Chinas interest in sustainable growth and political stability and in a
healthy global market place.
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estate. Chinas central bank has mandated higher reserve requirements and interest rates. Meanwhile, industrial
commodity prices and precious metals prices have dropped sharply since March, suggesting an abrupt end to
hoarding that characterized the last phase of the bubble. The emergence of a hard landing in China has already
reverberated in Asian financial markets. Stock markets in China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Australia, to
mention only the largest, have already dropped sharply. Since March, Chinas stock markets are down over 20
percent, Koreas is down 20 percent, and Japans is down over 10 percent. The rush of Chinese and foreign money
out of Asia and into U.S. cash has also sharply depressed Asian commodity currencies like the Australian dollar
against the U.S. dollar. The Japanese yen has dropped by nearly 10 percent against the U.S. dollar since March even
as the Japanese government has ended its first-quarter massive dollar-buying spree. Private sector Asian dollarbuying is boosting the dollar even as the U.S. external deficit rises. The fact that China has not experienced
a large foreign capital inflow as the Asian Tigers had done prior to the 1997 crisis does not preclude emergence of
sharp capital outflows from China. Local Chinese investors control vast funds. During the booming first quarter of
this year, unrecorded capital flows into China totaled about $30 billion. That represents an annual rate of $120
billion or about $1 trillion in U.S. terms given that the U.S. economy is just over eight times as large as Chinas. One
trillion dollars is nearly twice the annual U.S. current account deficit. As Chinas savvy, wealthy investors
search for a place to protect their wealth, rising U.S. interest rates (as the Fed tightens) offer a tempting
refuge. Chinas heavy capital inflow and incipient currency appreciation will reverse and become an outflow,
unbuffered by any currency flexibility given the rigid peg of the renminbi to the dollar. Pressures for a hard landing
in China will intensify as money and credit contract given the outflow of funds. A possible sharp change from boom
to bust in China would underscore the instability inherent in the combination of a volatile economy and an inflexible
financial system. Chinas emergence as a major force in the global economy might be likened to inserting a very
powerful racecar with poor brakes and steering into a race that normally includes Formula One cars whose brakes
and steering are as remarkable as their engines are powerful. Everyone envies the extra speed of the powerhouse on
the straightaway but wants to avoid it on the corners.
A gradual slow down in Chinese growth is the only way to prevent a crash that will collapse
the global economy
Power and Interest News Report, 5/28/2004
(Chinas Cooling Economy Could Have a Chilling Effect on Oil Prices, http://www.pinr.com/report.php?
ac=view_report&report_id=173&language_id=1)
The U.S. and global economies are much more able to succeed in an environment of relatively high oil prices than
they are with the bursting of the bubble in China's economy. Japan is just beginning to emerge from years of
contraction, largely because of growth in its exports to China. India's service-based economy depends greatly on the
manufacturing base that China provides. China has provided the greatest growth in consumer spending on which
U.S. and European Union countries have come to depend. Global markets from Jakarta to New York have built
straight-lined growth of China's economy into their expansion plans. Should the overheated sectors of China's
economy collapse, it could make the Asian meltdown of 1998 look like a mere statistical anomaly. For this reason, it
is much better for the U.S. to help China gradually cool the overheated sectors of its economy and approach high oil
prices as a fixed problem.
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enough to ensure sustainable growth, but not so much as to cause a damaging crash, the much-feared hard landing.
But the task of China's policymakers is doubly difficult because they have far fewer tools at their disposal than their
counterparts in developed countries (see article). Thousands of state-owned firms, as well as the banking system, do
not respond much to pricing signals or interest rates. It is not only 1.2 billion Chinese who should hope that their
leaders succeed despite these handicaps. The rest of the world also now has a huge stake in China's continued
economic health. During the past three years China has accounted for one-third of global economic growth
(measured at purchasing-power parity), twice as much as America. In the past year, China's official GDP growth rate
has surged to 9.7%. Even this may underestimate the true rate, which some economists reckon was as high as 13%.
China's scorching growth has helped to prop up other economies by sucking in imports, which surged by 40% last
year alone. While America's industrial output has shrunk over the past three years, China's has increased by almost
50%. As a result, its demand for commodities has skyrocketed, driving up prices. Last year it consumed 40% of the
world's output of cement. It also accounted for one-third of the growth in global oil consumption, 90% of the growth
in world steel demand, and more than the whole of the increase in copper demand. If China's economy slows
sharply, commodity prices will fall everywhere, especially hurting producers in countries such as Russia, Brazil and
Australia, which have gained so handsomely from China's boom.
www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
There are, however, a lot of downside local, regional, and global risks at play just now, some political, some
economic. Governments are notoriously slow in dealing with even obviously dangerous financial problems. This is
partly because any major change in the status quo inevitably inflicts pain on powerful domestic constituencies. For
that reason, any major change usually requires sufficient deterioration to generate a crisis of some kind to provide
policy makers with the needed political cover. Current global imbalances, including the U.S. current account
problems, and the Asian regional ones involving China, pose trends that seem unsustainable to more and more
informed people. Before they are corrected, however, we may see once again the truth of that old Wall Street
saying: The bigger the boom, the bigger the bust
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www.csis.org/china/050413_mccormack.pdf)
By the same token, China too faces its own political tensions and governance problems. For example, in December
2004 President Hu published in the front page of the China Daily a long demand that the military of China obey the
party. Presumably such a prominent demand would not have appeared if there were not problems of insubordination.
Earlier there were reports of strong disagreement between military and party leaders about the role of the military in
business, the budget share to be allocated to the military, and issues such as how firmly to oppose the Taiwanese
aspirations. Some of the local party/military disputes overlap regional issues. Military involvement and interests
may also be complicating the ability of the government of China to address some of the economic problems facing
the country. Issues of who ultimately controls promotion in the army may also be involved in some of these
disputes. Finally, whenever there are governing institutions that face serious popular dissatisfaction, particularly in
societies without a long democratic tradition, the military can become a wild card in the political deck. No one now
seriously expects an open military challenge to civilian party rule under present circumstances. Should, however,
there be a hard landing to the Chinese economy, with banking failures, unemployment, and public disorder, no one
can say what might happen in China..
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deficits. China's purchases of American Treasury bonds, along with purchases by Japan, have helped to hold down
yields and hence American mortgage rates. If China's economy continues to overheat, its current-account surplus
could soon turn to deficit, and then its central bank would no longer need to buy American Treasuries to hold down
its currency.
AT: Overheat
Chinese growth will not cause a Chinese bubble - growth raises living standards and prevents a backlash
Deborah Davis, Professor of Sociology, Yale University, 5/28/2005
(China Joins the Global Economy - Part Two, http://www.globalenvision.org/library/3/542/)
Thus, the growing general prosperity of the Chinese people coincides with growing income inequality. Given this
duality, many questions are inevitably emerging about the future of China's economy. In particular, many ask: Will
the bubble burst? Will the increasing income gap create a backlash that will drastically slow economic growth?
Based on broader sociological data, I believe, that the answer to these questions is no, at least for the next five years.
Even against the somber picture of increasing income inequality, the positive trends of China's improving "human
software" remain impressive and promise to be extremely influential in continuing to raise standards of living by
raising productivity and creating new, higher skill jobs. Among developing economies, China has an unprecedented
demographic advantage in its low dependency ratio: Between 1990 and 2000, the percent of the population under
age 15 and older than 64 slightly declined. (See Table 1). Over the next five years, the overall dependency ratio will
remain within this same range. Even if the growing number of elderly places greater demands on medical services,
the falling percentage of young children suggests that both local governments and families will maintain or even
increase their investment in primary and secondary education. Given the excellent core curriculum across the entire
country, China is therefore well positioned to continue to upgrade its "human capital" over the next decade.
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AT: Overheat
Inequalities and unemployment will not cause a bubble - Economic growth causes necessary reforms
Barry Naughton, Professor of Pacific Studies, Graduate School of IR, UC San Diego , Winter
2004
(An Economic Bubble? Chinese Policy Adapts to Rapidly Changing Conditions, China Leadership
Monitor, No. 9, http://www.chinaleadershipmonitor.org/20041/bn.html)
Some economists deny that there is a bubble in the Chinese economy. To these observers, there are structural
imbalances that need to be addressed, and perhaps a real estate bubble exists, but not an overall bubble. These
analysts point out that although there have been significant price increases in the last year, they have been
concentrated in the prices of energy, raw materials (such as steel) that consume a lot of energy, and grain. Other
observers think these imbalances are harbingers of more-fundamental macroeconomic problems that need to be
addressed now. There is no consensus on the depth of the economic challenges China faces. However, for
policymakers and politicians there has now been a fairly fundamental shift in the political-economic environment.
Ever since the 199697 macroeconomic soft landing, Chinese politicians have faced a fairly friendly economic
situation. This is not to say that China hasnt had plenty of economic problems; it has. Downsizing of the state sector
has created a huge unemployment problem, competitive challenges from foreign firms and imports are significant,
especially after the advent of World Trade Organization (WTO) membership, and persistently sluggish rural income
growth has been a serious problem. But as long as these problems do not lead to a social explosion, they do not
threaten the position or political strategies of the current leadership. In the first place, none of these problems has
had a severe impact on the most powerful and privileged sectors of Chinese political society, many of whom were
becoming wealthy. More importantly, the sluggish economy has encouraged the central government to run
substantial budgetary deficits, giving them additional benefits to distribute to political clients. Spending needs are
obvious, and the economy is sluggish and needs stimulation, so the governing administration ends up with
substantial leeway to spend money and distribute benefits as it wishes. The ability to run deficits has been
combined with a fairly comfortable overall budgetary revenue situation. Since the 1994 budgetary reform, fiscal
revenues have grown strongly every year. With a growing economy, and fiscal revenues increasing as a share of
GDP, central government leaders have had plenty of resources to play with. This situation is beginning to change.
The emergence in the past year of a bubble economy is forcing Chinese policymakers to take steps. This is the first
time in a decade that Chinese policymakers have been forced to impose austerity measures on the economy. China
will not have the same ability to distribute funds broadly to needy recipients and political clients, and political
leaders may have to make difficult decisions about how to allocate the costs of austerity policies. China may have to
rein in its large fiscal deficits, which have been running over 3 percent of GDP. A new set of challenges
is emerging, and it will be very much in the interests of the Wen Jiabao administration to address these challenges
early, before they become more serious.
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will be able to do enough to stave off the domestic threats to its presumed assumption as regional hegemon.
AT: Overheat
No impact to overheat
Anne Krueger, First Deputy Managing Director, IMF, 1/10/05
(China and the Global Economic Recovery, http://www.imf.org/external/np/speeches/2005/011005.htm)
Beyond Asia, a hard landing in China would have only a small impact. In spite of recent rapid growth, trade shares
with China are lower for countries outside of Asia. For example, preliminary estimates for the United States and the
Euro area point to a decline in GDP of less than 0.1 percentage points even over the longer term. The second
mitigating factor for the hard landing scenario is the likely response of the Chinese authorities. Thus far they have
displayed great caution in trying to bring about the smooth adjustment that we all regard as optimal. This suggests
very strongly that policymakers would respond promptly to any sign of a dramatic slowdown. It is difficult to
imagine that any drop in growth would be sustained for more than a quarter or two without a response from the
authorities. The Fund's analysis takes no account of possible policy responses. So though a hard landing cannot yet
be ruled out, the consequences may be less dramatic than most commentators have argued.
investment, said Roach. And as the State accounts for the greatest amount of fixed asset investment, the authorities
should be able to bring overall investment growth under control.
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Chinese Econ DA
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Chinese Econ DA
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upper echelon of the Chinese government is not backing down, even though economic liberalization could unleash a
time bomb of unemployed laborers, potentially costing President Jiang Zemin, probable successor Hu Jintao, and
their cohorts their jobsor their heads. On joining the WTO, Beijing pledged to slash subsidies for state enterprises,
reduce tariffs, and ultimately allow wholly owned foreign ventures to operate unimpeded China is striving to banish
its image as an economic loose cannon in China. Indeed, the government has made qing li men hu, getting our
[economic] house in order, its mantra and has spent so much time hyping
WTO accession that decidedly unsexy books on trade rules have become hot sellers at Beijing bookstores. The
government is downsizing the firms it owns and today employs less than 20 percent of Chinas population. Top
bankers who pilfer from the till are prosecuted (and, unfortunately, some-times executed); fifteen years ago, Wang
never would have faced censure. The Chinese police slowly are cracking down on piracy, greatly pleasing U.S.
corporations. Three years ago, there were so many stalls selling pirated software outside our office, even
government officials would stop and buy from them, Ma Ping, a leading Internet entrepreneur in Shanghai, said.
Today, the stalls are gone. China is enacting these reforms despite the existence of 160 million rural Chinese who
are already unemployed, the likelihood of these reforms putting millions more rural laborers out of work, a rapid rise
in China of labor-related protests, and a history of Chinese governments being overthrown by such angry peasants.
These farmers dont know what the WTO is yet, but they willsoon, a Chinese acquaintance said as we wandered through farms in southwestern Chinas Yunnan province. According to Ellen Frost, a fellow at the Institute for
International Economics, The Chinese government has undertaken a heroic effort to adapt to globalization by
wrenching Chinas distorted economy into greater conformity with a mar-ketoriented, rules-based world order.2 Homi Kharas, World Bank chief economist for East Asia, has argued, Other
countries in the region would do well to examine what China is doing.
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Chinese Econ DA
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in 2003. As that growth slows, the non-performing loan problem could worsen. The lack of free capital markets and
competitive interest rates force China to resort to administrative measures, but those very measures are making the
financial system less, not more, stable. If banks keep lending rates fixed at less than the rate of inflation, the demand
for loans will continue to soar. If the PBOC accommodates that demand for money, inflation will accelerate. The
root of the problem is that politics, not markets, determine the magnitude and direction of investment in China's
market socialist system. Nominal interest rates are set at below-market levels causing an excess demand for
investment funds. Those funds are then directed primarily to state-owned enterprises through state-run banks.
Corruption and inefficiency are inevitable in such a system.
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Chinese Econ DA
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businesses continue to employ such a high percentage of Chinese workers, the economy will continue to see low
productivity because of the lack of financial rewards. Other problems in Chinese society such as the high population
growth, agricultural versus industrial reform and income disparities between the coastal and inland regions continue
to inhibit economic development. Despite the apparent success of Chinas economy in the last 20 years, problems
are inherent in its transition to a market economy. Chief among these problems is the continued state ownership of
much of Chinas economy. These state owned enterprises employ about one third of the urban Chinese workforce
and almost half of all state run businesses are unprofitable. Although the state owned businesses operate in the red,
the Chinese government is reluctant to eliminate them fearing massive unemployment and consequent social
unrest.25As a recent Communist party plenum noted, China must instill a greater sense of responsibility among
factory workers in the state run enterprises. Combined with a change in attitude, privatization of state owned
businesses will cut the bureaucracy, enhance efficiency, and increase profits. Realistically though, this type of
change will take time. Chinas chronically high population growth is another major problem which spawns further
problems. The population explosion in turn creates unemployment and diverts capital investment from industry and
into less productive sectors such as housing.
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million excess laborers in rural areas to non-agricultural sectors. Nevertheless, during the last ten years of our
reforms, there appears to have been a suspension or even reversal of such transfers. For example, the number of
farmers in rural areas not only did not decline but actually increased significantly in recent years. This is because the
rate of new labor absorption in SOEs has turned from positive to negative. In addition, some township and village
enterprises in the inner provinces have become paralyzed or even defunct, and some cities have also started to send
peasant workers back to the countryside. The crux of the problem is that SOEs lack entrepreneurial vigor, while the
vigor of the non-state-owned sector has not yet been brought into full play. There are two aspects to the problem. On
the one hand, the reform of state-owned enterprises and the restructuring of the state sector are proceeding at a slow
pace. On the other hand, the non-state-owned sector has not had a chance to develop fully.
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China's rising military power in the region and may amend its constitution in order to see this through. The
A.S.E.A.N. states are pursuing a strategy of interlocking their economies with China's, while looking to the U.S. and
India for balance and leverage. South Korea is moving closer to Beijing, though will continue to rely on its special
relationship with Washington. Washington's current National Security Strategy sees about a decade of opportunity
for the U.S. to act in order to achieve permanent security dominance in the region before China will be able to block
such an effort. In the meantime, China's foreign policy has largely been driven by immediate needs -- access to
economic markets and energy resources. Knowing that its geopolitical power is directly tied to China's economic
rise, and the perception that it will continue for the midterm, Beijing has limited its other geopolitical ambitions for
the moment and has pursued the "waiting game," sensing that its hand will increase in value as the game continues,
as long as it is able to get its domestic cards in order. While the U.S., India, Russia and Japan may maneuver to limit
China's expanded reach, there are several domestic liabilities that could potentially limit Beijing's ability to gain its
presumed position in the region. The division between the rapid economic rise of China's east and the slow growth
of the west has left the country divided. The environmental destruction caused by the centrally planned economy,
and that the market economy has ignored or made worse, may cap China's economy before it reaches its full
maturation. The social havoc that centrally planned birth control and an aging society may produce in the near future
could force huge changes in the government's role in private life, or worse it could create a backlash against the
government. Generational and ideological unrest could boil over as new technologies link disparate groups together.
Perhaps the gravest threat is the rapid growth of the eastern coast, generated by cheap loans from poorly managed
state banks, which could potentially undermine the booming economy. Any one of these liabilities could slow
China's growth; all of them could sink China's rise. How China deals with these challenges in the near future will be
a better determinate of its future role in the world than Beijing's current geopolitical maneuvering as it continues to
play the "waiting game." [See: "China's Geostrategy: Playing a Waiting Game"]
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